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VILLANI'S CHRONICLE
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Ditemi dell' ovil di San Giovanni
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66745
FROM THE FIRST NINE BOOKS OF THE
TRANSLATED FOR THE USE
OF STUDENTS OF DANTE AND OTHERS
BY ROSE E. SELFE
CRONICHE FIORENTINE OF
GIOVANNI VILLANI
EDITED BY
PHILIP H. WICKSTEED MA
WESTMINSTER
ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE
& CO 1897
~

Real 4-21-34 Haw
1
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PREFATORY NOTE
THE Editor is responsible for the selection of the
passages translated, and for the Introduction. He
has also compared the translation with the original
text, has satisfied himself of its general accuracy,
and has made numerous suggestions.
The Translator is responsible for the fidelity of
the translation in detail, and for its general tone
and style. She has also drawn up the Indexes,
and seen the work through the press.
For the selection of marginal references to the
works of Dante the Editor and Translator are
jointly responsible.
Both Translator and Editor desire to express
their obligations to Sig. Orazio Millauro, Prof. T.
W. Arnold, of the Mohamedan College, Aligarh,
and Mr. Newbolt, of Lincoln's Inn, for help given
them on special points; and very particularly to
Mr. A. J. Butler, who has given them his ungrudg-
ing assistance in every difficulty, and whose
learning and judgment have been invaluable.
1
.
1.
ERRATA
Page 32, line 10, for " Octavius" read "Octavianus."
41, "
""
3 from below, for "Cancer at mid-day, it
shines " read "Cancer, at mid-day it
shines."
,,
182,, II, for "Bocca, Londe" read "Boccatonde."
8, for "Cerretoni" read "Cerretani."
,, 315, ",
""
E-
INTRODUCTION
§ I
TABLE OF CONTENTS
BOOK I.
THIS book is called the New Chronicle, in which many
past things are treated of, and especially the root and origins
of the city of Florence; then all the changes through which
it has passed and shall pass in the course of time: begun to
be compiled in the year of the Incarnation of Jesus Christ,
1300. Here begins the preface and the First Book.
en m
.
2.—How through the confusion of the Tower of Babel
the world began to be inhabited
$ 5.-Of the third part of the world called Europe, and
its boundaries
$ 7.--How King Atlas first built the city of Fiesole
§ 8.-How Atlas had three sons, Italus and Dardanus
and Sicanus
$9.-How Italus and Dardanus came to agree which
should succeed to the city of Fiesole and the kingdom
of Italy
§ 10.-How Dardanus came to Phrygia and built the city
of Dardania, which was afterwards the great Troy
$11.-How Dardanus had a son which was named
Tritamus, which was the father of Trojus, after
whose name the city of Troy was so called
§ 17.-How Antenor and the young Priam, having de-
parted from Troy, built the city of Venice, and that
of Padua.
PAGE
XXV
•
I
2
4
6
7
8
8
9
vii
viii
CONTENTS
-
}
;"
§ 21.-How Eneas departed from Troy and came to
Carthage in Africa .
§ 22.-How Eneas came into Italy.
$ 23.-How the King Latinus ruled over Italy, and how
Æneas had his daughter to wife, and all his king-
dom.
§ 29.-How Rome was ruled for a long time by the
government of the consuls and senators, until Julius
Cæsar became Emperor
§ 30.-How a conspiracy was formed in Rome by Cati-
line and his followers
§ 31.-How Catiline caused the city of Fiesole to rebel
against the city of Rome
$ 32.—How Catiline and his followers were discomfited
by the Romans in the plain of Piceno
$33.-How Metellus with his troops made war upon the
Fiesolans.
$34.-How Metellus and Fiorinus discomfited the Fieso-
lans .
§ 35.- How the Romans besieged Fiesole the first time,
and how Fiorinus was slain
•
•
·
§ 36.-How, because of the death of Fiorinus, the Romans
returned to the siege of Fiesole .
$ 37.-How the city of Fiesole surrendered itself to the
Romans, and was destroyed and laid waste
$ 38.-How the city of Florence was first built
39.—How Cæsar departed from Florence, and went to
Rome, and was made consul to go against the
French
•
§ 40.—Of the ensign of the Romans and of the Emperors,
and how from them it came to the city of Florence
and other cities.
§ 42.-How the Temple of Mars, which is now called
the Duomo of S. Giovanni, was built in Florence
§ 50.-Of the city of Luni
$ 57.-The story returns to the doings of the city of
Florence, and how S. Miniato there suffered martyr-
dom under Decius, the Emperor
•
•
PAGE
ΙΟ
13
14
16
18
19
20
22
22
23
24
26
27
30
31
32
34
35
!
CONTENTS
ix
1:
$ 59.—Of Constantine the Emperor, and his descendants,
and the changes which came thereof in Italy
§ 60.- How the Christian faith first came to Florence
•
•
·
§4.-How the Goths remained lords of Italy after the
death of Totila.
§ 10. How Charles Martel came from France to Italy
at the summons of the Church against the Lom-
bards; and of the origin of the city of Siena .
§ 12.-How Telofre [Astolf], king of the Lombards,
persecuted Holy Church, and how King Pepin, at
the summons of Pope Stephen, came from `France
and defeated him, and took him prisoner.
§ 13.-How Desiderius, son of Telofre, began war again
with Holy Church, for the which thing Charles the
Great passed into Italy, and defeated him, and took
away and destroyed the lordship of the Lombards
§ 15. -How Charles the Great, king of France, was
made Emperor of Rome
$21.
How the city of Florence lay waste and in ruins
for 350 years
BOOK II.
§ 1.-Here begins the Second Book: how the city of
Florence was destroyed by Totila, the scourge of
God, king of the Goths and Vandals
43
$ 2.-How Totila caused the city of Fiesole to be re-
built.
•
•
PAGE
SI.
§ 2.—Of the form and size in which the city of Florence
was rebuilt
38
39
47
47
48
49
51
54
56
BOOK III.
GOES back somewhat to tell how the city of Florence was
rebuilt by the power of Charles the Great and the Romans.
59
62
X
CONTENTS
12
$ 3.-How Charles the Great came to Florence, and
granted privileges to the city, and caused Santo
Apostolo to be built
•
•
BOOK IV.
§ 2. Of the Emperor Otho III., and the Marquis
Hugh, which built the Badia at Florence
69
$ 4.—Of the progeny of the Kings of France, which de-
scended from Hugh Capet
$ 6.—How in the time of the said Henry, the Florentines
took the city of Fiesole, and destroyed it
$ 7.-How that many Fiesolans came to dwell in
Florence, and made one people with the Florentines. 74
§ 8.—How the city of Florence increased its circuit, first
by moats and palisades, and then by walls
$ 9.-How Conrad I. was made Emperor
§ 10. Of the nobles which were in the city of Florence
in the time of the said Emperor Conrad, and first oj
those about the Duomo
•
§ II. - Concerning the houses of the nobles in the quarter
of Porta San Piero
§ 12.- Of them of the quarter of Porta San Brancazio .
$ 13.- Concerning them of the great quarter of Porta
Santa Maria and of San Piero Scheraggio
§ 18.—Narration of many things that were in those times
$ 19.-Of Robert Guiscard and his descendants, which
were kings of Sicily and of Apulia .
§ 20.—Concerning the successors of Robert Guiscard,
which were kings of Sicily and of Apulia
$21.-.Of the Countess Matilda
PAGE
•
65
•
71
71
75
78
79
80
SI
81
83
84
§ 29.-How the Florentines defeated the Vicar of the
Emperor Henry IV.
$ 30.-How the city of Florence took fire twice, whence a
great part of the city was burnt
95
§ 31.-How the Pisans took Majorca, and the Floren-
tines protected the city of Pisa .
89
92
95
96
CONTENTS
xi
2
1
casca
$ 32.-How the Florentines took and destroyed the for-
tress of Fiesole .
$ 36.-How the Florentines destroyed the fortress of
Montebuono
98
98
I
S $ 2.
BOOK V.
HERE begins the Fifth Book: How Frederick I. of Staufen of
Suabia was Emperor of Rome, and of his descendants, and
concerning the doings of Florence, which were in their times,
and of all Italy.
•
How Pope Alexander returned from France to
Venice, and the Emperor returned to obedience
$ 3.-How the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa was re-
conciled with the Church, and went over seas, and
there died
§ 8.-Of the great fires which were in the city of
Florence.
•
§ 9.-How civil war began in Florence between the
Uberti and the government of the Consuls
§ 12.-How the Emperor Frederick I. took their terri-
tory from the city of Florence, and many other
cities of Tuscany
•
•
PAGE
•
Frondigliano.
$30.-How the Florentines destroyed the strongholds
of Simifonti and of Combiata.
IOI
105
106
108
§ 13.-How the Florentines took the cross, and went
over seas to conquer Damietta, and therefore re-
covered their territory
§ 16.-How Henry of Suabia was made Emperor by
the Church, and how Constance, queen of Sicily,
was given him to wife
II2
$ 24.-How the Order of the Minor Friars began
114
§ 25.-How the Order of the Preaching Friars began 114
§ 26.-How the Florentines destroyed the castle of
115
116
109
IIO
III
xii
CONTENTS
?
$ 31.-Destruction of Montelupo, and how the Floren-
tines gained Montemurlo
116
$32.-How the Florentines elected their first Podestà 117
$ 36.-How during Otho's lifetime Frederick II. of
Suabia was elected Emperor by the desire of the
Church at Rome
·
$37.-Concerning the death of the old Count Guido,
and of his progeny .
§ 38.—How the parties of the Guelfs and Ghibellines
arose in Florence
Ι
SI
$ § 5.
•
•
$ 39.—Of the families and the nobles which became
Guelfs and Ghibellines in Florence
$ 41.-How the Florentines caused the dwellers in the
country around to swear fealty to the city, and how
the new Carraia Bridge was begun
•
·
•
How the Florentines led an army against Pistoia,
and laid waste the country round about .
$ 14.-How the Emperor Frederick came to enmity
with the Church
§ 22.-How the Emperor laid hold of King Henry, his
son.
§ 23.—How the war began between Pope Innocent IV.
and the Emperor Frederick
maka daga vik
$ 24. Of the sentence which Pope Innocent pronounced
at the council of Lyons-on-Rhine, upon the Emperor
Frederick
·
PAGE
BOOK VI.
How Frederick II. was consecrated and made Emperor, and
the great things which came to pass.
$ 25.-How the Pope and the Church caused a new
Emperor to be elected in place of Frederick, the
deposed Emperor.
•
118
119
121
123
125
127
129
130
· 133
134
135
138
CONTENTS
xiii
:
•
$ 26.- We will tell an incident in the affairs of Flor-
ence
§ 33.--How the Guelf party was first driven from
Florence by the Ghibellines and the forces of the
Emperor Frederick
•
$ 41.- How the Emperor Frederick died at Firenzuola
in Apulia
$42.-How the Popolo of Florence peaceably restored
the Guelfs to Florence
§ 43.-How at the time of the said Popolo the Floren-
tines discomfited the men of Pistoia, and afterwards
banished certain families of the Ghibellines from
Florence.
•
·
§ 34.--How the host of the Emperor Frederick was de-
feated by the Parmesans, and by the Pope's legate. 146
$35.-How the Guelf refugees from Florence were
taken in the fortress of Capraia
$39.-How the Primo Popolo was formed in Florence
to be a defence against the violence and attacks of
the Ghibellines
•
•
$ 44.-How King Conrad, son of Frederick the Em-
peror, came from Germany into Apulia, and had
the lordship over the realm of Sicily, and how he
died
$45.-How Manfred, natural son of Frederick, took
the lordship of the kingdom of Sicily and of
Apulia, and caused himself to be crowned
$ 46.—Of the war between Pope Alexander and King
Manfred.
•
$ 50.-How the bridge Santa Trinita was built
$53.-How the golden florins were first made in Flor-
ence
$55.-How the Florentines marched against Siena, and
the Sienese came to terms with them, and there was
peace between them
$65.-How the Popolo of Florence drave out the Ghi-
bellines for the first time from Florence, and the
reason why
•
•
·
PAGE
140
140
147
149
151
152
153
154
156
158
160
161
162
164
xiv
CONTENTS
'
$ 69.-Incidents of the doings that were in Florence at
the time of the Popolo
$ 72.-How the great tyrant, Ezzelino da Romano, was
defeated by the Cremonese and died in prison .
$73.-How both the king of Castille and Richard, earl
of Cornwall, were elected king of the Romans
$74.-How the Ghibelline refugees from Florence sent
into Apulia to King Manfred for succour
$ 75.-How the commonwealth and people of Florence
led a great host up to the gates of Siena with the
carroccio .
$76.-How King Manfred sent Count Giordano with
800 Germans to succour the Sienese and the Ghibel-
line refugees from Florence
$77.-How the Ghibelline refugees from Florence pre-
pared to deceive the commonwealth and people of
Florence, and cause them to be betrayed.
§ 78.-How the Florentines raised an army to fortify
Montalcino, and were discomfited by Count Gior-
dano and by the Sienese at Montaperti
$ 79.- How the Guelfs of Florence, after the said dis-
comfiture, departed from Florence and went to
Lucca
•
•
§ 80.- How the news of the defeat of the Florentines
came to the court of the Pope, and the prophecy
which was made thereupon by Cardinal Bianco
$81.-How the Ghibellines of Tuscany purposed to de-
stroy the city of Florence, and how M. Farinata
degli Uberti defended it.
§ 83. - How the Guelf refugees from Florence sent their
ambassadors into Germany to stir up Conradino
against Manfred
§ 86.-How the Guelf refugees from Florence, and the
other exiles of Tuscany, drave out the Ghibellines
from Modena and afterwards from Reggio
$ 87.-How Manfred persecuted Pope Urban and the
Church with his Saracens of Nocera, and how a
crusade was proclaimed against them
•
•
PAGE
166
167
169
169
170
173
174
177
181
183
184
187
188
190

CONTENTS
XV
$88.-How the Church of Rome elected Charles of
France to be king of Sicily and of Apulia
§ 89.- How Charles, count of Anjou and of Provence,
accepted the election offered him by the Church of
Rome to Sicily and Apulia
$90.-Incident relating to the good Count Raymond of
Provence
S I
•
•
§ 2.-How the Guelf refugees from Florence took the
arms of Pope Clement, and how they joined the
French army of Count Charles
SS
BOOK VII.
HERE begins the Seventh Book, which treats of the coming of
King Charles, and of many changes and events which fol-
lowed thereupon.
$ 3.-How Count Charles departed from France, and
passed by sea from Provence to Rome
§ 4.-How Count Guy of Montfort, with the horse of
Count Charles, passed through Lombardy
$ 5.-How King Charles was crowned in Rome king of
Sicily, and how he straightway departed with his
host to go against King Manfred .
•
•
•
•
PAGE
§ 13.-How the Thirty-six were established in Florence,
and how the Guilds of Arts were formed and
standards given thereto .
192

193
195
199
205
§ 6.—How, after King Charles had taken the pass of
Cepperano, he stormed the city of San Germano
7.-How King Manfred went to Benivento, and how
he arrayed his troops to fight against King Charles 209
§ 8.-How King Charles arrayed his troops to fight
against King Manfred
$9.-Concerning the battle between King Charles and
King Manfred, and how King Manfred was dis-
comfited and slain
201
202
204
207
2II
213
217

xvi
CONTENTS
$14.-How the second Popolo rose in Florence, for the
which cause Count Guido Novello, with the Ghibel-
line leaders, left Florence
§ 15.-How the Popolo restored the Guelfs to Florence,
and how they afterwards drave out the Ghibellines 223
§ 16.-How, after the Ghibellines had been driven from
Florence, the ordinances and councils of the city
were reorganized
$ 17.-How the Guelfs of Florence instituted the Ordi-
nances of the Party
$ 23.-How the young Conradino, son of King Conrad,
came from Germany into Italy against King
Charles
•
•
•
·
PAGE
•
220
225
•
§ 24. — How the marshal of King Charles was defeated
at Ponte a Valle by Conradino's army
$25.-How Conradino entered into Rome, and after-
wards with his host passed into the kingdom of
Apulia
$ 26.-How the host of Conradino and that of King
Charles met in battle at Tagliacozzo
$27.-How Conradino and his people were defeated by
King Charles.
$29.-How Conradino and certain of his barons were
taken by King Charles, and how he caused their
heads to be cut off ·
$31.-How the Florentines defeated the Sienese at the
foot of Colle di Valdelsa.
$ 34.-How there was a great flood of waters which
carried away the Santa Trinita Bridge and the
Carraia Bridge
§ 37.-How King Louis of France made an expedition
to Tunis, wherein he died
$ 38.-How King Charles concluded a treaty with the
king of Tunis, and how the host departed
$ 39.-How Gregory X. was made Pope at Viterbo, and
how Henry, son of the king of England, there died 25!
§ 42.-How Pope Gregory came with his court to Flor-
ence, and caused peace to be made between the Guelfs
and Ghibellines
226
228
231
232
233
235
240
242
245
246
249
255
CONTENTS
xvii
$81.-How M. Jean d'Appia, count of Romagna, was
defeated at Forlì by the count of Montefeltro.
$95.-How the good King Charles passed from this life
at the city of Foggia in Apulia
§ 105.- How the king of France departed from Aragon,
and died at Perpignan
$ 50. Of the death of Pope Gregory, and of three other
Popes after him
258
$54.-How Nicholas III., of the Orsini, was made
Pope, and concerning that which he did in his time 261
§ 56.-How the Cardinal Latino, by the Pope's com-
mand, made peace between the Guelfs and Ghibel-
lines of Florence, and composed all the other feuds
in the city
§ 61.- How and after what manner the island of Sicily
rebelled against King Charles
$ 79.-How the Office of Priors was first created in
Florence.
§ 114.- Of a notable thing which came to pass in Flor-
ence at this time
•
$ 121.-How the judge of Gallura and the Guelf party
were driven from Pisa, and the Count Ugolino
taken prisoner
·
§ 128.-How the Pisans chose for captain the count of
Montefeltro, and how they starved to death Count
Ugolino and his sons and grandsons
•
$ 132.-How the Florentines besieged the city of Arezzo,
and laid waste the region round about
$ 145.-How the soldan of Babylon conquered by force
the city of Acre, to the great hurt of the Christians
$146. Of the death of King Rudolf of Germany.
$ 149.-How the city of Forlì in Romagna was taken
by Maghinardo da Susinana ·
b
•
PAGE
263
267
269
272
274
277
279
$130.-Of the coronation of King Charles II., and how
he passed through Florence, and left Messer Amerigo
di Nerbona as captain of war for the Florentines
131.-How the Florentines defeated the Aretines at
Certomondo in Casentino
284
280
283
286
291
294
298
298
xviii
CONTENTS
•
BOOK VIII.
HERE begins the Eighth Book. It tells how the second Popolo
arose in the city of Florence, and of many great changes
which by reason thereof came afterwards to pass in Florence,
following on with the other events of those times.
SI.
§ 5.-How Celestine V. was elected and made Pope, and
how he renounced the papacy
$ 6.-How Boniface VIII. was elected and made Pope.
§ 8.-How the great man of the people, Giano della
Bella, was driven out of Florence.
•
§ 10.-How M. Gianni di Celona came into Tuscany
as Imperial Vicar .
§ 12.- How the magnates of Florence raised a tumult
in the city to break up the Popolo
§ 13.-How King Charles made peace with King
James of Aragon
§ 23.-How the Colonnesi came to ask pardon of the
Pope, and afterwards rebelled a second time
•
•
§ 26.-When the palace of the people of Florence was
begun, where dwell the Priors.
§ 36.-How Pope Boniface VIII. gave pardon to all
Christians which should go to Rome, in the year of
the jubilee, 1300
§ 38.-—How the parties of the Blacks and Whites first
began in the city of Pistoia
§ 39.-How the city of Florence was divided and
divided
brought to shame by the said White and Black
parties
§ 40.- How the Cardinal Acquasparta came as legate
from the Pope to make peace in Florence, and could
not do it.
§ 41. — Concerning the evils and dangers which followed
afterwards to our city
$42. Of the same.
•
PAGE
301
304
306
309
312
313
315
317
318
320
321
323
327
329
330
CONTENTS
xix
I
•
$ 43.-How Pope Boniface sent into France for M.
Charles of Valois
331
M
§ 45. — How the Black party were driven out of Pistoia 332
§ 49.-How M. Charles of Valois of France came to
Pope Boniface, and afterwards came to Florence
and drove out the White party
$ 59.-How Folcieri da Calvoli, Podestà of Florence,
caused certain citizens of the White party to be
beheaded.
§ 60.- How the White party and the Ghibelline re-
fugees from Florence came to Puliciano and
departed thence in discomfiture
§ 61.—Incident, relating how M. Maffeo Visconti was
driven from Milan.
§ 62.-How there arose strife and enmity between Pope
Boniface and King Philip of France
•
§ 63.-How the king of France caused Pope Boniface
to be seized in Anagna by Sciarra della Colonna,
whence the said Pope died a few days afterwards
§ 64.-We will further tell of the ways of Pope Boni-
face.
§ 67.-How King Edward of England recovered Gas-
cony and defeated the Scots
•
$68.-How there were in Florence great changes and
civic battles through desire that the accounts of the
commonwealth should be examined
§ 69.-How the Pope sent into Florence as legate the
Cardinal da Prato to make peace, and how he de-
parted thence in shame and confusion
§ 70.-How the bridge of Carraia fell, and how many
beople died there
§ 71.-How Florence was set on fire, and a great part
of the city burnt
•
•
$ 72.--How the Whites and Ghibellines came to the
gates of Florence, and departed thence in discom-
fiture
§ 80. — How Pope Benedict died, and of the new election
of Pope Clement V.
•
PAGE
333
339
340
342
344
346
350
352
353
356
360
361
364
369
}
XX
CONTENTS
$ 84.-How there arose in Lombardy one Fra Dolcino
with a great company of heretics, and how they
were burnt
•
§ 88. Of the great war which was begun against the
marquis of Ferrara, and how he died
$92.-How and after what fashion was destroyed the
Order and mansion of the Temple of Jerusalem by
the machinations of the king of France .
§ 96.-How Corso Donati, the great and noble citizen
of Florence, died
§ 101. — After what manner Henry, count of Luxem-
burg, was elected Emperor of Rome
$ 102.-How Henry the Emperor was confirmed by
confirmed by
the Pope.
§ 112.-How Robert was crowned king over the king-
dom of Sicily and Apulia
389
$120.- How the ambassadors of Henry, king of the
Romans, came to Florence
SI.
§ 7.-How the Emperor Henry departed from Germany
to go into Italy
$ 8.-How King Robert came to Florence as he returned
§
from his coronation
$9.-How the Emperor Henry passed into Italy, and
gained the city of Milan .
PAGE
•
375
376
BOOK IX.
HERE begins the Ninth Book. How Henry, count of Luxem-
burg, was made Emperor.
§ 14.-How the Emperor besieged Cremona, and his
people took Vicenza
•
377
382
386
390
391
395
396
$10.-How the Florentines enclosed the new circle of
the city with moats.
wer
$11.-How the della Torre were driven out of Milan
§ 12.-How there was great scarcity in Florence, and
concerning other events
393
394.
397
398
400
400
CONTENTS
xxi
§ 15.-How the Emperor took the city of Cremona
$ 16.-How the Florentines, by reason of the Emperor's
coming, recalled from banishment all the Guelfs
$ 17.-How the Florentines, with all the Guelf cities of
Tuscany, made a league together against the Em-
peror
-
§ 20. — How the Emperor Henry took the city of Brescia
by siege.
$ 22.-How Pope Clement sent legates to crown the
Emperor Henry
came
§ 26.-How the ambassadors from the Emperor came to
Florence, and were driven thence
$ 28.-How the Empress died in Genoa
$ 29. How the Emperor put the Florentines under the
ban of the Empire
$ 32.-How the city of Brescia rebelled against the
Emperor.
$34.-How the city of Cremona rebelled against the
Emperor.
§ 35.—How the marshal of the Emperor came to Pisa,
and began war with the Florentines
§ 36.—How the Paduans rebelled against the lordship
of the Emperor
$ 39. Of the gathering together made by King Robert
and the league of Tuscany at Rome to oppose the
coronation of the Emperor Henry
$40.-How the Emperor Henry departed from Pisa
and came to Rome
$43.-How Henry of Luxemburg was crowned Em-
peror at Rome
$44.-How the Emperor departed from Rome to go into
Tuscany.
•
•
•
$45.-How the Emperor came to the city of Arezzo,
and afterwards how he came towards the city of
Florence.
$ 46.-How the Florentines were well-nigh discomfited
at the fortress of Ancisa by the army of the Em-
peror
PAGE
401
402
402
403
405
406
407
407
407
408
408
409
409
410
4II
413
414
415
J
xxii
CONTENTS
i
§ 47.—How the Emperor Henry encamped with his
host before the city of Florence
§ 48.-How the Emperor abandoned the siege, and de-
parted from San Salvi, and came to San Casciano,
and then to Poggibonizzi
+
§ 49.-How the Emperor departed from Poggibonizzi,
and returned to Pisa, and issued many bans against
the Florentines
•
$ 50.-How the Emperor condemned King Robert
§ 51.-How the Emperor made ready to enter into the
Kingdom against King Robert, and departed from
Pisa
§ 70.-How Uguccione, lord of Lucca and of Pisa, laid
siege to the castle of Montecatini
§ 71.-How, when the prince of Taranto was come to
Florence, the Florentines sallied forth with their
army to succour Montecatini, and were defeated by
Uguccione della Faggiuola
§ 72.-More about the said battle and defeat of the
Florentines and of the prince
•
•
§ 81. Of the election of Pope John XXII.
§ 86.-How Uguccione da Faggiuola sought to re-enter
Pisa, and what came of it in Pisa, and of the
Marquis Spinetta.
§ 52.-How the Emperor Henry died at Bonconvento,
in the country of Siena .
§ 53.-Relates how, when the Emperor was dead, his
host was divided, and the barons carried his body
to the city of Pisa
§ 56.- How the Florentines gave the lordship of Flor-
ence to King Robert for five years
$ 59.—Of the death of Pope Clement
§ 63.-How the Paduans were discomfited at Vicenza by
M. Cane della Scala
428
§ 66. — Of the death of Philip, king of France, and of
his sons
428
•
§ 87.-How the Ghibelline party left Genoa
$ 89.-How M. Cane della Scala led an army against
the Paduans, and took many castles from them
PAGE
•
416
419
421
422
423
424
425
426
427
430
43I
432
434
436
437
438
CONTENTS
xxiii
::
$ 90.-How the exiles from Genoa with the force of the
Ghibellines of Lombardy besieged Genoa
§ 92.-How the exiles from Genoa took the suburbs of
438
Prea
•
PAGE
439
§ 93.-How King Robert came by sea to succour Genoa 440
§ 94.-How the Genoese gave the lordship of Genoa to
King Robert
ence
§ 95.—Of the active war which the exiles of Genoa with
the Lombards made against King Robert
$97.-How King Robert's followers discomfited the
exiles from Genoa at the village of Sesto, and how
they departed from the siege of the city
$ 99.-How the exiles from Genoa with the Lombards
returned to the siege of Genoa
444
$ 100.-How M. Cane della Scala took the suburbs of
Padua
44I
442
443
445
§ 121.-How M. Cane della Scala, being at the siege of
Padua, was defeated by the Paduans and by the
count of Görtz
§ 136.—Concerning the poet Dante Alighieri of Flor-
446
448
:
*
INTRODUCTION
§ 1. The Text.
THIS book of selections is not intended as a contribution
to the study of Villani, but as an aid to the study of
Dante. The text of Villani is well known to be in a very
unsatisfactory condition, and no attempt at a critical
treatment of it has been made. The Florence edition of
1823, in eight volumes, has been almost invariably fol-
lowed. Here and there the Editor has silently adopted
an emendation that obviously gives the sense intended,
and on p. 277 has inserted in brackets an acute sugges-
tion made by Mr. A. J. Butler. In a few cases, by far
the most important of which occurs on p. 450, passages
which appear in some but not in all of the MSS. and
editions of Villani are inserted in square brackets.
§ 2. The References.
It is probable that many more references to Dante's
works might advantageously have been inserted in the
margin had they occurred to our minds; and we shall be
glad to have our attention called to any important omis-
sions.
As a rule we have aimed at giving a reference to any
passage in Dante's works on which the text has a direct
bearing, or towards the discussion of which it furnishes
materials, without intending thereby necessarily to commit
+
鲁
​"
XXV
xxvi
INTRODUCTION
;
ourselves to any special interpretation of the passage in
Dante referred to.
But in some instances such a reference would, in our
opinion, distinctly tend to the perpetuation of error. In
such cases we have purposely abstained from appearing
to bring a passage of Villani into relation with a passage
of Dante with which we believe it to have no connection.
For instance, to have given a reference to the Vita
Nuova § 41, 1-11, on p. 320 would have appeared to
us so distinct and dangerous a suggestio falsi that we have
felt compelled to abstain from it even at the risk of being
charged with a suppressio veri by those who do not agree
with us.
$3. The Principle of Selection.
Our aim has been to translate all the passages from the
first nine books of Villani's Chronicles which are likely
to be of direct interest and value to the student of
Dante.¹ A few chapters have been inserted not for their
own sakes but because they are necessary for the under-
standing of other chapters that bear directly on Dante.
When a chapter contains anything to our purpose, we
have usually translated the whole of it. Where this is
not the case the omissions are invariably indicated by
stars * * * * * *. We have given the headings of all the
chapters we have not translated, so that the reader may
have in his hand the continuous thread of Villani's nar-
rative, and may have some idea of the character of the
omitted portions. By these means we hope we have
1 The complex and miserable history of Ugolino and Nino we
have given only in its most essential portions. Even its connection
with one of the most terrible and widely known passages in the
Inferno cannot make it other than dreary, sordid, and unillumin-
ating.
•
INTRODUCTION
xxvii
minimised, though we do not flatter ourselves that we
have removed, the objections which are legitimately
urged against volumes of selections.
The nature of the interest which the Dante student
will find in these selections will vary as he goes through
the volume.
The early portions, up to the end of Book III., are
interesting not so much for the direct elucidation of
special passages in Dante as for the assistance they give
us in realizing the atmosphere through which he and his
contemporaries regarded their own past; and their habit-
ual confusion of legend and history.
From Book IV. on into Book VIII. our interest
centres more and more on the specific contents of Vil-
lani's Chronicle. Here he becomes the best of all com-
mentators upon one phase of Dante's many-sided genius;
for he gives us the material upon which Dante's judg
ments are passed, and enables us to know the men and
see the events he judges as he himself knew and saw
them. Chapter after chapter reads like a continuous
commentary on Purg. vi. 127-151; and there is hardly
a sentence that does not lighten and is not lightened by
some passage in the Comedy. Readers who have been
accustomed to weary themselves in attempts to digest
and remember historical notes (into which extracts from
Villani, torn from their native haunts, have been driven
up for instant slaughter, as in battue shooting) will find
it a relief to have the story of the battles and revolutions
of Florence, as Dante saw and felt it, continuously set
before them-even though it be, for the present, in the
partial and therefore mutilated form of "selections."
When we come to the later portions of Book VIII. and
xxviii
INTRODUCTION
-
the first part of Book IX. the interest again changes. To
the events after 1300 Dante's chief work contains com-
paratively few and scattered allusions; but as the direct
connection with his writings becomes less marked the con-
nection with his biography becomes more intimate. As
we study the tangled period of Florentine politics that
coincides with Dante's active political life (about 1300
A.D.), the ill-concerted and feeble attempts of the exiles
to regain a footing in their city, and later on the splendid
but futile enterprise of Henry, we seem to find the very
fibres of Dante's life woven into the texture of the his-
tory. The dream of the De Monarchia was dreamed by
Henry as well as by Dante; but as we read the detail of
his failure it is borne in upon us that he not only did fail
but must fail, for his ideal was incapable of realization.
Italy was not ready for him, and had she been ready she
would not have needed him.
Finally, the last pages of our volume, which cover
selections from the portion of Book IX., extending
from the death of Henry to the death of Dante him-
self, are for the most part inserted for a very special
reason, as to which some little detail is necessary.
Strangely enough they derive their importance not from
any interest Dante may have taken in the events they
record, but from the fact that he did not take enough
interest in them to satisfy one of his most ardent
admirers. The editions of Dante's collected works in-
clude a correspondence in Latin hexameters between
Johannes de Virgilio and Dante. Now in the poem
that opens this correspondence Johannes refers to Statius
and to Lethe in a manner that proves beyond all doubt
that the whole of the Purgatorio as well as the Inferno
was in his hands. But he alludes to the Paradiso-the
ד
INTRODUCTION
xxix
poem of the "super-solar" realms which is to complete
the record of the "lower" ones-as not yet having
appeared. It therefore becomes a matter of extreme
interest to the Dante student to learn the date of this
poem. Now one of the considerations that led Johannes
to address Dante was the hope of inducing him to choose
a contemporary subject for a Latin poem and so write
something worthy of himself and of studious readers
With this object he suggests a number of subjects :—
""
"Dic age quo petiit Jovis armiger astra volatu :
Dic age quos flores, quæ lilia fregit arator :
Dic Phrygias damas laceratas dente molosso :
Dic Ligurum montes, et classes Parthenopeas."
Come! tell thou of the flight by which Jove's armour-bearer
(the Imperial Eagle=Henry VII.) sought the stars. Come! tell
thou of the flowers and lilies (of Florence) crushed by the plough-
man (Uguccione da Faggiuola). Tell of the Phrygians does (the
Paduans) torn by the mastiff's (Can Grande's) tooth. Tell of the
Ligurian mountains (the Genoese) and the Parthenopæan fleets (of
Robert of Naples)."
The correctness and security of the interpretation of
this passage will not be doubted by any one accustomed
to the pedantic allusiveness of the age; and it is more-
over guaranteed by the annotator of the Laurentian MS.,
who seems to have been Boccaccio himself. It will be
seen, therefore, from the study of the concluding pages
of this volume, that when Johannes addressed Dante
(after the appearance of the Inferno and the Purgatorio,
but before that of the Paradiso) Henry VII. had died
(A.D. 1313), Can Grande had defeated the Paduans
(A.D. 1314 and 1317), Uguccione had defeated the
Florentines (A.D. 1315), and Robert had collected his
fleet to relieve Genoa (February, 1319). It also seems
highly probable that Can Grande had not yet suffered
his reverses at the siege of Padua (August, 1320). This
XXX
INTRODUCTION
:
is perhaps the one unassailable datum for the chronology
of Dante's works, and we have therefore included in
our selections so much as was needed to establish it.
Our readers will perhaps forgive us for having then left
the fate of Genoa hanging in the balance, for as Villani
says: "Who could write the unbroken history of the
dire siege of Genoa, and the marvellous exploits
achieved by the exiles and their allies? Verily, it is
the opinion of the wise that the siege of Troy itself, in
comparison therewith, shewed no greater and more con-
tinuous battling, both by sea and land."
§ 4. The Historical Value of Villani's Chronicle.
An adequate edition of Villani would have to examine
his statements in detail, and, where necessary, to correct
them. Such a task, however, would be alike beyond our
powers, and foreign to our immediate purpose. These
selections are intended to illustrate the text of Dante;
and for that purpose it is of more consequence to know
what were the "horrible crimes" of which Dante sup-
posed Manfred to be guilty, than to enquire whether or
no he was really guilty of them. To know whether
Constance was fifty-two, or only thirty, when she
married Henry VI., and whether he took her from a
convent or a palace is of less immediate consequence to
the student of Dante than to be acquainted with the
Guelf tradition as to these circumstances.
At the same time, the reader may reasonably ask for
some guidance as to the point at which the authentic
history of Florence disengages itself from the legend,
and, further, as to the general degree of reliance he is
justified in placing on the details supplied by Villani.
On the first point very few words will suffice. There
INTRODUCTION
xxxi
was probably a Fiesolan mart on the site now occupied
by Florence from very remote times; but the form of the
"ancient circle" carries us back to a Roman camp and a
military colony as the origin of the regular city. Beyond
this meagre basis the whole story of "Troy, and of
Fiesole and Rome," in connection with Florence must
be pronounced a myth. The notices of Florence before
the opening of the twelfth century are few and meagre,
but they suffice to prove that the story of its destruction
by Totila, and rebuilding by Charlemagne, is without
foundation; and of all the reported conquests of Fiesole
that of 1125 is the first that we can regard as historical.
The history of Florence is almost a blank until about
1115 A.D., the date of the death of the Countess Matilda.
With respect to the second point, it is impossible to
give so brief or conclusive an answer. Villani is as
valuable to the historian as he is delightful to the
general reader. He is a keen observer, and has a quick
eye for the salient and essential features of what he
observes. When dealing with his own times, and with
events immediately connected with Florence, he is a
trustworthy witness, but minute accuracy is never his
strong point; and in dealing with distant times and
places he is hopelessly unreliable.
The English reader will readily detect his confusions
in Book VII., § 39, where at one time Richard of Corn-
wall, and at another Henry III., is called king of Eng-
land; and Henry of Cornwall and Edward I. are
regarded indifferently as sons of Richard or sons of
Henry III., but are always said to be brothers instead
of cousins.
Here there is little danger of the reader being mis-
led, but it is otherwise in such a case as that of Robert
xxxii
INTRODUCTION
"
Guiscard and the house of Tancred in Book IV., § 19.
By way of putting the reader on his guard, we will go
into this exceptionally bad, but by no means solitary,
instance of Villani's inaccuracies.
Tancred, of the castle of Hauteville (near Coutances,
in Normandy), had twelve sons, ten of whom sought
their fortunes in southern Italy and Sicily. Four of these
were successively Counts of Apulia, the last of the four
being Robert Guiscard. He was followed by his son
Roger, and his grandson William, who died childless.
Another of the sons of Tancred was Roger, who became
Count of Sicily. He was succeeded by his son Roger II.,
who possessed himself of the Apulian domains of his
relative William, on the decease of the latter. Roger
now had himself proclaimed King of Sicily by the
anti-pope Anaclete, and united Sicily and Naples under
his sway. He was followed by his son William (the Bad),
and his grandson William (the Good), on whose death,
without issue, Henry VI., who married Roger's daughter
Constance, claimed the succession in the right of his
wife. (L'Art de Vérifier les Dates.)
The most important of these relations may be set
forth thus:
TANCRED OF HAUTEVILLE
I

Robert Guiscard
Count of Apulia
Roger
William
Roger I.
Count of Sicily
1
Roger II.
King of Sicily
|
William
the Bad
William
the Good
Constance=Henry VI.
INTRODUCTION
xxxiii
A
Let the reader construct the family tree from the data
in Villani, and compare it with the one given above. He
will find that Villani, to begin with, makes Robert Guis-
card a younger son of the Duke of Normandy, then
makes his younger brother, Roger I., into his son (occa-
sionally confounding him with Roger II.); and, finally,
ignores William the Bad, and makes William the Good
the brother of Constance. His details as to the pre
tender Tancred are equally inaccurate. These must
suffice as specimens; but they are specimens not only
of a special class of mistake, but of a style of work against
which the reader must be constantly on his guard if he
intends to make use of any detailed dates or relations, or
even if he wishes to make sure that the Pope or other
actor named in any connection is really the right one.
So, too, even well within historical times, Villani is
prone to the epic simplification of events. His account
of the negociations of Farinata with Manfred, and of
the battle of Montaperti for instance, represents the
Florentine legend or tradition rather than the history of
the events. These events are conceived with the vivid-
ness, simplicity and picturesque preponderance of person-
L
ality which make them easy to see, but impossible to
reconstruct in a rationally convincing form.
To enter into further detail under this head would be
to transgress the limits we have set ourselves.
§ 5. The Rationale of the Revolutions of Florence.¹
The settled conviction of both Villani and Dante that
1 The substance of this § is entirely drawn from Prof. Villari's
recent work on Early Florentine History. "I Primi due Secoli
della Storia di Firenze, Ricerche di Pasquale Villari." 2 vols.,
C
xxxiv
INTRODUCTION
F
a difference of race underlay the civil wars of Florence,
rests upon a truth obscurely though powerfully felt by
them.
We have seen that the legend of Fiesole and Florence,
upon which they rest their case, is without historical
foundation; but the conflict of races was there none the
less. And as it is here that modern historians find the
key to the history of Florence, our readers will probably
be glad to have set before them a brief account of the
general conceptions in the light of which modern scholars
would have us read the naïve and ingenuous records of
Villani.
The numerous Teutonic invasions and incursions
which had swept over northern and central Italy, from
Odoacer to Charlemagne, had established a powerful
territorial nobility. They constituted a dominating class,
military in their habits, accustomed to the exercise and
the abuse of the simpler functions of government, accept-
ing certain feudal traditions, but owning no practical
allegiance to any power that was not in a position in-
stantly to enforce it. Their effective organization was
based on the clan system, and the informal family coun-
cil was omnipotent within the limits of the clan. They
were without capacity or desire for any large and endur-
ing social organization. Their combinations were tem-
porary, and for military purposes; and internecine family
Florence, 1893, 1894. Price 8 fr. English translation by Madame
Villari. "The Two First Centuries of Florentine History." Fisher
Unwin. Price 30s. This work should be carefully studied in its
entirety by all who desire to understand the constitutional history
of Florence. N.B.-Some of our readers may be glad of the in-
formation that the modern scholar is Pasquale Villări (with short ǎ),
and the medieval chronicler Giovanni Villāni (with a long ā).
A
INTRODUCTION
XXXV
1
feuds were a permanent factor in their lives. Their laws
were based on the “Barbarian" codes, but the influence
of Roman law was increasingly felt by them.
In the cities it is probable that the old municipal
organization had never wholly died out, though it had
no formal recognition. The citizens were sometimes
allowed to live "under their own law," and sometimes
not; but the tradition of the Roman law was never lost.
Nominally the cities were under the jurisdiction of some
territorial magnate, or a nominee of the Emperor, but
practically they enjoyed various degrees of independence.
Their effective organization would depend upon their
special circumstances, but in such a case as that of
Florence would be based on the trade guilds.
In Florence a number of the Teutonic nobles had
settled in the city; but it owed its importance to its
trade. The city-dwelling nobles kept up their clan life,
and fortified their houses; but in other respects they had
become partially assimilated in feeling, and even in habits
and occupations, to the mercantile community in which
they lived. They filled the posts of military and civil
administration, and were conscious of a strong unity of
interest with the people.
Under the vigorous and beneficent rule in Tuscany of
the great Countess Matilda (1076-1115) Florence was
able quietly to consolidate and extend her power without
raising any thorny questions of formal jurisdiction. But
on the death of Matilda, when the Church and the
Empire equally claimed the succession and were equally
unable efficiently to assert their claims, it was inevitable
that an attempt should be made to establish the de facto
supremacy of Florence over Fiesole and the whole out-
lying district upon a firmer and more formal basis. It
xxxvi
INTRODUCTION
•
was equally inevitable that the attempt should be
resisted.
Within Florence, as we have seen, there was a hetero-
geneous, but as yet fairly united citizenship. The germs
of organization consisted on the side of the nobles in
the clans and the Tower-clubs, and on the side of the
people in the Trade-guilds. The Tower-clubs were as-
sociations each of which possessed a fortified tower in
the city, which was maintained at the common expense
of the associates, and with which their houses com-
municated. Of the Trade-guilds we shall speak briefly
hereafter.
In the surrounding country the territorial nobility
watched the growing power and prosperity of Florence
with jealousy, stoutly resisted her claims to jurisdiction.
over them and their demesnes, and made use of their
command of the great commercial highways to exact
regular or irregular tolls, even when they did not frankly
plunder the merchants.
Obviously two struggles must result from this situation.
The city as a whole was vitally concerned in clearing the
commercial routes and rendering the territorial nobility
harmless; but within the city two parties, who may
almost be regarded as two nations, contended for the
mastery.
With respect to the collective struggle of Florence
against her foes, which entered on its active phase early
in the twelfth century, on the death of Matilda in 1115,
it may be said in brief that it was carried on with a vigour
and success, subject only to brief and few reverses, during
But
the whole period with which we are concerned.
this very success in external enterprises emphasized and
embittered the internal factions. These had been serious
INTRODUCTION
xxxvii
from the first. The Uberti and other ruling families
resisted the growing influence of the people; and the
vicissitudes of the struggle may be traced at the end of
the twelfth and beginning of the thirteenth centuries in
the alternation of the various forms of the supreme
magistracy. But it was part of the policy of the victo-
rious Florentines to compel the nobles they had reduced
to submission to live at least for a part of the year in the
city; and thus while the merchant people of Florence
was increasing in wealth and power, the nobles in the
city were in their turn constantly recruited by rich and
turbulent members of their own caste, who were ready
to support them in their attempt to retain the govern-
ment in their hands. Thus the more successful Florence
was in her external undertakings the greater was the
tension within.
The forces arrayed against each other gradually
assumed a provisional organization in ever-increasing
independence of each other. The old senate or council
and the popular assembly of all the citizens were trans-
formed or sank into the background, and the Podestà, or
foreign magistrate appointed for a year, with his lesser
and greater council of citizens, was the supreme authority
from 1207 onwards. This marked a momentary triumph
of the nobles. But the people asserted themselves once
again, and elected a Captain of the People, also a
foreigner, with a lesser and greater council of citizens,
who did not dispute the formal and representative
supremacy of the Podestà, but was in reality coordinate
with him. On this the Podestà naturally became the
head of the nobles as the Captain was head of the
people; and there rose that spectacle, so strange to us
but so familiar to medieval Italy, of two bodies of
xxxviii
INTRODUCTION
citizens, each with its own constitution and magistracy,
encamped within the same walls. The Podestà was the
head of the "Commonwealth," and the Captain the head
of the " 'People." There was, it is true, for the most
part a show of some central and coordinating power,
nominally supreme over these independent and often
hostile magistrates, such as the body of Ancients. But
this central government had little effective power.
To understand the course of Florentine history, how-
ever, we must turn back for a moment to the informal
internal organization of the two bodies thus opposed to
each other. The struggle is between the military and
territorial aristocracy on the one hand, and the mercantile
democracy of the city on the other; and we have seen
that the clan system and the Tower-clubs were the germ
cells of the one order, and the Craft-guilds those of the
other. Now the Craft-guilds were obviously capable of
supporting a higher form of political development than
could ever come out of the rival system. The officers of
the Florentine Crafts were compelled to exercise all the
higher functions of government. They preserved a strict
discipline within their own jurisdiction-(and the aggre-
gation of the trades in certain streets and districts made
that jurisdiction roughly correspond to local divisions)--
they had to coordinate their industries one with another,
and regulate their complicated relations one with another,
and they sent their representatives to all the great trading
cities of the world, where they had to conduct such
delicate and important negociations that they became
the most skilful diplomatists in Italy. Indeed, the train-
ing of ambassadors may almost be considered as a
Florentine industry! Add to this the vast financial
concerns which they had to conduct, and it will readily
i
INTRODUCTION
xxxix
be seen that as statesmen the merchants of Florence
must eventually prove more than a match for their
military rivals and opponents. The merchant people
was the progressive and constructive element in Floren-
tine society.
Accordingly the constitutional history of Florence re-
solves itself into a progressive, though chequered, advance
of the people against the nobles (or, as they were after-
wards called, the magnates) along two lines. In the
first place, they had to make the de facto trade organiza-
tion of the city into its de jure constitution—a movement
which culminated in 1282 in the formal recognition of
the Priors of the Crafts as the supreme magistrates of
Florence. And, in the second place, they must attempt
to bring the magnates effectively within the control of
the laws and constitution of the mercantile community,
which they systematically and recklessly defied as long
as they were in a position to do so. The magnates be-
haved like brigands, and the people replied by practically
making them outlaws. They gradually excluded them
from all share of the government, they endeavoured to
make the Podestà personally responsible for keeping them
in order, they organized a militia of trade bands that
could fly to arms and barricade the streets, or lay siege to
the fortified houses of the magnates at a moment's notice;
and finally, in 1292, they passed the celebrated "Ordin-
ances of Justice" connected with the name of Giano
della Bella, by which when a magnate murdered a
popolano his whole clan was held directly responsible
(the presumption being that the murder had been
ordered in a family council), and "public report"
established by two witnesses was sufficient evidence for
a conviction.
17
xl
INTRODUCTION
It is this struggle for the supremacy of the mercantile
democracy and the Roman Law over the military aris-
tocracy with its "barbarian" traditions, that lies at the
back of the Guelf and Ghibelline troubles of the thirteenth
century. The papal and imperial principles that are
usually associated with the names enter only in a very
secondary way into the conflict. In truth neither the
popes nor the emperors had any sympathy with the real
objects of either party, though they were ready enough to
seek their advantage in alliances with them. And in
their turn the magnates and merchants of Florence were
equally determined to be practically independent of Pope
and Emperor alike. Nevertheless the magnates could
look nowhere else than to the Emperor when they wanted
material support or moral sanction for their claims to
power; and it was only in the magnates that the Emperor
in his turn could hope to find instruments or allies in
his attempt to assert his power over the cities. In like
manner the Pope, naturally jealous of a strong territorial
power, encouraged and fostered the cities in their resist-
ance to imperial pretensions, while he and the merchant
bankers of Florence were indispensable to each other in
the way of business.
We have now some insight into the essential motives
of Florentine history in the thirteenth century. But
another step is needed before we can understand the
form which the factions took. It would be a fatal error
to suppose that the Ghibellines were soldiers and the
Guelfs merchants, and that as each faction triumphed
in turn Florence expelled her merchants and became a
military encampment, or expelled her soldiers and be-
came a commercial emporium. Such a course of events
would be absolutely impossible. The truth is, that the
}
INTRODUCTION
xli
main part of the faction fighting and banishing was done
on both sides by the magnates themselves. The in-
dustrial community went on its way, sometimes under
grievous exactions, sometimes under a friendly Govern-
ment, always subject to the insolence and violence of
the magnates, though in varying degree, but always
there, and always pursuing its business occupations. It
came about thus. We have seen that in the twelfth
century the nobles within Florence were on the whole
fairly conscious of having common cause with the mer-
chants, but that the very success of their external under-
takings brought into the city a more turbulent and hostile
order of nobility. On the other side, rich and powerful
merchants pushed their way up into recognition as
magnates, while retaining their pecuniary interest in
commerce. Thus in the thirteenth century the body of
magnates itself became divided, not only into clans, but
into factions. It always seemed worth while for some of
them to strengthen their alliances with the territorial
magnates, the open foes of the city, in order to strengthen
their hold on the city itself; and it always seemed worth
while for others to identify themselves more or less
sincerely with the demands of the people in order to
have their support in wrenching from their fellow mag-
nates a larger share of the common spoil. It was here
that the absence of any uniting principle or constructive
purpose amongst the magnates told with fatal effect. In-
deed their house was so divided against itself that the
people would probably have had little difficulty in getting
rid of them altogether, had they not been conscious of
requiring a body of fighting men for service in their
constant wars. The knights were at a certain disad-
vantage in a street fight in Florence, but the merchant
>
摹
​xlii
INTRODUCTION
+
statesmen knew well enough that they could not do
without them on a battle-field.
We can now understand the Guelf and Ghibelline
struggles of the thirteenth century. The Buondelmonte
incident of 1215, which both Dante and Villani regard
as the cause of these conflicts, was of course only their
occasion. The conclusive victory of one party could
only mean the reappearance within its ranks of the old
factions under new names.
For if the faction opposed
to the people won a temporary victory, they would be
unable to hold their own permanently against the superior
discipline, wealth, and constructive genius of their sub-
jects; whereas if it was the champions of the people who
had expelled their rivals and seized the plunder, they
would be in no hurry to give up to the merchants the
power they had won in their name. They would regard
themselves as entitled to a gratitude not distinguishable
from submission, and would have their own definition of
the degree of influence and power which was now their
due. Thus what had been the people's party among the
magnates would aspire, when victorious, to be the masters
of the people, and gradually another people's party would
form itself within their ranks. The wonder is not that
no reconciliations were permanent, but that Cardinal
Latino's reconciliation of 1279 lasted, at least ostensibly,
so long as till 1300.
Obviously, if no new forces came upon the field, the
only issue from this general situation must be in the con-
clusive triumph, not of the people's faction amongst the
magnates, but of the attempt to break down the oppo-
sition of all the magnates to the citizen law, and the
successful absorption of them into the commercial com-
munity. In the "Ordinances of Justice and the
""
-
INTRODUCTION
xliii
¡
:
•
,-
further measures contemplated by Giano della Bella
the requirements of this solution were formulated. Had
they been successfully carried out, the magnates as an
independent order would have been extinguished. Ac-
cordingly from 1292 onwards the fight raged round the
Ordinances of Justice. No party, even among the
magnates, dared openly to seek their repeal; but while
some supported them in their integrity with more or less
loyalty, others desired to modify them, or attempted to
disembowel them by manipulating the elections and
securing magistrates who would not carry them out.
This was the origin of the Black and White factions.
The Blacks were for circumventing the Ordinances,
while the Whites were for carrying them out and extend-
ing their principles.
It will be seen at once how false an impression is
given when it is said that the Whites were moderate
Guelfs, inclining to Ghibellinism, and the Blacks extreme
Guelfs. The truth is that the terms of Ghibelline and
Guelf had by this time lost whatever appropriateness
they once had, but in so far as Guelfism in Florence
represented a principle it was the Whites and not the
Blacks that were its heirs. But the magnates of Flo-
rence at the beginning of the fourteenth century ad-
ministered large funds that had accrued from the
confiscation of Ghibelline estates; they had fought
against the Ghibellines at the Battle of Campaldino in
1289, and they made a boast of being Guelf of the
Guelfs. Whatever party of them was in the supremacy,
therefore, were prone to accuse those in opposition of
Ghibellinism simply because they were in opposition.
This was what the victorious Blacks did. Their alliance
with Pope Boniface VIII., who wished to make use
xliv
INTRODUCTION
1
;
¡
of them for his ambitious purposes, lent some colour
to their claim. Moreover, the remnants of the old
Ghibelline party in the city or its territory naturally
sought the alliance of the Whites as soon as they were
in pronounced hostility to the ruling Guelfs. Thus
arose the confusion that has perpetuated itself in the
current conception of the Whites as "moderates," or
Ghibellinizing Guelfs, a conception which stands in
plain contradiction with the most significant facts of the
case.
During the closing period of Dante's life the politics
of Florence became more tangled than ever. Every
vestige of principle seems to disappear, and personal
ambitions and hatreds to become more unbridled than
ever. The active interference of the Pope and the
Royal house of France, followed by the withdrawal of
the Papal Court to Avignon, the invasion of Italy by
Henry VII., and the rise of such leaders as Can Grande,
Uguccione da Faggiuola, and Castruccio, introduced new
forces. We dimly perceive, too, that the mercantile de-
mocracy of Florence is becoming a mercantile aristocracy
with elements of disturbance beneath it in the excluded or
oppressed minor arts. In a word, just before the move-
ment that has been steadily proceeding from 1115 to
1300 reaches its natural goal, the conditions of the prob-
lem change, the history enters upon a new phase, the
far-off preparation for the Medici begins, and the problem
ceases to have any direct and intimate connection with
the study of Dante.
§ 6.
Dante's Politics.
Enough has been said to show the reader how very
imperfect an idea is given of Dante's politics when it is
1
INTRODUCTION
xlv
said that he was at first a Guelf but became a Ghibel-
line.
We have seen that the political party, for his connec-
tion with which he was exiled, was heir to the best Guelf
traditions. His own writings show that the maintenance
of peace was his idea of the supreme function of Govern-
ment. The extreme severity of his judgments upon
thieving and upon false coining is characteristic of the
citizen of the greatest commercial city of the world. In
all this, if we must use the misleading words, he is more
Guelf than Ghibelline. It is true that he constantly
opposed the influence of Boniface VIII. in the affairs of
Florence, but Boniface was a disturbing and reactionary
force that opposed the legitimate development of the
Guelf policy of the Florentine democracy. It is true
that he is a passionate advocate of an ideal Empire, and
that he looks to the Emperor to heal the wounds of Italy
but the more carefully his writings are studied the more
clear does it become that what he seeks in the Emperor
is not a champion of Teutonic feudalism and supporter
of the territorial nobility, but a power that will make
Roman Law run all through Italy, and will hold the
turbulent nobles in check. The Empire and the Em-
peror mean to Dante justice and peace secured by the
enforcement of Roman Law. Whatever this is, it is not
the Ghibellinism of Farinata or the Ubaldini. It is true
however—and here if anywhere Dante is open to the
charge of temporary desertion of his principles-that
after his exile he, together with other Whites, entered
into a league with the Ubaldini, the most obstinate of the
traditional foes of the commercial community of Florence.
This was a desperate act, which, however reprehensible
or deplorable, cannot be taken as indicating the deliber-
旷
​xlvi
INTRODUCTION
ate adoption of a policy in contradiction to the whole
tenor of his life and thought. We may well suppose
that the sense of the hollow and indeed dishonourable
nature of such an alliance was one of the considerations
that induced him to sever himself from the exiles and
"make a party for himself."
Lastly, he was an enthusiastic admirer of Henry VII.,
and he even goaded him on to the attack of Florence.
But Henry himself, who came to Italy with the sanction
of the Pope, came with the earnest desire to heal and
soothe. The Ghibellines proper felt that they had more
to fear than to hope from him.
We cannot say, then, that Dante's politics changed.
Nor can we define his position by calling him a Guelf or
a Ghibelline, or both. His political ideals were his own.
They were the outcome of his life and thought, intensely
personal, as was all else about him. They cannot be
labelled, but must be studied in his life and in his works.
If we are to use the current terms at all, we shall per-
haps come nearest to the truth by saying that Dante was
a Guelf in his aims, but that he approximated to the
traditions if not to the practices of the Ghibellines in
the means by which he hoped to see them realized.
T
་
:
اچھے
..
(19 ·
SELECTIONS FROM THE
CHRONICLES OF VILLANI
if
&
-
+
I
NOTES AND WARNINGS
The marginal references are to the divisions and lines of Moore's
"Oxford Dante."
* * * * indicates a passage omitted in the translation;
indicates a hiatus in the Italian text.
Villani makes the year begin on March 25th. Thus 1300 is still
running till March 25th, 1301. For instance, Bk. VII., § 9, gives
the last day of February, 1265, as the date of the Battle of Bene-
vento. By our reckoning this is the February of 1266. So too the
Reconciliation of the Florentines by the Cardinal Latino, Bk. VII.,
§ 56, took place by our reckoning in February, 1279, and the death
of Charles of Anjou, Bk. VII., § 95, on January 7th, 1285, etc.
The Kingdom
=The Kingdom of Apulia.
=The Duchy of Spoleto.
The Duchy
The March
=
=The March of Ancona.
The Principality
San Miniato
Nocera
Valley, West of Empoli.
Nocera of the Saracens near Naples,
The Duomo or Cathedral
not the Nocera of Paradiso xi. 48.
What is now known as the Baptistery.
Master, M., Messer, all represent the Italian Messer.
!
=[?] The Principality of Tarento.
=San Miniato al Tedesco, in the Arno
66
*
=
"the
'Popolo" is translated "people" except where it means
Democracy" as a form of government. It is there given untrans-
lated. [·.· If this rule is ever departed from, it is through inad-
vertency.]
The "popolari" or "popolani" are members of the "popolo "
or people, sometimes opposed to the "Nobili," or old Nobility
of birth, and sometimes to the "Grandi," or Magnates, the new
nobility of wealth and status.
To be "placed under bounds "
appears to mean banishment or
confinement, under the form of a prohibition to cross certain stated
"bounds.”
The "Black" Cerchi are merely a branch of the Cerchi family :
they were "Whites" politically.
Villani was well acquainted with Dante's works, and evidently
regarded him as an authority. Therefore it must not be taken for
granted, without further thought, that in every case of agreement
Villani's testimony is an independent confirmation of Dante.
xlviii
at or
•
ان
CHRONICLE
OF JOHN VILLANI
BOOK I.
THIS book is called the New Chronicle, in which many
past things are treated of, and especially the root and
origins of the city of Florence; then all the changes
through which it has passed and shall pass in the course of
time: begun to be compiled in the year of the Incarnation
of Jesus Christ, 1300. Here begins the preface and the
First Book.
§ 1.-Forasmuch as among our Florentine ancestors,
few and ill-arranged memorials are to be found of the
past doings of our city of Florence, either by the fault
of their negligence or by reason that at the time that
Totila, the scourge of God, destroyed it, their writings
were lost, I, John, citizen of Florence, considering the
nobility and greatness of our city at our present times,
hold it meet to recount and make memorial of the
root and origins of so famous a city, and of its adverse
and happy changes and past acts; not because I feel
myself sufficient for such a work, but to give occasion to
our successors not to be negligent in preserving records
of the notable things which shall happen in the times
after us, and to give example to those who shall come
B
2
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
|
after, of revolutions, and things past, and of their reasons
and causes; to the end that they may exercise them-
selves in practising virtues, and shunning vices, and
enduring adversities with a strong soul, to the good and
stability of our republic. And, therefore, I will furnish
a faithful narrative in this book in plain vernacular, in
order that the ignorant and unlettered may draw thence
profit and delight; and if in any part there should be
defect, I leave it to the correction of the wiser. And
first we will say whence were the origins of our said
city, following on for as long a time as God shall grant
us grace; and not without much toil shall I labour to
extract and recover from the most ancient and diverse
books, and chronicles, and authors, the acts and doings
of the Florentines, compiling them herein; and first
the origin of the ancient city of Fiesole, the destruc-
tion whereof was the cause and beginning of our city
of Florence. And because our origin starts from very
long ago, it seems to us necessary to our treatise to
recount briefly other ancient stories; and it will be
delightful and useful to our citizens now and to come,
and will encourage them in virtue and in great actions
to consider how they are descended from noble an-
cestors and from folk of worth, such as were the ancient
and worthy Trojans, and valiant and noble Romans.
And to the end our work may be more praiseworthy
and good, I beseech the aid of our Lord Jesus Christ,
in whose name every work has a good beginning, con
tinuance and end.
M
§ 2. How through the confusion of the Tower of Babel
the world began to be inhabited.
We find in the Bible histories, and in those of the
BOOK I. § 2
3
"
1.
Assyrians, that Nimrod the giant was the first king, or
ruler, and assembler of the gatherings of the peoples,
that he by his power and success ruled over all the
families of the sons of Noah, which were seventy-two in
number, to wit, twenty-seven of the issue of Shem the
first-born son of Noah, and thirty of Ham the second
son of Noah, and fifteen of Japhet the third son of
Noah. This Nimrod was the son of Cush, which was
the son of Ham, the second son of Noah, and of his
pride and strength he thought to rival God, saying that
God was Lord of Heaven, and he of Earth; and to the
end that God might no longer be able to hurt him by a
flood of water, as He had done in the first age, he or-
dained the building of the marvellous work of the Tower
of Babel; wherefore God, to confound the said pride,
suddenly sent confusion upon all mankind, which were
at work upon the said tower; and where all were speak-
ing one language (to wit, Hebrew), it was changed into
seventy-two divers languages, so that they could not
understand one another's speech. And by reason of
this, the work of the said tower had of necessity to be
abandoned, which was so large that it measured eighty
miles round, and it was already 4,000 paces high, and
1,000 paces thick, and each pace is three of our feet.
And afterwards this tower remained for the walls of the
great city of Babylon, which is in Chaldæa, and the
name Babylon is as much as to say "confusion "
"; and
therein by the said Nimrod and his descendants, were
first adored the idols of the false gods. The said tower,
or wall of Babylon, was begun 700 years after the Flood,
and there were 2,354 years from the beginning of the
world to the confusion of the Tower of Babel. And we
find that they were 107 years working at it; and men
Inf. xxxi.
12-18,
46-81.
Par. xxvi.
124-126.
De Vulg.
El. i. 6:
49-61.
•
and i. 7.
Purg. xii.
34-36.
4
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
}
Inf. v.
52-60.
De Mon.
ii. 9: 22
sqq.
lived long in those times. And note, that during this
long life, having many wives, they had many sons and
descendants, and multiplied into a great people, albeit
disordered and without law. Of the said city of Babylon
the first king which began to make wars was Ninus, son
of Belus, descended from Asshur, son of Shem, which
Ninus built the great city of Nineveh; and then after
him reigned Semiramis, his wife, in Babylon, which was
the most cruel and dissolute woman in the world, and
she was in the time of Abraham.
§ 3.-How the world was divided into three parts, and
of the first called Asia. § 4.-Of the second part of the
world called Africa, and its boundaries.
§ 5. Of the third part of the world called Europe, and
its boundaries.
* * * * This Europe was first inhabited by the
descendants of Japhet, the third son of Noah, as we
shall make mention hereafter in our treatise; and also
according to Escodio, master in history, Noah in person,
with Janus his son, which he begat after the Flood,
came into this part of Europe into the region of Italy,
and there ended his life; and Janus abode there, and
from him were descended great lords and peoples, and
he did many things in Italy.
§ 6.-How King Atlas, born in the fifth degree from
Japhet, son of Noah, first came into Europe.
§ 7.-How King Atlas first built the city of Fiesole.
* * * * This Atlas, with Electra his wife, and
many followers, by omens and the counsel of Apollinus
his astrologer and master, arrived in Italy in the country
BOOK I. §§ 3-7
5
Par. xv.
of Tuscany, which was entirely uninhabited by human
beings, and searching by the aid of astronomy through
all the confines of Europe for the most healthy and best
situated place which could be chosen by him, he took
up his abode on the mount of Fiesole, which seemed to
him strong in position and well situated. And upon
that rock he began and built the city of Fiesole, by the
counsel of the said Apollinus, who found out by astro-
nomical arts that Fiesole was in the best and most Inf. xv.
healthy place that there was in the said third part of 61-63.
the world called Europe. Since it is well-nigh midway 126.
between the two seas which encircle Italy, to wit, the
sea of Rome and Pisa, which Scripture calls the Medi-
terranean, and the Adriatic Sea or Gulf, which to-day is
called the Gulf of Venice, and, by reason of the said seas,
and by the mountains which surround it, better and more
healthy winds prevail there than in other places, and also
by reason of the stars which rule over that place. And
the said city was founded during the ascendant of such
a sign and planet, that it gives more sprightliness and
strength to all its inhabitants than any other part of
Europe; and the nearer one ascends to the summit of the
mountain, the more healthy and better it is. And in the
said city there was a bath, which was called the Royal
Bath, and which cured many sicknesses; and in the said
city there came by a marvellous conduit from the moun-
tains above Fiesole, the finest and most wholesome spring
waters, of which the city had great abundance. And Atlas
had the said city walled with the strongest walls, of stones
of marvellous greatness, and with great and strong towers;
and there was a fortress upon the summit of the moun-
tain, of the greatest beauty and strength, where dwelt
the said king, as is still shown and may be seen by
12*
6
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
!
i
the foundations of the said walls, and by the strong and
healthy site. The said city of Fiesole multiplied and in-
creased in inhabitants in a short time, so that it ruled over
the surrounding country to a great distance. And note
that it was the first city built in the said third division of
the world called Europe, and therefore it was named
"Fia Sola" [it shall be alone], to wit, first, with no
other city inhabited in that said division.
§ 8.-How Atlas had three sons, Italus and Dardanus
and Sicanus.
Atlas, king of Fiesole, after that he had built the
said city, begat by Electra his wife three sons: the first
was called Italus, and from his name the kingdom of
Italy was named, and he was lord and king thereof;
the second son was named Dardanus, which was the
first rider to ride a horse with saddle and bridle. Some
have written that Dardanus was son to Jove, king of
Crete, and son to Saturn, as has been afore mentioned;
but this was not true, forasmuch as Jove abode in
Greece, and his descendants were kings and lords there-
of, and were always the enemies of the Trojans; but
Dardanus came from Italy, and was son to Atlas, as the
history will make mention. And Virgil the poet con-
firms it in his book of the Æneid, when the gods said to
Æneas that he should seek the country of Italy, whence
had come his forefathers which had built Troy; and this
was true. The third son of Atlas was named Sicanus,
that is in our parlance Sezzaio [last], which had a most
beautiful daughter called Candanzia. This Sicanus went
into the island of Sicily, and was the first inhabitant
thereof, and from his name the island was at the first
called Sicania, and by diversity of vernacular of the
BOOK I. §§ 8-9
7
inhabitants it is now called by them Sicilia, and by us
Italians Cicilia. This Sicanus built in Sicily the city of
Saragosa, and made it chief of the realm whereof he was
king, and his descendants after him for a very long time,
as is told in the history of the Sicilians, and by Virgil in
the Æneid.
§ 9.—How Italus and Dardanus came to agree which
should succeed to the city of Fiesole and the kingdom of
Italy.
When King Atlas had died in the city of Fiesole,
Italus and Dardanus his sons were left rulers after him;
and each of them being a lord of great courage, and both
being worthy in themselves to reign over the kingdom of
Italy, they came to this agreement together, to go with
their sacrifices to sacrifice to their great god Mars, whom
they worshipped; and when they had offered sacrifice
they asked whether of them twain ought to abide lord
in Fiesole, and whether ought to go and conquer other
countries and realms. From the which idol they re-
ceived answer, either by divine revelation or by device
of the devil, that Dardanus should go and conquer other
lands and countries, and Italus should remain in Fiesole
and in the country of Italy. To which commandment
and answer they gave such effect that Italus abode as
ruler, and he begat great rulers which after him governed
not only the city of Fiesole and the country round about,
but well-nigh all Italy, and they built many cities there;
and the said city of Fiesole rose into great power and
lordship, so long as the great city of Rome had not
reached her state or lordship. And thereafter, for all the
great power of Rome, yet was the city of Fiesole con-
tinually at war with and rebelling against it, until at last.
ja:
8
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
it was destroyed by the Romans, as this faithful history
shall hereafter record. At present we will cease speak-
ing of the Fiesolans and will return to their history in
due time and place, and we will now go on to tell how
Dardanus departed from Fiesole, and was the first
builder of the great city of Troy, and the ancestor of
the kings of the Trojans and also of the Romans.
$ 10.-How Dardanus came to Phrygia and built the
city of Dardania, which was afterwards the great Troy.
Dardanus, as he was commanded by the answer of
their god, departed from Fiesole with Apollinus, master
and astrologer of his father, and with Candanzia his
niece, and with a great following of his people, and
came into the parts of Asia to the province which was
called Phrygia [Frigia], from the name of Friga, of the
descendants of Japhet, which was the first inhabitant
thereof; which province of Phrygia is beyond Greece,
after the islands of Archipelago are passed, on the main-
land, which to-day is ruled by the Turks and is called
Turkey. In that country the said Dardanus by the
counsel and arts of the said Apollinus began to build,
and made a city upon the shores of the said Grecian
sea, which he called after his own name Dardania, and
this was 3,200 years from the creation of the world.
And it was called Dardania so long as Dardanus lived,
or his sons.
§ 11. How Dardanus had a son which was named
Tritamus, which was the father of Trojus, after whose
name the city of Troy was so called.
Now this Dardanus had a son which was called Tri-
tamus, and Tritamus begat Trojus and Torajus; but
***gave me
ད
BOOK I. §§ 10-17
9
Trojus was the wiser and the more valorous, and be-
cause of his excellence he became lord and king of the
said city and of the country round about; and he had
great war with Tantalus, king of Greece, son of Saturn,
king of Crete, of whom we made mention. And then,
after the death of the said Trojus, by reason of the good-
ness and wisdom and worth which had reigned in him,
it pleased his son and the men of his city that the said
city should always be called Troy after his name; and
the chief and principal gate of the city, in memory of
Dardanus, retained the name which the city had at the
first, to wit Dardania.
vito iv. 14:
§ 12.- Of the kings which were in Troy; and how
Troy was destroyed the first time in the time of the King Cf. Con-
Laomedon. § 13.-How the good King Priam rebuilt
the city of Troy. § 14.-How Troy was destroyed by the
Greeks. § 15.-How the Greeks which departed from
the siege of Troy well-nigh all came to ill. § 16.-How
Helenus, son of King Priam, with the sons of Hector,
departed from Troy.
§ 17.-How Antenor and the young Priam, having de-
parted from Troy, built the city of Venice, and that oj
Padua.
131-154.
Purg. xii.
Inf. xxx.
61-63.
13-15,
98, 113,
114.
Another band departed from the said destruction, to
wit Antenor, who was one of the greatest lords of
Troy, and was brother of Priam, and son of the King
Laomedon, who was much accused of treachery to Troy, Inf. xxxii.
and Æneas came to hear of it, according to Darius; but 88.
Virgil makes him quite innocent of this. This Antenor,
with Priam the younger, son of King Priam, a little child,
escaped from the destruction of Troy with a great follow-
IO
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
·
88.
ing of people to the number of 12,000, and faring over
the sea with a great fleet arrived in the country where
to-day is Venice, the great city, and they settled them-
selves in those little surrounding islands, to the end they
might be free and beyond reach of any other jurisdic-
tion and government, and became the first inhabitants of
those rocks; whence increasing later, the great city of
Inf. xxxii. Venice was founded, which at first was called Antenora,
from the said Antenor. And afterwards the said Antenor
departed thence and came to dwell on the mainland,
where to-day is Padua, the great city, and he was its
first inhabitant and builder, and he gave it the name of
Padua, because it was among paduli [marshes], and by
reason of the river Po, which flowed hard by and was
called Pado. The said Antenor remained and died in
Padua, and even to this present time his body is found
there, and his tomb engraved with letters which bear
witness that it is the body of Antenor, and this his tomb
has been renewed by the Paduans and may be seen to-
day in Padua.
Purg. v.
75.
Inf. iv.
I22.
Inf. i.
§ 18.-How Priam III. was king in Germany, and
his descendants kings of France. § 19.-How Pharamond
was the first king of France, and his descendants after
him. § 20.-How the second Pepin, father of Charles
the Great, was king of France.
$ 21.-How Eneas departed from Troy and came to
Carthage in Africa.
Æneas again departed from the said destruction of
Troy with Anchises, his father, and with Ascanius, hist
ii. 3; Con- son, born of Creusa, daughter of the great King Priam,
73-75.
De Mon.
vito iv. 5:
48.
with a following of 3,300 men of the best people of
BOOK I. §§ 18–21
II
Troy, and they embarked upon twenty-two ships. This
Æneas was of the royal race of the Trojans, in this wise:
for Ansaracus, son of Trojus and brother of Ilius, of
whom mention was made in the beginning, begat Danaus,
and Danaus begat Anchises, and Anchises begat Æneas.
This Æneas was a lord of great worth, wise and of great
prowess, and very beautiful in person. When he de-
parted from Troy with his following, with great lamen-
tation, having lost Creusa, his wife, in the assault of the
Greeks, he went first to the island of Ortygia, and made
sacrifice to Apollo, the god of the sun, or rather idol,
asking him for counsel and answer whither he should go;
from the which he had answer and commandment to go
into the land and country of Italy (whence at the first
had come Dardanus and his forefathers to Troy), and
to enter into Italy by the harbour or mouth of the river
of Albola; and he said to him by the said oracle, that
after many travails by sea, and battles in the said land of
Italy, he should gain a wife and great lordship, and from
his race should arise mighty kings and emperors, which
should do very great and notable things. When Æneas
heard this he was much encouraged by the fair response
and promise, and straightway he put to sea with his
following and ships, and voyaging long time he met
with many adventures, and came to many countries, and
first to the country of Macedonia, where already were
Helenus and the wife and son of Hector; and after
their sorrowful meeting, remembering the ruin of Troy,
they departed. And sailing over divers seas, now for-
wards, now backwards, now crossways, as being ignorant
of the country of Italy, not having with them any great
masters or pilots of the sea which could guide them, so
that they sailed almost whithersoever fortune or the sea
12
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
winds might lead them, at last they came to the island
of Sicily which the poets called Trinacria, and landed
where to-day is the city of Trapali, in which Anchises,
his father, by reason of his great toils and his old age,
passed from this life, and in the said place was buried
after their manner with great solemnities. And after
the great mourning made by Æneas over his dear
father, they departed thence to go into Italy; and by
stress of storm the said ships were divided, and part held
one way, and part another. And one of the said ships,
with all on board, was lost in the sea, and the others
came to the shores of Africa (neither knowing ought of
the other), where the noble city of Carthage was a-build-
ing by the powerful and beautiful Queen Dido which
had come thither from Sidonia, which is now called Suri
[Tyre]; and the said Æneas and Ascanius, his son, and
all his following in the twenty-one ships which came to
that port, were received by the said queen with great
honour; above all, because the said queen was taken
with great love for Æneas so soon as she beheld him, in
such wise that Æneas for her sake abode there long
time in such delight that he did not remember the com-
mandment of the gods that he should go into Italy; and
by a dream or vision, it was told him by the said gods
that he should no longer abide in Africa. For the which
thing suddenly with his following and ships he departed
from Carthage; and therefore the said Queen Dido by
reason of her passionate love slew herself with the sword
Inf. v. 61,
Par. ix. 97,
62.
98. Cf. De
Monarchia of the said Æneas. And those who desire to know this
ii. 3: 102-
108. Con- story more fully may read it in the First and Second
vito iv. 26: Books of the Æneid, written by the great poet Virgil.
Par. xix.
131, 132.
Par. viii.
9.
59-70.
Canzon
xii. 35, 36.
BOOK I. § 22
13
?
§ 22.-How Eneas came into Italy.
Inf. ii.
When Æneas had departed from Africa, he again
landed in Sicily, where he had buried his father Anchises,
and in that place celebrated the anniversary of his
father with great games and sacrifices; and they received
great honour from Acestes, then king of Sicily, by
reason of the ancient kinship with the Trojans, who were
descendants of Sicanus of Fiesole. Then he departed.
from Sicily, and came into Italy, to the Gulf of Baiæ,
which to-day is called Mare Morto, to the headland of
Miseno, very near where to-day is Naples; in which
country there were many and great woods and forests,
and Æneas, going through them, was led by the ap- 13-15.
pointed guide, the Erythræan Sibyl, to behold Hell and
the pains that are therein, and afterwards Limbo; and,
according to what is related by Virgil in the Sixth Book
of the Æneid, he there found and recognised the shades
or images of the soul of his father, Anchises, and of
Dido, and of many other departed souls. And by his
said father were shown to him, or signified in a vision,
all his descendants and their lordship, and they which
were to build the great city of Rome. And it is said by
many, that the place where he was led by the wise Sibyl
was through the weird caverns of Monte Barbaro, which
is above Pozzuolo, and which still to-day are strange and
fearful to behold; and others believe and hold that,
either by divine power or by magic arts, this was shown
to Æneas in a vision of the spirit, to signify to him the
great things which were to issue and come forth from his
descendants. But however that may be, when he issued
forth from Hell, he departed, and entered into a ship,
and, following the shores until he came to the mouth of
the river Tiber or Albola, he entered it, and came to
Par. xv.
25-30.
Inf. ii.
13-27.
1
14
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
shore, and by signs and auguries perceived that he had
arrived in the country of Italy, which had been promised
him by the gods; and with great festival and rejoicing
they brought their labours by sea to an end, and began
to build for themselves habitations, and to fortify them-
selves with ditches and palisades of the wood of their
ships. And this place afterwards became the city of
Ostia; and these fortifications they built for fear of the
country people, which, being strangers and savage in
their customs, were afraid of them, and treated them as
enemies, and fought many battles against the Trojans to
drive them from the country, in all of which the Trojans
were victorious.
Cf. Par.
xxi. 25-27.
§ 23.-How the King Latinus ruled over Italy, and
how Æneas had his daughter to wife, and all his kingdom.
In this country (whereof the capital was Laurentia,
the remains of which may still be traced near to where
Terracina now stands), the King Latinus reigned, which
Inf. xiv. was of the seed of King Saturn, who came from Crete
94-96.
when he was driven thence by Jove his son, as we made
Par. xxii.
145, 146. mention afore. And this Saturn came into the country
of Rome, which was then ruled by Janus of the seed of
Noah; but the inhabitants were then very ignorant, and
lived like beasts on fruits and acorns, and dwelt in caves
of the earth. This Saturn, wise in learning and in man-
ners, by his wisdom and counsel led the people to live
like men, and caused them to cultivate lands, and plant
vineyards, and build houses, and enclose towns and
cities; and the said Saturn was the first to build the city
of Sutri, called Saturna, and it was so called after his
name; and in that country, by his care, grain was first
sown, wherefore, the dwellers therein held him for a god;
BOOK I. § 23
15
and Janus himself, which was lord thereof, made him his
partner, and gave him a share in the kingdom. This
Saturn reigned thirty-four years in Italy, and after him
reigned Picus his son thirty years; and after Picus
reigned Faunus his son twenty-nine years, and was slain
by his kinsfolk. The two sons of Faunus were Lavinus
and Latinus. This Lavinus built the city of Lavina.
And Lavinus reigned but a short time; and when he was
dead the kingdom was left to Latinus, which changed
the name of the city of Lavina to Laurentia, because on
the chief tower thereof there grew a great laurel tree.
The said Latinus reigned twenty-two years, and was very
wise; and he much bettered the Latin tongue. This
King Latinus had only one most beautiful daughter Inf. iv.
called Lavinia, who by her mother had been promised in 125, 126.
Purg. xvii.
marriage to a king of Tuscany, named Turnus, of the 34-39.
city of Ardea, now Cortona. Tuscany was the name of
the country and province, because there were the first
sacrifices offered to the gods, with the fumes of incense
called tuscio. Æneas having arrived in the country, sought
peace with the King Latinus, and that he might dwell
there; by the said Latinus he was received graciously,
and not only had leave of him to inhabit the country,
but also had the promise of his daughter Lavinia to wife,
since the command of the gods was that they should
marry her to a stranger, and not to a man of the coun-
try. For which cause, and to secure the heritage of
King Latinus, great battles arose, for a long time, be-
tween Æneas and Turnus and them of Laurentia, and
the said Turnus slew in battle the great and strong
giant, Pallas, son of Evander, king of the seven hills,
where to-day is Rome, who had come in aid of Æneas;
and on the same account died, by the hand of Æneas,
Par. vi.
35, 36.
Inf. i. 107,
iv. 124.
16
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Purg. xvii.
34-39.
Inf. i. 108.
Par. vi. 3.
the virgin Camilla, who was marvellous in arms. In the
end, Æneas, being victor in the last battle, and Turnus
being slain by his hand, took Lavinia to wife, who
loved Æneas much, and Æneas her; and he had the
ii. 3: 108- half of the kingdom of King Latinus. And, after the
death of King Latinus, who lived but a short time
longer, Æneas was lord over all.
De
Monarchia
117.
§ 24.-How Julius Ascanius, son of Eneas, was king
after him, and of the kings and lords who descended from
$25.-How Silvius, second son of Eneas, was
king after Ascanius, and how from him descended the
kings of the Latins, of Alba, and of Rome. § 26.-How
Romulus and Remus founded the city of Rome. § 27.-
How Numa Pompilius was king of the Romans after the
death of Romulus. § 28.-How there were in Rome seven
kings one after the other down to Tarquin, and how in his
time they lost the lordship.
Inf. ii. 13. him.
Par. vi.
40-42.
Convito
iv. 5: 80-
97.
§ 29.-How Rome was ruled for a long time by the
government of the consuls and senators, until Julius Cæsar
became Emperor.
After that the kings had been driven out, and the
government of Rome was left to the consuls and sena-
tors, the said King Tarquin and his son, with the aid of
King Porsenna of Tuscany, who reigned in the city of
Chiusi [Clusium], made great war upon the Romans, but
in the end the victory remained with the Romans. And
afterwards the Republic of Rome was ruled and governed
for 450 years by consuls and senators, and at times by
dictators, whose authority endured for five years; and
they were, so to speak, emperors, for that which they
commanded must of necessity be done; and other
BOOK I. §§ 24-29
17
❤
divers offices, such as tribunes of the people, and
prætors, and censors, and chiliarchs. And in this time
there were in Rome many changes, and wars, and
battles, not only with their neighbours, but with all the
nations of the world; the which Romans by force of
arms, and virtue and the wisdom of good citizens, ruled
over well-nigh all the provinces and realms and do-
minions in the world, and gained sovereignty over them,
and made them tributary, with the greatest battles, and
with slaughter of many nations of the world, and of the
Romans themselves, in divers times, well-nigh innumer-
able to relate. And also among the citizens themselves,
by reason of envy against the rulers, and strifes between
magnates and them of the people; and on the cessation
of foreign wars, there arose much fighting and slaughter
ofttimes among the citizens; and, in addition to this,
from time to time intolerable pestilences arose among
the Romans. And this government endured until the
great battles of Julius Cæsar against Pompey, and then
against his sons, in which Cæsar was victorious; then
the said Cæsar did away with the office of consuls and
of dictators, and he first was called Emperor. And
after him Octavianus Augustus, who ruled in peace,
after many battles, over the whole world, at the time of
the birth of Jesus Christ, 700 years after the foundation
of Rome; and thus it is seen that Rome was governed
by kings for 254 years, and by consuls 450 years, as we
have aforesaid, and it is told more at length by Titus
Livius and many other authors.
But note that the
great power of the Romans was not alone in themselves,
save in so far that they were at the head and leaders;
but first all the Tuscans and then all the Italians fol-
lowed them in their wars and in their battles, and were
C
Par. vi.
79-81.
Convito
iv. 5: 16–
29. De
Monarchia
ii. 9:
99-105;
and ii. 12.
Epist. vii.
(3) 64-73.
18
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
680 A.U.C.
all called Romans. But we will now leave the order of
the history of the Romans and of the Emperors, save in
so far as it shall pertain to our matter, returning to our
subject of the building of Florence, which we promised
to narrate. And we have made this long exordium, for-
asmuch as it was necessary to show how the origin of
the Roman builders of Florence (as hereafter will be
narrated) was derived from the noble Trojans; and the
origin and beginning of the Trojans was from Dardanus,
son of Atlas, of the city of Fiesole, as we have briefly
recounted; and afterwards from the descendants of the
noble Romans, and of the Fiesolans, by the force of the
Romans a people was founded called Florentines.
§ 30.-How a conspiracy was formed in Rome by
Catiline and his followers.
At the time when Rome was still ruled by the
government of consuls, in the year 680 from the foun-
dation of the said city, Mark Tully Cicero and Caius.
Antony being consuls, and Rome in great and happy
state and lordship, Catiline, a very noble citizen, de-
scended by birth from the royal house of Tarquin, being
a man of dissolute life but brave and daring in arms
and a fine orator, but not wise, being envious of the
good and rich and wise men who ruled the city, their
lordship not being pleasing to him, formed a conspiracy
with many other nobles and other followers disposed to
evil-doing, and purposed to slay the consuls and part of
the senators, and to destroy their office, and to overrun
the city, robbing and setting fire to many parts thereof,
and to make himself ruler thereof; and this he would
have done had it not been warded off by the wit and
foresight of the wise consul, Mark Tully. So he de-
BOOK I. §§ 30–31
19
iv. 5:
fended the city from such ruin, and found out the said
conspiracy and treason; but because of the greatness Convito
and power of the said Catiline, and because Tully was 172-176.
a new citizen in Rome, his father having come from
Capua or from some other town of the Campagna, he
did not dare to have Catiline seized or to bring him to
justice, as his misdeeds required; but by his great wit
and fine speech he caused him to depart from the city;
but many of his fellow-conspirators and companions,
from among the greatest citizens, and even of the order
of senators, who abode still in Rome after Catiline's
departure, he caused to be seized, and to be strangled in
prison, so that they died, as the great scholar, Sallust,
relates in due order.
§ 31.-How Catiline caused the city of Fiesole to rebel
against the city of Rome.
Catiline having departed from Rome, with part of his
followers came into Tuscany, where Manlius, one of
his principal fellow-conspirators, who was captain, had
gathered his people in the ancient city of Fiesole, and
Catiline being come thither, he caused the said city to
rebel against the lordship of the Romans, assembling
all the rebels and exiles from Rome and from many
other provinces, with lewd folk disposed for war and for
ill-doing, and he began fierce war with the Romans.
The Romans, hearing this, decreed that Caius Antony,
the consul, and Publius Petreius, with an army of horse.
and many foot, should march into Tuscany against the
city of Fiesole and against Catiline; and they sent by
them letters and messengers to Quintus Metellus, who
was returning from France with a great host of the
Romans, that he should likewise come with his forcę
20
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
from the other side to the siege of Fiesole, and to pursue
Catiline and his followers.
§ 32.-How Catiline and his followers were discomfited
by the Romans in the plain of Piceno.
Now when Catiline heard that the Romans were
coming to besiege him in the city of Fiesole, and that
Antony and Petreius were already with their host in
the plain of Fiesole, upon the bank of the river Arno,
and how that Metellus was already in Lombardy with his
host of three legions which were coming from France,
and the succour which he was expecting from his allies
which had remained in Rome had failed him, he took
counsel not to shut himself up in the city of Fiesole, but
to go into France; and therefore he departed from that
city with his people and with a lord of Fiesole who
was called Fiesolanus, and he had his horses' shoes
reversed, to the end that when they departed the hoof-
prints of the horses might show as if folk had entered
into Fiesole, and not sallied forth thence, to cause the
Romans to tarry near the city, that he might depart
thence the more safely. And having departed by night,
to avoid Metellus, he did not hold the direct road
through the mountains which we call the Alps of
Bologna, but took the plain by the side of the moun-
tains, and came where to-day is the city of Pistoia, in
the place called Campo Piceno, that was below where
to-day is the fortress of Piteccio, purposing to cross the
Apennine mountains by that way, and descend thence
into Lombardy; but Antony and Petreius, hearing of
his departure, straightway followed after him with their
host along the plain, so that they overtook him in the
said place, and Metellus, on the other hand, set guards
BOOK I. § 32
21
at the passes of the mountains, to the end he might
not pass thereby. Catiline, seeing himself to be thus
straitened, and that he could not avoid the battle, gave
himself and his followers to the chances of combat with
great courage and boldness, in the which battle there
was great slaughter of Romans from the city and of
rebel Romans and of Fiesolans; at the end of which
fierce battle Catiline was defeated and slain in that place
of Piceno with all his followers; and the field remained
to the Romans, but with such dolorous victory that the
said two consuls, with twenty horse, who alone escaped,
did not care to return to Rome. The which thing could
not gain credence with the Romans till the senators sent
thither to learn the truth; and, this known, there was the
greatest sorrow thereat in Rome. And he who desires
to see this history more fully, let him read the book of
Sallust called Catilinarius. The injured and wounded
of Catiline's people who had escaped death in the
battle, albeit they were but few, withdrew where is to-
day the city of Pistoia, and there in vile habitations
became the first inhabitants thereof, whilst their wounds
were healing. And afterwards, by reason of the good
situation and fruitful soil, the inhabitants thereof in-
creased, which afterwards built the city of Pistoia, and
by reason of the great mortality and pestilence which
was near that place, both of their people and of the
Romans, they gave it the name of Pistoia; and therefore
it is not to be marvelled at if the Pistoians have been
and are a fierce and cruel people in war among them-
selves and against others, being descended from the
race of Catiline and from the remnants of such people
as his, discomfited and wounded in battle.
22
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
§ 33.-How Metellus with his troops made war upon
the Fiesolans.
After that Metellus, who was in Lombardy near the
mountains of the Apennine Alps in the country of
Modena, heard of the defeat and death of Catiline,
straightway he came with his host to the place where
the battle had been, and having seen the slain, through
amazement at the strange and great mortality he was
afeared, marvelling within himself as at a thing impos-
sible. But afterwards he and his followers equally
despoiled the camp of the Romans on his side and
that of the enemy, seizing that which they found there;
and this done he came towards Fiesole to besiege the
city. The Fiesolans vigorously took to arms, and sallied
forth from the city to the plain, fighting with Metellus
and with his host, and by force thrust him back, and
drove him to the other side of the Arno with great hurt
to his people, who with his followers encamped upon
the hills, or upon the banks of the river; the Fiesolans
took their stand with their host on the other side of the
river Arno towards Fiesole.
§ 34.-How Metellus and Fiorinus discomfited the
Fiesolans.
The night following, Metellus ordered and com-
manded that part of his host should pass the river
Arno, on the flank of the host of the Fiesolans, and
should place themselves in ambush between the city of
Fiesole and the host of the Fiesolans, and of that com-
pany he made captain Fiorinus, a noble citizen of Rome
of the race of the Fracchi or Floracchi, who was his
prætor, which is as much as to say marshal of his host;
and Fiorinus, as he was commanded by the consul, so
BOOK I. §§ 33-35
23
he did. In the morning, at the break of day, Metellus
armed with all his people passing over the river Arno,
began the battle against the Fiesolans, and the Fiesolans
vigorously defending the ford of the river, they sus-
tained the battle in the river Arno. Fiorinus, who
was with his people in ambush, when he saw the battle
begun, sallied forth boldly in the rear of the Fiesolans,
who were fighting in the river against Metellus. The
Fiesolans, surprised by the ambush, seeing themselves
suddenly assailed by Fiorinus in the rear and by
Metellus in front, put to confusion, threw down their
arms and fled discomfited towards the city of Fiesole,
wherefore many of them were slain and taken.
$35.-How the Romans besieged Fiesole the first time,
and how Fiorinus was slain.
The Fiesolans being discomfited and driven back
from the shores of Arno, Fiorinus the prætor, with
the host of the Romans, encamped beyond the river
Arno towards Fiesole, where were two little villages,
one of which was called Villa Arnina, and the other
Camarte [Casa Martis], that is campo or Domus Martis,
where the Fiesolans on a certain day in the week held
a market in all commodities for their towns and the
region round about. The consul made a decree with
Fiorinus that no one should sell or buy bread or wine
or other things which might be of use to the troops save
in the field where Fiorinus was stationed. After this the
consul Quintus Metellus sent incontinent to Rome that
they should send him men-at-arms to besiege the city of
Fiesole, for the which cause the senators made a decree
that Julius Cæsar, and Cicero, and Macrinus, with several
legions of soldiers, should come to the siege and de-
24
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
..
struction of Fiesole; which, being come, besieged the
said city. Cæsar encamped on the hill which rose above
the city; Macrinus on the other hill or mountain, and
Cicero on the other side; and thus they remained for six
years besieging the said city, having through long siege
and through hunger almost destroyed it. And likewise.
those in the host, by reason of the long sojourn and
their many privations being diminished and enfeebled,
departed from the siege, and returned to Rome, save
Fiorinus, who remained at the siege with his followers
in the plain where he had at first encamped, and sur-
rounded himself with moats and palisades, after the
manner of ramparts, or fortifications, and kept the
Fiesolans in great straits; and thus he warred upon
them long time, till his folk felt secure, and held their
foes for nought. Then the Fiesolans having recovered
breath somewhat, and mindful of the ill which Fiorinus
had done and was doing to them, suddenly, and as if
in despair, began by night with ladders and with engines
to attack the camp or fortification of Fiorinus, and he
and his people with but few guards and while they slept,
not being on their guard against the Fiesolans, were
surprised; and Fiorinus and his wife and his children
were slain, and all his host in that place well-nigh
destroyed, for few thereof escaped; and the said fortress
and ramparts were destroyed, and burnt and done away
with by the Fiesolans.
§ 36.--How, because of the death of Fiorinus, the Ro-
mans returned to the siege of Fiesole.
When the news was known at Rome, the consuls and
senators and all the commonwealth being grieved at
the misadventure which had befallen the good leader
•
BOOK I. § 36
25
F
Fiorinus, straightway took counsel that this should be
avenged, and that a very great host should return once
more to destroy the city of Fiesole, for the which were
chosen these leaders: Count Rainaldus, Cicero, Teber-
inus, Macrinus, Albinus, Gneus Pompey, Cæsar, and
Camertinus Sezius, a Tudertine count, that is to say
one of Todi, which was with Julius Cæsar, and of his
soldiery. This man pitched his camp near to Camarti,
nearly where to-day is Florence; Cæsar pitched his
camp upon the hill which rose above the city, which is
to-day called Mount Cecero, but formerly was called
Mount Cæsar, after his name, or after the name of
Cicero; but rather it is held to be after Cæsar, inas-
much as he was the greatest leader in the host. Rain-
aldus pitched his camp upon the hill over against the
city on the other side of the Mugnone, and after his name
it is so called until this day; Macrinus encamped on
the hill still called after him; Camertinus in the region
which is still called Camerata after his name. And all
the other aforesaid lords, each one for himself pitched
his camp around the city, some on the hills and some
in the plain; but no other than these aforesaid have
left their names to be a memorial of them. These
lords, with their followers in great numbers, both horse
and foot, besieging the city, arrayed and prepared them-
selves to make yet greater war upon the city than at
the first; but by reason of the strength of the city the
Romans wrought in vain, and many of them being dead
by reason of the long siege and excessive toil, those
great lords and consuls and senators well-nigh all re-
turned to Rome; only Cæsar with his followers abode
still at the siege. And during that sojourn he com-
manded his soldiers to go to the village of Camarti, nigh
J
26
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Circ. 72
B. C.
to the river Arno, and there to build a council house
wherein he might hold his council, and might leave it
for a memorial of himself. This building in our ver-
nacular we have named Parlagio [Parliament house].
And it was round and was right marvellously vaulted,
and had a courtyard in the midst; and then began seats
in steps all around; and from step to step, one above
another, they rose, widening up to the very top, and the
height thereof was more than sixty cubits, and it had
two doors; and therein assembled the people to hold
council, and from grade to grade the folk were seated,
the most noble above, and then descending according
to the dignity of the people; and it was so fashioned
that all in the Parliament might see one another by face,
and that all might hear distinctly that which one was
saying; and it held commodiously an infinite multitude
of people, and its name, rightly speaking, was Parlatorio
[speaking place]. This was afterwards destroyed in
the time of Totila, but in our days the foundations may
yet be seen, and part of the vaulting near to the church
of S. Simone in Florence, and reaching to the beginning
of the square of Santa Croce; and part of the palaces of
the Peruzzi are built thereupon, and the street which is
called Anguillaia, which goes to Santa Croce, goes al-
most through the midst of the said Parliament house.
§ 37.-How the city of Fiesole surrendered itself to the
Romans and was destroyed and laid waste.
Fiesole having been besieged as aforesaid the second
time, and the city being much wasted and afflicted both
by reason of hunger and also because their aqueducts
had been cut off and destroyed, the city surrendered to
Cæsar and to the Romans at the end of two years and
1
BOOK I. §§ 37-38
27
four months and six days (for so long had the siege
lasted), on condition that any which desired to leave
the city might go in safety. The city was taken by
the Romans, and despoiled of all its wealth, and was
destroyed by Cæsar, and laid waste to the foundations; Par. vi.
and this was about seventy-two years before the birth of
Christ.
53, 54.
$ 38.-How the city of Florence was first built.
After the city of Fiesole was destroyed, Cæsar with
his armies descended to the plain on the banks of the
river Arno, where Fiorinus and his followers had been
slain by the Fiesolans, and in this place began to build
a city, in order that Fiesole should never be rebuilt; and
he dismissed the Latin horsemen whom he had with him,
enriched with the spoils of Fiesole; and these Latins
were called Tudertines. Cæsar, then, having fixed the
boundaries of the city, and included two places called
Camarti and Villa Arnina [of the Arno], purposed to
call it Cæsarea from his own name. But when the
Roman senate heard this, they would not suffer Cæsar to
call it after his name, but they made a decree and order
that the other chief noble Romans who had taken part
in the siege of Fiesole should go and build the new city
together with Cæsar, and afterwards populate it; and
that whichever of the builders had first completed his
share of the work should call it after his own name, or
howso else it pleased him.
Then Macrinus, Albinus, Gneus Pompey, and Marcius,
furnished with implements and workmen, came from
Rome to the city which Cæsar was building, and agreed
with Cæsar to divide the work after this manner: that
Albinus undertook to pave all the city, which was a
+
28
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
P
noble work and gave beauty and charm to the city, and
to this day fragments of the work can be found, by dig-
ging, especially in the sesto of Santo Piero Scheraggio,
and in Porta San Piero, and in Porta del Duomo, where
it shows that the ancient city was. Macrinus caused the
water to be brought in conduits and aqueducts, bringing
it from a distance of seven miles from the city, to the
end the city might have abundance of good water to
drink and to cleanse the city; and this conduit was
carried from the river called Marina at the foot of
Montemorello, gathering to itself all the springs above
Sesto and Quinto and Colonnata. And in Florence the
said springs came to a head at a great palace which was
called "caput aquæ," but afterwards in our speech it
was called Capaccia, and the remains can be seen in
the Terma until this day. And note that the ancients,
for health's sake, used to drink spring waters brought
in by conduits, forasmuch as they were purer and more
wholesome than water from wells; seeing that few,
indeed very few, drank wine, but the most part water
from conduits, but not from wells; and as yet there
were very few vines. Gneus Pompey caused the walls
of the city to be built of burnt bricks, and upon the
walls of the city he built many round towers, and the
space between one tower and the other was twenty
cubits, and it was so that the towers were of great
beauty and strength. Concerning the size and circuit
of the city we can find no chronicle which makes
mention thereof; save that when Totila, the scourge of
God, destroyed it, history records that it was very great.
Marcius, the other Roman lord, caused the Capitol
to be built after the fashion of Rome, that is to say the
palace, or master fortress of the city, and this was
BOOK I. § 38
29
of marvellous beauty; into which the water of the
river Arno came by a hollowed and vaulted passage,
and returned into the Arno underground; and the city,
at every festival, was cleansed by the outpouring of
this duct. This Capitol stood where to-day is the piazza
which is called the Mercato Vecchio, over against the
church which is called S. Maria, in Campidoglio. This
seems to be the best supported opinion; but some say
that it was where the place is now called the Guardingo Inf. xxiii.
[citadel]; beside the Piazza di Popolo (so called from the 107, 108.
Priors' Palace), which was another fortress. Guardingo
was the name afterwards given to the remains of the
walls and arches after the destruction by Totila, where
the bad quarter was. And the said lords each strove to be
in advance of the work of the others. And at one same
time the whole was completed, so that to none of them
was the favour granted of naming the city according to his
desire, but by many it was at first called "Little Rome."
Others called it Floria, because Fiorinus, who was the
first builder in that spot, had there died, he being the fiore
[flower] of warlike deeds and of chivalry, and because in the
country and fields around where the city was built there
always grew flowers and lilies. Afterwards the greater
part of the inhabitants consented to call it Floria, as
being built among flowers, that is, amongst many delights.
And of a surety it was, inasmuch as it was peopled by
the best of Rome, and the most capable, sent by the 70 B.C.
senate in due proportion from each division of Rome,
chosen by lot from the inhabitants; and they admitted
among their number those Fiesolans which desired there
to dwell and abide. But afterwards it was, through long
use of the vulgar tongue, called Fiorenza, that is "flowery
sword." And we find that it was built in the year 682,
30
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Inf. xv.
73-78.
Par. xv.
124-126.
after the building of Rome and seventy years before the
birth of our Lord Jesus Christ. And note that it is not
to be wondered at that the Florentines are always at war
and strife among themselves, being born and descended
from two peoples so contrary and hostile and different in
habits as were the noble Romans in their virtue and the
rude Fiesolans fierce in war.
$39.-How Cæsar departed from Florence, and twent
to Rome, and was made consul to go against the French.
After that the city of Florence was built and peopled,
Julius Cæsar being angered because he, having been the
first builder thereof, and having had the victory over the
city of Fiesole, had nevertheless not been permitted to
call the city after his name, departed therefrom and re-
turned to Rome, and for his zeal and valour was elected
consul and sent against the French, where he abode ten
years whilst he was conquering France and England and
Germany; and when he returned victorious to Rome
his triumph was refused him, because he had trans-
gressed the decree (made by Pompey the consul, and by
the senate, through envy, under colour of virtue), that no
one was to continue in any command for more than five
years. The which Cæsar returning with his army or
French and Germans from beyond the Alps, Italians,
Pisans, Pirates, Pistoians, and also Florentines, his fellow-
citizens, brought footmen and horsemen and slingers
with him to begin a civil war, because his triumph had
been refused him, but moreover that he might be lord
of Rome as he had desired long time. So he fought
against Pompey and the senate of Rome. And after
the great battle between Cæsar and Pompey, well-nigh
all the combatants were slain in Emathia, to wit Thes-
BOOK I. §§ 39-40
31
Lucan the poet,
saly in Greece, as may fully be read in
by whoso desires to know the history. And after that
Cæsar had gained the victory over Pompey, and over
many kings and peoples who were helping those Romans
who were his enemies, he returned to Rome, and so
became the first Emperor of Rome, which is as much
as to say commander over all. And after him came
Octavianus Augustus, his nephew and adopted son, who Par. vi.
was reigning when Christ was born, and after many Convito iv.
73-81.
victories ruled over all the world in peace; and thence- 5: 16–79.
forward Rome was under imperial government, and held
under its jurisdiction and that of the Empire} all the
whole world.
$ 40. Of the ensign of the Romans and of the
Emperors, and how from them it came to the city of
Florence and other cities.
S
In the time of Numa Pompilius by a divine miracle
there fell from heaven into Rome a vermilion-coloured
shield, for the which cause and augury the Romans took
that ensign for their arms, and afterwards added
S.P.Q.R. in letters of gold, signifying Senate of the
People of Rome; the same ensign they gave to all the
cities which they built, to wit, vermilion. Thus did they
to Perugia, and to Florence, and to Pisa; but the Floren-
tines, because of the name of Fiorinus and of the city,
charged it with the white lily; and the Perugians some-
times with the white griffin; and Viterbo kept the red
field, and the Orvietans charged it with the white eagle.
It is true that the Roman lords, consuls and dictators,
after that the eagle appeared as an augury over the
Tarpeian rock, to wit, over the treasure chamber of the
Capitol, as Titus Livius makes mention, added the eagle 101, 102.
Par. xix.
32
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
De Mon.
ii. II: 23.
Purg. x.80.
Par. vi. 32,
100.
*
to their arms on the ensign; and we find that the consul
Marius in the battle of the Cimbri had on his ensigns the
silver eagle, and a similar ensign was borne by Catiline
when he was defeated by Antonius in the parts about
Pistoia, as Sallust relates. And the great Pompey bore
the azure field and silver eagle, and Julius Cæsar bore
the vermilion field and golden eagle, as Lucan makes
mention in verse, saying,
Signa pares aquilas, et pila minantia pilis.
But afterwards Octavius Augustus, his nephew and suc-
cessor, changed it, and bore the golden field and the
eagle natural, to wit, in black colour, signifying the su-
premacy of the Empire, for like as the eagle surpasses.
Par. xx. 8, every other bird, and sees more clearly than any other
31, 32.
Inf. iv.
95, 96.
Purg. ix.
30.
creature, and flies as high as the heaven of the hemi-
sphere of fire, so the Empire ought to be above every
other temporal sovereignty. And after Octavianus all
the Roman emperors have borne it in like manner;
but Constantine, and after him all the other Greek
emperors, retained the ensign of Julius Cæsar, to wit,
the vermilion field and golden eagle, but with two
heads. We will leave speaking of the ensigns of the
Roman commonwealth and of the Emperors, and we
will return to our subject concerning the doings of the
city of Florence.
$ 41.-How the city of Florence became the Treasure-
House of the Romans and the Empire.
§ 42.-How the Temple of Mars, which is now called
the Duomo of S. Giovanni, was built in Florence.
After that Cæsar and Pompey, and Macrinus and
Albinus and Marcius, Roman nobles and builders of the
BOOK I. §§ 41-42
33
♪
new city of Florence, had returned to Rome, their
labours being completed, the city began to increase and
multiply both in Romans and Fiesolans who had settled
as its inhabitants, and in a short time it became a fine
city for those times; for the emperors and senate of
Rome advanced it to the best of their power, much like
another little Rome. Its citizens, being in prosperous
state, determined to build in the said city a marvellous
temple in honour of the god Mars, by reason of the
victory which the Romans had had over the city of
Fiesole; and they sent to the senate of Rome to send
them the best and most skilful masters that were in
Rome, and this was done. And they caused to be
brought white and black marbles and columns from
many distant places by sea, and then by the Arno; they
brought stone and columns from Fiesole, and founded
and built the said temple in the place anciently called
Camarti, and where the Fiesolans held their market.
Very noble and beautiful they built it with eight sides,
and when it had been built with great diligence, they
dedicated it to the god Mars, who was the god of the
Romans, and they had his effigy carved in marble in the
likeness of an armed cavalier on horseback; they placed
him on a marble pillar in the midst of that temple, and
held him in great reverence, and adored him as their god
so long as paganism continued in Florence. And we
find that the said temple was begun during the reign of
Octavianus Augustus, and that it was built under the
ascendant of such a constellation that it will continue
almost to eternity; and this we find written in a certain
place engraved within the space of the said temple.
P
34
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
::
/
§ 43.-Tells how the province of Tuscany lies. § 44.
-Concerning the might and lordship possessed by
the province of Tuscany before Rome came into power.
§ 45.-These are the bishoprics of the cities of Tuscany.
46.-Of the city of Perugia. § 47.-Of the city of
Arezzo. § 48.-Of the city of Pisa. $ 49.-Of the city
of Lucca.
$ 50.-Of the city of Luni.
The city of Luni, which is now destroyed, was very
ancient, and we find from the stories of Troy, that from
the city of Luni there went a fleet and soldiers in aid
of the Greeks against the Trojans; afterwards it was
destroyed by soldiers from beyond the mountains, by
reason of a lady, the wife of a lord, who, when on the
way to Rome, was adulterously seduced in this city of
Luni, wherefore, as the said lord returned, he destroyed
the city by force, and to-day the country is desert and
unhealthy. And note that of old the coasts were much
inhabited, and albeit inland there were few cities, and
few inhabitants, yet in Maremma and Maretima, towards
Rome on the coast of the Campagna, there were many
cities and many inhabitants, which to-day are consumed
and brought to nought by reason of the corruption of
the air for there was the great city of Populonia, and
Soana, and Talamone, and Grosseto, and Civitaveglia,
and Mascona, and Lansedonia, which were with their
troops at the siege of Troy; and in Campagna, Baia,
Pompeia, Cumina, and Laurenza, and Albania. And
the cause why to-day these cities of the coast are almost
without inhabitants and unhealthy, and also why Rome
is less healthy, is said by the great masters of astronomy
to be because of the movement of the eighth sphere of
:
+
ا سات
A
BOOK I. §§ 43-57
35
Nuova § 2.
Convito
ii. 15.
heaven, which in every hundred years moves one degree Vita
towards the North Pole, and thus it will move 15°
in 1,500 years, and afterwards will turn back in like
manner, if it be the pleasure of God that the world shall
endure so long; and by the said change of the heaven
is changed the quality of the earth and of the air, and
where it was inhabited and healthy, it now is without
inhabitants and unhealthy, and also the converse. And
furthermore, we see that in the course of nature all
things in the world change, and rise and diminish, as
Christ said with His mouth that nothing here abides.
§§ 51-56.-Of Viterbo, Orvieto, Cortona, Chiusi, Vol-
terra, and Siena.
$57.-The story returns to the doings of the city of
Florence, and how S. Miniato there suffered martyrdom
under Decius, the Emperor.
Now that we have briefly made some mention of our
neighbouring cities in Tuscany, we will return to our
subject and tell of our city of Florence. As we re-
counted before, the said city was ruled long time
under the government and lordship of the emperors of
Rome, and ofttimes the emperors came to sojourn in
Florence when they were journeying into Lombardy,
and into Germany, and into France to conquer pro-
vinces. And we find that Decius, the Emperor, in the
first year of his reign, which was in the year of Christ
270, was in Florence, the treasure-house and chancelry 270 A.D.
of the Empire, sojourning there for his pleasure; and
the said Decius cruelly persecuted the Christians where-
soever he could hear of them or find them, and he heard
tell how the blessed Saint Miniato was living as a hermit
4
36
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
•
***
near to Florence, with his disciples and companions, in
a wood which was called Arisbotto of Florence, behind
the place where now stands his church, above the city
of Florence. This blessed Miniato was first-born son to
the king of Armenia, and having left his kingdom for
the faith of Christ, to do penance and to be far away
from his kingdom, he went over seas to gain pardon at
Rome, and then betook himself to the said wood, which
was in those days wild and solitary, forasmuch as the
city of Florence did not extend and was not settled
beyond Arno, but was all on this side; save only there
was one bridge across the Arno, not however where the
bridges now are. And it is said by many that it was
the ancient bridge of the Fiesolans which led from
Girone to Candegghi, and this was the ancient and
direct road and way from Rome to Fiesole, and to go
into Lombardy and across the mountains. The said
Emperor Decius caused the said blessed Miniato to be
taken, as his story narrates. Great gifts and rewards
were offered him as to a king's son, to the end he should
deny Christ; and he, constant and firm in the faith,
would have none of his gifts, but endured divers martyr-
doms: in the end the said Decius caused him to be
beheaded where now stands the church of Santa Can-
dida alla Croce al Gorgo; and many faithful followers
of Christ received martyrdom at that place. And when
the head of the blessed Miniato had been cut off, by a
miracle of Christ, with his hands he set it again upon
his trunk, and on his feet passed over Arno, and went
up to the hill where now stands his church, where at
that time was a little oratory in the name of the blessed
Peter the Apostle, where many bodies of holy martyrs.
were buried; and when S. Miniato was come to that
L
BOOK I. § 58
37
place, he gave up his soul to Christ, and his body was
there secretly buried by the Christians; the which place,
by reason of the merits of the blessed S. Miniato, was
devoutly venerated by the Florentines after that they
were become Christians, and a little church was built
there in his honour. But the great and noble church of
marble which is there now in our times, we find to have
been built later by the zeal of the venerable Father
Alibrando, bishop and citizen of Florence, in the year
of Christ 1013, begun on the 26th day of the month 1013 A.D.
of April by the commandment and authority of the
catholic and holy Emperor Henry II. of Bavaria, and
of his wife the holy Empress Gunegonda, which was
reigning in those times; and they presented and en-
dowed the said church with many rich possessions in
Florence and in the country, for the good of their souls,
and caused the said church to be repaired and rebuilt
of marbles, as it is now; and they caused the body of
the blessed Miniato to be translated to the altar which
is beneath the vaulting of the said church, with much
reverence and solemnity by the said bishop and the
clergy of Florence, with all the people, both men and
women, of the city of Florence; but afterwards the said
church was completed by the commonwealth of Florence,
and the stone steps were made which lead down by the Purg. xii.
hill; and the consuls of the art of the Calimala were put
in charge of the said work of S. Miniato, and were to
protect it.
100-105.
§ 58.-How S. Crescius and his companions suffered
martyrdom in the district of Florence.
1
i
38
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
$ 59.-Of Constantine the Emperor, and his descendants,
and the changes which came thereof in Italy.
We find that our city of Florence remained under the
government of the Roman Empire for about 350 years
after its first foundation, observing pagan ways, and
worshipping idols, albeit there were many Christians, after
the fashion whereof I have spoken, but they remained
concealed in divers hermitages and caverns without the
city, and they which were within did not declare them-
selves as Christians for fear of the persecutions which
the emperors of Rome and their vicars and ministers
brought upon the Christians, until the time of the
great Constantine, son of Constantine the Emperor, and
of Helena his wife, daughter of the king of Brittany,
which was the first Christian emperor, and endowed
the Church with all the possessions of Rome, and
gave liberty to the Christians in the time of the
blessed Pope Sylvester, who baptized him and made
Inf. xxvii. him a Christian, cleansing him from leprosy by the
power of Christ, and this was in the year of Christ
about 320. The said Constantine caused many churches
to be built in Rome to the honour of Christ, and having
destroyed all the temples of paganism and of the idols,
De Mon. and restored Holy Church to her liberty and lordship,
and having brought the temporal affairs of the Church
under due system and order, he departed to Constanti-
nople, which he caused to be thus named, after his own
name (for before this it was called Byzantium), and he
raised it to great state and lordship, and there he made
his seat, leaving here in command of Rome his patri-
cians or censors, that is, vicars, which defended Rome,
and fought for her, and for the Empire. After the said
Constantine, which reigned more than thirty years, first
94, 95.
320 A.D.
iii. 10.
Par. vi.
I-3; xx.
55-57.
Inf. xix.
115-117.
+
BOOK I. §§ 59–60
39
+
---
....
in command of Rome, and then in command of Con-
stantinople, there were left three sons, Constantine, and
Constantius, and Constans, which had war and con-
tentions among themselves, and one of them, to wit,
Constantine, was a Christian, and another, Constantius,
was a heretic, and persecuted the Christians by reason
of his heresy, which was begun in Constantinople by one
named Arius, and this heresy was called Arian, after his
name, which spread much error throughout all the world,
and throughout the Church of God. These sons of
Constantine by their dissensions greatly laid waste the
Empire of Rome, and in a sense abandoned it, and
henceforward it always seemed as if it were declining,
and its sovereignty becoming less; and there began to
be two and three emperors at one time, and one would
be reigning in Constantinople, and another in the
Empire of Rome, and one would be Christian, and
another an Arian heretic, persecuting the Christians and
the Church, and this endured long time, so that all
Italy was infected thereby. Of the other emperors that
passed away, and of those which came after them, we
shall make no ordered record, save of those which per-
tain to our subject; but he who desires to find them in
order should read the Martinian Chronicle, and therein
he will find the emperors and the popes which were in
those times set forth in order.
§ 60.-How the Christian faith first came to Florence.
At the time that the said great Constantine became
a Christian, and gave freedom and sovereignty to the
Church, and S. Sylvester, the Pope, was openly estab-
lished in the papacy in Rome, there spread through
Tuscany, and throughout Italy, and afterwards through
·
40
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
* *
143-150.
all the world, the true faith and belief of Jesus Christ.
And in our city of Florence, the true faith began to be
adopted, and paganism to be abolished, in the time of
* who was made bishop of Florence by Pope
Sylvester; and from the noble and beautiful temple of
the Florentines, of which mention has been made above,
the Florentines removed their idol, which they called
the god Mars, and placed it upon a high tower, by the
river Arno, and would not break or destroy it, because
in their ancient records they found that the said idol
of Mars had been consecrated under the ascendant
of such a planet, that if it were broken or set aside
Inf. xiii. in a place of contempt, the city would suffer peril and
injury, and undergo great changes. And although the
Florentines had lately become Christians, they still
observed many pagan customs, and long continued to
observe them, and they still stood in awe of their
ancient idol of Mars, so little were they perfected as yet
in the holy faith; and this done, they consecrated
their said temple in honour of God and of the
blessed S. John the Baptist, and called it the Duomo
of S. Giovanni; and they decreed that the feast on the
day of his nativity should be celebrated with solemn
sacrifices, and that a race should be run for a samite
cloak, and this custom has been always observed by the
Florentines on that day. And they had baptismal fonts
erected in the middle of the temple, where people and
children were and still are baptized; and on Holy
Saturday, when in the said fonts the baptismal water and
fire were blessed, they ordered that the said holy fire
should be carried through the city after the custom of
Jerusalem, so that some one should enter into every
house with a lighted torch, for them to kindle their fires
Par. xvi.
47, 145,
146.
Par. xvi.
25, 47.
Par. xvi.
42.
Inf. xix.
17-20.
Par. xv.
134, 135.
*
BOOK I. § 60
4I
from. And from this solemnity came the privilege of
the "great torch," which pertained to the house of the
Pazzi, from some hundred and seventy years before
1300; because one of their ancestors, named Pazzo,
strong and tall in person, bore a larger torch than any
other, and was the first to take the sacred fire, and then
the others received it from him. The said duomo, after
that it had been consecrated to Christ, was enlarged by
the space where to-day is the choir, and the altar of the
blessed John; but at the time that the said duomo was
the temple of Mars, this addition had not been made
thereto, nor the turret and ball at the summit; and
indeed it was open above after the fashion of Santa
Maria Ritonda of Rome, to the intent their idol, the
god Mars, which was in the midst of the temple, might
be open to the sky. But after the second rebuilding
of Florence, in the year of Christ 1150, the cupola
was built upon columns, and the ball, and the golden
cross which is at the top, by the consuls of the Art
of Calimala, to which the commonwealth of Florence ·
had committed the charge of the building of the said
work in honour of S. John. And by many people which
have journeyed through the world it is said to be the
most beautiful temple or duomo of any that may be
found; and in our times has been completed the
work of the histories depicted within in mosaic. And
we find, from ancient records, that the figure of the sun
carved in mosaic, which says: "En giro torte sol ciclos,
et rotor igne,” was done by astronomy, and when the
sun enters into the sign of Cancer at mid-day, it shines
on that place through the opening above, where is the
turret.
·
•
42
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
$61. Of the coming of the Goths and Vandals into
Italy, and how they destroyed the country and besieged
the city of Florence in the time of S. Zenobius, bishop of
Florence.
END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK I.
•
:
I
¡
1
1
A
BOOK II.
HERE begins the Second Book: how the city of Florence
was destroyed by Totila, the scourge of God, king of the
Goths and Vandals.
§ 1. In the year of Christ 440, in the time of S. Leo 440 A.D.
the Pope, and of Theodosius and Valentinian emperors,
in the northern parts there was a king of the Vandals
and of the Goths, which was called Bela, and surnamed
Totila. This man was a barbarian and had no religion,
and was cruel in customs and in all things, born of the
province of Gothland and Sweden, and in his cruelty
he slew his brother and subdued many divers nations
of peoples by his might and lordship; and afterwards
he was minded to destroy and take away the Empire
of the Romans, and lay Rome waste; and thus by his
sovereignty he gathered together innumerable people
from his own country, and from Sweden and from Goth-
land, and afterwards from Pannonia, which is Hungary,
and from Denmark, to enter into Italy. And when he
desired to pass into Italy, he was opposed by the
Romans and Burgundians and French, and a great battle
was fought against him in the district of Lunina, that
is to say of Friuli and Aquilea, with the greatest number
of slain that had ever been in any battle, both on one
side and on the other; and the king of Burgundy was
slain. And Totila, being discomfited, returned to his
43
$
44
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
こ
​own country with the followers which were left to him.
But afterwards, desiring to carry out his purpose of
destroying the Empire of Rome, he gathered a larger
army than before, and came into Italy. And first he
laid siege to the city of Aquilea; so it continued three
years, and then he took it, and burnt and destroyed it
with all the inhabitants; and when he had entered into
Italy, after the same manner he destroyed Vicenza, and
Brescia, and Bergamo, and Milan, and Ticino, and well-
nigh all the cities of Lombardy, save Modena, for the
merits of S. Gemignano, which was bishop thereof; for
when he was passing through this city with his people,
by a divine miracle he did not see it save when he was
without the city, and by reason of the miracle he passed
it by, and did not destroy it: and he destroyed Bologna
and put to martyrdom S. Proculus, bishop of Bologna,
and thus he destroyed well-nigh all the cities of Romagna.
And afterwards passing through Tuscany he found the
city of Florence strong and powerful. Hearing the fame
thereof, and how it had been built by the noblest
Romans, and was the treasure-house of the Empire and
of Rome, and how in this country had been slain
Radagasius, king of the Goths, his predecessor, with so
great a multitude of Goths, as before has been narrated,
he commanded that it should be besieged, and long
time he sat before it in vain. And seeing that he could
not obtain it by siege, inasmuch as it was very strong
in towers and in walls and in many good soldiers, he
set about to gain it by deceit and by flattery and by
treachery. Now the Florentines had continual war with
the city of Pistoia; and Totila ceased laying waste the
country around the city, and sent to the Florentines that
he desired to be their friend, and in their service would
BOOK II. § I
45
*
destroy the city of Pistoia, promising and making show
of great love, and to give them privileges with very
generous covenants. The imprudent Florentines (and
for this cause they were ever afterwards called blind Inf. xv. 67.
in the proverb) believed his false flatteries and vain
promises; they opened the gates to him, and admitted
him and his followers into the city, and lodged him in
the Capitol. And when the cruel tyrant was within the
city with all his forces, under false seeming he showed
love to the citizens, and one day he invited to his
council the greatest and most powerful chiefs of the city
in great numbers; and when they came to the Capitol,
as they passed one by one through an entry, he caused
them to be slain and massacred, none perceiving ought
of the fate of the other; and afterwards he had them
thrown into the ducts of the Capitol, to wit, the conduit
of the Arno which flows underground by the Capitol, to
the end that no man might know thereof. And thus
he put them to death in great numbers, and nought was
perceived thereof in the city of Florence save that at the
exit from the city where the said aqueduct or conduit
issued forth and flowed back into the Arno, the water
was seen to be all red and bloody. Then the people
perceived the deceit and treachery; but it was in vain.
and too late, seeing that Totila had armed all his fol-
lowers; and when he perceived that his cruelty was dis-
covered, he commanded that the city should be chastised
by the slaughter of great and small, men and women,
and from this there was no escape, forasmuch as the
city was unarmed and unprepared, and we find that at
that time there were in the city of Florence 22,000
men-at-arms, beside the aged and children. When the
people of the city perceived that they were come to such
¿
46
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
450 A.D.
""
sorrow and destruction, they escaped who could, fleeing
into the country and hiding themselves in strongholds,
and in woods and in caves; but the most part of the
citizens were slain, or wounded, or taken, and the city
was all despoiled of substance and riches by the said
Goths, Vandals, and Hungarians. And after that Totila
had thus wasted it of inhabitants and of goods, he com-
manded that it should be destroyed and burnt, and laid
waste, and that there should not remain one stone upon
another, and this was done; save that in the west there
remained one of the towers which Gneus Pompey had
built, and on the north and on the south one of the
gates, and within the city near to the gate the "casa
"domo," which we take to be the duomo of S. Giovanni,
called of yore the "casa" [house] of Mars. And verily
it never was entirely destroyed, nor shall be destroyed to
eternity, save at the day of judgment, even as is written
on the cement of the said duomo. And there were also
left standing certain lofty towers or temples, indicated
in the ancient chronicles by letters of the alphabet,
the which we cannot interpret, to wit S, and casa P,
and casa F. The city had four gates and six posterns,
and there were towers marvellous strong over the gates.
And the idol of the god Mars which the Florentines
took from the temple and set upon a pillar, then fell
into the Arno, and abode there as long as the city
remained in ruins. And thus was destroyed the noble
city of Florence by the infamous Totila on the 28th
day of June, in the year of Christ 450, to wit 520 years
after its foundation; and in the said city the blessed
Maurice, bishop of Florence, was put to death with great
torments by the followers of Totila, and his body lies in
Santa Reparata.
or
BOOK II. §§ 2-4
47
I
¿
§ 2.-How Totila caused the city of Fiesole to be rebuilt.
After that the city of Florence was destroyed, Totila
went into the hill where had been the ancient city of
Fiesole, and encamped there with his banners and tents
and booths, and commanded that the said city should
be rebuilt, and issued a proclamation that whosoever
desired to return and dwell there, swearing to him to
oppose the Romans, and to oppose the city of Florence
ever being rebuilt, should abide in safety and freedom.
For the which thing many which were descended from
of old from Fiesole, returned to dwell thither, and of the
Florentines themselves which had escaped, which did not
know where to dwell or whither to go; and thus in a
short time the city of Fiesole was restored and rebuilt,
and made strong by walls and by inhabitants, and after-
wards, as before so now, it continually rebelled against
Rome.
§ 3-How Totila departed from Fiesole to go towards
Rome, and destroyed many cities, and died an evil death.
§ 4.-How the Goths remained lords of Italy after the
death of Totila.
* * * * And the King Theodoric held the Empire
of Rome for the said Zeno, the Emperor, doing him
homage therefor and paying him tribute. In these times, Circ.
about the year of Christ 470, while Leo, Emperor of 470 a.d.
Rome, was reigning in Constantinople, was born in Great
Britain, which is now called England, Merlin the prophet
(of a virgin, they say, by conception or machination of a
devil), which wrought in that country many marvels by
necromancy, and ordained the Round Table of Knights
Errant in the time when Uther Pendragon reigned in
C
48
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
Britain, which was descended from Brutus, grandson of
Æneas, the first inhabitant of that land, as afore we
made mention; and afterwards the Round Table was
restored by the good King Arthur, his son, which was a
lord of great power and valour, and more gracious and
knightly than all other lords, and he reigned long time
in happy state, as the Romances of the Britons make
mention, and whereof the Martinian Chronicle is not
silent when treating of those times.
Cf. Inf.
xxxii. 62.
De Vulg.
El. i. 10:
18, 19.
735 A.D.
§ 5. How the Goths were driven the first time out of
Italy, and how they recovered their sovereignty by means
of the young Theodoric, their king. § 6.-How the Goths
were entirely driven out of Italy by Belisarius, patrician of
the Romans. § 7. Of the coming of the Lombards into
Italy. § 8.-Of the beginning of the religion and sect
of the Saracens, instituted by Mahomet. § 9.-Of the
successors of Rotharis, king of the Lombards.
Madaga
§ 10.-How Charles Martel came from France to Italy
at the summons of the Church against the Lombards; and
of the origin of the city of Siena.
In the time of the said Eliprando [Liutprand], albeit
he was a Christian, yet by reason of avarice, and of desire
to usurp the rights of Holy Church, and by the counsel
of the emperor of Constantinople, he began war against
the Romans and against Pope Gregory III., and came
with all his forces to besiege the said Pope in Rome, he
by way of Lombardy, and Grimoald, king of the Samnites
and of the Apulians, with his troops from Apulia, in the
year of Christ 735. For the which thing, after a council
had been held in Rome, the Church with the Romans sent
to France for aid from Charles Martel, which Charles
BOOK II. §§ 5-12
49
was son to Pepin, a great baron of France, and was of
the Twelve Peers, and governed all the realm and the
king himself; and the said Charles Martel did likewise,
forasmuch as the king which then was, called Chilperic,
had the name only, but Charles had the strength and
lordship; and he was the son of the sister of Dodon,
king of Aquitania, and afterwards was father of the
good King Pepin, which was father of Charles the Great,
and he had the surname of Martel, because he bore a
hammer as his arms. And in truth he was a hammer,
forasmuch as by his prowess he struck at all Germany,
Saxony, Suabia, Bavaria, and Denmark as far as Norway,
at England, Aquitania, and Navarre and Spain, and
Burgundy and Provence, and became ruler over them
all, and they became his tributaries. Then, at the
summons of the said Pope, he passed into Italy as far as
Apulia, and freed Rome and the Church from the en-
croachments of the Lombards. And it is said that at
that time, about the year of Christ 740, was the place 740 A. D.
first inhabited where is now the city of Siena, by the
aged and sick [non sana] people which came in with
Charles Martel, and remained in that place as has been
told afore concerning the building of Siena.
§ 11.-How Eraco [Rachis], the Lombard king of
Apulia, returned to obedience to Holy Church.
§ 12.-How Telofre [Astolf], king of the Lombards,
persecuted Holy Church, and how King Pepin at the
summons of Pope Stephen came from France and defeated
him, and took him prisoner.
After King Rachis there succeeded to the realm of
Lombardy, and to that of Apulia, Astolf, called in
E
50
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
+
Latin Telofre, brother of the said Rachis. He was a
lord of great power, and cruel, and an enemy of Holy
Church and of the Romans; and by the counsel of evil
and rebellious Romans, he took Tuscany and the valley
of Spoleto, and devastated them, and claimed tribute
on every man's head; and made a conspiracy with Leo,
and Constantine, his son, emperors of Constantinople,
and at his request they came to Rome, and together
with Telofre they took it, and sacked it, and burnt
the churches and holy places, and carried to Constanti-
nople the riches of Rome, and all the images from the
churches in Rome, and in contempt of the Pope and of
the Church and to the shame of the Christians he burnt
them all with fire, and many faithful Christians they
destroyed and consumed in Rome and in all Italy. For
which thing Pope Stephen II. excommunicated them,
and as a punishment for the misdeed took away from
the emperor the kingdom of Apulia and of Sicily, and
established by a decree that it should pertain to Holy
Church for ever. And afterwards, not being able to
resist the force of the said tyrants and so much affliction,
he went in person into France to Pepin, prince and
governor of the French, to require and pray him to come
into Italy to defend Holy Church against Telofre, king
of the Lombards, and he gave to the said Pepin many
privileges and graces, and made and confirmed him
king of France, and deposed Childeric, the king which
was of the first race, forasmuch as he was a man of no
Cf. Purg. account, and he became a monk. Which Pepin, a faith-
xx. 53 and ful and loving son of Holy Church, received him with
he Com-
mentators. great honour, and afterwards with all his forces with the
said Pope Stephen came into Italy, in the year of Christ
755, and fought great battles with the said Telofre,
755 A.D.
❤
BOOK II. § 13
51
king of the Lombards. In the end, by force of arms
and of his folk, the said Telofre was overcome and
defeated by the good King Pepin, and he obeyed the
command of the Pope and of Holy Church, and made
all amends, just as he and his cardinals chose to devise;
and he left to the Church by compact and privilege the
realm of Apulia and of Sicily, and the patrimony of S.
Peter. And when the said Pepin was come to Rome
with the said Pope, they were received with great honour
by the Romans; and the said Pepin was made patrician,
that is, vicar of Rome, and father of the Roman Re-
public. And when Rome and Holy Church were re-
stored to their liberty and good estate, he returned into
France, and ended his life with great honour, and
Charles the Great, his son, succeeded him as king of
France.
§ 13.-How Desiderius, son of Telofre, began war
again with Holy Church, for the which thing Charles the
Great passed into Italy, and defeated him, and took away
and destroyed the lordship of the Lombards.
When King Pepin was departed from Italy and was
returned to France, the Church of Rome and the
country was in repose and tranquillity for a time, by
reason of the covenant which Pepin had made with
Telofre, king of Lombardy, and the victory which he
had gained over him; but when Telofre was dead,
Desiderius, his son, succeeded to him, which was a
worse enemy and persecutor of Holy Church than his
father, and broke the peace, and leagued himself with
Constantine, which was the son of Leo, the emperor
of Constantinople, and with his forces began to make
war in Apulia, and Desiderius on his side in Tuscany,
1
1
3
52
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
·
more than ever his father had done at the first. For
the which thing Pope Adrian, which was then govern-
ing Holy Church, sent into France for Charles the
Great, son of Pepin, to come into Italy to defend the
Church from the said Desiderius and from his follow-
ing, the which Charles, king of France, passed into
Lombardy in the year of Christ 775, and after many
battles and victories gained against Desiderius, he be-
sieged him in the city of Pavia, and when he had won
the city by siege, he took the said Desiderius captive,
and his wife and his sons; save that the eldest son, which
was called Algise [Adelchis], fled into Constantinople to
the Emperor Constantine, and continued the war. After
he had taken Desiderius and his wife and his sons,
Charles the Great caused him to swear fealty to Holy
Church, and did the like to all the barons and cities.
of Italy; and when this was done, he sent the said
Desiderius and his wife and his sons prisoners into
775 A.D. France, and there they all died in prison. And thus
was destroyed, by the power of the Franks and of the
good Charles the Great, the sovereignty of the kings of
the Lombards, formerly called Longobards, which had
endured two hundred and five years in Italy; for never
afterwards was there a king in Lombardy. Of a truth
there remained the families of the lords and barons and
great citizens descended from the Lombards, both in
Lombardy and in Apulia; and still to-day there are
certain gentlemen of ancient lineage whom in common.
speech we call Lombard Cattani, descended from the
said Lombards which had been lords of Italy. Charles
the Great, after the said victory, came to Rome, and by
the said Adrian and by the Romans was received with
great triumph and honour; and as Charles the Great
775 A.D.
Par. vi.
94-96.
BOOK II. § 13
53
IIO, III.
drew nigh to Rome, and beheld the holy city from
Montemalo, he alighted from his horse, and reverently Cf. Par. xv.
entered Rome on foot; and when he came thither, he
kissed the gates of the city and of all the churches, and
gave rich offerings to every Church. And when he
came to Rome he was made patrician of Rome, and he
restored the affairs of Holy Church, and of the Romans,
and of all Italy, and he restored them to privileges and
liberty, having subdued in all parts the forces of the
emperor of Constantinople, and of the king of the
Lombards, and of their allies, and confirmed the Church
in the donation which Pepin, his father, had given to
her, and beyond that he endowed the Church with the
duchy of Spoleto and of Benevento. And in the king-
dom of Apulia he fought many battles against the
Lombards and the rebels against Holy Church, and
besieged and destroyed the city of Lacedonia, which is
in Abruzzi between Aquila and Sermona, and besieged
and conquered Tuliverno, the strong fortress at the
entrance of Terra di Lavoro. And many other cities of
the Kingdom [Apulia] which were held by the rebels
against Holy Church, he entirely subdued to his govern-
ance. And when he had done this, leaving Rome and
all Italy in peaceful condition under his lordship, in
happy hour he was minded to attack the Saracens which
had taken possession of Provence, and of Navarre, and
of Spain, and with the troops of his twelve barons and
peers of France, called Paladins, he entirely conquered
and destroyed them; and he passed beyond seas at the
request of the Emperor Michael of Constantinople and
of the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and conquered the Holy
Land and Jerusalem, which were occupied by the
Saracens, and gained for the emperor of Constantinople Par. xviii.
43.
་
刂
​:.
54
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
all the empire of the East which had been occupied by
the Saracens and the Turks. And when he returned
to Constantinople, albeit the Emperor Michael desired
to give him many very great treasures, yet would he take
nothing, save the wood of the holy cross and the nail
of Christ, which he brought back into France, and which
is in Paris to this day. And when he had returned to
France, he ruled by his prowess and virtue not only over
the realm of France, but all Germany, Provence, Navarre,
and Spain, and all Italy.
§ 14. Of the progeny of Charles the Great, and of his
successors.
§ 15.-How Charles the Great, king of France, was
made Emperor of Rome.
When Charles the Great had returned from over
seas into France, as we have said, and had subdued
Germany, Italy, and Spain, and Provence, the wicked
Romans, with the powerful Lombards and Tuscans,
rebelled against the Church, and seized Pope Leo III.,
which was then reigning at Rome, as he was,going to the
procession of the Litanies (S. Mark's Day, April 25th),
and put out his eyes and slit his tongue, and drave him
out of Rome. And as it pleased God, by divine miracle,
and because he was innocent and holy, he recovered the
sight of his eyes and the power of speech, and went into
France to Charles the Great, praying him to come to
Rome to restore the Church to her liberty; which
Charles, at the request of the said Pope Leo, came
together with him to Rome and restored the Pope and
the Church to their state and liberty, and took great
vengeance against all the rebels and enemies of Holy
BOOK II. §§ 14-15
55
archia iii.
Church throughout all Italy. For the which thing the
said Pope Leo, with his cardinals and general council,
with the consent of the Romans, by reason of the
virtuous and holy deeds done by the said Charles the Par. vi. 94.
Great on behalf of Holy Church and of all Christen- De Mon-
dom, took away the Roman Empire from the Greeks II.
by a decree, and elected the said Charles the Great
Emperor of the Romans, as being most worthy of the
Empire; and by the said Pope Leo he was consecrated
and crowned in Rome, in the year of Christ 801, with 801 A.D.
great solemnity and honour, on Easter Day.
The said Charles reigned with great good fortune
fourteen years one month and four days, ruling over
all the empire of the West, and the provinces afore
named, and also the emperor of Constantinople was
under his obedience; and he caused as many abbeys
to be built as there are letters in the alphabet, and the
name of each one began with a different letter. And
he caused his son Louis to be crowned lord over the
Empire and the kingdom of France, giving all his
treasure to the poor in God's name after this manner;
for he left the third part of his treasure (which was
infinite) to all the poor Christians seeking alms, and the
other two parts he left to all his archbishops of his
empire and realm, that they might distribute them
amongst their bishops and all the churches and
monasteries and hospitals.
*
*
*
*
And this done, he commended his spirit in holiness
to Christ, in the city of Aquisgrana, in Germany, and 814 A.D.
was there buried with great honour, to wit, at Aix-la-
Chapelle. This was in the year of Christ 814, and
he lived seventy-two years, and many signs appeared
*
56
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
S
before his death, as we read in the chronicles of the
doings of France. This Charles much extended Holy
Church, and Christendom both far and near, and was
a man of great virtue.
§ 16.-How, after Charles the Great, Louis, his son,
became Emperor. § 17.-How the Saracens of Barbary
crossed to Italy, and were defeated, and all slain. § 18.
Further, how the Saracens crossed to Calabria and to
Normandy in France. § 19.-How and in whose person
the empire and realm of France fell from the progeny of
Pepin. $ 20.-Of the same matter, and of how the lineage
of Hugh Capet reigned thereafter.
K
§ 21.-How the city of Florence lay waste and in ruins
for 350 years.
After the destruction of the city of Florence, wrought
by Totila, the scourge of God, as has afore been men-
tioned, it lay thus ruined and deserted about 350 years
by reason of the evil state of Rome and of the Empire,
which, at first by Goths and Vandals, and afterwards by
Lombards and Greeks and Saracens and Hungarians,
was persecuted and brought low, as has afore been
related. Truly there were, where Florence had been,
certain dwellings and inhabitants round about the duomo
of S. Giovanni, forasmuch as the Fiesolans held market
there one day in the week, and it was called the Campo
Marti, as of old, for it had always been the market-
place of the Fiesolans, and had borne this name before
Florence was built. It came to pass ofttimes, during the
years when the city lay waste and in ruins, that the said
inhabitants of the borough and of the market-place, with
the aid of certain nobles of the country which of old
BOOK II. §§ 16–21
57
}
.
1
were descended from the first citizens of Florence and
of the inhabitants of the villages round about, sought
ofttimes to enclose within moats and palisades some
part of the city around the Duomo ; but they of the city
of Fiesole, and their allies, the counts of Mangone, and
of Montecarelli, and of Capraia, and of Certaldo, which
were all of one lineage with the counts of Santafiore,
which were descended from the Lombards, hindered and
opposed them, and would not allow them to rebuild;
but whatsoever was being built they came in force, and
under arms, and caused it to be violently beaten down
and destroyed, so that, for this cause and by reason of
the adversities which the Romans were enduring, as has
afore been related, and because the Fiesolans always
held with the Goths, and afterwards with the Lombards,
and with all the rebels and enemies of the Empire
of Rome and Holy Church, and were so great and
powerful in strength that none of their neighbours durst
oppose them, they would not suffer the city of Florence
to be rebuilt; and in this wise it abode long time,
until God put an end to the adversity of the city of
Florence, and brought her to the blessing of her restora-
tion, as by us shall be narrated in the following chapter
and Third Book.
END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK II.
"
.
BOOK III.
GOES back somewhat to tell how the city of Florence was
rebuilt by the power of Charles the Great and the Romans.
-
§ 1. It came to pass, as it pleased God, that in the
time of the good Charles the Great, Emperor of Rome and
king of France, of whom above we have made a long
record, after that he had beaten down the tyrannical
pride of the Lombards and Saracens, and of the infidels
against Holy Church, and had established Rome and
the Empire in good state and in its liberty, as afore we
have made mention, certain gentlemen and nobles of the
region round about Florence (whereof it is reported that
the Giovanni, the Guineldi and the Ridolfi, descended
from the ancient noble citizens of the former Florence,
were the heads) assembled themselves together with all
the inhabitants of the place where Florence had been,
and with all other their followers dwelling in the country
around Florence, and they ordained to send to Rome
ambassadors from the best among them to Charles the
Emperor, and to Pope Leo, and to the Romans; and
this was done, praying them to remember their daughter,
the city of Florence (the which was ruined and destroyed
by Goths and Vandals in despite of the Romans), to the
end it might be rebuilt, and that it might please them
to give a force of men-at-arms to ward off the men of
Fiesole and their followers, the enemies of the Romans,
59
60
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
who would not let the city of Florence be rebuilt. The
which ambassadors were received with honour by the
Emperor Charles, and by the Pope, and by the Romans,
and their petition accepted graciously and willingly; and
straightway the Emperor Charles the Great sent thither
his forces of men-at-arms on foot and on horse in great
numbers; and the Romans made a decree and command
that, as their forefathers had built and peopled of old
the city of Florence, so those of the best families in
Rome, both of nobles and of people, should go thither
to rebuild and to inhabit it; and this was done. With
that host of the Emperor Charles the Great and of the
Romans there came whatsoever master-craftsmen there
were in Rome, the more speedily to build the walls of
the city and to strengthen it, and after them there fol-
lowed much people; and all they who dwelt in the
country around Florence, and her exiled citizens in
every place, hearing the tidings, gathered themselves to
the host of the Romans and of the Emperor to rebuild
the city; and when they were come where to-day is our
city, they encamped among ancient remains and ruins in
booths and in tents. The Fiesolans and their followers,
seeing the host of the Emperor and of the Romans so
great and powerful, did not venture to fight against them,
but keeping within the fortress of their city of Fiesole
and in their fortified places around, gave what hindrance
they might to the said rebuilding. But their power was
nothing against the strength of the Romans, and of the
host of the Emperor, and of the assembled descendants
of the Florentines; and thus they began to rebuild the
city of Florence, not, however, of the size that it had
been at the first, but of lesser extent, as hereafter shall
be mentioned, to the end it might more speedily be
BOOK III. § I
6I
walled and fortified, and there might be a defence like
a rampart against the city of Fiesole; and this was the
year of Christ 801, in the beginning of the month of 801 A.D.
April. And it is said that the ancients were of opinion
that it would not be possible to rebuild it, if first there
were not found and drawn from the Arno the marble
image, dedicated by the first pagan builders by necro-
mancy to Mars, the which had been in the river Arno from
the destruction of Florence unto that time; and being
found, it was placed on a pillar by the side of the said
river, where now is the head of the Ponte Vecchio. This
we do not affirm nor believe, forasmuch as it seems to
us the opinion of pagans and soothsayers, and not to be
reasonable, but very foolish, that such a stone should
have such effect; but it was commonly said by the
ancients, that, if it was disturbed, the city must needs
have great disturbances. And it was said also by the
ancients, that the Romans, by the counsel of the wise
astrologers, at the beginning of the rebuilding of Flor-
ence, took the third degree of Aries as the ascendant,
the sun being at his meridian altitude, and the planet
Mercury in conjunction with the sun, and the planet
Mars in favourable aspect to the ascendant, to the end
the city might multiply in power of arms and of chivalry,
and in folk eager and enterprising in arts and in riches
and in merchandise, and should bring forth many chil-
dren and a great people. And in those times, so they
say, the ancient Romans and all the Tuscans and Italians,
albeit they were baptized Christians, still preserved cer-
tain remains of the fashions of pagans, and began their
undertakings according to the constellations; albeit, this
we do not affirm of ourselves, forasmuch as constella-
tions are not of necessity, nor can they constrain the free
Inf. xiii.
146-150.
145, 146.
Par. xvi.
62
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Purg. xvi.
65-78.
Cf. Inf. xv.
73-78.
Par. xv.
II2.
Inf. xvi.
37ar. xvi.
97-99.
will of man or the judgment of God, save according to
the merits or sins of folk. And yet, in some effects,
meseems the influence of the said constellation is re-
vealed, for the city of Florence is ever in great disturb-
ances and plottings and in war, and now victorious and
now the contrary, and prone to merchandise and to arts.
But our opinion is that the discords and changes of the
Florentines are as we said at the beginning of this
treatise our city was populated by two peoples, divers
in every habit of life, as were the noble Romans and the
cruel and fierce Fiesolans; for the which thing it is no
marvel if our city is always subject to wars and changes
and dissensions and treacheries.
G
§ 2. Of the form and size in which the city of Florence
was rebuilt.
The rebuilding of the new city of Florence was begun.
by the Romans, as aforesaid, on a small site and circuit,
after the same fashion as Rome, allowing for the small-
ness of the undertaking; and it began on the side of the
sunrise at the gate of S. Piero, which was where were
after the houses of M. Bellincione Berti, of the Rovignani,
a noble and powerful citizen, albeit to-day they have
disappeared; the which houses by inheritance of the
Countess Gualdrada, his daughter, and wife to the first
Count Guido, passed to the Counts Guidi, her descend-
ants, when they became citizens of Florence, and after-
wards they sold them to the Black Cerchi, a Florentine
family; and from the said gate ran a borgo as far as S.
Piero Maggiore, after the fashion of Rome, and from that
gate the walls proceeded as far as the Duomo, on the site.
where now runs the great road leading to San Giovanni,
as far as the Bishop's Palace. And here was another
BOOK III. § 2
63
+
gate, which was called the gate of the Duomo, but there
were who called it the Bishop's Gate; and without this
gate was built the church of S. Lorenzo, just as in
Rome there is S. Lorenzo without the walls; and within
that gate is S. Giovanni, like as in Rome, S. Giovanni
Laterano. And then proceeding, as at Rome, in that
part they made Santa Maria Maggiore; and then from
S. Michele Berteldi, as far as the third gate of S.
Brancazio [S. Pancras], where are now the houses of
the Tornaquinci, and S. Brancazio was without the city
and near S. Paolo, just as in Rome, on the other side
of the city over against S. Piero, as at Rome. And
then from the said gate of S. Brancazio, they followed
on where now is the church of Santa Trinità, which was
without the walls; and hard by was a postern gate called
the Porta Rossa, and down to our own times the road
has retained the name. And afterward the walls turned
where are now the houses of the Scali along the Via di
Terma as far as the gate of Santa Maria, some way past
the Mercato Nuovo, and that was the fourth principal
gate, the which was over against the houses which now
pertain to the Infangati, on one side; and above the Par. xvi.
said gate was the church of Santa Maria, called Sopra 123.
Porta; and afterwards when the said gate was pulled
down, the city having increased, the said church was
transported to where it now is. And the Borgo di Santo
Apostolo was without the city, and also S. Stefano, after
the fashion of Rome; and beyond S. Stefano, at the end
of the master street of Porta Santa Maria, they made
and built a bridge founded on piles of stone in the
Arno, which afterwards was called the Ponte Vecchio,
and it exists to this day; and was much more narrow
than it now is, and was the first bridge which was made
64
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Cf. Par.
in Florence. And from S. Mary's Gate the walls went
on as far as the turret of Altafonte, which was at the
extremity of a projection of the city, running out to the
river Arno, then running on behind the church of S. Piero
Scheraggio, which was so called from a ditch or conduit
called the Scheraggio, which received almost all the rain-
water of the city that flowed into the Arno. And behind
the church of S. Piero Scheraggio was a postern gate,
which was called the Peruzza Gate, and from there the
walls went on by the great street as far as the Via del
Garbo, where was another postern, and then behind the
Badia of Florence the walls returned to Porta S. Piero.
xv. 97-99. And within so small a space the new Florence was rebuilt
with good walls and frequent towers, with four master
gates, to wit, the Porta San Piero, the Porta del Duomo,
the Porta San Brancazio, and the Porta Santa Maria,
the which were in the form of a cross; and in the midst
of the city were S. Andrea, after the fashion of Rome,
and Santa Maria in Campidoglio; and what now is the
Mercato Vecchio was the Mercato di Campidoglio [Mart
of the Capitol], after the fashion of Rome. And the
city was divided into quarters, according to the said four
gates; but afterwards, when the city increased, it was
divided into six sestos, as being a perfect number, for
the sesto of Oltrarno was added thereto, as soon as it
was inhabited; and when the Porta di Santa Maria was
pulled down, the name was dropped, and it was divided
by the course of the main street, and on one side was
made the sesto of San Piero Scheraggio, and on the
other side that of the Borgo; and the three first gates
continued to give their name to sestos, as they have
done even to our own times. And they gave the sesto
of Oltrarno the lead, to go forth with the host with the
Par. xvi.
124-126.
-
*
BOOK III. § 3
65
ensign of the bridge; and then San Piero Scheraggio
with the ensign of the carroccio [chariot of war], the
which marble carroccio was brought from Fiesole, and
stands before the said church of S. Piero; and then
Borgo with the ensign of the goat [becco], forasmuch
as in that sesto abode all the butchers [beccari], and
those of their calling, and they were in those times very
prominent in the city; S. Brancazio next with the ensign
of the lion's paw [branca], with reference to the name;
and the Porta del Duomo next, with the ensign of the
cathedral; Porta San Piero last, with the ensign of the
keys, and seeing it was the first sesto inhabited in
Florence, in the going forth of the host it was placed in
the rear guard, forasmuch as in olden time there were
always the best knights and men-at-arms of the city in
that sesto.
§ 3.-How Charles the Great came to Florence, and
granted privileges to the city, and caused Santo Apostolo to
be built.
After that the new city of Florence had been rebuilt
in the small circuit and form, in the time aforesaid, the
captains which were there in the name of the emperor
and the commonwealth of Rome ordained that it should
be peopled; and as of old at the first building the order
went forth at Rome that of the best families of Rome,
both of the nobles and the people, some should dwell
as citizens in Florence, so was it at the second restora-
tion; and to each one was given rich possessions. And
we find in the Chronicles of France, that after the city
of Florence was rebuilt after the manner aforesaid, the
Emperor Charles the Great, king of France, when he
was departed from Rome, and was returning North,
Find
66
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
805 A.D.
abode at Florence, and caused great festival and
solemnity to be held on Easter Day of the Resurrec-
tion, in the year of Christ 805, and made many knights
in Florence, and founded the church of Santo Apostolo
in the Borgo, and this he richly endowed to the honour
of God and of the Holy Apostles; and on his departure
from Florence he granted privileges to the city, and
declared the commonwealth and citizens of Florence to
be free and independent, and for three miles around,
without paying any tax or impost, save twenty-six pence
yearly per hearth [i.e. per family]. And in like manner
he enfranchised all the citizens around which desired to
return and dwell within the city, and also strangers; for
which thing many returned to dwell therein; and in a
short time, by reason of the good situation and con-
venient spot, by reason of the river and of the plain, the
said little Florence was well peopled and strong in walls,
and in moats full of water. And they ordained that the
said city should be ruled and governed after the manner
of Rome, to wit, by two Consuls and by a council of
100 senators, and thus it was ruled long time, as here-
after shall be narrated. Verily, the citizens of Florence
had for a long time much trouble and war, first from the
Fiesolans, which were foes so nigh at hand, and they
were ever jealous one of another, and were continu-
ally at war together; and afterwards from the coming
of the Saracens into Italy in the time of the French
emperors, as before has been narrated, which much
afflicted the country; and last of all, from the divers
disturbances which befell Rome and all Italy alike, from
the discords of the Popes and of the Italian emperors,
which were continually at war with the Church. For
the which thing, the fame of the city of Florence and its
BOOK III. §§ 4-5
67
power abode by the space of 200 years, without being
able to expand or increase beyond its narrow boundaries.
But notwithstanding all the war and trouble, it was con-
tinually multiplying in inhabitants and in forces, nor did
they much regard the war with Fiesole, or the other ad-
versities in Tuscany; for albeit their power and authority
extended but little way beyond the city, forasmuch as
the country was all full of fortresses, and occupied by
nobles and powerful lords which were not under obedi-
ence to the city, and some of them held with the
city of Fiesole, nevertheless, within the city the citizens
were united, and it was strong in position and in walls,
and in moats full of water; and within the little city
there were in a short time more than 150 towers per-
taining to citizens, and each one 120 cubits high, with-
out counting those pertaining to the city; and by reason
of the height of the many towers which then were in
Florence, it is said, that it showed forth from afar as the
most beautiful and proudest city of its small size which
could be found; and in this space of time it was very
well peopled, and full of palaces and of houses, and
great number of inhabitants, as times went. We will
now leave for a time the doings of Florence, and will
briefly relate concerning the Italian emperors, which
were reigning in those times after the French ceased to
be emperors; for this is of necessity, seeing that by
reason of their lordship many disturbances came to pass
in Italy; and afterwards we shall return to our subject.
§ 4.-How and why the Empire of Rome passed to 901 A.D.
the Italians. § 5.-How Otho I. of Saxony came into
Italy at the request of the Church, and did away with the
government of the Italian emperors.
END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK III.
BOOK IV.
§ 1.-How the election to the Empire of Rome fell to the 955 a.D.
Germans, and how Otho 1. of Saxony was consecrated
Emperor.
§ 2. Of the Emperor Otho III., and the Marquis 979 A.D.
Hugh, which built the Badia at Florence.
After the death of Otho II., his son, Otho III., was
elected Emperor, and crowned by Pope Gregory V., in
the year of Christ 979, and this Otho reigned twenty-four 979 A.D.
years. After that he was crowned, he went into Apulia
on pilgrimage to Mount S. Angelo, and afterwards re-
turned by way of France into Germany, leaving Italy in
good and peaceful estate. But when he was returned
to Germany, Crescentius, the consul and lord of Rome,
drave away the said Gregory from the papacy, and set
a Greek therein, which was bishop of Piacenza, and very
wise; but when the Emperor Otho heard this he was
very wrath, and with his army returned to Italy, and be-
sieged in Rome the said Crescentius and his Pope in the
castle of S. Angelo, for therein had they taken refuge;
and he took the said castle by siege, and caused
Crescentius to be beheaded, and Pope John XVI. to
have his eyes put out, and his hands cut off; and he
restored his Pope Gregory to his chair, which was his
kinsman by race; and leaving Rome and Italy in good
estate, he returned to his country of Germany, and there
69
70
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
died in prosperity. With the said Otho III. there came
into Italy the Marquis Hugh; I take it this must
have been the marquis of Brandenburg, forasmuch
as there is no other marquisate in Germany. His
sojourn in Tuscany liked him so well, and especially our
city of Florence, that he caused his wife to come thither,
and took up his abode in Florence, as vicar of Otho, the
Emperor. It came to pass, as it pleased God, that
when he was riding to the chase in the country of
Bonsollazzo, he lost sight, in the wood, of all his
followers, and came out, as he supposed, at a workshop
where iron was wont to be wrought. Here he found
men, black and deformed, who, in place of iron, seemed
to be tormenting men with fire and with hammer, and
he asked what this might be: and they answered and
said that these were damned souls, and that to similar
pains was condemned the soul of the Marquis Hugh
by reason of his worldly life, unless he should repent:
who, with great fear, commended himself to the Virgin
Mary, and when the vision was ended, he remained so
pricked in the spirit, that after his return to Florence, he
sold all his patrimony in Germany, and commanded that
seven monasteries should be founded: the first was
the Badia of Florence, to the honour of S. Mary; the
second, that of Bonsollazzo, where he beheld the vision;
the third was founded at Arezzo; the fourth at Poggi-
bonizzi; the fifth at the Verruca of Pisa; the sixth
at the city of Castello; the last was the one at Settimo;
and all these abbeys he richly endowed, and lived after-
wards with his wife in holy life, and had no son, and died
in the city of Florence, on S. Thomas' Day, in the year
of Christ 1006, and was buried with great honour in
the Badia of Florence. And whilst the said Hugh was
.

BOOK IV. §§ 3-6
71
127-132.
living, he made in Florence many knights of the family Par. xvi.
of the Giandonati, of the Pulci, of the Nerli, of the
counts of Gangalandi, and of the family della Bella,
which all for love of him, retained and bore his arms,
barry, white and red, with divers charges.
§ 3. Of the Seven Princes of Germany which have to
elect the Emperor.
$ 4. Of the progeny of the Kings of France, which
descended from Hugh Capet.
Hugh Capet, as we before made mention, the lineage 987 A.D.
of Charles the Great having failed, was made king of
France in the year of Christ 987. This Hugh was duke
of Orleans (and by some it is held that his ancestors.
were all dukes and of high lineage), son of Hugh the
Great, and his mother was sister to Otho I. of Germany;
but by the more part it is said that his father was a great
and rich burgher of Paris, a butcher, or trader in beasts
by birth; but by reason of his great riches and posses-
sions, when the duchy of Orleans was vacant, and only
a daughter was left, he had her to wife, whence was
born the said Hugh Capet, which was very wise and of Purg. xx.
great possessions, and the kingdom of France was wholly
governed by him; and when the lineage of Charles the
Great failed, as was aforesaid, he was made king, and
reigned twenty years.
49-60.
*
*
*
*
*
$5.-How Henry I. was made Emperor.
§ 6. How in the time of the said Henry, the Floren-
tines took the city of Fiesole, and destroyed it.
In the said times, when the Emperor Henry I. was
•
1003 A. D.
IOIO A.D.
72
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
T
IOIO A.D.
reigning, the city of Florence was much increased in
inhabitants and in power, considering its small circuit,
especially by the aid and favour of the Emperor Otho I.,
and of the second and third Otho, his son and grandson,
which always favoured the city of Florence; and as the
city of Florence increased, the city of Fiesole continu-
ally decreased, they being always at war and enmity
together; but by reason of the strong position, and
the strength in walls and in towers which the city of
Fiesole possessed, in vain did the Florentines labour
to overcome it; and albeit they had more inhabitants,
and a greater number of friends and allies, yet the
Fiesolans were continually warring against them. But
when the Florentines perceived that they could not gain
it by force, they made a truce with the Fiesolans, and
abandoned the war between them; and making one
truce after another, they began to grow friendly, and
the citizens of one city to have converse with those of
the other, and to marry together, and to have little fear
one of the other. The Florentines perceiving that their
city of Florence had no power to rise much, whilst they
had overhead so strong a fortress as the city of Fiesole,
one night secretly and subtly set an ambush of armed
men in divers parts of Fiesole. The Fiesolans feeling
secure as to the Florentines, and not being on their
guard against them, on the morning of their chief festival
of S. Romolo, when the gates were open, and the Fie-
solans unarmed, the Florentines entered into the city
under cover of coming to the festival; and when a good
number were within, the other armed Florentines which
were in ambush secured the gates of the city; and on
a signal made to Florence, as had been arranged, all
the host and power of the Florentines came on horse
BOOK IV. § 6
73
*
:
T
¿
and on foot to the hill, and entered into the city of
Fiesole, and traversed it, slaying scarce any man, nor
doing any harm, save to those which opposed them.
And when the Fiesolans saw themselves to be suddenly
and unexpectedly surprised by the Florentines, part of
them which were able fled to the fortress, which was
very strong, and long time maintained themselves there.
The city at the foot of the fortress having been taken and
overrun by the Florentines, and the strongholds and they
which opposed themselves being likewise taken, the com-
mon people surrendered themselves on condition that
they should not be slain nor robbed of their goods, but
allowing the Florentines to destroy the city, and leaving
the bishopric under their jurisdiction. Then the Floren-
tines made a covenant, that whosoever desired to leave
the city of Fiesole, and come and dwell in Florence,
might leave the city safe and sound with all his goods
and possessions, and go to any place which pleased him;
for the which thing they came down in great numbers to
dwell in Florence, whereof there were and are great
families in Florence. Others went to dwell in the
region round about where they had farms and posses-
sions. And when this was done, and the city was
devoid of inhabitants and goods, the Florentines caused
it to be all pulled down and destroyed, all save the
bishop's palace and certain other churches, and the
fortress, which still held out, and did not surrender
under the said conditions. And this was in the year
of Christ 1010, and the Florentines and the Fiesolans 1010 A.D.
which became citizens of Florence, took thence all the
ornaments and pillars, and all the marble carvings
which were there, and the marble war chariot which is
in San Piero Scheraggio in Florence.
74
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
i
§ 7.-How that many Fiesolans came to dwell in.
Florence, and made one people with the Florentines.
The city of Fiesole being destroyed save the fortress
of the citadel, as has been aforesaid, many Fiesolans
came thence to dwell in Florence and made one people
with the Florentines, and by reason of their coming it
behoved to increase the walls and the circuit of the city
of Florence, as hereafter shall be narrated. And to the
end the Fiesolans which were come to dwell in Florence
might be more faithful and loving with the Florentines,
they caused the arms of the said two commonwealths to
be borne in common, and made the arms to be dimi-
diated red and white, as still to our times they are borne
upon the Carroccio and in the host of the Florentines.
The red was the ancient field which the Florentines had
from the Romans, as we afore made mention, and they
were wont to bear thereupon the white lily; and the
white was the ancient field of the Fiesolans, bearing an
azure moon: but from the said common arms they took
away the white lily and the moon, and so had them
dimidiated and uncharged; and they made common
laws and statutes, living under one government of two
citizen consuls, and with the council of the senate, to
wit of 100 men, the best of the city, as was the custom
given by the Romans to the Florentines.
And they
increased greatly the city of Florence both in inhabitants
and in power through the destruction of the city of
Fiesole, and through the Fiesolans which came to dwell
in Florence. Nevertheless, they were not a great people
in comparison with what they are in our times; foras-
much as the city of Florence was of small extent, as has
been narrated, and as may still be seen by tracing the
first circuit, and there were hardly the fourth of the
BOOK IV. §§ 7-8
75
·
inhabitants which there are to-day. The Fiesolans were
much diminished, and at the destruction of Fiesole they
were much scattered, and some went to one place, and
some to another; but the most part thereof came to
Florence, and it was a large city for those times; but,
from what we find, even with all the Fiesolans, they
were not the half which there are now in our days.
And note that the Florentines are always in schism, and
in factions and in divisions among themselves, which is
not to be marvelled at. One cause is by reason of the
city being rebuilt, as was told in the chapter concerning
its re-building, under the lordship and influence of the
planet of Mars, which always inspires wars and divisions. Cf. Conv.
The other cause is more certain and natural, that the
Florentines are to-day descended from two peoples so
diverse in manners, and who ever of old had been
enemies, as the Roman people and the people of Fie-
sole; and this we can see by true experience, and by
the divers changes and parties and factions which after
the said two peoples had been united into one, came to Inf. xv.
pass in Florence from time to time, as in this book 61-78.
henceforward more fully shall be narrated.
ii. 4:
171-174.
§ 8.-How the city of Florence increased its circuit, first
by moats and palisades, and then by walls.
After that the Fiesolans were come in great part
to dwell in Florence, as aforesaid, the city multiplied
in inhabitants and population; and as it increased
in suburbs and dwellings, outside the small old city,
after a little while it behoved of necessity that the
city should increase its circuit, first with moats and
palisades; and then in the time of Henry the Emperor
they made the walls, to the end the suburbs and out-
•
76
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1078 A.D.
•
growths, by reason of the wars which arose in Tuscany
about the matter of the said Henry, might not be taken
nor destroyed, and the city more readily besieged by
its enemies. Wherefore, at that time, in the year of
Christ 1078, as hereafter, in narrating the story of
Henry III., shall be mentioned, the Florentines began
the new walls, beginning from the east side at the gate
of S. Piero Maggiore, the which was somewhat behind
the church so called, enclosing the suburb of S. Piero
Maggiore and the said church within the new walls, and
afterwards, drawing them nearer in on the north side,
a little distance from the said suburb, they made an
angle at a postern which was called the Albertinelli
Gate from a family which dwelt in that place, which
was so called; then they drew them on as far as the
gate of the Borgo S. Lorenzo [suburb of S. Lawrence]
enclosing the said church within the walls; and after
this were two posterns, one at the forked way of the
Campo Corbolini, and the other the one afterwards
called the Porta del Baschiera. Then they ran on as
far as the Porta S. Paolo, and then continued as far
as the Carraia Gate, where the wall ended, by the Arno;
and there afterwards they began and built a bridge
which is called the Carraia Bridge from the name of
that gate; and then the walls continuing, not however
very high, along the bank of the Arno, included what
had been without the old walls, to wit the suburb of San
Brancazio [S. Pancras], and that of Parione, and that of
Santo Apostolo, and of the Porte Sante Marie as far as
the Ponte Vecchio; and then afterwards along the bank
of Arno as far as the fortress of Altafonte. From this
point the walls withdrew somewhat from the bank of
Arno, so that there remained a road between, and two
BOOK IV. § 8
77
12
postern gates whereby to come at the river; then they
went on the same, and took a turn where now are the
supports of the Rubaconte Bridge, and there at the turn
was a gate called the Oxen Gate, because there without
was held the cattle market, and afterwards it was named
the gate of Master Ruggieri da Quona, forasmuch as
the family of da Quona, when they came to dwell in the
city, established themselves near the said gate. Then
the walls went on behind S. Jacopo tra le Fosse (so called
because it stood on fosses), as far as where to-day is
the end of the piazza before the church of the Minor
Friars called Santa Croce; and there was a postern
which led to the island of Arno; then the walls went
on in a straight line without any gate or postern, return-
ing to S. Piero Maggiore whence they began. And thus
the new city of Florence on this side the Arno had five
gates for the five sesti, one gate to each sesto, and divers
posterns, as has been mentioned. In the Oltrarno [dis-
trict beyond the Arno] were three roads, all three of
which started from the Ponte Vecchio on the side beyond
Arno. One was and still is called the Borgo Pidiglioso,
seeing that it was inhabited by the baser sort. At the
head of this was a gate called the Roman Gate, where
now are the houses of the Bardi near S. Lucia de'
Magnoli across the Ponte Vecchio, and this was the
road to Rome, by Fegghine and Arezzo. There were
no other walls to the suburb about the road save the
backs of the houses against the hill. The second road
was that of Santa Felicita, called the Borgo di Piazza,
which had a gate where now is the piazza of San Felice,
where runs the road to Siena; and the third road
was called after S. Jacopo, and had gate a where now
are the houses of the Frescobaldi, where ran the road
78
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1015 A.D.
4
to Pisa. None of the three suburbs lying around these
roads of the sesto of Oltrarno had other walls save the
said gates, and the backs of the outside houses, which
enclosed the suburbs with orchards and gardens within.
But after that the Emperor Henry III. marched upon
Florence, the Florentines enclosed Oltrarno within walls,
beginning at the said gate to Rome, ascending behind
the Borgo alla Costa below San Giorgio, and then coming
out behind Santa Felicita, enclosing the Borgo di Piazza
and the Borgo di San Jacopo, and roughly following the
said Borghi. But afterwards the walls of Oltrarno on
the hill were made higher as they are now, in the time
when the Ghibellines first ruled the city of Florence, as
we will make mention in due place and time. We will
now leave for a time the doings of Florence, and we
will treat of the emperors which were after Henry I., for
it is necessary that we should tell of them here in order
to continue our history.
§ 9.-How Conrad I. was made Emperor.
After the death of the Emperor Henry I., Conrad I.
was elected and consecrated by Pope Benedict VIII.,
in the year of Christ 1015. He was of Suabia, and
reigned twenty years as emperor, and when he came
into Italy, not being able to obtain the lordship of
Milan, he laid siege to it, right in the suburbs of the city
itself; but as he was assuming the iron crown outside of
Milan in a church, while Mass was being sung, there
came great thunder and lightning into the church, and
some died therefrom; and the Archbishop which was
singing Mass at the altar, rose and said to the Emperor
Conrad, that he had visibly seen S. Ambrose, which
sternly menaced him except he abandoned the siege of
BOOK IV. §§ 9-10
79
Milan; and he, thus admonished, withdrew his host, and
made peace with the Milanese. He was a just man,
and made many laws, and kept the Empire in peace
long time.
Yea, and he went into Calabria against the
Saracens which were come to lay waste the country, and
fought against them, and, with great shedding of Chris-
tian blood, he drove them away and overcame them.
This Conrad took much delight in sojourning at Florence
when he was in Tuscany, and he advanced it greatly,
and many citizens of Florence received knighthood from
his hand, and were in his service. And to the intent it
may be known who were the noble and powerful citizens
in those times in the city of Florence, we will briefly
make mention thereof.
§ 10.-Of the nobles which were in the city of Florence
in the time of the said Emperor Conrad, and first of those
about the Duomo.
As before has been narrated, the first re-building of 1015 A.D.
the smaller Florence was according to the division of
four quarters, after the four gates; and to the end we
may the better describe the noble families and houses
which in the said times, after Fiesole had been de-
stroyed, were great and powerful in Florence, we will
recount them according to the quarters where they
dwelt. And first, they of the Porta del Duomo, which Cf. Par.
was the first fold and abiding place of the re-built
Florence, and where all the noble citizens of Florence
on Sundays gathered and held civil converse around the
Duomo, and where were celebrated all the marriages,
and peacemakings, and every festival and solemnity of
the commonwealth; and next, the Porta San Piero, and
then Porta San Brancazio, and Porta Sante Marie. And
XXV. 5.
80
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Par. xvi.
104.
Par. xvi.
108.
112-114.
Cf. Par. xv.
137, 138.
Par. xvi.
100.
Par. xvi.
89.
94-99.
65.
Inf. xvi.
37.
Par. xv.
112-114.
Par. xvi.
IOI.
Purg. xii.
104, 105.
Par. xvi.
105, 93.
104.
the Porta del Duomo was inhabited by the family of the
Giovanni, and of the Guineldi which were the first to
rebuild the city of Florence, whence afterwards were
descended many families of nobles in Mugello, and in
Valdarno, and in many cities, which now are popolari
and almost come to an end. There were the Barucci
which dwelt near Santa Maria Maggiore, which are now
extinct; the Scali and Palermini were of their lineage.
There were also in the said quarter Arrigucci, and Sizi,
and the family della Tosa: these della Tosa were of one
lineage with the Bisdomini, and were patrons and de-
fenders of the bishopric; but one of them departed from
his kin of the Porta San Piero, and took to wife a lady
called la Tosa, which was the heiress of her family, and
hence was derived the name. Also there were the
della Pressa, which abode among the Chiavaiuoli, gentle-
men.
§ 11.--Concerning the houses of the nobles in the quarter
of the Porta San Piero.
In the quarter of Porta San Piero were the Bisdomini,
which, as aforesaid, were the patrons of the bishopric, and
the Alberighi, and theirs was the church of Santa Maria
Alberighi towards the house of the Donati, and now,
nought remains of them; the Rovignani were very great,
and dwelt on Porta San Piero (their houses afterwards
belonged to the Counts Guidi, and afterwards to the
Cerchi), and from them were born all the Counts Guidi, as
has afore been told, of the daughter of the good Messer
Bellincione Berti; in our days all that family have disap-
peared; the Galligari, and Chiarmontesi, and Ardinghi,
which dwelt in Orto San Michele, were very ancient ; and
likewise the Giuochi, which now are popolani, which
BOOK IV. §§ 11-13
81
106, 107.
dwelt by Santa Margherita ; the Elisei, which likewise are
now popolani, who dwell near the Mercato Vecchio; Cf. 40-42.
and in that place dwelt the Caponsacchi, which were 121, 122.
Fiesolan magnates; the Donati or Calfucci, which were
all one family; but the Calfucci have come to nought;
and the della Bella of San Martino have also become
popolani; and the family of the Adimari, which were de-
scended from the house of the Cosi, which now dwell in
Porta Rossa, and they built Santa Maria Nipotecosa;
and albeit they are now the chief family of that sesto,
and of Florence, nevertheless, they were not of the
most ancient in those days.
Par. xvi.
100, III.
Par. xvi.
§ 12.—Of them of the quarter of Porta San Brancazio.
In the quarter of the Porta San Brancazio were very
great and potent the house of the Lamberti, de-
Inf. vi. 80,
scended from German forefathers. The Ughi were most xxviii.
ancient, which built Santa Maria Ughi, and all the hill 103-III.
of Montughi was theirs, but now they are extinct. The 88.
Catellini were most ancient, and now there is no record
of them. It is said that the family Tieri were of their
lineage, descended from a bastard. The Pigli were
gentlemen and magnates in those times, and the Sol-
danieri, and the Vecchietti; very ancient were the dell'
Arca, and now they are extinct; and the Migliorelli,
which now are nought; and the Trinciavelli of Mosciano
were very ancient.
§ 13.-Concerning them of the great quarter of Porta
Santa Maria and of San Piero Scheraggio.
131, 132.
115-120.
In the quarter of Porta Santa Maria, which is now
included in the sesto of San Piero Scheraggio and in
that of Borgo, there were many powerful and ancient
G
Par. xvi.
103.
Par. xvi.
93; Inf.
121-123;
Par. xv.
123
115, 116,
xvi. 92.
1
{
82
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
4.
104.
105.
89.
Par. xvi.
Par. xvi.
families. The chief were the Uberti, whose ancestor
109, 110;
Convito iv.
was born in Germany and came thence, which dwell
20:38-41. where is now the Piazza of the Priors, and the Palace
of the People; the Fifanti, called Bogolesi, dwelt at
the side of Porta Santa Maria; and the Galli, Cap-
piardi, Guidi; and the Filippi, which now have come
to nought, were then great and powerful, and dwelt in
the Mercato Nuovo. And likewise the Greci, whereto
pertained all the Borgo dei Greci, are now come to an
end and extinct, save that there are in Bologna of their
lineage; the Ormanni which dwelt where is now the said
Palace of the People, and who are now called Fora-
boschi. And behind San Piero Scheraggio where are
now the houses of the family of the Petri, dwelt they
of Pera or Peruzza; and from their name the postern
which was there was called the Peruzza Gate. Some
say that the Peruzzi of to-day were descended from this
lineage, but this I do not affirm. The Sacchetti which
dwell in the Garbo were very ancient; around the New
92,127,93. Market the Bostichi were of note, and the della San-
nella, and the Giandonati, and the Infangati. In the
Borgo Santo Apostolo the Gualterotti, and the Impor-
tuni, which are now popolani, were then magnates. The
Bondelmonti were noble and ancient citizens in the
country, and Montebuoni was their fortress, and many
others in Valdigrieve; first they settled in Oltrarno, and
then they betook themselves to the Borgo. The Pulci,
and the Counts of Gangalandi, Ciuffagni, and Nerli of
xv. 97, 98. Oltrarno, were at one time great and powerful, together
with the Giandonati, and the della Bella named above;
and from the Marquis Hugh which built the Badia of
Florence, they took their arms and knighthood, for
there were many magnates around him.
127-132,
89.
89.
124-126.
104.
123.
133.
136-144.
Par. xv.
115, xvi.
BOOK IV. §§ 14-18
83
$ 14.-How in those times Oltrarno was but little in-
habited. § 15.--How Henry II. called III. was made 1040 A. D.
Emperor, and the events which were in his time. § 16.— 1056 a.D.
How Henry III. was made Emperor, and the events
which were in Italy in his time, and how the Court of
Rome was in Florence. § 17.-How S. John Gualberti, 1073 A.D.
citizen of Florence, and father of the order of Vallombrosa,
was canonized.
§ 18.—Narration of many things that were in those
times.
13, 14.
Par. xviii.
48.
In those times, the year of Christ 1070, there passed 1070 A.D.
into Italy Robert Guiscard, duke of Normandy, the which Inf. xxviii.
by his prowess and wit did great things, and wrought in
the service of Holy Church against the Emperor Henry
III., who was persecuting it, and against the Emperor
Alexis, and against the Venetians, as we shall make men-
tion hereafter: for the which thing he was made lord
over Sicily and Apulia, with the confirmation of Holy
Church ;
and his descendants after him, down to the time
of Henry of Suabia, father of Frederick II., were kings iii. 118–
and lords thereof. And also in those same times was the
120.
xxxiii.
worthy and wise Countess Matilda, the which reigned in Cf. Purg.
Tuscany and in Lombardy, and was well-nigh sovereign 119.
lady over all, and did many great things in her time for
Holy Church, so that it seems to me reasonable and fitting
to speak of their beginning and of their state, in this our
treatise, forasmuch as they were much mixed up with the
doings of our city of Florence through the consequences
which followed their doings in Tuscany. And first we
will tell of Robert Guiscard, and then of the Countess
Matilda, and their beginnings and their doings briefly,
returning afterwards to our subject and the deeds of our
I
84
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
880-1110
A.D.
I
city of Florence, the which by the increase and the
doings of the Florentines began to multiply and to ex-
tend the fame of Florence throughout the whole world,
more than it had been heretofore; and therefore almost
by necessity it behoves us in our treatise to narrate more
universally henceforward of the Popes and of the Em-
perors and of the kings, and of many provinces of the
world, the events and things which happened in those
times, forasmuch as they have much to do with our
subject, and because the aforesaid Emperor Henry III.
was the beginner of the scandal between the Church and
the Empire, and afterwards the Guelfs and Ghibellines,
whence arose the parties of the Empire and of the
Church in Italy, the which so grew that all Italy was
infected thereby and almost all Europe, and many ills
and perils, and destructions and changes have followed
thereupon to our city and to the whole world, such as
following on with our treatise we shall mention in their
times. And we will begin now, at the head of every
page to mark the year of our Lord, following on. in
order of time, to the end that the events of past times
may be the more easily looked out in our treatise.
§ 19.-
Of Robert Guiscard and his descendants, which
were kings of Sicily and of Apulia.
Well, then, as was afore made mention, in the time
of the Emperor Charles, which is called Charles the
Fat, which reigned in the years of our Lord 880 unto
892, the pagan Northmen being come from Norway,
passed into Germany and into France, pressing and
tormenting the Gauls and the Germans. Charles, with
a powerful hand, came against the Northmen, and
peace being made and confirmed by matrimony, the
3
BOOK IV. § 19
85
!
A. D.
king of the Normans was baptised, and received at the 880-1110
sacred font by the said Charles, and in the end, Charles
not being able to drive the Normans out of France,
granted them a region on the further side of the Seine,
called Lada Serena, the which unto this day is called
Normandy, because of the said Normans, in the which
land, from that time forward, the duke has reigned as
king. The first duke, then, was Robert, to whom
succeeded his son William, which begat Richard, and
Richard begat the second Richard. This Richard begat
Richard and Robert Guiscard, the which Robert Guis-
card was not duke of Normandy, but brother of Duke
Richard. He, according to their usage, forasmuch as
he was a younger son, had not the lordship of the
duchy, and therefore desiring to make trial of his
powers, he came, poor and needy, into Apulia, where
at that time one Robert, a native of the country, was
duke, to whom Robert Guiscard, coming, was first
made his squire and was then knighted by him. Ro-
bert Guiscard having come then to this Duke Robert,
won many victories with prowess against his enemies,
for he was at war with the prince of Salerno; and
carrying with him magnificent rewards, he returned into
Normandy, bringing back report of the delights and
riches of Apulia, having adorned his horses with golden
bridles and shod them with silver, in witness of the
facts he alleged; by the which thing, having roused
many knights, following this emprise through desire of
riches and of glory, returning incontinent into Apulia,
he took them with him, and gave faithful aid to the
duke of Apulia against Godfrey, duke of the Normans;
and, not long time after, Robert, duke of Apulia, being
nigh unto death, by the will of his barons made him
1
86
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
his successor in the duchy, and as he had promised
him, he took his daughter to wife the year of Christ
1078 A.D. 1078. And a little time after, he conquered Alexis,
emperor of Constantinople, who had taken possession
of Sicily and of part of Calabria, and he conquered the
Venetians, and took all the kingdom of Apulia and of
Sicily; and albeit he did this in violation of the Roman
Church, to which the kingdom of Apulia belonged,
and albeit the Countess Matilda made war against
Robert Guiscard in the service of Holy Church; never-
theless, in the end, Robert being, of his own will, re-
conciled with Holy Church, was made lord of the said
kingdom; and not long after, Gregory VII., with his
cardinals, being besieged by the Emperor Henry IV. in
the castle of S. Angelo, Robert came to Rome and
drave away by force the said Henry with his Anti-pope
which he had made by force, and he freed the Pope
and the cardinals from the siege, and replaced the Pope
in the Lateran Palace, having severely punished the
Romans, who had shown favour to the Emperor Henry
and to the Pope whom he had made against Pope
Gregory. This Robert Guiscard, duke of Apulia, was
once on a hunting excursion, and he followed the quarry
into the depth of a wood, his companions not knowing
what had become of him, or where he was, or what he
was doing; and then Robert, seeing the night approach-
ing, leaving the beast which he was pursuing, sought to
return home; and turning, he found in the wood a
leper, who importunately asked alms of him; and when
he had said I know not what in reply, the leper said
again that the anguish he endured availed him nought,
yet him were liefer carry any weight or any burden;
and when he asked of the leper what he would have,
880-1110
A.D.
:
1
1
BOOK IV. § 19
A.D.
he said, "I desire that you will put me behind you on 880-1110
your horse"; lest abandoned in the wood, peradventure
the beasts might devour him. Then Robert cheerfully
received him behind him on his horse; and as they
rode forward, the leper said to Robert-great baron as
he was :-"My hands are so icy cold, that unless I may
cherish them against thy flesh, I cannot keep myself
on horseback." Then Robert granted the leper to put
his hands boldly under his clothing, and comfort his
flesh and his members without any fear; and when yet
a third time the leper bespoke his pity, he put him upon
his saddle, and he, sitting behind him, embraced the
leper, and led him to his own chamber and put him
into his own bed, and set him in it with right good care
to the end he might repose; no one of his household
perceiving ought thereof. And when the banquet of
supper was spread, having told his wife that he had
lodged the leper in his bed, his wife incontinent went
to the chamber to know if the poor sufferer would sup.
The chamber, albeit there were no perfumes therein,
she found as fragrant as if it had been full of sweet-
smelling things, such that neither Robert nor his wife
had ever known so sweet scents, and the leper, whom
they had come thither to seek, they did not find,
whereat the husband and the wife marvelled beyond
measure at so great a wonder; but with reverence and
with fear, both one and the other asked God to reveal
to them what this might be. And the following day
Christ appeared in a vision to Robert, saying, that if He
had shown Himself to him in the form of a leper, it was
to make trial of his piety; and He announced to him
that by his wife he should have sons, whereof one
should be emperor, the next king, and the third duke.
I
87
་
.
M
88
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Cf. Purg.
vii. 133-
136.
p
A.D.
880-1110 Encouraged by this promise Robert subdued the rebels
of Apulia and of Sicily, and acquired lordship over all;
and he had five sons: William, who took to wife the
daughter of Alexis, the emperor of the Greeks, and was
lord and possessor of his empire, but died without
children (some say that this was the William which was
called Longsword, but many say that this Longsword
was not of the lineage of Robert Guiscard, but of the
race of the marquises of Montferrat); and the second.
son of Robert Guiscard was Boagdinos [Boemond],
who was at the first duke of Tarentum; the third was
Roger, duke of Apulia, which, after the death of his
father, was crowned king of Sicily by Pope Honorius
II.; the fourth son of Robert Guiscard was Henry,
duke of Normandy; the fifth son, Richard Count
Cicerat, that is, I suppose, count of Acerra. This
Robert Guiscard, after having done many and noble.
things in Apulia, purposed and desired, by way of devo-
tion, to go to Jerusalem on pilgrimage; and it was told
him in a vision that he would die in Jerusalem. There-
fore, having commended his kingdom to Roger, his son,
he embarked by sea for the voyage to Jerusalem, and
arriving in Greece, at the port which was afterwards.
called after him Port Guiscard, he began to sicken of
his malady; and trusting in the revelation which had
been made to him, he in no wise feared to die. There
was over against the said port an island, to the which,
that he might repose and recover his strength, he caused
himself to be carried, and after being carried there he
Then he
asked what this island was called, and the mariners
answered that of old it was called Jerusalem. Which
thing having heard, straightway certified of his death,
1110 A. D. grew no better, but rather grievously worse.
BOOK IV. § 20
89
=
!
devoutly he fulfilled all those things which appertain to IIIO A.D.
the salvation of the soul, and died in the grace of God
the year of Christ 1110, having reigned in Apulia thirty-
three years. These things concerning Robert Guiscard
may in part be read in chronicles, and in part I heard
them narrated by those who fully knew the history of
the kingdom of Apulia.
§ 20.-Concerning the successors of Robert Guiscard
which were kings of Sicily and of Apulia.
Afterwards, Roger, son of Duke Robert Guiscard,
begat the second Roger; and this Roger, after the death
of his father, was made king of Sicily, and he begat
William, and Constance his sister. This William honour-
ably and magnificently ruled the kingdom of Sicily, and
he took to wife the daughter of the king of England,
and by her he had neither son nor daughter; and when
his father Roger was dead, and the sovereignty of the
kingdom had passed to William, a prophecy was made
known, that Constance, his sister, should rule over the
realm of Sicily in destruction and ruin; wherefore King
William, having called his friends and wise men, asked
counsel of them what he should do with his sister Con-
stance; and it was counselled him by the greater part
of them that if he desired the royal sovereignty should
be secure, he should cause her to be put to death.
But among the others was one named Tancred, duke
of Tarentum, which had been nephew to Robert Guis-
card through the sister who is thought to have been
wife to Bagnamonte [Boemond], prince of Antioch ;
this man, opposing the counsel of the others, appeased
King William, that he should not cause the innocent
lady to be put to death; and so it came to pass that the
Par. iii.
109-120.
Purg. iii.
112, 113.
Par. xx.
62.
90
CHRONICLE OF. VILLANI
J
Par. iii.
II2-120.
said Constance was preserved from death, and she, not
of her own will, but through fear of death, lived in the
guise of a nun in a certain convent of nuns. William
being dead, the aforesaid Tancred succeeded him in the
kingdom, having taken it to himself against the will of
the Church of Rome to which pertained the right and
property of that kingdom. This Tancred, instructed by
natural wit, was very full of learning, and he had a wife
more beautiful than the Sibyl, but as many think without
breasts, by whom he begat two sons and three daughters:
the first was called Roger, which in his father's lifetime
was made king, and he died; the second was William
the younger, which in his father's lifetime was made
king, and after his father was dead he held the kingdom
for a time. During these things, Tancred being alive
and on the throne, Constance, sister to King William,
already perhaps fifty years old, was a nun in her body
but not in her mind in the city of Palermo. Discord
then having arisen between King Tancred and the arch-
bishop of Palermo, perhaps for this cause, that Tancred
was usurping the rights of the Church, the archbishop
then thought how he might transfer the kingdom of
Sicily to other lordship, and made a secret treaty with
the Pope, that Constance should be married to Henry,
duke of Suabia, son of the great Frederick; and Henry
having taken to wife her to whom the kingdom seemed
to pertain by right, was crowned emperor by Pope Celes-
tine. This Henry, when Tancred was dead, entered into
the kingdom of Apulia, and punished many of them which
had held with Tancred, and had shown him favour, and
which had done injury to Queen Constance, and had
done shame to the nobility of her honour. This Con-
stance was the mother-we shall not say of Frederick
7
•
เ
:
BOOK IV. § 20
91
II. who was long king of the Roman Empire,-but rather
of Frederick who brought the said Empire to destruc-
tion, as will appear fully in his deeds. When Tancred
was dead then, the kingdom passed to his son William,
young in years and in wisdom; but Henry having entered
the kingdom with his army the year of Christ 1197, made 1197 a.D.
a false truce with the young King William, and having
taken him by fraud and secretly into Suabia, few know-
ing thereof, he sent him into banishment with his sister,
and having caused his eyes to be put out, he there kept
him under ward till his death. With this William son
of Tancred were taken his three sisters, to wit, Alberia,
Constance, and Ernadama. When the Emperor Henry
was dead, and the young William who had been cas-
trated and whose eyes had been put out was dead also,
Philip, duke of Suabia, through the prayers of his wife,
which was daughter of the Emperor Manuel of Con-
stantinople, delivered these three daughters of King
Tancred from exile and from prison, and let them go
free. And Alberia or Aceria had three husbands: the
first was Count Walter of Brienne, brother of King John,
from whom was born Walteran, count of Joppa, to
whom the king of Cyprus gave his daughter in marriage.
After Count Walter had been slain by Count Trebaldo
[Diephold], the German, Alberia was wedded to Count
James of Tricarico, by whom she had Count Simon and
the Lady Adalitta; and he being dead, Pope Honorius.
gave Alberia to wife to Count Tigrimo, count palatine in
Tuscany; and for dowry he gave her the region of Lizia
and of Mount Scaglioso in the kingdom of Apulia.
Constance was the wife of Marchesono [Ziani], doge of
Venice. The third sister, who was named Ernadama,
had no husband. These were the fortunes of the suc-
1
92
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
cessors of Robert Guiscard in the kingdom of Sicily and
of Apulia, down to Constance, mother of the Emperor
Frederick the son of King Henry; and thus it may be
seen that Robert Guiscard and his successors ruled over
the kingdom of Sicily and of Apulia 120 years. We
will now leave the kings of Sicily and of Apulia; and we
will relate concerning the wise Countess Matilda.
§ 21. Of the Countess Matilda.
The mother of Countess Matilda is said to have been
the daughter of one who reigned as emperor in Con-
stantinople, in whose court was an Italian of distin-
guished manners and of great race and well nurtured,
skilled in arms, expert and endowed with every gift,
such as they are in whom noble blood is wont to
declare itself illustriously. Now all these things made
him to be loved of all men and gave grace to his ways.
And he began to turn his eyes upon the emperor's
daughter, and was secretly united to her in marriage,
and they took such jewels and moneys as they might,
and she fled with him into Italy. And they came first
to the bishopric of Reggio, in Lombardy. From this
lady, then, and from her husband, was born the doughty
Countess Matilda. But the father of the lady aforesaid,
that is to say the emperor of Constantinople, who had
no other daughter, caused great searching to be made, if
by any means he might find her; and found she was, by
them that were seeking, in the said place; and when
they begged of her that she would return to her father,
who would marry her again to any prince she might
choose, she gave answer that she had chosen to have
him she now had above all other, and it were a thing
impossible to abandon him and ever be united to
་
BOOK IV. § 21
93
another man. And when all this was told again to the
emperor, straightway he sent letters and confirmed the
marriage, and money without end, with orders to buy
fortresses and villages at any price and erect new castles.
And they bought in the said place three fortresses, very
nigh together, and because of this close neighbourhood,
they are commonly called the Tre Castella at Reggio.
And not far from the said three fortresses the lady had
such a castle built upon a mountain as might never be
taken, the which castle was called Canossa, and there
the countess afterward founded and endowed a noble
convent of nuns. This was in the mountains; but on
the plain she built Guastalla and Sulzariani, and she
bought land along the Po and built divers monasteries,
and divers noble bridges did she make across the rivers
of Lombardy. And moreover Garfagnana and the
greater part of the Frignano and parts of the see of
Modena are said to have been her possession, and in
the Bolognese district the great and spacious towns of
Arzellata and Medicina were of her patrimony; and she
had many others in Lombardy. And in Tuscany she
established fortresses and the turret at Polugiana, within
her jurisdiction, and she liberally endowed many noble-
men, under fee, and made them her vassals. In divers
places she built many monasteries, and endowed many
cathedral churches and others. And in the end, when
the Countess Matilda's father and mother were dead,
and she was their heir, she thought to marry, and having
heard of the fame and the person and the other qualities
of a native of Suabia, whose name was Guelf, she sent
formal messages to him and authorised agents who should
establish a contract of marriage between him and her,
albeit they were not present in person together, and
··
94
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
who should arrange the place where the wedding should
take place. The ring was given at the noble castle of
the Conti Ginensi, which is now, however, destroyed.
And as Guelf approached the said castle, the Countess
Matilda went to meet him with a great cavalcade, and
there was held the festival of the wedding right joyously.
But soon did sadness follow gladness in that the marriage
bond was not consummated, by failure of conception,
which is expressly declared to be the purpose of marriage.
*
*
*
*
*
The countess then, in silence, fearing deception and
being averse to the other burdens of matrimony, passed
her life in chastity even to her death, and giving herself
to works of piety she built and endowed many churches
and monasteries and hospitals. And once and again she
came with a great army and mightily interposed in service
of Holy Church and succoured her. Once was against
the Normans, who had taken away the duchy of Apulia
from the Church by violence, and were laying waste
the confines of Campagna. Them did the Countess
Matilda, devout daughter of S. Peter that she was, to-
gether with Godfrey, duke of Spoleto, drive off as far as
to Aquino in the time of Alexander II., Pope of Rome.
The second time she fought against the Emperor Henry
III. of Bavaria, and overcame him. And yet once
again she fought for the Church in Lombardy against
Henry IV., his son, and overcame him, in the time of
Pope Calixtus II. And she made a will and offered up
all her patrimony on the altar of S. Peter, and made the
Church of Rome heir of it all. And not long after she
died in God, and she is buried in the church of Pisa,
which she had largely endowed. It was in the 1115th
year of the Nativity that the countess died. We will
BOOK IV. §§ 22-30
95
*
pas
leave to speak of the Countess Matilda, and will turn 1115 A.D.
back to follow the history of the Emperor Henry III. of
Bavaria.
§ 22.-Again how Henry III. of Bavaria renewed war
against the Church. $ 23.-How the said Emperor 1080 A.D.
Henry besieged the city of Florence. § 24.-How in these 1089 A.D.
times was the great crusade over seas. § 25.-How the
Florentines began to increase their territory. § 26.-How
the Florentines conquered and destroyed the fortress of
Prato. § 27.-How Henry IV. of Bavaria was elected 1107 A.D.
Emperor, and how he persecuted the Church. § 28.-How
at last the said Emperor Henry IV. returned to obedience
to Holy Church.
§ 29.—How the Florentines defeated the Vicar of the
Emperor Henry IV.
In the year of Christ 1113 the Florentines marched 1113 A.D
against Montecasciolo, which was making war upon the
city, having been stirred to rebellion by M. Ruberto
Tedesco, vicar of the Emperor Henry in Tuscany,
who was stationed with his troops in Samminiato del
Tedesco, so called because the vicars of the Emperors
with their troops of Tedeschi [Germans] were stationed
in the said fortress to harry the cities and castles of
Tuscany that would not obey the Emperors. And this
M. Ruberto was routed and slain by the Florentines, and
the fortress taken and destroyed.
$ 30.-How the city of Florence took fire twice, whence
a great part of the city was burnt.
In the year of Christ 1115, in the month of May, fire 1115 A.D.
broke out in the Borgo Santo Apostolo, and was so great
PO
96
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
13-15.
and impetuous that a good part of the city was burnt,
to the great hurt of the Florentines. And in that self-
same year died the good Countess Matilda. And after,
in the year 1117, fire again broke out in Florence, and
of a truth that which was not burnt in the first fire was
burnt in the second, whence great hurt befell the Floren-
tines, and not without cause and judgment of God, for-
asmuch as the city was evilly corrupted by heresy, among
Cf. Inf. x. others by the sect of the epicureans, through the vice of
licentiousness and gluttony, and this over so large a
part, that the citizens were fighting among themselves for
the faith with arms in their hands in many parts of
Florence, and this plague endured long time in Florence
till the coming of the holy Religions of St. Francis and
of St. Dominic, the which Religions through their holy
brothers, the charge of this sin of heresy having been
committed to them by the Pope, greatly exterminated it
in Florence, and in Milan, and in many other cities of
Tuscany and of Lombardy in the time of the blessed
Peter Martyr, who was martyred by the Paterines in
Milan; and afterwards the other inquisitors wrought the
like. And in the flames of the said fires in Florence
were burnt many books and chronicles which would
more fully have preserved the record of past things in
our city of Florence, wherefore but few thereof remain;
for the which thing it has behoved us to collect them
from other veracious chronicles of divers cities and
countries, whereof in this treatise mention has been
made in great part.
III5 A.D.
II17 A.D.
Par. xi.
35-123.
Par. xii.
31-III.
II17 A.D.
$ 31.-How the Pisans took Majorca, and the Floren-
tines protected the city of Pisa.
In the year of Christ 1117 the Pisans made a great
BOOK IV. § 31
}
97
expedition of galleys and ships against the island of 1117 A.D.
Majorca, which the Saracens held, and when the said
armada had departed from Pisa and was already assem-
bled at Vada for the voyage, the commonwealth of
Lucca marched upon Pisa to seize the city. Hearing
this, the Pisans dared not go forward with their expe-
dition for fear that the Lucchese should take possession
of their city; and to draw back from their emprise did
not seem for their honour in view of the great outlay
and preparation which they had made. Wherefore they
took counsel to send their ambassadors to the Floren-
tines, for the two commonwealths in those times were
close friends. And they begged them that they would
be pleased to protect the city, trusting them as their
inmost friends and dear brothers. And on this the
Florentines undertook to serve them and to protect
their city against the Lucchese and all other. Where-
fore the commonwealth of Florence sent thither armed
folk in abundance, horse and foot, and encamped two
miles outside the city, and in respect for their women
they would not enter Pisa, and made a proclamation that
whosoever should enter the city should answer for it
with his person; and one who did enter was accordingly
condemned to be hung. And when the old men who
had been left in Pisa prayed the Florentines for love of
them to pardon him, they would not. But the Pisans
still opposed, and begged that at least they would not
put him to death in their territory; whereupon the Floren-
tine army secretly purchased a field from a peasant in
the name of the commonwealth of Florence, and thereon
they raised the gallows and did the execution to main-
tain their decree. And when the host of the Pisans
returned from the conquest of Majorca they gave great
H
98
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
:
î
·
II17 A.D.
1125 A.D.
thanks to the Florentines, and asked them what me-
morial they would have of the conquest-the metal
gates, or two columns of porphyry which they had taken
and brought from Majorca. The Florentines chose the
columns, and the Pisans sent them to Florence covered
with scarlet cloth, and some said that before they sent
them they put them in the fire for envy. And the said
columns are those which stand in front of San Giovanni.
1135 A.D.
§ 32.-How the Florentines took and destroyed the for-
tress of Fiesole.
In the year of Christ 1125, the Florentines came with
an army to the fortress of Fiesole, which was still stand-
ing and very strong, and it was held by certain gentle-
men Cattani, which had been of the city of Fiesole,
and thither resorted highwaymen and refugees and evil
men, which sometimes infested the roads and country
of Florence; and the Florentines carried on the siege so
long that for lack of victuals the fortress surrendered,
albeit they would never have taken it by storm, and they
caused it to be all cast down and destroyed to the foun-
dations, and they made a decree that none should ever
dare to build a fortress again at Fiesole.
$ 33. From where the miles are measured in the terri-
1125 A.D. tory of Florence. § 34.-How Roger, duke of Apulia,
was at war with the Church, and afterwards was recon-
ciled with the Pope, and how after that there were two
1147 A.D. Popes in Rome at one time. § 35.-Tells of the second
crusade over seas.
$ 36.-How the Florentines destroyed the fortress of
K
·
Montebuono.
In the year of Christ 1135 the fortress of Montebuono
[
:
99
BOOK IV. §§ 32-38
:
:
·
ŷ
66.
was standing, which was very strong and pertained to 1135 A.D.
the house of the Bondelmonti, which were Cattani and Par. xvi.
ancient gentlemen of the country, and from the name of
this their castle the house of Bondelmonti took their
name; and by reason of its strength, and because the
road ran at the foot thereof, therefore they took toll, for
the which thing the Florentines did not desire, nor would
they have, such a fortress hard by the city; and they
went thither with an army in the month of June and took
it, on condition that the fortress should be destroyed,
and the rest of the possessions should still pertain to the
said Cattani, and that they should come and dwell in
Florence. And thus the commonwealth of Florence
began to grow, and by force, rather than by right, their
territory increased, and they subdued to their jurisdiction
every noble of the district, and destroyed the fortresses.
§ 37.-How the Florentines were discomfited at Monte- 1147 A.D.
dicroce by the Counts Guidi. § 38.-How they of Prato 1154 A.D.
were discomfited by the Pistoians at Carmignano.
END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK IV.
Uor M
!
!
i
i
Mчou
}
1.
:
1
·
!
I
*
}
BOOK V.
HERE begins the Fifth Book: How Frederick I. of Staufen
of Suabia was Emperor of Rome, and of his descendants, 1154 A. D.
and concerning the doings of Florence which were in their
times, and of all Italy.
ΙΟΙ
K
Cf. Par.
§ 1. After the death of Conrad of Saxony, king of Epist. vi.
the Romans, Frederick Barbarossa was elected Emperor, (5) 135,
136.
called Frederick the Great, or the First, of the house of Purg. xviii.
Suabia, and surnamed of Staufen. This Frederick, when 19, 120.
he had received the votes of the electors, proclaimed iii. 119.
himself, and then came into Italy, and was crowned at
Rome by Pope Adrian IV., in the year of Christ 1154,
and reigned 37 years between king of the Romans and
Emperor. He was liberal and a man of worth, eloquent
and noble, and glorious in all his deeds. At the first he
was friendly to Holy Church in the time of the said
Pope Adrian, and rebuilt Tivoli, which had been de-
stroyed; but the same day that he was crowned there 1154 A.D.
was a great scuffle and fight between the Romans and
his followers in Nero's meadow, where they were waiting
for the said Emperor, to the great loss of the Romans;
and again within the portico of St. Peter's; and it
was all burnt and destroyed, to wit, the part of Rome
which is around St. Peter's. And when he returned to
Lombardy in the first year of his reign, because the city
of Spoleto would not obey him, forasmuch as it per- Epist. vi.
(5) 137.
Uor M
102
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
II54 A.D.
1159 A.D.
tained to the Church, he brought an army against it, and
overcame it, and destroyed it utterly; and through his
desire to usurp the rights of the Church, he soon be-
came her enemy: for after the death of Pope Adrian, in
the year of Christ 1159, Alexander III., of Siena, was
made Pope, who reigned 22 years; and he, to maintain
the rights of Holy Church, had great war with the said
Emperor Frederick for long time; which Emperor raised
up against him four schismatical anti-popes at divers.
times, one after the other, and three thereof were cardi-
nals. The first was Octavianus, which took the name of
Victor; the second, Guy of Cremona, which took the
name of Pascal; the third was John of Struma, which
took the name of Calixtus; the fourth was called Lan-
done, which took the name of Innocent; whence came
great schism and affliction to the Church of God, foras-
much as these Popes by the power of the Emperor
Frederick held all the patrimony of St. Peter and the
Duchy, so that the said Pope Alexander had no
authority. But the said Pope Alexander fought valiantly
against them all, and excommunicated them: the which
all, one after the other, during his reign, died an evil
death. But whilst they were reigning by the power of
Frederick, the said true Pope, Alexander, not being able
to abide in Rome, went to the French court to King
Louis the Pious, which received him graciously. And it
is said in France that when the said Pope was coming to
Paris secretly with a small company in the guise of a
lesser prelate, immediately that he came to St. Maure,
near to Paris, albeit they had not had news from the
Pope, yet by Divine miracle there rose a voice: "Be-
hold the Pope! behold the Pope!" and the bells began
to ring, and the king, with the clergy and the people of
Maou
7
BOOK V. § I
103
Paris, went out to meet him, whence the Pope marvelled 1159 A.D.
greatly, forasmuch as none knew of his coming; and he
thanked God, and made himself known to the king and
to the people, and began to give the benediction. And
afterwards in France the said Pope called a general
council in the city of Tours in Touraine, in the which he
excommunicated the said Frederick, and deposed him.
from the Empire, and absolved all his barons from their
oaths, and deposed them of the house of Colonna in
Rome, that neither they nor their successors should ever
be allowed to hold any office in Holy Church, seeing
that they all held to the aid and favour of the said
Frederick against the Church. And in that council all
the kings and lords of the West promised and leagued
themselves with Louis, king of France, in aid of the said
Pope Alexander and of Holy Church, against the said
Frederick, and likewise many cities of Lombardy re-
belled against the said Frederick, to wit, Milan, and
Cremona, and Piacenza, and held with the Pope and
with the Church; for the which thing, when the said
Frederick was passing through Lombardy to go into
France against King Louis, who was supporting Pope
Alexander, and found that the city of Milan had rebelled Epist. vi.
against him, he laid siege thereto, and, after long siege, (5) 136.
he took it, in the year of Christ 1157, in the month of 1157 A.D.
March, and destroyed the walls thereof and burnt all
the city, and caused the ground to be ploughed and Purg. xviii.
sown with salt; and the bodies of the Three Kings or 119-120.
Epist. vi.
Magi which came to adore Christ by the guiding of the (5) 135,
star, which were in the city of Milan, in three tombs 136.
hewn out of porphyry, he caused to be taken from Milan
and sent to Cologne, whence all the Lombards were very
wrathful. And afterwards, crossing the mountains to
b
104
CHRONICLE OF VİLLANI
...
4
...
!
1157 A.D. destroy the realm of France, with the aid of the king of
Bohemia and the king of Dacia-that is, Denmark-he
entered into Burgundy; but King Louis of France, with
the aid of Henry, king of England, his son-in-law, and
with many lords and barons, was ready to oppose him,
so that by the grace of God he had no power, nor gained
any land there, but through lack of victuals those kings
returned to their own countries and Frederick to Italy.
And he made war against the Romans, forasmuch as
they had come over to the side of the Church and of
Pope Alexander; and when the said Romans with their
host were in the region of Tusculum, they were defeated
by the chancellor of the said Frederick and his German
troops in the place called Monte del Porco, and many
Romans were taken and slain in such great numbers that
cartloads of dead bodies were taken to Rome to be
buried, and this defeat is said to have been by reason of
the treachery of the Colonnas, which were always with the
Emperor and against the Church; wherefore they were by
the Pope deprived of all temporal and spiritual benefit;
and because of the said defeat the Romans drove the
Colonnas away from Rome, and destroyed an ancient
and very beautiful fortress pertaining to them, which was
called La Gosta, which is said to have been built by
1167 A.D. Cæsar Augustus, and this was in the year of Christ 1167.
And after this the Emperor came to Rome to besiege it
and to destroy it, and brought it into great straits. The
Romans caused the clergy of Rome to take the heads of
St. Peter and of St. Paul and to carry them in proces-
sion all through Rome, for the which thing the Romans
all took the cross against the Emperor, and the first
which took it was M. Matteo Rosso the Elder, of the
Orsini family, grandfather to Pope Nicholas III., and by
1
·
BOOK V. § 2
105
reason of old age he had abandoned arms, and taken 1167 A.D.
the habit of a penitent; and for this cause he put off
the said habit and took his arms again, for which he
was much commended, and by reason of this he and his
came into favour with the Church, and increased greatly.
After the said M. Matteo, Gianni Buovo, a great citizen
of Rome, took the cross, and afterwards all the others.
with great zeal and desire; for the which thing, when
the Emperor heard thereof, either through fear, or rather
through a miracle of the blessed Apostles, straightway
he departed from the siege of Rome with his followers,
and returned to Viterbo, and the city of Rome was set
free.
§ 2. How Pope Alexander returned from France to
Venice, and the Emperor returned to obedience.
Then, after the said Pope Alexander had been long
time in France, by the aid of the kings of France and of
England he returned with his court into Italy by sea,
and, landing in Sicily, he was devoutly received and
favoured by King William, which then was king thereof,
and which declared himself faithful to Holy Church, and
that he held the island from him; for the which thing
the said Pope confirmed him king of Sicily, and gave
him Apulia, wherefore the said King William with his
fleet bore him company by sea as far as the city of
Venice, whither the Pope desired to go for more security,
that the Emperor Frederick might not hurt him; and to
show favour to the faithful believers in Holy Church in
Lombardy, he sojourned in the said city of Venice, and
by the Venetians was reverently received and honoured;
and by his favour the Milanese rebuilt the city of Milan
in the year of Christ 1168. Then, a little while after, 1168 A.D.
106
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
•
i
1168 A.D.
:
the Milanese, with the aid of Piacenza and Cremona,
and of the other cities of Lombardy which obeyed Holy
Church, built a city in Lombardy, to be a rampart and
defence against the city of Pavia, which always was
against Milan, and held with the Empire; and since this
city was built, to the honour of the said Pope Alexander,
and to the end it might be more famous, they called it
Alessandria; and afterwards it was surnamed City della
Paglia [of Straw], in contempt, by the Pavians; and at
the prayer of the Lombards the Pope gave it a bishop,
and deposed the bishop of Pavia, and took away from
him the dignity of the Pallium and of the Cross, foras-
much as he had always held with the Emperor Frederick
against the Church.
§ 3-How the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa was
reconciled with the Church, and went over seas, and
there died.
The Emperor Frederick, seeing himself much cast
down from his state and sovereignty, and that many
cities of Lombardy and of Tuscany were rebelling
against him and holding with the Church and with Pope
Alexander, which had greatly increased in estate by the
favour of the kings of France and of England, and of
William, king of Sicily, sought to reconcile himself with
the Church and with the Pope, to the end he might not
wholly lose the honour of the Empire, and he sent a
solemn embassy to Venice to Pope Alexander to ask for
peace, promising to make all amends to Holy Church,
and the Pope graciously hearkened to him, wherefore
the said Frederick went to Venice and threw himself at
the feet of the said Pope, and asked for mercy. Then
the said Pope set his foot upon his neck, and said the
BOOK V. § 3
107
་
verse of the psalter: "Super aspidem et basiliscum am-
bulabiș, et conculcabis leonem et draconem" [Ps. xci. 13];
and the Emperor answered, "Non tibi sed Petro" [Not
to you, but to Peter, was it said], and the Pope an-
swered, “Ego sum vicarius Petri" [I am in the place
of Peter]; and then he forgave him every offence
which he had committed against Holy Church, causing
him to restore that which he held from Holy Church;
and this he promised and did, under compact that
whatsoever should be found held in possession by
the Church on that day throughout the Kingdom,
should pertain for ever to Holy Church; and it was
found that Benivento was so held; and this was the
cause why the Church holds as hers the city of Beni-
vento. And this done, he reconciled him with the
Romans, and with Manuel, emperor of Constantinople,
and with William, king of Sicily, and with the Lom-
bards; and as amends and penance he imposed upon
him, and he promised, to go over seas to the succour of
the Holy Land, forasmuch as Saladin, the soldan of Inf. iv.
Babylon, had retaken Jerusalem and many other for-
tresses held by the Christians; and this he did. Then
the said Frederick, having taken the cross in the year of
Christ 1188, departed from Germany with an immense 1188 A.D.
host, and went by land through Hungary to Constanti-
nople as far as Armenia [Pisidia]; but when the said
Frederick was come into Armenia, it being summer and
very hot, as he was bathing for his solace in a little river
called the river of Ferro [Iron], he was miserably drowned.
And this, it is believed, was the judgment of God by
reason of the many persecutions which he had brought
upon Holy Church: and he left a son,
which was
named Henry, whom he had caused to be elected king
I29.
108
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1188 A.D.
1170 A.D.
1174 A.D.
1177 A.D.
of the Romans before he passed over seas in the year of
Christ 1186; and when the said Frederick was dead, his
wife, with her son and with their followers, albeit many
of them died on this voyage, returned from Syria to the
West without having gained anything. We will now
return to our subject of the doings of Florence and of
other things which were in the time when the said
Frederick was reigning; but first we will tell of King
Philip of France and of King Richard of England, which
went over seas to the succour of the Holy Land in this
same time.
§ 4.-How the king of France and the king of England
went over seas. § 5.-How the Florentines defeated the
Aretines. § 6.-How the first war of the Florentines
against the Sienese began. § 7.-How the noble and
strong castle of Poggibonizzi was first built, and that of
Colle of Valdelsa.
§ 8. Of the great fires which were in the city of
Florence.
In the year of Christ 1177, fire broke out in the city
of Florence on the 5th day of August, and spread from
the foot of the Ponte Vecchio as far as the Mercato
Vecchio. And afterwards, in the same year, fire broke
out at San Martino del Vescovo, and spread as far as
Santa Maria Ughi and to the Duomo of S. Giovanni,
with great hurt to the city, and not without the judgment
of God, forasmuch as the Florentines had become very
proud by reason of the victories they had gotten over
their neighbours; and some among them were very
ungrateful towards God, and full of other wicked sins.
And in this year, because of a great flood of the river
•
*
BOOK V. §§ 4-9
109
Arno, the Ponte Vecchio fell, which also was a sign of 1177 A.D.
future adversities to our city.
§ 9.- How civil war began in Florence between the
Uberti and the government of the Consuls.
Wherefore in the selfsame year there began in Florence 1177 A.D.
dissension and great war among the citizens, the worst
that had ever been in Florence; and this was by reason
of too great prosperity and repose, together with pride.
and ingratitude; forasmuch as the house of the Uberti,
which were the most powerful and the greatest citizens
of Florence, with their allies, both magnates and popolari,
began war against the Consuls (which were the lords
and rulers of the commonwealth for a certain time and
under certain ordinances), from envy of the Government,
which was not to their mind; and the war was so fierce
and unnatural that well-nigh every day, or every other day,
the citizens fought against one another in divers parts of
the city, from district to district, according as the fac-
tions were, and as they had fortified their towers, whereof
there was great number in the city, in height 100 or
120 cubits. And in those times, by reason of the said
war, many towers were newly fortified by the communi-
ties of the districts, from the common funds of the neigh-
bourhood, which were called Towers of the Fellowships,
and upon them were set engines to shoot forth one at
another, and the city was barricaded in many places;
and this plague endured more than two years, and
many died by reason thereof, and much peril and hurt
was brought upon the city; but this war among the
citizens became so much of use and wont that one day
they would be fighting, and the next day they would be
eating and drinking together, and telling tales of one
,
3
IIO
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1182 A.D.
1184 A.D.
1177 A.D. another's valour and prowess in these battles and at
last they ceased fighting, in that it irked them for very
weariness, and they made peace, and the Consuls re-
mained in their government; albeit, in the end they
begot and then brought forth the accursed factions,
which were afterwards in Florence, as hereafter in due
time we will make mention.
1184 A.D.
§ 10.-How the Florentines took the castle of Montegros-
soli. § 11.-How the Florentines took the castle of Pogna.
§ 12.-How the Emperor Frederick I. took their terri-
tory from the city of Florence, and many other cities of
Tuscany.
In the said year of Christ 1184, the Emperor Fred-
erick I., as he went from Lombardy into Apulia, passed
through our city of Florence on the 31st day of July in
the said year, and abode there some days; and receiv-
ing a complaint from the nobles of the country that the
commonwealth of Florence had taken by force and
occupied many of their castles and strongholds against
the honour of the Empire, he took from the common-
wealth of Florence all the whole territory and the lord-
ship thereof up to the walls, and in the territory he set
vicars of his own throughout the villages to administer
the law and execute justice; and he did the like to all
the other cities of Tuscany which had held with the
Church when he was at war with Pope Alexander, save
that he did not take the territory from the cities of Pisa
and of Pistoia, which held with him.
And in this year
the said Frederick besieged the city of Siena, but did not
take it. And these things he did to the said cities of
Tuscany, forasmuch as they had not been on his side;
2
BOOK V. §§ 10-13
III
so that, albeit he was at peace with the Church and 1184 A.D.
had cried the said Pope mercy, as afore has been
narrated, nevertheless, he did not cease from manifesting
ill-will against the cities which had obeyed the Church;
and thus the city of Florence was left without any terri-
tory for four years, until the said Frederick set forth on
his voyage over seas, when he was drowned, as afore we
have narrated.
§ 13.-How the Florentines took the cross, and went
over seas to conquer Damietta, and therefore recovered
their territory.
In the year of Christ 1188, all Christendom being 1188 a.D.
moved to go to the succour of the Holy Land, there
came to Florence the archbishop of Ravenna, the Pope's
Legate, to preach the cross for the said expedition; and
many good people of Florence took the cross from the
said archbishop at S. Donato tra le Torri, or at S. Donato
a Torri, beyond Rifredi, or the Monastery delle Donne,
forasmuch as the said archbishop was of the Order of
Citeaux [the Cistercian Order]; and this was on the 2nd
day of the month of February in the said year, and the
Florentines were in such great numbers that they made
up an army in themselves over seas, and they were at
the conquest of the city of Damietta, and among the
first which took the city, and for an ensign they brought
back thence a crimson standard which is still in the
church of S. Giovanni; and because of the said devo-
tion and aid given by the Florentines to Holy Church
and to Christendom, the jurisdiction over the territory
around was restored to the city of Florence by Pope
Gregory and by the said Emperor Frederick, to the dis-
tance of ten miles around the city of Florence,
II2
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1188 A.D.
1192 A.D.
•
§ 14.-How the Florentines got the arm of the blessed
apostle S. Philip. § 15.-How the Pope brought the
Pisans and the Genoese to peace, thereby to strengthen the
expedition over seas.
§ 16.-How Henry of Suabia was made Emperor by
the Church, and how Constance, queen of Sicily, was given
him to wife.
Henry of Suabia, son of the great Frederick, as we
said before, whilst his father was alive, had been elected
king of the Romans; and when he returned from over
seas, and had ordered his government in Germany, he
passed into Italy and came to Rome at the request
of Pope Clement, and was received with honour by the
Romans, forasmuch as he restored to them the city of
Tusculum and its territory, which had rebelled against
the Romans; which city was all destroyed and laid waste
by the Romans, and was never afterwards rebuilt. And
when the said Henry was come to Rome he found that
the said Pope Clement was dead, which had sent for him;
and Pope Celestine, a native of Rome, had been elected
by the cardinals, so that the said Henry was present at
his consecration, which took place on Easter Day of the
Resurrection, in April, in the year of Christ 1192; and
he lived as Pope six years and eight months and eleven
days. And when Celestine had become Pope, on the
second day after his consecration, he crowned the said.
Henry emperor. And before the said Henry departed
from Germany, the Church was at variance with Tancred,
king of Sicily and of Apulia (son to the other Tancred,
which was sister's son to Robert Guiscard, as we made
mention in the chapter wherein we treated of the said.
Robert), by reason that he did not, as he should, faith-
!
:
BOOK V. §§ 14-16
113
fully pay tribute to the Church, and that he presented 1192 A.D.
bishops and archbishops to benefices at his pleasure to
the shame of the Pope and of the Church; wherefore
the said Pope Clement treated with the archbishop of
Palermo to take away the kingdom of Sicily and Apulia
from the said Tancred, and gave order to the said arch-
bishop that Constance, sister of King William and right-
ful heiress of the realm of Sicily, which was a nun in
Palermo, as we afore made mention, and was already
more than fifty years old, should leave the convent, and
he gave her dispensation that she might return to the
world and enter into matrimony; and the said archbishop
caused her secretly to depart from Sicily and come to
Rome, and the Church gave her to wife to the said
Emperor Henry, whence a little while after was born the Par. iii.
Emperor Frederick II., which brought such persecutions 109-120.
upon the Church, as we will tell hereafter in treating of
him. And it was not without Divine occasioning and
judgment that such a baneful heir must needs be the issue,
being born of a holy nun, and she more than fifty-two
years old, when it is almost impossible for a woman to
bear a child; so that he was born of two contradictions
-against spiritual laws, and, in a sense, against natural
laws. And we find, when the Empress Constance was
pregnant with Frederick, there was doubt in Sicily and
throughout all the realm of Apulia whether, by reason
of her advanced age, she could be pregnant; for the
which thing, when the time came for her to be delivered,
a pavilion was erected on the piazza at Palermo, and a
proclamation was put forth that any lady who desired
might go and see her, and many went thither and saw
her, and therefore the doubt came to an end.
I
¦
¿
114
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
§ 17. How the Emperor Henry conquered the kingdom
of Apulia. § 18.-How the Emperor Henry rebelled
against the Church, and persecuted it, and how he died.
1203 A.D. § 19.-How Otho IV. of Saxony was elected Emperor.
§ 20.-How the whole orb of the sun was eclipsed. § 21.
-How they of Samminiato destroyed their whole city by
their discords. § 22,-How the Florentines bought Monte-
1198 A.D. grossoli. § 23.-How Innocent III. was made Pope.
1192 A.D.
1197 A.D.
*
I 196 A.D.
1200 A.D.
Par. xi.
43-117.
Par. xi.
118-123;
xii.
46–105.
§ 24.-How the Order of the Minor Friars began.
In the time of the said Pope Innocent began the holy
Order of the Minor Friars, the founder whereof was
the blessed Francis, born in the city of Assisi in the
Duchy, and by this Pope the said Order was accepted
and approved with privilege, forasmuch as it was alto-
gether founded on humility, and love, and poverty, follow-
ing in all things the holy gospel of Christ, and shunning
all human delights. And the said Pope saw in a vision
S. Francis supporting the Church of the Lateran upon
his shoulders, as he afterwards, after the same manner,
beheld S. Dominic, the which vision was a figure and
prophecy how by them should be supported Holy
Church and the faith of Christ.
§ 25.-How the Order of the Preaching Friars began.
And still in the time of the said Pope, after the same
manner began the Order of the Preaching Friars, the
founder whereof was the blessed Dominic, born in Spain.
But in this Pope's time it was not confirmed, albeit in a
vision it seemed to the said Pope that the Church of the
Lateran was falling upon him, and the blessed Dominic
sustained it on his shoulders. And by reason of this
vision he purposed to confirm it, but death overtook
1
¿
:
BOOK V. §§ 17–29
him, and his successor, Pope Honorius, afterwards
confirmed it the year of Christ 1216. The visions of 1216 A.D.
the aforesaid Innocent, concerning S. Francis and S.
Dominic, were true, for the Church of God was falling
through many errors and many licentious sins, not fear-
ing God; and the said blessed Dominic, through his
holy learning and preaching, corrected it, and was the
first exterminator of heretics therefrom; and the blessed
Francis, through his humility and apostolic life and
penitence, corrected the wanton life, and brought back
Christians to penitence and to the life of salvation. And
truly the Erythræan Sibyl, tracing out these times, pro-
phesied of these two holy Orders, saying that two stars
would arise to illuminate the world.
115
§ 26.-How the Florentines destroyed the castle of 1199 A.D.
Frondigliano.
In the year of Christ 1199, Count Henry della Tosa
and his colleagues, being consuls of the city of Florence,
the Florentines laid siege to the fortress of Frondigliano,
which had rebelled and was making war upon the
commonwealth of Florence, and they took it and de-
stroyed it to the very foundations, and it was never built
again. And in the same year the Florentines marched
against Simifonte, which was a very strong place and
did not obey the city.
$27.-How they of Samminiato destroyed Sanginiegio,
and went back to live on the hill. § 28.-How the
French and Venetians took Constantinople. § 29.-
How the Tartars descended from the mountains of Gog
and Magog.
Cf. Par.
xvi. 62, 63.
1
;
116
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1202 A.D.
In the year of Christ 1202, when Aldobrandino, of
the Barucci of Santa Maria Maggiore (a very ancient
family), and his colleagues were consuls in Florence,
the Florentines took the stronghold of Simifonti, and
destroyed it, and took the hill into possession of the
commonwealth, forasmuch as it had been long time
at war with the Florentines. And the Florentines
gained it by the treachery of a certain man of Sandonato
xvi. 62, 63. in Poci, which surrendered a tower, and claimed for
Cf. Par.
this cause that he and his descendants should be free in
Florence from all taxes; and this was granted, albeit the
said traitor was first slain, in the said tower, by the
inhabitants, as it was being attacked. And in the said
year the Florentines went with their army against the
fortress of Combiata, which was very strong, at the head
of the river Marina, towards Mugello, which pertained
to Cattani of the country which would not obey the
commonwealth and made war against it. And when
the said strongholds were destroyed, they made a decree
that they should never be rebuilt.
1202 A.D.
1
1203 A.D.
§ 30.-How the Florentines destroyed the strongholds
of Simifonti and of Combiata.
§ 31.-Destruction of Montelupo, and how the Floren-
tines gained Montemurlo.
In the year of Christ 1203, when Brunellino Brunelli
de' Razzanti was consul in Florence with his colleagues,
the Florentines destroyed the fortress of Montelupo
because it would not obey the commonwealth. And in
this same year the Pistoians took the castle of Monte-
murlo from the Counts Guidi; but a little while after, in
September, the Florentines went thither with an army to
help the Counts Guidi, and re-took it, and gave it back
I
BOOK V. §§ 30-32
117
to the Counts Guidi. And afterwards, in 1207, the 1207 A.D.
Florentines made peace between the Pistoians and the
Counts Guidi, but afterwards the counts not being well
able to defend Montemurlo from the Pistoians, foras-
much as it was too near to them, and they had built
over against it the fortress of Montale, the Counts
Guidi sold it to the commonwealth of Florence for Par. xvi.
64.
5,000 lbs. of small florins, which would now be worth
5,000 golden florins; and this was in the year of Christ 1209 A.D.
1209, but the Counts of Porciano never would give their
word for their share in the sale.
§ 32.-How the Florentines elected their first Podestà.
In the year of Christ 1207, the Florentines chose for
the first time a foreign magistrate, for until that time the
city had been ruled by the government of citizen con-
suls, of the greatest and best of the city, with the coun-
cil of the senate, to wit, of 100 good men; and these
consuls, after the manner of Rome, entirely guided and
governed the city, and administered law and executed
justice; and they remained in office for one year. And
there were four consuls so long as the city was divided
into quarters, one to each gate; and afterwards there
were six, when the city was divided into sesti. But our
forefathers did not make mention of the names of all,
but of one of them of greatest estate and fame, saying:
'In the time of such a consul and of his colleagues'; but
afterwards when the city was increased in inhabitants
and in vices, and there came to be more ill-deeds, it
was agreed for the good of the commonwealth, to the
end the citizens might not have so great a burden of
government, and that justice might not miscarry by
reason of prayers, or fear, or private malice, or any
1
118
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
:
1207 A.D.
Inf. xxiii.
105-107.
1208 A.D.
other cause, that they should invite a gentleman from
some other city, who might be their Podestà for a
year, and administer civil justice with his assessors and
judges, and carry into execution sentences and penal-
ties on the person.
And the first Podestà in Flor-
ence was Gualfredotto of Milan, in the said year; and
he dwelt in the Bishop's Palace, forasmuch as there
was as yet no palace of the commonwealth in Flor-
ence. Yet the government of the consuls did not
therefore cease, but they reserved to themselves the
administration of all other things in the commonwealth.
And by the said government the city was ruled until
the time of the Primo Popolo in Florence, as hereafter
we shall make mention, and then was created the office
of the Ancients.
§ 33.-How the Florentines defeated the Sienese at
Montalto. § 34.-How the Sienese sued for peace to the
Florentines and obtained it. § 35.-How Otho IV. was
crowned Emperor; and how he became the enemy and
persecutor of Holy Church.
$ 36.-How during Otho's lifetime Frederick II. of
Suabia was elected Emperor by the desire of the Church
of Rome.
The said Otho being the enemy of the Church, and
being deposed by the general council of the Empire, the
Church arranged with the electors of Germany that they
should elect to be king of the Romans, Frederick, the
young king of Sicily, who was in Germany, and he won
a great victory against the said Otho; and afterwards the
said Otho, returning to his duty, went on crusade to
Damietta over seas, and there died, and the election
BOOK V. §§ 33-37
I 19
was left to Frederick; and afterwards, in the time of
Pope Honorius III., who succeeded to the aforesaid
Innocent, the said Frederick of Germany came to
Venice, and then by sea into his kingdom of Apulia,
and then to Rome; and by the said Pope Honorius
and by the Romans he was received with great honour,
and crowned Emperor, as hereafter in treating of him
we will make mention. We will leave speaking of the
Emperor for a time, and will tell of the doings of the
Florentines up to the time of his coronation.
$37.-Concerning the death of the old Count Guido,
and of his progeny.
In the year of Christ 1213, there died the Count 1213 A.D.
Guido Vecchio, which left behind him five sons; but one
died, leaving those who had Poppi as the heirs of his.
portion, forasmuch as he left no children; and from the
other four sons were descended all the Counts Guidi. As
to this Count Guido, it is said that in ancient times his
forbears were great barons in Germany, which came over
with the Emperor Otho I., who gave them the territory
of Modigliana in Romagna, and there they remained;
and afterwards their descendants, by reason of their
power, were lords over almost all Romagna, and made
their headquarters in Ravenna, but because of the out-
rages they wrought on the citizens concerning their
wives, and other tyrannies, in a popular tumult they
were driven out of Ravenna, pursued, and slain in one
day, so that none escaped either small or great, save one
young child which was named Guido, the which was at
Modigliana at nurse, which was surnamed Guido Besangue
[sangue=blood], through the disaster of his family, as in
the story of the Emperor Otho we before made mention.
Par. xvi.
64, 98.
?
1213 A.D.
Par. xv.
112,
xvi. 99.
Par. xvi.
94-99.
Inf. xvi.
37.
Cf. Epis-
tolæ Dant.
Allig. ad-
scriptæ,
i,-iii,
1
120
1.
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
This Guido was the father of the said Count Guido
Vecchio, whence all the Counts Guidi are descended.
This Count Guido Vecchio took to wife the daughter of
M. Bellincione Berti of the Rovignani, which was the
greatest and the most honoured knight in Florence, and
his houses which were at Porta San Piero above the
Old Gate descended by heritage to the Counts. This
lady was named Gualdrada, and he took her for her
beauty and her fair speech, beholding her in S. Re-
parata, with the other ladies and maidens of Florence.
For when the Emperor Otho IV. came to Florence, and
saw the fair ladies of the city assembled in Santa Repa-
rata, in his honour, this maiden most pleased the Emperor;
and her father saying to the Emperor that he had it in
his power to bid her kiss him, the maiden made answer
that there was no man living which should kiss her, save
he were her husband, for the which speech, the Emperor
much commended her; and the said Count Guido being
taken with love of her by reason of her graciousness, and
by the counsel of the said Otho, the Emperor, took her
to wife, not regarding that she was of less noble line-
age than he, nor regarding her dowry; whence all the
Counts Guidi are born from the said Count and the said
lady after this fashion; for, as aforesaid, there were left
four sons which were the heirs: the first was named
William, from whom was born Count Guido Novello and
Count Simon, who were Ghibellines; but by reason of
wrongs which Count Simon endured of Guido Novello,
his brother, concerning his heritage, he became a
Guelf and entered into league with the Guelfs of
Florence; and from this Simon was born Count Guido
of Battifolle; the second son was named Roger, from
whom were born Count Guido Guerra and Count
+
}
D
BOOK V. § 38
121
Inf. xvi.
34-39.
Inf. xxx.
ii.
Salvatico, and these held the side of the Guelfs; the
third was named Guido of Romena, whence are de-
scended the family of Romena, which have been 73-78.
Cf. Epist.
both Guelfs and Ghibellines; the fourth was Count
Tegrimo, whence are the family of Porciano, which were
always Ghibellines. The aforesaid Emperor Otho gave
the said Count Guido the lordship of Casentino. We
have spoken at such length of the said Count Guido
(albeit in another place we have treated of the beginning
of his race), forasmuch as he was a man of worth, and
from him are descended all the Counts Guidi, and be-
cause his descendants were afterwards much mixed up
with the doings of the Florentines, as in due time we
will make mention.
§ 38.-How the parties of the Guelfs and Ghibellines
arose in Florence.
Cf. Purg.
xiv. 43-45.
In the year of Christ 1215, M. Gherardo Orlandi
being Podestà in Florence, one M. Bondelmonte dei
Bondelmonti, a noble citizen of Florence, had promised Par. xvi.
to take to wife a maiden of the house of the Amidei, 136-144.
honourable and noble citizens; and afterwards as the
said M. Bondelmonte, who was very charming and a
good horseman, was riding through the city, a lady of
the house of the Donati called to him, reproaching him.
as to the lady to whom he was betrothed, that she was
not beautiful or worthy of him, and saying: "I have kept
this my daughter for you;" whom she showed to him,
and she was most beautiful; and immediately by the
inspiration of the devil he was so taken by her, that he
was betrothed and wedded to her, for which thing the
kinsfolk of the first betrothed lady, being assembled
together, and grieving over the shame which M,
122
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1215 A.D.
Inf.
xxviii.
103-III.
Par. xvi.
136-138.
Par. xvi.
145-147.
Cf. Par.
xvi. 128.
:
Bondelmonte had done to them, were filled with the
accursed indignation, whereby the city of Florence
was destroyed and divided. // For many houses of the
nobles swore together to bring shame upon the said
M. Bondelmonte, in revenge for these wrongs. And
being in council among themselves, after what fashion
they should punish him, whether by beating or killing,
Mosca de' Lamberti said the evil word: 'Thing done has
an end'; to wit, that he should be slain; and so it was
done; for on the morning of Easter of the Resur-
rection the Amidei of San Stefano assembled in their
house, and the said M. Bondelmonte coming from
Oltrarno, nobly arrayed in new white apparel, and upon
a white palfrey, arriving at the foot of the Ponte
Vecchio on this side, just at the foot of the pillar where
was the statue of Mars, the said M. Bondelmonte
was dragged from his horse by Schiatto degli Uberti,
and by Mosca Lamberti and Lambertuccio degli
Amidei assaulted and smitten, and by Oderigo Fifanti
his veins were opened and he was brought to his end;
and there was with them one of the counts of Ganga-
landi. For the which thing the city rose in arms and
tumult; and this death of M. Bondelmonte was the
cause and beginning of the accursed parties of Guelfs
and Ghibellines in Florence, albeit long before there.
were factions among the noble citizens and the said
parties existed by reason of the strifes and questions
between the Church and the Empire; but by reason
of the death of the said M. Bondelmonte all the
families of the nobles and the other citizens of Florence
were divided, and some held with the Bondelmonti, who
took the side of the Guelfs, and were its leaders, and
some with the Uberti, who were the leaders of the Ghi-
-
BOOK V. § 39
123
;
:
›
bellines, whence followed much evil and disaster to our 1215 A.D.
city, as hereafter shall be told; and it is believed that
it will never have an end, if God do not cut it short.
And surely it shows that the enemy of the human race,
for the sins of the Florentines, had power in that idol of
Mars, which the pagan Florentines of old were wont to
worship, that at the foot of his statue such a murder was
committed, whence so much evil followed to the city
of Florence. The accursed names of the Guelf and
Ghibelline parties are said to have arisen first in Ger-
many by reason that two great barons of that country
were at war together, and had each a strong castle the
one over against the other, and the one had the name of
Guelf, and the other of Ghibelline, and the war lasted
so long, that all the Germans were divided, and one
held to one side, and the other to the other; and the
strife even came as far as to the court of Rome, and all
the court took part in it, and the one side was called
Guelf, and the other was called Ghibelline; and so the
said names continued in Italy.
$ 39.-Of the families and the nobles which became
Guelfs and Ghibellines in Florence.
By reason of the said division these were the families 1215 A.D.
of the nobles which at that time were and became Guelfs
in Florence, counting from sesto to sesto, and likewise
the Ghibellines. In the sesto of Oltrarno, of the Guelfs
were the Nerli, gentlemen, who dwelt at first in the Par. xv.
115.
Mercato Vecchio; the family of the Giacoppi, called
Rossi, not however of great antiquity of descent, but
they were already beginning to be powerful; the Fresco-
baldi, the Bardi, the Mozzi, but of small beginnings ;
124
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
of the Ghibellines in the sesto of Oltrarno, among the
nobles, the counts of Gangalandi, Obriachi, and Man-
nelli. In the sesto of San Piero Scheraggio, the nobles
which were Guelfs were, the house of the Pulci, the
Gherardini, the Foraboschi, the Bagnesi, the Guidalotti,
the Sacchetti, the Manieri, and they of Quona, kinsmen
to them of Volognano, the Lucardesi, the Chiaramontesi,
the Compiobbesi, the Cavalcanti, but these were de-
scended recently from merchants. In the said sesto
of the Ghibellines were, the family of the Uberti, which
was the head of the party, the Fifanti, the Infangati,
and Amidei, and they of Volognano, and the Malispini,
albeit afterwards by reason of the outrages of the Uberti
their neighbours, they and many other families of San
Piero Scheraggio became Guelfs. In the sesto of the
Borgo of the Guelfs were the family of the Bondelmonti,
and they were the leaders of the party; the family of the
127. Inf. Giandonati, the Gianfigliazzi, the family of the Scali, of
xvii. 59,
60.
the Gualterotti and of the Importuni. Of the Ghibellines
of the said sesto, the house of the Scolari which were
by origin of kin to the Bondelmonti, the house of the
Guidi, of the Galli and of the Cappiardi. In the sesto
of San Brancazio of the Guelfs were the Bostichi, the
Tornaquinci, the Vecchietti. Of the Ghibellines of the
said sesto were the Lamberti, the Soldanieri, the Cip-
riani, the Toschi, and the Amieri, and Palermini, and
Migliorelli, and Pigli, albeit afterwards some of them.
became Guelfs. In the sesto of the Porte del Duomo,
of the Guelf party in those times were the Tosinghi, the
Arrigucci, the Agli, the Sizii. Of the Ghibellines of the
said sesto were the Barucci, the Cattani of Castiglione
and of Cersino, the Agolanti and the Brunelleschi; and
afterwards some of them became Guelfs, In the sęsto
Par. xvi.
128.
Inf. xvii.
62, 63.
Par. xvi.
127.
104.
Purg. xii.
105.
Par. xvi.
105.
Convito iv.
20: 38-41.
Par. xvi.
104. 123.
136-139.
Cf. 109.
I IO.
66, 135.
Par. xvi.
133.
105. 93.
xv. 115.
xvi. IIO.
III. 93.
103.
8
108.
104.
BOOK V. §§ 40–41
125
:
of the Porte San Piero of the Guelf nobles were the 115-117.
112-114.
Adimari, the Visdomini, the Donati, the Pazzi, the della 130, 131.
Bella, the Ardinghi, and the Tedaldi which were called 93.
della Vitella, and already the Cerchi began to rise in 65, 94-96.
condition, albeit they were merchants; of the Ghibellines
of the said sesto were the Caponsacchi, the Lisei, the 121.
Abati, the Tedaldini, the Giuochi, the Galigari. And 104. 101.
many other families of honourable citizens and popolani
held some with one side, and some with the other, and
they changed with the times in mind and in party, which
would be too long a matter to relate. And for the said
cause the accursed parties first began in Florence, albeit
at first very secretly, being only parties among the noble
citizens, whereof some loved the rule of the Church and
some that of the Empire; nevertheless they were all
agreed as to the state and well-being of the common-
wealth.
$ 40.-How the city of Damietta was taken by the
Christians, and afterwards lost.
§ 41.-How the Florentines caused the dwellers in the
country around to swear fealty to the city, and how the
new Carraia Bridge was begun.
In the year of Christ 1218, when Otto da Mandella of 1218 A.D.
Milan was Podestà of Florence, the Florentines caused
all the dwellers in the country around to swear fealty
to the commonwealth, seeing that before that time the
greater part had obeyed the rule of the Counts Guidi,
and of them of Mangone, and of them of Capraia, and
of Certaldo, and of many Cattani which had taken pos-
session of the lands by privileges and some by force of
Inf. xxxii.
56, 57.
I
!
1220 A. D.
4
..
126
the emperors.
And in this year the building of the
bastions of the Carraia Bridge was begun.
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
§ 42. How the Florentines took Mortennana, and com-
pleted the new bridge called Carraia.
Y
END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK V.
0
BOOK VI.
How Frederick II. was consecrated and made Emperor, 1220 A.D.
and the great things which came to pass.
§ 1. In the year of Christ 1220, on the day of St.
Cecilia in November, there was crowned and consecrated
Emperor at Rome Frederick II., king of Sicily, son of the
Emperor Henry of Suabia, and of the Empress Con-
stance, by Pope Honorius III., with great honour. In
the beginning he was a friend of the Church, and well
might he be, so many benefits and favours had he re-
ceived from the Church, for through the Church his
father Henry had for wife Constance, queen of Sicily,
and for dowry the said realm, and the kingdom of
Apulia; and when his father was dead, he being left a
little child, was cared for and guarded by the Church as
by a mother, and also his kingdom was defended, and
he was elected king of the Romans against the Emperor
Otho IV., and he was afterwards crowned Emperor, as
aforesaid. But he, son of ingratitude that he was, not
acknowledging Holy Church as a mother, but as a hostile
stepmother, in all things was her enemy and persecutor,
he and his sons, almost more than his forefathers, as
hereafter we shall make mention. This Frederick reigned
thirty years as Emperor, and was a man of great capacity
and of great valour, wise in books, and of natural intelli-
gence, universal in all things; was acquainted with the
Inf. x. 119;
xiii. 59,
68, 75;
xxiii. 66.
Purg. xvi.
117.
Par. iii.
I20.
Convito iv.
Canzone,
ver. 21;
also
cap. 3:
37-44;
IO: 6-12.
De Vulg.
El. i. 12:
20-35.
Epist.vi (5)
126-135.
118-120.
Par. iii.
127
128
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Latin tongue, and with our vernacular, with German and
French, Greek and Arabic, of abounding talents, liberal
and courteous in giving, courageous and prudent in
arms, and was much feared. And he was dissolute and
licentious after divers fashions, and had many concubines
and catamites, after the manner of the Saracens, and he
sought indulgence in all bodily pleasures, and led an
epicurean life, not taking account that there were ever
Inf. x. 119. another life; and this was one chief cause why he
became the enemy of the clergy and of Holy Church.
And the other was his greed in taking and occupying the
lands of Holy Church, to squander them evilly. And
many monasteries and churches he destroyed in hist
kingdom of Sicily and Apulia, and throughout all Italy,
and this, either through his own vices and defects, or by
reason of the rulers of Holy Church who could not or
would not deal with him, nor be content that he should
have the Imperial rights, wherefore he subdued and
smote Holy Church; or because that God permitted it as
a Divine judgment, because the rulers of the Church had
been the means through whom he became the child
of the holy nun, Constance, they not remembering the
persecutions which Henry, his father, and Frederick, his
grandfather, had caused Holy Church to endure. This
Frederick did many noteworthy things in his time, and
raised in all the chief cities of Sicily and of Apulia,
strong and rich fortresses which are still standing, and
built the fortress of Capovana, in Naples, and the towers
and gate upon the bridge over the river of Volturno at
Capua, the which are very marvellous; and he made the
park for sport on the marsh of Foggia in Apulia, and
made the hunting park near Gravina and Amalfi in the
mountains. In winter he abode at Foggia, and in sum-
1220 A.D.
..
Cf. Purg.
xvi.
115-117.
BOOK VI. §§ 2-5
129
mer in the mountains, for the delights of the chase. And
many other noteworthy things he caused to be made, as
the castle of Prato, and the fortress of Samminiato, and
many other things, as we shall make mention hereafter.
And he had two sons by his first wife, Henry and Conrad,
whom he caused each one during his lifetime to be elected
king of the Romans; and by the daughter of King John
of Jerusalem he had King Giordano, and by others he
had King Frederick (from whom are descended the
lineage of those who are called of Antioch), King Enzo
and King Manfred, who were great enemies to Holy
Church; and during his life he and his sons lived and
ruled with much earthly splendour; but in the end he
and his sons because of their sins came to an ill end,
and their line was extinguished, as we shall make mention
hereafter.
$ 2. Of the cause why war broke out between the
Florentines and the Pisans. $ 3.-How the Pisans were 1222 A.D.
routed by the Florentines at Casteldelbosco. § 4.-How the
Florentines marched against Fegghine, and built l'Ancisa. 1224 A.D.
$5.-How the Florentines led an army against Pistoia,
and laid waste the country round about.
In the year of Christ 1228, when M. Andrea of 1228 A.D.
Perugia was Podestà of Florence, the Florentines led an
army against Pistoia with the Carroccio, and this was
because the Pistoians were making war against Monte-
murlo, and ill-treating it; and the said host laid waste
the country round about the city up to the suburbs, and
destroyed the towers of Montefiore which were very
strong; and the fortress of Carmignano surrendered to
the commonwealth of Florence. And note that upon
K
:
T
1228 A.D.
Cf. Inf.
XXV. I-3.
1
1229 A.D.
130
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
the rock of Carmignano there was a tower seventy cubits
high, and thereupon two arms in marble, whereof the
hands were making the figs' at Florence; wherefore
the artificers of Florence, to express contempt for money
or ought else offered to them, were wont to say: “I
can't see it, for the fortress of Carmignano is in the
way." And the Pistoians hereupon agreed to whatever
terms the Florentines might devise, and caused the said
fortress of Carmignano to be destroyed.
$ 6.-How the Sienese renewed the war with the Floren-
tines on account of Montepulciano. § 7.-Of a great
miracle that came to pass in S. Ambrogio in Florence,
1232 A.D. concerning the body of Christ. § 8.-Yet again of the war
of the Florentines with the Sienese. § 9.-Of the confla-
1233 A.D. gration in Florence. § 10. Yet again of the war with
Siena. § 11.-The same. § 12. Of the conflagration
in Florence.
in Florence. § 13.-How peace was made between the
Florentines and the Sienese.
1234 A.D.
1235 A.D.
§ 14.-How the Emperor Frederick came to enmity
with the Church.
After that Frederick II. was crowned by Pope Hono-
rius, as we have aforesaid, in the beginning he was the
friend of the Church, but a little time after, through his
pride and avarice, he began to usurp the rights of the
Church throughout all his Empire, and in the realm of
Sicily and Apulia, appointing bishops and archbishops
and other prelates, and driving away those sent by the
Pope, and raising imposts and taxes from the clergy,
doing shame to Holy Church; for the which thing by
the said Pope Honorius, which had crowned him, he was
cited, and admonished that he should leave to Holy
BOOK VI. §§ 6-14
131
V
Church her rights, and render the dues. But the Em-
peror perceived himself to be great in power and
estate, alike through the force of the Germans and
through that of the realm of Sicily, and that he was
lord over sea and land, and was feared by all the rulers
of Christendom, and also by the Saracens, and was
buttressed around by the sons which he had of his first
wife, daughter of the landgrave of Germany, to wit
Henry and Conrad, the which Henry he had caused
to be crowned in Germany king of the Romans, and
Conrad was duke of Suabia, and Frederick of Antioch,
his first natural son, he made king, and Enzo, his
natural son, was king of Sardinia, and Manfred prince
of Taranto; wherefore he would not yield obedience to
the Church, but rather was he obstinate, living after the
fashion of the world, in all bodily delights. For the
which thing by the said Pope Honorius he was excom-
municated the year of Christ 1220, and did not for that 1220 A.D.
reason cease from persecuting the Church, but so much
the more usurped its rights, and so remained the enemy
of the Church and of the Pope Honorius as long as he
lived. The which Pope passed from this life the year
of Christ 1226, and after him was made Pope Gregory 1226 a.D.
IX., born at Alagna in the Campagna, the which reigned
as pope fourteen years; the which Pope Gregory had a
great war with the Emperor Frederick, forasmuch as the
Emperor would in no wise relinquish the rights and
jurisdiction of Holy Church, but rather the more usurped
them; and many churches of the kingdom he caused to
be pulled down and deserted, laying heavy imposts upon
the clergy and the churches; and whereas there were
certain Saracens in the mountains of Trapali in Sicily,
the Emperor, that he might be the more secure in the
{
F
132
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
island, and might keep them at a distance from the
Saracens of Barbary, and also to the end that by them
he might keep in fear his subjects in Apulia, by wit and
promises drew them from those mountains, and put them
in Apulia in an ancient deserted city, which of old was
in league with the Romans, and was destroyed by the
Samnites, to wit by those of Benivento, the which city
was then called Licera, and now is called Nocera, and
they were more than 20,000 men-at-arms; and that city
they rebuilt very strong; the which ofttimes overran the
places of Apulia to lay them waste. And when the said
Emperor Frederick was at war with the Church, he
Cf. De
caused them to come into the duchy of Spoleto, and
Vulg. El. besieged at that time the city of Assisi, and did great
i. 10: 50,
63. i. II:
20.
harm to Holy Church; for the which thing the said
Pope Gregory confirmed against him the sentence given
by Pope Honorius his predecessor, and again gave
sentence of excommunication against him, the year of
Christ 1230.
i. 13: 31.
Par. xi. 53.
1230 A.D.
§ 15.-How peace was made between Pope Gregory and
the Emperor Frederick. § 16.-How the Church ordered
a crusade over seas, whereof the Emperor Frederick was
captain, and how, after the expedition had set forth, he
turned back. § 17.-How the Emperor Frederick passed
over seas, and made peace with the Soldan, and recovered
1236 A.D. Jerusalem, against the will of the Church. § 18.-How
the Emperor returned from over seas because the Kingdom
had rebelled against him, and how he began war again
with the Church. § 19.-How the Emperor Frederick
caused the Pisans to capture at sea the prelates of the
Church which were coming to the council. § 20.-How the
1233 A.D.
1234 A.D.
1237 A.D.
1239 A.D.
BOOK VI. §§ 15-22
133
!
Milanese were discomfited by the Emperor. § 21.-How 1240 A.D.
the Emperor Frederick besieged and took the city of Faenza.
§ 22.-How the Emperor laid hold of King Henry, his
son.
In these same times (albeit it had begun before)
Henry Sciancato [the Lame], the first-born of the said
Emperor Frederick, who had had him chosen king of
the Romans by the electors of Germany as aforesaid,
perceiving that the Emperor his father was doing all he
might against Holy Church, and feeling the same heavy
upon his conscience, time and again reproved his father,
for that he was doing ill; whereat the Emperor set him-
self against him, and neither loving him nor dealing with
him as with a son, raised up false accusers who testified
that the said Henry had it in his mind to rebel against
him as concerning his Empire, at the request of the
Church. On the which plea (were it true or false) he
seized his said son, King Henry, and two sons of his,
little lads, and sent them into Apulia, into prison seve-
rally; and there he put him to death by starvation in
great torment, and afterward Manfred put his sons to Purg. iii.
death. The Emperor sent to Germany, and again had
Conrad, his second son, elected king of the Romans in
succession to himself; and this was the year of Christ
1236. Then after a certain time the Emperor put out
the eyes of that wise man Master Piero dalle Vigne, the
famous poet, accusing him of treason, but this came Inf. xiii.
about through envy of his great estate. And thereon 31-108.
the said M. Piero soon suffered himself to die of grief in
prison, and there were who said that he himself took
away his own life.
121.
134
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
"
1
§ 23.-How the war began between Pope Innocent IV.
and the Emperor Frederick.
xix.
100-102.
It came to pass afterwards, as it pleased God, that
there was elected Pope Messer Ottobuono dal Fiesco, of
Cf. Purg. the counts of Lavagna of Genoa, the which was cardinal,
and was made Pope as being the greatest friend and
confidant whom the Emperor Frederick had in Holy
Church, to the end there might be peace between the
Church and him; and he was called Pope Innocent IV.,
and this was the year of Christ 1241, and he reigned
as Pope eleven years, and added to the Church many
cardinals from divers countries of Christendom. And
when he was elected Pope, the tidings were brought to
the Emperor Frederick with great rejoicing, knowing
that he was his great friend and protector. But the
Emperor, when he heard it, was greatly disturbed,
whence his barons marvelled much, and he said:
"Marvel not; for this election will be of much hurt to
us; for he was our friend when cardinal, and now he
will be our enemy as Pope;" and so it came to pass, for
when the said Pope was consecrated, he demanded back
from the Emperor the lands and jurisdictions which he
held of the Church, as to which request the Emperor
held him some time in treaty as to an agreement, but all
was vanity and deception. In the end, the said Pope.
seeing himself to have been led about by deceitful
words, to the hurt and shame of himself and of Holy
Church, became more an enemy of the Emperor
Frederick than his predecessors had been; and seeing
that the power of the Emperor was so great that he ruled
tyrannously over almost the whole of Italy, and that the
roads were all taken and guarded by his guards, so that
none could come to the court of Rome without his will
1241 A.D.
BOOK VI. §§ 23-24
135
and license, the said Pope seeing himself in the said
manner thus besieged, sent secret orders to his kinsfolk
at Genoa, and caused twenty galleys to be armed, and 1241 A.D.
straightway caused them to come to Rome, and there-
upon embarked with all his cardinals and with all his
court, and immediately caused himself to be conveyed
to his city of Genoa without any opposition; and having
tarried some time in Genoa, he came to Lyons on the
Rhone, by the way of Provence; and this was the year
of Christ 1241.
:
§ 24. Of the sentence which Pope Innocent pronounced 1245 A.D.
at the council of Lyons-on-Rhone, upon the Emperor Fred-
erick.
When Pope Innocent was at Lyons, he called a general
council in the said place, and invited from throughout
the whole world bishops and archbishops and other
prelates, who all came thither; and there came to see
him as far as the monastery of Crugni [Clugny] in Bur-
gundy the good King Louis of France, and afterwards
he came as far as to the council at Lyons, where he
offered himself and his realm to the service of the said
Pope and of Holy Church against the Emperor Fred-
erick, and against all the enemies of Holy Church; and
then he took the cross to go over seas. And when
King Louis was gone the Pope enacted sundry things
in the said council to the good of Christendom, and
canonized sundry saints, as the Martinian Chronicle
makes mention where it treats of him. And this done,
the Pope summoned the said Frederick to the said
council, as to a neutral place, to excuse himself of thir-
teen articles proved against him of things done against
1
•
136
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1245 A.D.
Inf. xiii.
55-78.
the faith of Christ, and against Holy Church; the which
Emperor would not there appear, but sent thither his
ambassadors and representatives-the bishop of Fre-
neborgo [Freiburg] in Germany, and Brother Hugh,
master of the mansion of S. Mary of the Germans, and
the wise clerk and Messer Piero dalle Vigne of the
Kingdom, who, making excuses for the Emperor that
he was not able to come by reason of sickness and
suffering in his person, prayed the said Pope and his
brethren to pardon him, and averred that he would
cry the Pope mercy, and would restore that which
he had seized of the Church; and they offered, if
the Pope would pardon him, that he would bind him-
self so
to frame it that within one year the soldan
of the Saracens should render up to his command
the Holy Land over seas. And the said Pope, hearing
the endless excuses and vain offers of the Emperor, de-
manded of the said ambassadors if they had an authentic
mandate for this, whereon they produced a full authori-
zation, under the golden seal of the said Emperor,
to promise and undertake it all. And when the Pope
had it in his hand, in full council, the said ambassadors
being present, he denounced Frederick on all the said
thirteen criminal articles, and to confirm it said: "Judge,
faithful Christians, whether Frederick betrays Holy
Church and all Christendom or no: for according to his
mandate he offers within one year to make the soldan
restore the Holy Land, very clearly showing that the
soldan holds it for him, to the shame of all Christians."
And this said and declared, he caused the process
against the said Emperor to be published; and con-
demned him and excommunicated him as a heretic and
persecutor of Holy Church, laying to his charge many
[
..
BOOK VI. § 24
137
:
foul crimes proved against him; and he deprived him 1245 A.D.
of the lordship of the Empire, and of the realm of Sicily,
and of that of Jerusalem, absolving from all fealty and
oaths all his barons and subjects, excommunicating who-
ever should obey him, or should give him aid or favour,
or further should call him Emperor or king. And the
said sentence was passed at the said council at Lyons
on the Rhone, the year of Christ 1245, the 17th of July.
The principal causes why Frederick was condemned
were four first, forasmuch as when the Church invested
him with the realm of Sicily and of Apulia, and after-
wards with the Empire, he swore to the Church before his
barons, and before the Emperor Baldwin of Constanti-
nople, and before all the court of Rome, to defend Holy
Church in all her honours and rights against all men,
and to pay the rightful tribute, and to restore all the
possessions and jurisdictions of Holy Church, of the
which things he had done the contrary, and was per-
jured, and treacherous, and had vilely and wrongfully
defamed Pope Gregory IX. and his cardinals by his
letters throughout the whole world. The second thing
was, that he broke the peace made by him with the
Church, not remembering the pardons granted to him by
withdrawal of the excommunications, and with respect to
all the misdeeds done by him against Holy Church ; and
in that peace he had sworn and promised never to injure
those who had been with the Church against him; but
he had done quite the contrary, seeing that he had
scattered them all, either by death or by exile, them and
their families, taking away their possessions, and had not
restored either to the Templars or to the Hospitallers
their mansions which he had occupied, the which by the
articles of the peace he had promised to restore and
138
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1245 A.D.
give back; and by force he had kept vacant eleven arch-
bishoprics, with many bishoprics and abbeys in the
Empire and in the Kingdom, not suffering those who
were duly elected by the Pope to hold or to till them ;
doing violence and extortions on sacred persons, con-
straining them to appear and plead before his bailiffs
and secular lords. The third cause was the sacrilege he
had done, when by the galleys of Pisa, and by his son
King Enzo, he had taken the cardinals and many pre-
lates at sea, as we afore told, and caused some to be
drowned in the sea, and kept some dying in cruel
and harsh prisons. The fourth cause was, because he
was found and convicted in many articles of heresy in
the faith; and certainly he was no Christian Catholic,
living always more after his delight and pleasure than
according to reason or just law; and in fellowship with
the Saracens. Likewise he used the Church and her
offices but little or not at all, and did no alms; so that
not without great and evident causes he was deposed and
condemned; and albeit he did much injury and persecu-
tion to Holy Church after that he was condemned, yet
in a short time every honour and state and power and
greatness God took from him, and showed him His
wrath, as we shall make mention hereafter. And be-
cause many have made question, who was to blame in
the quarrel, whether the Church or the Emperor, hearing
his excuses in his letters, therefore to this I make answer
and say, that manifestly not by one divine miracle but
by many was it shown that the Emperor was to blame,
as God showed by open and visible judgments in His
wrath upon Frederick and his seed.
§ 25.- How the Pope and the Church caused a new
A
BOOK VI. § 25
139
/
J
Emperor to be elected in place of Frederick, the deposed 1245 A.D.
Emperor.
The said Frederick being deposed and condemned,
as has been afore said, the Pope sent word to the electors
of Germany who elect the king of the Romans, that they
should without delay make a new choice for the Empire ;
and this was done, for they elected William, count of
Holland and landgrave, a valiant lord, to whom the
Church gave her support, causing a great part of Ger-
many to rebel, and gave indulgence and pardon as
if they were going over seas, to whoever should be
against the said Frederick; whence in Germany there
was great war between the said elected King William of
Holland and King Conrad, son of the said Frederick;
but the war endured but a short time, for the said King
William died, the year of Christ
and the said
Conrad reigned in Germany, whom his father Frederick
the Emperor had caused to be elected king, as we shall
make mention. From this sentence Frederick appealed
to the successor of Pope Innocent, and sent his letters
and messengers throughout all Christendom, complain-
ing of the said sentence, and setting forth how iniquitous
it was, as appears by his epistle written by the said
Messer Piero dalle Vigne, which begins, after the saluta-
tion: "Although we believe, that words of the already
current tidings, etc." But considering the real facts as
to the process, and as to the deeds of Frederick against
the Church, and as to his dissolute and uncatholic life,
he was guilty and deserving of the deposition, for the
reasons set forth in the said process; and afterwards for
the deeds done by the said Frederick after his deposi-
tion; for if before he was and had been cruel and per-
secuting to Holy Church and to the believers in Tuscany
•
140
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
-
1
;
1237 A.D.
and in Lombardy, afterwards he was much more so, as
long as he lived, as hereafter we shall make meñtion.
We will now leave for a time the story of the doings of
Frederick, and turn back to where we left off telling of
the doings of Florence and of the other noteworthy
events which came to pass in those days throughout
the whole world; returning afterwards to the doings and
to the end of the said Frederick and of his sons.
The year of Christ 1237, Messer Rubaconte da
Mandello of Milan being Podestà of Florence, the new
bridge was made in Florence, and he laid the first stone
with his own hand, and threw the first trowelful of
mortar, and from the name of the said Podestà the
Cf. Purg. bridge was named Rubaconte. And during his govern-
xii. 102.
ment all the roads in Florence were paved; for before
there was but little paving, save in certain particular
places, master streets being paved with bricks; and
through this convenience and work the city of Florence
became more clean, and more beautiful, and more
healthy.
1238 A.D.
§. 26. We will tell an incident in the affairs of Flo-
rence.
§ 27.-How and when there was a total eclipse of the
sun. § 28. Of the coming of the Tartars into the parts
of Europe, as far as Germany. § 29.- Of a great miracle
of an earthquake in Burgundy. § 30.- Of a great
miracle that took place in Spain. § 31.-How the town
1248 A.D. of Sanginiegio was rebuilt and then destroyed. § 32.-
1240 A.D.
How the Tartars routed the Turks.
§ 33.-How the Guelf party was first driven from
BOOK VI. §§ 26-33
141
3
Florence by the Ghibellines and the forces of the Emperor 1248 A.D.
Frederick.
..
In the said times when Frederick was in Lombardy,
having been deposed from the title of Emperor by Pope
Innocent, as we have said, in so far as he could he
sought to destroy in Tuscany and in Lombardy the
faithful followers of Holy Church, in all the cities where
he had power. And first he began to demand hostages.
from all the cities of Tuscany, and took them from both
Ghibellines and Guelfs, and sent them to Samminiato
del Tedesco; but when this was done, he released the
Ghibellines and retained the Guelfs, which were after-
wards abandoned as poor prisoners, and abode long
time in Samminiato as beggars. And forasmuch as our
city of Florence in those times was not among the least
notable and powerful of Italy, he desired especially to
vent his spleen against it, and to increase the accursed
parties of the Guelfs and Ghibellines, which had begun.
long time before through the death of M. Bondel-
monte, and before, as we have already shown. But
albeit ever since this the said parties had continued
among the nobles of Florence (who were also ever and
again at war among themselves by reason of their private
enmities), and albeit they were divided into the said
parties, each holding with his own, they which were
called the Guelfs loving the side of the Pope and of Holy
Church, and they which were called the Ghibellines lov-
ing and favouring the Emperor and his allies, neverthe-
less, the people and commonwealth had been main-
tained in unity to the well-being and honour, and good
estate of the republic. But now the said Emperor sent
ambassadors and letters to the family of the Uberti,
which were heads of his party, and their allies which
142
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1248 A.D.
Par. xvi.
109, IIO.
127.
121, 104,
IOI, 112-
114, 115-
117.
108.
IIO, III.
i
were called Ghibellines, inviting them to drive their
enemies, which were called Guelfs, from the city, and
offering them aid of his horsemen; and this caused
the Uberti to begin dissension and civil strife in Flo-
rence, whence the city began to be disordered, and the
nobles and all the people to be divided, some hold-
ing to one party, and some to the other; and in divers
parts of the city there was fighting long time. Among
the other places, the chief was at the houses of the
Uberti, which were where the great palace of the people
now is. They gathered there with their allies, and
fought against the Guelfs of the sesto of San Piero
Scheraggio, whereof were leaders the family dal Bagno,
called Bagnesi, and the Pulci, and the Guidalotti, and
all the allies of the Guelfs of that sesto; and also the
Guelfs of Oltrarno passing over the mill-dams, came to
succour them when they were attacked by the Uberti.
The second place of combat was in the Porte San
Piero, where the leaders of the Ghibellines were the
Tedaldini, forasmuch as they had the strongest dwellings
in palaces and towers, and with them held the Capon-
sacchi, the Lisei, the Giuochi and Abati, and Galigari,
and the fighting was against the house of the Donati,
and the Visdomini, and Pazzi, and Adimari. And the
third place of combat was in Porte del Duomo, at the
tower of Messer Lancia of the Cattani of Castiglione,
and of Cersino, to whom belonged the heads of the Ghi-
bellines, with the Agolanti and Brunelleschi, and many
popolari of their party, against the Tosinghi, Agli and
Arrigucci. And the fourth combat and battle was in
San Brancazio, whereof the leaders for the Ghibellines
were the Lamberti, and Toschi, Amieri, Cipriani, and
Migliorelli, with many followers of the Popolo, against
BOOK VI. § 33
143
...
;
the Tornaquinci, and Vecchietti, and Pigli, albeit part 1248 A.D.
of the Pigli were Ghibellines. And the Ghibellines
drew up in San Brancazio at the tower of the Scara-
faggio [Scarabæus] of the Soldanieri, and from that
tower an arrow struck M. Rustico Marignolli in the
face (who was bearing the Guelf standard, to wit, a
crimson lily on a white field), whence he died; and the
very day that the Guelfs were expelled, and before they
departed, they came in arms to bury him in San Lorenzo;
and when the Guelfs were departed, the canons of San
Lorenzo carried away the body, to the end that the
Ghibellines might not unbury it and do it outrage, for-
asmuch as he was a great leader of the Guelf party.
And the next force of the Ghibellines was in the Borgo,
whereof the leaders were the Scolari, and Soldanieri, and
Guidi, against the Bondelmonti, Giandonati, Bostichi
and Cavalcanti, Scali and Gianfigliazzi. In Oltrarno it
was the Ubbriachi and the Mannelli (and there were no
other nobles of renown, but families of the popolari)
against the Rossi and the Nerli. Thus it came to pass Par. xv.
115.
that the said frays endured long time, and there was
fighting at barricades from street to street, and from one
tower to another (for there were many in Florence in
these times, 100 cubits and more in height), and with
mangonels and other engines they fought together by
day and by night. And in the midst of this strife and
fighting the Emperor Frederick sent into Florence King
Frederick, his bastard son, with 1,600 horsemen of his
German followers. When the Ghibellines heard that
they were nigh unto Florence, they took courage fight-
ing with more force and boldness against the Guelfs,
which had no allies, nor were expecting any succour,
forasmuch as the Church was at Lyons on the Rhone
93, 66,
140-144,
127, 93.
I
¿
144
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
!
1248 A.D. beyond the mountains, and the power of Frederick was
beyond measure great in all parts of Italy. And on this
occasion the Ghibellines used a device of war; for at
the house of the Uberti the greater part of the Ghibel-
line forces assembled, and when the fight began at the
places of battle set forth above, they went in a mass
to oppose the Guelfs, and in this wise they overcame
them well-nigh in every part of the city, save in their
own neighbourhood against the barricades of the Guida-
lotti and the Bagnesi, which endured more stoutly;
and to that place the Guelfs repaired, and all the forces.
of the Ghibellines against them. At last, the Guelfs
saw themselves to be hard pressed, and heard that
Frederick's knights were already in Florence (King
Frederick having already entered with his followers on
Sunday morning), yet they held out until the following
Wednesday. Then, not being able longer to resist the
forces of the Ghibellines, they abandoned the defence,
and departed from the city on the night of S. Mary
Candlemas in the year of Christ 1248. When the
Guelf party were driven from Florence, the nobles of
that party withdrew, some of them to the fortress of
Montevarchi in Valdarno, and some to the fortress of
Capraia; and Pelago, and Ristonchio, and Magnale,
up to Cascia, were held by the Guelfs, and were
called the League; and therein they made war against
the city and the territory around Florence. Other
popolani of that party repaired to their farms and to
their friends in the country. The Ghibellines which
remained masters in Florence, with the forces and the
horsemen of the Emperor Frederick, changed the fashion
of the city after their mind, and caused thirty-six for-
tresses of the Guelfs to be destroyed, palaces and great
Cf. Inf.
x. 48.
1
BOOK VI. § 33
145
.
towers, among the which the most noble was that of the 1248 A.D.
Tosinghi upon the Mercato Vecchio, called the Palace,
90 cubits high, built with marble columns, and a tower
thereto 130 cubits. Also the Ghibellines attempted
a yet more impious deed, forasmuch as the Guelfs
resorted much to the church of S. Giovanni, and all
the good people assembled there on Sunday morning,
and there they solemnized marriages; and when the
Ghibellines came to destroy the towers of the Guelfs,
there was one among them very great and beautiful, which
was upon the piazza of S. Giovanni, at the entrance of
the street of the Adimari, and it was called the tower
of the Guardamorto, forasmuch as of old all the good
folk which died were buried at S. Giovanni; and the
Ghibellines, purposing to rase to the ground the said
tower, caused it to be propped up in such wise that
when the fire was applied to the props it should fall
upon the church of S. Giovanni; and this was done.
But as it pleased God, by reverence and miracle of the
blessed John, the tower, which was 120 cubits high,
showed manifestly, when it came to fall, that it would
avoid the holy church, and turned and fell directly
upon the piazza, wherefore all the Florentines marvelled
and the popolo rejoiced greatly. And note, that since
the city of Florence had been rebuilt, not one house had
been destroyed, and the said accursed destruction there-
of was then begun by the Ghibellines. And they or-
dained that of the Emperor Frederick's followers there
should remain 1,800 German horsemen in their pay,
whereof Count Giordano was captain. It came to pass
that in the same year when the Guelfs were driven from
Florence, they which were at Montevarchi were attacked
by the German troops which were in garrison in the
Ļ
}
**
146
1248 A.D. fortress of Gangareta in the market place of the said
Montevarchi, and there was a fierce battle of but few
people, as far as the Arno, between the Guelf refugees
from Florence, and the Germans. In the end the Ger-
mans were discomfited, and a great part thereof slain
and taken prisoners, and this was in the year of Christ
1248.
Epist. vi.
(5) 127-
135.
¡
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
$ 34.-How the host of the Emperor Frederick was
defeated by the Parmesans, and by the Pope's legate.
At this time the Emperor Frederick was laying siege
to the city of Parma in Lombardy, because they had
rebelled against his lordship and held with the Church ;
and within Parma was the Pope's legate with mounted
men-at-arms sent by the Church to aid them. Frederick
was without the city, with all his forces and with the
Lombards, and abode there many months, and had sworn.
never to depart thence until he should have taken it;
and for this reason he had made a camp over against
the said city of Parma, after the manner of another
town, with moats and palisades and towers, and houses
roofed and walled, to which he gave the name of Vit-
toria; and by the said siege he had much straitened
the city of Parma, and it was so poorly furnished with
victuals, that they could hold out but a short while
longer, and this the Emperor knew well by his spies;
and for the said cause he held them for folk well-nigh
vanquished, and troubled himself little about them. It
came to pass, as it pleased God, that one day the Em-
peror was taking his pleasure in the chase, with birds
and with dogs, going forth from Vittoria with certain of
his barons and servants; and the citizens of Parma,
having learnt this from their spies, as folk reckless, or
BOOK VI. §§ 34-35
147
1
:
rather desperate, all sallied forth from Parma in arms, 1248 A.D.
foot and horse together, and vigorously attacked the
said camp of Vittoria in divers parts. The Emperor's
soldiers, unprepared and in disorder, with insufficient
guards (as they who took little thought of their enemies),
seeing themselves thus suddenly and fiercely attacked,
and being unable to defend themselves in the absence
of their lord, were all put to flight and discomfiture,
albeit there were three times as many horse and foot as
there were in Parma ; in which defeat many of them were
taken or slain, and the Emperor himself, when he heard
the news, fled with great shame to Cremona; and the
Parmesans took the said camp, wherein they found great
store of muniments of war, and victual, and vessels of
silver, and all the treasure which the Emperor had in
Lombardy, and the crown of the said Emperor, which
the Parmesans still have in the sacristy of their bishop's
palace; whereby they were all enriched. And when
they had spoiled the said place of its booty, they set fire
thereto, and destroyed it utterly, to the end there might
be no trace of it, whether as city or as camp, for ever.
And this was the first Tuesday in February, in the year
of Christ 1248.
$ 35.-How the Guelf refugees from Florence were
taken in the fortress of Capraia.
A short time afterwards the Emperor departed from
Lombardy, leaving there his natural son Enzo, king of
Sardinia, with many horsemen, as his vicar-general over
the Lombard League, and came into Tuscany, and found
that the Ghibelline party which was ruling the city of
Florence had laid siege in the month of March to the
fortress of Capraia, wherein were the leaders of the chief
י
148
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
•*
families of Guelf nobles exiled from Florence. And when
the Emperor came into Tuscany, he would not enter into
the city of Florence, nor ever had entered therein, but
was ware of it, for by soothsayers or by the saying of some
demon or prophecy, he had discovered that he should
die in Firenze, wherefore he feared greatly. Neverthe-
less, he came to the army, and went to sojourn in the
castle of Fucecchio, and left the greater part of his
followers at the siege of Capraia, which stronghold being
straitly besieged, and having scanty provisions, was not
1249 A.D. able to hold out longer; and the besieged held counsel
about coming to parley, and they would have been
granted any liberal terms which they desired; but a
certain shoemaker, an exile from Florence, which had
been a leading Ancient, not being invited to the said
council, came to the gate very wrathful, and cried to the
host that the town could hold out no longer, for the
which thing the host would not consent to treat, where-
fore they within, as dead men, surrendered themselves
to the mercy of the Emperor. And this was in the
month of May, in the year of Christ 1249. And the
captains of the said Guelfs were Count Ridolfo of
Capraia, and M. Rinieri Zingane of the Bondelmonti.
And when they came to Fucecchio to the Emperor,
he took them all with him prisoners to Apulia; and
afterwards, by reason of letters and ambassadors sent
to him by the Ghibellines of Florence, he put out the
1248 A.D. eyes of all which belonged to the great noble families
in Florence, and then drowned them in the sea, save
M. Rinieri Zingane, because he found him so wise and
great of soul that he would not put him to death, but
he put out his eyes, who afterwards ended his life as
a monk in the island of Montecristo. And the afore-
1248 A.D.
BOOK VI. §§ 36-39
149
said shoemaker was spared by the besiegers; and when 1248 a.D.
the Guelfs had returned to Florence, he also returned
thither, and being recognised in the parliament, at the
outcry of the people he was stoned, and vilely dragged
along the ground by the children, and thrown into the
moats.
$ 36.-How King Louis of France was routed and 1250 A.D.
taken prisoner by the Saracens at la Monsura in Egypt.
$37.-How King Enzo, son of the Emperor Frederick,
was routed and taken prisoner by the Bolognese. § 38.-
How certain Ghibellines of Florence were discomfited in
the village of Fegghine by the Guelf refugees.
$ 39.-How the Primo Popolo was formed in Florence
to be a defence against the violence and attacks of the Ghi-
bellines.
When the said host came back to Florence there was
great contention amongst the citizens, inasmuch as the
Ghibellines, who ruled the land, crushed the people
with insupportable burdens, taxes, and imposts; and with
little to show for it, for the Guelfs were already established
up and down in the territory of Florence, holding many
fortresses and making war upon the city. And besides
all this, they of the house of the Uberti and all the other
Ghibelline nobles tyrannized over the people with ruth-
less extortion and violence and outrage. Wherefore the
good citizens of Florence, tumultuously gathering to-
gether, assembled themselves at the church of San
Firenze; but not daring to remain there, because of the
power of the Uberti, they went and took their stand
at the church of the Minor Friars at Santa Croce, and
remaining there under arms they dared not to return to
150
CHRONICLE OF VILLANÍ
..
:.
I250 A.D. their homes, lest when they had laid down their arms
they should be broken by the Uberti and the other
nobles and condemned by the magistrates. So they
went under arms to the houses of the Anchioni of San
Lorenzo, which were very strong, and there, still under
arms, they forcibly elected thirty-six corporals of the
people, and took away the rule from the Podestà, which
was then in Florence, and removed all the officials.
And this done, with no further conflict they ordained
and created a popular government with certain new
ordinances and statutes. They elected captain of the
people M. Uberto da Lucca, and he was the first
captain of Florence, and they elected twelve Ancients.
of the people, two for each sesto, to guide the people
and counsel the said captain, and they were to meet in
the houses of the Badia over the gate which goes to
Santa Margherita, and to return to their own homes
to eat and sleep; and this was done on the twentieth
day of October, the year of Christ 1250. And on this
day the said captain distributed twenty standards.
amongst the people, giving them to certain corporals
divided according to companies of arms and districts,
including sundry parishes, in order that when need were
every man should arm himself and draw to the standard
of his company, and then with the said standards draw
to the said captain of the people. And they had a bell
made which the said captain kept in the Lion's Tower.
And the chief standard of the people, which was the
captain's, was dimidiated white and red.
*
A
f
*
*
*
$ 40. Of the ensigns of war which were borne by the
commonwealth of Florence.
÷
151
BOOK VI. §§ 40–41
*
$ 41.-How the Emperor Frederick died at Firenzuola
in Apulia.
In the said year 1250, the Emperor Frederick being 1250 A.D.
in Apulia, in the city of Firenzuola, at the entrance to
the Abruzzi, fell grievously sick, and for all his augury
he knew not how to take heed; for he had learned that
he must die in Firenze, wherefore, as aforesaid, never
would he set foot in Firenze, neither in Faenza; yet ill
did he interpret the lying word of the demon, for he was
bidden beware lest he should die in Firenze, and he
took no heed of Firenzuola. It came to pass that, his
malady increasing upon him, there being with him one
of his bastard sons, named Manfred, which was desirous
of having the treasure of Frederick, his father, and the
lordship of the kingdom and of Sicily, and fearing that
Frederick might recover him of that sickness, or leave
a testament, the said Manfred made a league with his
private chamberlain, and promising him many gifts and Cf. Purg.
great lordship, covered the mouth of Frederick with a
bolster and so stifled him, and after the said manner
the said Frederick died, deposed from the Empire, and
excommunicated by Holy Church, without repentance
or sacrament of Holy Church. And by this may we
note the word which Christ said in the Gospel :
"Ye
shall die in your sins," for so it came to pass with
Frederick, which was such an enemy to Holy Church,
who brought his wife and King Henry, his son, to death,
and saw himself discomfited, and his son Enzo taken,
and himself, by his son Manfred, vilely slain, and with.
out repentance; and this was the day of S. Lucy in
December, the said year 1250. And him dead, the
said Manfred became guardian of the realm and of all
the treasure, and caused the body of Frederick to be
iii. 121.
152
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
!
1250 A.D. brought and buried with honour in the church of Mon-
reale above the city of Palermo in Sicily, and at his
burying he desired to write many words of his greatness
and power and the mighty deeds done by him; but one
Trottano, a clerk, made these brief verses, the which
were very pleasing to Manfred and to the other barons,
and he caused them to be engraven on the said sepul-
chre, the which said :—
1250 A.D.
1250 A.D.
1250 A.D.
Si probitas, sensus, virtutum gratia, census
Nobilitas orti, possent resistere morti,
Non foret extinctus Federicus, qui jacet intus.*
And note, that at the time when the Emperor Frederick
died, he had sent into Tuscany for all the hostages of
the Guelfs to cause them to be put to death; and on
the way to Apulia, when they were in Maremma, they
heard news of the death of Frederick, and the guards,
for fear, abandoned them, who escaped into Apulia, and
thence returned to Florence and to the other cities of
Tuscany, very poor and in great need.
§ 42.-How the Popolo of Florence peaceably restored the
Guelfs to Florence.
The same night that the Emperor Frederick died, the
Podestà who ruled for him in Florence, died also, who
was named Messer Rinieri di Montemerlo; for, as he
slept in his bed, there fell upon him of the vaulting from
the roof of the chamber, which was in the house of the
Abati. And this was a sure sign that in the city of
Florence his lordship was to be ended, and this came
* If sense or frankness bold, if virtues' grace or gold,
If birth from noble source, could stay death in his course,
Frederick who here doth lie, would ne'er have come to die.
BOOK VI. §§ 42-43
153
to pass very soon; for the common people having risen 1250 A.D.
in Florence against the violence and outrages of the
Ghibelline nobles, as we have said, and tidings coming
to Florence of the death of the said Frederick, a few
days after, the people of Florence recalled and restored
to Florence the party of the Guelfs who had been
banished thence, causing them to make peace with the Cf. Inf. x
Ghibellines, and this was the seventh day of January, 49, 50.
the year of Christ 1250.
$ 43.-How at the time of the said Popolo the Floren- 1251 A.D.
tines discomfited the men of Pistoia, and afterwards
banished certain families of the Ghibellines from Florence.
Greatly did the party for the Church and the Guelf
party rejoice throughout all Italy at the death of the
Emperor; and the party for the Empire, and the Ghi-
bellines were brought low, inasmuch as Pope Innocent
returned from beyond the mountains with his court to
Rome, bringing aid to the faithful followers of the
Church. It came to pass that in the month of July, in
the year of Christ 1251, the people and commonwealth
of Florence gathered a host against the city of Pistoia,
which had rebelled against them, and fought with the
said inhabitants of Pistoia, and discomfited them at
Mount Robolini with great loss in slain and prisoners
of the men of Pistoia. And at that time Messer Uberto
da Mandella of Milan was Podestà of Florence. And
because the government of the Popolo was not pleasing
to the greater part of the Ghibelline families in
Florence, forasmuch as it seemed to them that they
favoured the Guelfs more than was pleasing to them,
and as in past times they were used to do violence, and
to be tyrannical, relying on the Emperor, therefore they
154
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
$
1258 A.D.
1251 A.D.
Par. xvi.
151-154.
1251 A.D.
were even now unwilling to follow the people and the
commonwealth on the said expedition against Pistoia,
rather did they both in word and in deed oppose it
through factious hatred; forasmuch as Pistoia was ruled
in those days by the Ghibelline party; whereby was
caused so great mistrust, that when the host returned
victorious from Pistoia, the said Ghibelline families in
Florence were banished and sent forth from the city by
the people of Florence, the said month of July, 1251.
And the heads of the Ghibellines in Florence being
banished, the people and the Guelfs who remained in
the lordship of Florence, changed the arms of the com-
monwealth of Florence; and whereas of old they bore
the field red and the lily white, they now made on the
contrary the field white and the lily red; and the Ghi-
bellines retained the former standard, but the ancient
standard of the commonwealth dimidiated white and red,
to wit, the standard that went with the host upon the
carroccio, never was changed. We will leave for a while
the doings of the Florentines, and we will tell some-
what of the coming of King Conrad, son of the Emperor
Frederick.
$44.-How King Conrad, son of Frederick the Emperor,
came from Germany into Apulia, and had the lordship
over the realm of Sicily, and how he died.
When King Conrad of Germany heard of the death
of the Emperor Frederick, his father, he prepared with a
great company to pass into Apulia and Sicily, to take
possession of the said Kingdom, of the which Manfred,
his bastard brother, had become vicar-general, and was
ruling it altogether, save only the cities of Naples and
of Capua, the which had rebelled after the death of
#
:
:.
1
4.
:
BOOK VI. § 44
155
Frederick, and were returned to obedience to the 1251 A.D.
Church; as also many cities of Lombardy and Tuscany,
on occasion of the death of the said Frederick, had
changed their government and returned to the obe-
dience of the Church. The said Conrad would not
adventure himself to come by land, but being arrived
in the Trevisan March, he caused a great fleet to be
equipped by the Venetians, and from thence by sea
with all his people came to Apulia the year of Christ
1251. And albeit Manfred was wrath at his coming,
forasmuch as he had purposed to be lord of the said
kingdom, he made a great welcome to Conrad, his bro- 1251 A.D.
ther, rendering him much honour and reverence, and
when he was in Sicily he led a host against the city of
Naples, the which before had been five times attacked
and besieged by Manfred, prince of Salerno, and he had
not been able to conquer it; but Conrad, with his great
host after a long siege, gained the city by surrender, on
condition that he should neither slay the defenders nor
dismantle the place. But Conrad did not abide by the
pact, but so soon as he was in Naples he caused the
walls and all the fortresses of Naples to be destroyed;
and the like did he to the city of Capua, which had
rebelled; and in a short space he had restored all the
Kingdom to his lordship, casting down every rebel, or
whosoever was a friend or follower of Holy Church;
and not only the laity but the monks and holy persons
he caused to die by torments, robbing the churches, and
subduing whosoever was not in obedience to him, and
appointing to benefices, as if he were Pope; so that if 1252 A.D.
Frederick, his father, was a persecutor of Holy Church,
this Conrad, if he had lived longer, would have been
worse; but as it pleased God, a little time after, he was
;
!
•
?
156
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
iii. 121.
smitten with a grievous sickness, but not mortal, and
as he was being tended by leeches and physicians, Man-
fred, his brother, to remain in power, caused the said
Cf. Purg. leeches for money and great promises to poison him by
a clyster. By such a judgment of God, by his brother's
deed, of such a death did he die without repentance.
and excommunicated, the year of Christ 1252. And
he left behind him in Germany a young son who was
named Conradino, whose mother was daughter to the
duke of Bavaria.
1252 A.D.
:
1252 A.D.
§ 45.-How Manfred, natural son of Frederick, took the
lordship of the kingdom of Sicily and of Apulia, and caused
himself to be crowned.
Conrad, called king of Germany, being dead, Man-
fred remained lord and governor of Sicily and of the
Kingdom, albeit through the death of Conrad, some
cities of the Kingdom rebelled, and Pope Innocent IV.,
with a great host of the Church, entered into the King-
dom to regain the lands which Manfred was holding
against the will of the Church, and under sentence of
excommunication; and when the said host of the Church
had entered into the Kingdom, all the cities and villages.
as far as Naples surrendered themselves to the said
Pope; but he had sojourned but a short time in Naples
ere he fell sick, and passed from this life the year of
Christ 1252, and was buried in the city of Naples.
Wherefore by the death of the said Pope, and by the
vacancy which the Church had after him, which for
more than two years abode without pastors, Manfred
regained all the Kingdom, and his strength increased
greatly both far and near; and with great care he allied
himself with all the cities of Italy which were Ghibelline
BOOK VI. § 45
N
157
and faithful to the Empire, and aided them by his Ger- 1254 A.D.
man knights, making a league and alliance with them in
Tuscany and in Lombardy. And when the said Man-
fred saw himself in glory and state, he thought to have
himself made king of Sicily and of Apulia, and to the
end this might come to pass, he sought for the friend-
ship of the greatest barons of the Kingdom, with monies
and gifts and promises and offices. And knowing that
King Conrad, his brother, had left a son named Con-
radino, the which was by law the rightful heir to the
realm of Sicily, and was in Germany under the guard-
ianship of his mother, he sought of his fraudulent
malice how to become king; wherefore he gathered
together all the barons of the Kingdom, and took coun-
sel with them what should be done with the lordship,
forasmuch as he had received tidings that his nephew
Conradino was grievously sick, and could never rule
over a realm; wherefore it was counselled by his barons
that he should send his ambassadors into Germany to
learn of the state of Conradino, and if he were dead or
ill; and meanwhile they counselled that Manfred should
be made king. To this Manfred agreed, seeing it was
he which had falsely arranged it all, and he sent the said
ambassadors to Conradino and to his mother with rich
presents and great offers. The which ambassadors
being come to Suabia, found the boy whom his mother
guarded most carefully, and with him she kept many
other boys of gentle birth clothed in his garments; and
when the said ambassadors asked for Conradino, his
mother being in dread of Manfred, showed to them one
of the said children, and they with rich presents, offered
him gifts and reverence, among the which gifts were
poisoned comfits from Apulia, and the boy having eaten
:
BE1
I
1
Purg. iii.
121.
1255 A.D.
1255 A.D.
- 1
158
of them, straightway died. They, believing Conradino
to be dead by poison, departed from Germany, and
when they had returned to Venice, they caused sails of
black cloth to be made to their galley and all the rig-
ging to be black, and they were attired in black, and
when they were come into Apulia, they made a show of
great grief, as they had been instructed by Manfred.
And having reported to Manfred, and to the German
barons, and to those of the Kingdom how Conradino
was dead, and Manfred having made show of deep
affliction, by the call of his friends and of all the people
(as he had arranged), he was elected king of Sicily and
of Apulia, and at Monreale, in Sicily, caused himself to
be crowned, the year of Christ 1255.
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
§ 46. Of the war between Pope Alexander and
King Manfred.
After the death of Pope Innocent, and the vacancy
which followed, there was elected Pope Alexander IV.,
born in the city of Alagna, in Campagna, the year of
Christ 1255, and he sat on the papal throne seven
years, and certain months and days. The which Pope
Alexander, hearing how Manfred had caused himself to
be crowned king of Sicily against the will of Holy Church,
by the said Pope, Manfred was required to abandon the
lordship of the Kingdom and of Sicily, the which he would
neither hearken to, nor obey; for the which thing the
said Pope first excommunicated and deprived him, and
then sent against him Otho, the cardinal legate, with a
great host of the Church, and he took many places on
the coasts of Apulia; to wit, the city of Sipanto, and
Mount Santagnolo, and Barletta and Bari, as far as
Otranto in Calabria; but afterwards the said host, by
BOOK VI. § 46
159
i
107.
reason of the death of the said legate, returned with
labour lost, and Manfred took back and regained all,
and this was the year of Christ 1256. The said King 1256 A.D.
Manfred was son of a beautiful lady, of the family of
the Marquises of Lancia in Lombardy, of whom the
Emperor Frederick was enamoured, and he was beauti- Purg. iii.
ful in person, and, like his father, but even more, disso-
lute in every fashion; a musician he was, and singer,
and loved to see around him buffoons and minstrels,
and beautiful concubines, and was always clad in green.
raiment; very liberal was he, and courteous, and
gracious, so that he was much loved and in great
favour; but all his life he was an epicurean, caring
neither for God nor the saints, but only for bodily de-
lights. An enemy he was to Holy Church, and to
priests and monks, occupying the churches as his father
had done, and was a very rich lord, alike from the
treasure bequeathed to him by the Emperor and by
King Conrad, his brother, and from his kingdom, which
was rich and fruitful; and, for all the wars that he had
with the Church, he kept it in good state so long as he
lived, so that he increased much in riches and in power
by sea and by land. For wife he took the daughter of
the despot of Romagna, by whom he had sons and
daughters. The arms which he took and bore were
those of the Empire, save where the Emperor, his father,
bore the gold field and the black eagle, he bore the silver
field and the black eagle. This Manfred caused the
city of Sipanto in Apulia to be destroyed, forasmuch as
through the marshes around it was not healthy, and it
had no harbour; and by its citizens, at two miles dis-
tance upon the rock, and in a place where there might
be a good harbour, he caused a city to be founded,
Cf. De
V.E. i.
12, 21 sqq.
160
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
:
K-I
1256 A.D.
1251 A.D.
1252 A.D.
1252 A.D
Cf. Par.
xvi. 50.
which after his name was called Manfredonia, the which
has now the best harbour that there is between Venice
and Brindisi. And of that city was Manfred Bonetta, count
chamberlain of the said King Manfred, a delightsome
man, a musician and singer, who caused the great bell
of Manfredonia to be made in his memory, the which is
the largest that can be found for size, and because of
its size cannot be rung. We will now leave speaking of
Manfred until fit place and time, and will return where
we left off in our subject, namely to the doings of
Florence and of Tuscany and of Lombardy, albeit they
were much mixed up with the doings of the said King
Manfred in many things.
$47.-How the Florentines discomfited the Ubaldini in
Mugello. § 48.-How the Florentines took Montaia and
routed the troops of the Sienese and the Pisans. § 49.-
How the Florentines took Tizzano and then routed the
Pisans at Pontadera, the Pisans having routed the
Lucchese.
?
$ 50.-How the bridge Santa Trinita was built.
In this time, the city of Florence being in happy
state under the rule of the Popolo, a bridge was built
over the Arno from Santa Trinita to the house of the
Frescobaldi in Oltrarno, and in this the zeal of Lamberto
Frescobaldi helped much, which was a noted Ancient in
the Popolo, and he and his had come to great state and
riches.
§ 51.-How the Florentines took the fortress of Feg-
ghine.
:
•
BOOK VI. §§ 47-53
§ 52.-How the Sienese were routed by the Florentines
at Montalcino.
161
§ 53-How the golden florins were first made in
Florence.
The host of the Florentines having returned, and being 1252 A.D.
at rest after the victories aforesaid, the city increased
greatly in state and in riches and lordship and in great
quietness; for the which thing the merchants of Florence,
for the honour of the commonwealth, ordained with the
people and commonwealth that golden coins should be
struck at Florence; and they promised to furnish the
gold, for before the custom was to strike silver coins
of 12 pence the piece. And then began the good
coins of gold, 24 carats fine, the which are called golden
florins, and each was worth 20 soldi. And this was in
the time of the said M. Filippo degli Ugoni of Brescia,
in the month of November, the year of Christ 1252.
The which florins weighed eight to the ounce, and on
one side was the stamp of the lily and on the other
of S. John. By reason of the said new money of the
golden florin there fell out a pretty story, and worth
narrating. The said new florins having begun to circu-
late through the world, they were carried to Tunis in
Barbary; and being brought before the king of Tunis,
which was a worthy and wise lord, they pleased him
much, and he caused them to be tried; and finding
them to be of fine gold, he much commended them, and
having caused his interpreters to interpret the imprint
and legend on the florin, he found that it said: S. John
the Baptist, and on the side of the lily, Florence. Per-
ceiving it to be Christian money, he sent to the Pisan
merchants who were then free of the city and were
M
·
Cf. Par.
xviii. 133-
136.
'
1253 A.D.
162
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1252 A.D, much with the king (and even the Florentines traded
in Tunis through the Pisans), and asked them what
manner of city among Christians was this Florence
which made the said florins. The Pisans answered
spitefully through envy, saying: "They are our inland
Arabs which is to say, our mountain rustics." Then
answered the king wisely: "It does not seem to me the
money of Arabs. O you Pisans, what manner of golden
money is yours?" Then were they confused, and knew
not how to answer. He asked if there were among them
any one from Florence, and there was found there a mer-
chant from Oltrarno, by name Pera Balducci, discreet
and wise. The king asked him of the state and condi-
tion of Florence, whom the Pisans called their Arabs;
the which answered wisely, showing the power and
magnificence of Florence, and how Pisa in comparison.
was neither in power nor in inhabitants the half of
Florence, and that they had no golden money, and that
the florin was the fruit of many victories gained by the
Florentines over them. For the which cause the Pisans
were shamed, and the king, by reason of the florin and
by the words of our wise fellow-citizen, made the Floren-
tines free of the city, and allowed them a place of habi-
tation and a church in Tunis, and he gave them the
same privileges as the Pisans. And this we knew to be
true from the said Pera, a man worthy of faith, for we
were among his colleagues in the office of prior.
1
M
54-
How the Florentines marched upon Pistoia and
took it, and then upon Siena and took many of their for-
tresses.
$ 55.-How the Florentines marched against Siena, and
_hing
BOOK VI. §§ 54-63
163
I
!
the Sienese came to terms with them, and there was peace 1254 A.D.
between them.
The next year, 1254, Messer Guiscardo da Pietrasanta,
of Milan, being Podestà of Florence, the Florentines
marched against the city of Siena and encamped against Cf. Inf.
the castle of Montereggioni and laid siege to it, and xxxi. 40,
of a surety they would have taken it, for the German 41.
garrison was in treaty to surrender it for 50,000 lire
of 20 soldi to the gold florin; and in one single night
the Ancients found twenty citizens each of whom offered
a thousand of them, without counting smaller sums, so
well disposed for the good of the commonwealth were
the citizens of those days. But the Sienese, for fear of
losing Montereggioni, agreed to the terms of the Floren-
tines, and peace was made between them and the
Sienese, and they completely surrendered the castle of
Montalcino to the Florentines.
§ 56.-How the Florentines seized the fortress of Poggi-
bonizzi and that of Mortennana. § 57.-How the Floren-
tines routed them of Volterra and took their city in the
fight. § 58.-How the Florentines marched against Pisa, 1254 a.v.
and the Pisans submitted to their terms. § 59.-How
the great Khan of the Tartars became a Christian, and
sent his army, under his own brother, against the Saracens
of Syria. § 60.-How the first war arose between the
Genoese and the Venetians. § 61.-How the Count Guido
Guerra expelled the Ghibelline party from Arezzo, and
how the Florentines reinstated it. § 62.-How the Pisans
broke the peace, and how the Florentines routed them
at the bridge over the Serchio. § 63.-How the Floren-
tines destroyed the castle of Poggibonizzi the first time.
1254 a.d.
1260 A.D.
1256 A.D.
i
!
+
164
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1258 A.D.
I
§ 64.-Incident telling of a great miracle concerning the
body of Christ which came to pass in the city of Paris.
§ 65.-How the Popolo of Florence drave out the Ghibel-
lines for the first time from Florence, and the reason why.
器
​In the year of Christ 1258, when Messer Jacopo
Bernardi di Porco was Podestà of Florence, at the end
of the month of July they of the house of the Uberti,
with their Ghibelline allies, incited thereto by Manfred,
purposed to break up the Popolo of Florence, forasmuch
as it seemed to them to lean towards the Guelf party.
When the said plot was discovered by the Popolo, and
they who had made it were summoned and cited to
appear before the magistrates, they would not appear
nor come before them, but the household of the Podestà
were grievously wounded and smitten by them; for the
which thing the people ran to arms, and ran in fury to
the houses of the Uberti, where is now the piazza of the
palace of the people and of the priors, and there they
slew Schiattuzzo degli Uberti and many of the followers
and retainers of the Uberti, and they took Uberto Caini
degli Uberti and Mangia degli Infangati, which when
they had confessed the conspiracy in parliament were
beheaded in Orto San Michele; and the rest of the
family of the Uberti, with many other Ghibelline families,
left Florence. The names of the Ghibelline families of
renown which left Florence were these: the Uberti, the
Fifanti, the Guidi, the Amidei, the Lamberti, the Sco-
lari, and part of the Abati, Caponsacchi, Migliorelli,
Soldanieri, Infangati, Ubriachi, Tedaldini, Galigari, the
della Pressa, Amieri, they of Cersino, the Razzanti, and
many other houses and families of the popolari and of
decayed magnates, which cannot all be named, and other
F
BOOK VI. §§ 64-65
165
7.
}
families of nobles in the country; and they went to 1258 A.D.
Siena, which was governed in the Ghibelline interest,
and was hostile to the Florentines; and their palaces
and strongholds were destroyed, whereof there were
many, and with the stones thereof they built the walls
of San Giorgio Oltrarno, which the Popolo of Florence
caused to be begun in those times by reason of the war
with the Sienese. And afterwards, in the following
September of the said year, the Popolo of Florence
seized the abbot of Vallombrosa, which was a gentle-
man of the lords of Beccheria of Pavia in Lombardy,
for they had been told that at the petition of the Ghi-
belline refugees from Florence he was plotting trea-
son; and this by torture they made him confess, and
wickedly in the piazza of Santo Apollinare by the outcry
of the people they beheaded him, not regarding his
dignity nor his holy orders; for the which thing the
commonwealth of Florence and the Florentines were
excommunicated by the Pope; and from the common-
wealth of Pavia, whence came the said abbot, and from
his kinsfolk, the Florentines which passed through Lom-
bardy received much hurt and molestation. And truly
it was said that the holy man was not guilty, albeit by
his lineage he was a distinguished Ghibelline. For the
which sin, and for many other deeds done by the wicked
people, it was said by many wise men that God by
Divine judgment permitted vengeance to come upon
the said people in the battle and defeat of Montaperti,
as hereafter we shall make mention. The said Popolo
of Florence which ruled the city in these times was very
proud and of high and great enterprises, and in many
things was very arrogant; but one thing their rulers had,
they were very loyal and true to the commonwealth, and
166
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
T
1
1258 A.D.
1259 A.D.
Cf. Inf.
xxxii,
40-60.
when one which was an Ancient took and sent to his
villa a grating which had belonged to the lion's den,
and was now lying about in the mud of the piazza of S.
Giovanni, he was condemned therefor to a fine of 1,000
lire for embezzling the goods of the commonwealth.
§ 66.-How the Aretines took and destroyed Cortona.
§ 67.-How the Florentines took and destroyed the castle
of Gressa. § 68.-How the people of Florence took the
castles of Vernia and of Mangona.
§ 69.-Incidents of the doings that were in Florence at
the time of the Popolo.
In the time of the said Popolo in Florence it came
to pass that there was presented to the commonwealth
a very fine and strong lion, the which was in a den
in the piazza of San Giovanni. It came to pass that
by lack of care on the part of the keeper, the said
lion escaped from its den, running through the streets,
whence all the city was moved with fear. It came to
a stand at Orto San Michele, and there caught hold
of a boy and held him between its paws. The mother,
whose only child he was, and not born till after his
father's death, on hearing what had chanced, ran up to
the lion in desperation, shrieking aloud and with dis-
hevelled hair, and snatched the child from between
its paws, and the lion did no hurt either to the woman
or to the child, but only gazed steadfastly and kept
still. Now the question was what was the cause of this,
whether the nobility of the nature of the lion, or that
fortune preserved the life of the said child, to the
end he might avenge his father, the which he did,
and was afterwards called Orlanduccio of the lion, of
+
BOOK VI. SS 66-72
167
97-99.
IOI.
102, 103.
Calfette. And note, that at the time of the said Popolo,
and before and afterwards for a long time, the citizens
of Florence lived soberly, and on coarse food, and with Par. xv.
little spending, and in manners and graces were in many
respects coarse and rude; and both they and their
wives were clad in coarse garments, and many wore
skins without lining, and caps on their heads, and all
wore leather boots on their feet, and the Florentine
ladies wore boots without ornaments, and the greatest Par. xv.
were contented with one close-fitting gown of scarlet
serge or camlet, girt with a leathern girdle after the Par. xv.
ancient fashion, with a hooded cloak lined with miniver,
which hood they wore on their head; and the common
women were clad in coarse green cambric after the
same fashion; and 100 lire was the common dowry for
wives, and 200 or 300 lire was, in those times, held
to be excessive; and the most of the maidens were Par. xv.
103-105.
twenty or more years old before they were wedded.
After such habits and plain customs then lived the
Florentines, but they were true and trustworthy to one
another and to their commonwealth, and with their
simple life and poverty they did greater and more
virtuous things than are done in our times with more
luxury and with more riches.
Par. xv.
112, 113.
$ 70.-How Paleologus, emperor of the Greeks, took 1259 A.D.
Constantinople from the French and the Venetians.
§ 71.- Of a very sore battle which was between the 1260 a. D.
king of Hungary and the king of Bohemia.
§ 72.-How the great tyrant, Ezzelino da Romano,
was defeated by the Cremonese and died in prison.
In the said year 1260, Ezzelino of Romano, which 1260 A.D.
168
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Inf. xii.
109, 110.
Par. ix,
25-30.
ܢ
is a Trevisan castle, was defeated and wounded and
taken prisoner by the Marquis Pallavicino, and by
the Cremonese in the country around Milan, near to
the bridge of Casciano over the river Adda, as he
was on his way to seize Milan, having with him more
than 1,500 horsemen; from the which wounds he died
in prison, and was buried with honour in the village
of Solcino. He knew by augury that he should die
in a village of the country of Padua, which was called
Basciano, and he would not enter therein; and when
he felt himself wounded he asked what the place was
called, and they answered, "Casciano"; then he said,
"Casciano and Basciano are all the same," and he gave
himself up for dead. This Ezzelino was the most cruel
and redoubtable tyrant that ever was among Christians,
and ruled by his force and tyranny (being by birth a
gentleman of the house of Romano), long time the
Trevisan March and the city of Padua, and a great
part of Lombardy; and he brought to an end a very
great part of the citizens of Padua, and blinded great
numbers of the best and most noble, taking their posses-
sions, and sending them begging through the world,
and many others he put to death by divers sufferings and
torments, and burnt at one time 11,000 Paduans; and
by reason of their innocent blood, by miracle, no grass
grew there again for evermore. And under semblance
of a rugged and cruel justice he did much evil, and was
a great scourge in his time in the Trevisan March and
in Lombardy, to punish them for the sin of ingratitude.
At last, as it pleased God, by less powerful men than
his own he was vilely defeated and slain, and all his
followers were dispersed and his family and his rule
came to nought.
:
BOOK VI. §§ 73-74
169
1
§ 73.-How both the king of Castille and Richard,
earl of Cornwall, were elected king of the Romans.
Now some time before the said year, by reason of 1260 A.D.
discord among the electors of the Empire, two Emperors
had been elected; one party (that is to say, three of the
electors) choosing Alfonso, king of Spain, and the other
party of the electors choosing Richard, earl of Cornwall,
and brother to the king of England; and because the
realm of Bohemia was in discord, and there were two
which claimed to be king thereof, each one gave his
voice to his own party. And for many years there had
been this discord between the two pretenders, but the
Church of Rome gave more favour to Alfonso of Spain,
to the end that he might, with his forces, come and beat
down the pride and lordship of Manfred; for the which
cause the Guelfs of Florence sent him ambassadors,
to encourage his coming, promising him great succour,
to the end he might favour the Guelf party. And the
ambassador was 'Ser Brunetto Latini, a man of great Inf. xv.
wisdom and authority; but before the embassage was
23-120.
ended the Florentines were defeated at Montaperti,
and King Manfred gained great vigour and state
throughout Italy, and the power of the Church was
much abased, for the which thing Alfonso of Spain
abandoned the enterprise of the Empire, and neither
did Richard of England follow it up.
$74.-How the Ghibelline refugees from Florence, sent
into Apulia to King Manfred for succour.
In these times the Ghibelline refugees from Florence
(who being in the city of Siena were ill-supported
against the Florentines by the Sienese, forasmuch as
they had no forces to bring against their host) took
170
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
counsel amongst themselves to send their ambassa-
dors into Apulia, to King Manfred, for succour. And
when they were come thither, albeit they were of
the best and chiefest of the band, much time elapsed,
and Manfred did not dispatch their affair, nor give
audience to their request, by reason of the manifold
businesses he had to do. And when at last they had
a mind to depart, and took their leave of him very ill-
content, Manfred promised them 100 German horsemen
for their aid. Whereon the said ambassadors were
troubled at this his first offer, and were minded to make
their reply in the way of refusing so sorry an aid, for
they were ashamed to return to Siena, inasmuch as they
had hoped for more than 1,500 horsemen. But hereon
Inf. x. 32. Messer Farinata degli Uberti said, "Be not dismayed,
neither refuse any aid of his, be it never so small. Let
us have him send his own standard with them, and when
they be come to Siena we will set it in such a place
that he must needs send us further succour." And so it
came to pass; and following the wise counsel of the
knight, they accepted Manfred's offer, praying him as
a grace to give his own standard to their captain, and
so he did. And when they returned to Siena with so
poor an aid, great scorn was made thereof by the Sienese,
and great dismay came upon the Florentine refugees,
which had looked for aid and support from Manfred
beyond measure greater.
1260 A.D.
1260 A.D.
$ 75.-How the commonwealth and people of Florence
led a great host up to the gates of Siena with the
carroccio.
It happened in the year of Christ 1260, in the month
of May, that the people and commonwealth of Florence
}
}
BOOK VI. § 75
171
1
·
gathered a general host against the city of Siena and led 1260 A.D.
thither the carroccio. And note, that the carroccio, which
was led by the commonwealth and people of Florence,
was a chariot on four wheels, all painted red, and two
tall red masts stood up together thereupon, whereon was
fastened and waved the great standard of the arms of
the commune, which was dimidiated white and red, and
And it was
still may be seen to-day in S. Giovanni.
drawn by a great pair of oxen covered with red cloth,
which were set apart solely for this, and belonged to
the Hospitallers of Pinti, and he who drove them was a
freeman of the commonwealth. This carroccio was
used by our forefathers in triumphs and solemnities, and
when they went out with the host, the neighbouring
counts and knights brought it from the armoury of S.
Giovanni and conducted it to the piazza of the Mercato
Nuovo, and having halted by a landmark, which is still
there, in the form of a stone carved like a chariot, they
committed it to the keeping of the people, and it was
led by popolani in the expeditions of war, and to guard
it were chosen the best and strongest and most virtuous
among the foot soldiers of the popolani, and round it
gathered all the force of the people. And when the host
was to be assembled, a month before the time when they
were to set forth, a bell was hung upon the arch of Porte
Sante Marie, which was at the head of the Mercato
Nuovo, and there was rung by day and by night without
ceasing. And this they did in their pride, to give oppor-
tunity to the enemy, against whom the host should go
And some called it
forth, to prepare themselves.
Martinella, and some the Asses' Bell. And when the
Florentine host went forth, they took down the bell from
and
the arch and put it into a wooden tower upon a car,
!
1260 A.D.
#
172
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
the sound thereof guided the host. By these two pomps
of the carroccio and of the bell was maintained the lordly
pride of the people of old and of our forefathers in their
expeditions. We will leave this and will turn to the
Florentines, how they made war against the Sienese, and
took the castle of Vicchio, and that of Mezzano, and
Casciole, which pertained to the Sienese, and encamped
themselves against Siena, hard by the entrance gate of
the monastery of S. Petronella; and there they had
brought to them, upon a knoll which could be seen from
the city, a tower wherein they kept their bell; and in
contempt of the Sienese, and as a record of their victory,
they filled it with earth and planted an olive tree in it,
the which, until our own days, was still there. It fell out
at that siege that one day the Florentine refugees gave
a feast to Manfred's German soldiers, and having plied
them with wine till they were drunk, in the uproar they
incited them to arm themselves and mount on horseback
to assail the host of the Florentines, promising them
large gifts and double pay; and this was done craftily by
the wise, in pursuance of the counsel of Farinata degli
Uberti which he had given in Apulia. The Germans,
beside themselves and hot with wine, sallied forth from
Siena and vigorously assailed the camp of the Floren-
tines, and because they were unprepared and off their
guard, holding as nought the force of the enemy, the
Germans, albeit they were but few folk, did great hurt to
the host in that assault, and many of the people and of
the horsemen made a sorry show in that sudden assault,
and fled in terror, supposing that the assailants were
more in number. But in the end, perceiving their error,
they took to arms, and defended themselves against the
Germans, and of all those who sallied forth from Siena
?
BOOK VI. § 76
173
not one escaped alive, for they were all slain and beaten 1260 A.D.
down, and the standard was taken and dragged through
the camp and carried to Florence; and this done,
shortly afterwards the Florentine host returned to
Florence.
§ 76.—How King Manfred sent Count Giordano with
800 Germans to succour the Sienese and the Ghibelline
refugees from Florence.
The Sienese and the Florentine refugees, perceiving
how ill the Florentines had fared in the assault of so
small a number of German horsemen, considered that if
they had a greater number thereof, they would be vic-
torious in the war. Immediately they provided them-
selves with money, procuring from the company of the
Salimbeni, which were merchants of those days, 20,000
florins of gold, and gave them in pledge the fortress of
Tentennana and several more castles of the common-
wealth, and sent their ambassadors again into Apulia
with the said money to King Manfred, saying how his
few German followers by their great vigour and valour
had undertaken to assail the whole host of the Floren-
tines, and had turned a great part thereof to flight; but 1260 A. D.
if they had been more, they would have had the victory;
but by reason of their small number, they had all been
left upon the field, and his standard had been dragged
about and insulted in the camp and in Florence and
round about. In this they spoke after the manner
which they knew would best move Manfred, who, hav-
ing heard the tidings, was wrath, and with the money of
the Sienese, who paid half the charges for three months,
and at his own cost, sent into Tuscany Count Giordano,
his marshal, with 800 German horsemen, to go with the
174
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1260 A.D.
said ambassadors; who reached Siena in the end of
July, the year of Christ 1260, and by the Sienese were
received with great rejoicing, and they and all the
Ghibellines of Tuscany drew thence great vigour and
courage. And when they were come to Siena, immedi-
ately the Sienese sent forth their host against the castle
of Montalcino, which was under the commands of the
commonwealth of Florence, and sent for aid to the
Pisans and to all the Ghibellines of Tuscany, so that,
what with the horsemen of Siena and the Florentine
refugees, and the Germans and their allies, there were
found 1,800 horsemen in Siena, whereof the greater part
were Germans.
$77.-How the Ghibelline refugees from Florence pre-
pared to deceive the commonwealth and people of Florence,
and cause them to be betrayed.
The Florentine refugees, by whose embassy and
deed King Manfred had sent Count Giordano with 800
German horsemen, thought within themselves that they
had done nothing if they could not draw the Floren-
tines out into the field, inasmuch as the aforesaid Ger-
mans were not paid save for three months, and already
more than one month and a half of this had passed,
since their coming, nor had they more money where-
with to pay them, nor did they look for any from
Manfred; and should the time for which they had
been paid pass by without having done aught, they
would return into Apulia, to the great peril of the state.
They reasoned that this could not be contrived with-
out skill and subtlety of war, which business was com-
mitted to M. Farinata degli Uberti and M. Gherardo
Ciccia de' Lamberti. These subtly chose out two wise
BOOK VI. § 77
175
109-142.
minor friars as their messengers to the people of 1260 A.D.
Florence, and first caused them to confer with nine of
the most powerful men of Siena, who made endless
show to the said friars that the government of Messer
Provenzano Salvani was displeasing to them, who was
the greatest of the citizens of Siena, and that they would Purg. xi.
willingly yield up the city to the Florentines in return
for 10,000 florins of gold, and that they were to come
with a great host, under guise of fortifying Montalcino,
as far as the river Arbia; and then they with their own.
forces, and with those of their followers, would give up
to the Florentines the gate of Santo Vito, which is on
the road to Arezzo. The friars, under this deceit and
treachery, came to Florence with letters and seals from
the aforesaid, and were brought before the Ancients of
the people, and proposed to them means whereby they
might do great things for the honour of the people and
commonwealth of Florence; but the thing was so secret
that it must under oath be revealed to but few. Then
the Ancients chose from among themselves Spedito di
Porte San Piero, a man of great vigour and boldness,
and one of the principal leaders of the people, and with
him Messer Gianni Calcagni, of Vacchereccia; and
when they had sworn upon the altar, the friars unfolded
the said plot, and showed the said letters. The said
two Ancients, who showed more eagerness than judg-
ment, gave faith to the plot; and immediately the said.
10,000 golden florins were procured, and were deposited,
and a council was assembled of magnates and people,
and they represented that of necessity it behoved to
send a host to Siena to strengthen Montalcino, greater
than the one sent in May last to Santa Petronella. The
nobles of the great Guelf houses of Florence, and Count
ܬܕܕܐ
·
I
Inf. vi. 79.
xvi. 40-42.
:.
176
1260 A.D. Guido Guerra, which was with them, not knowing of the
pretended plot, and knowing more of war than the
popolani did, being aware of the new body of German
troops which was come to Siena, and of the sorry show
which the people made at Santa Petronella when the
hundred Germans attacked them, considered the enter-
prise not to be without great peril. And also esteeming
the citizens to be divided in mind, and ill disposed to
raise another host, they gave wise counsel, that it were
best that the host should not go forth at present, for the
reasons aforesaid; and also they showed how for little
cost Montalcino could be fortified, and how the men of
Orvieto were prepared to fortify it, and alleged that the
said Germans had pay only for three months, and had
already served for half the time, and by giving them play
enough, without raising a host, shortly they would be
scattered, and would return into Apulia; and the Sienese
and the Florentine refugees would be left in worse plight
than they were before. And the spokesman for them
all was M. Tegghiaio Aldobrandi degli Adimari, a wise
knight and valiant in arms, and of great authority, and
he counselled the better course in full. His counsel
ended, the aforesaid Spedito, the Ancient, a very pre-
sumptuous man, rudely replied, bidding him to look to
his breeches if he was afraid; and M. Tegghiaio replied
that at the pinch he would not dare to follow him into
the battle where he would lead; and these words ended,
next uprose M. Cece de Gherardini to say the same
that Messer Tegghiaio had said. The Ancients com-
manded him not to speak, and the penalty was 100
pounds if any one held forth contrary to the command
of the Ancients. The knight was willing to pay it, so
that he might oppose the going; but the Ancients would
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
-
A
BOOK VI. § 78
177
not have it, rather they made the penalty double; again 1260 A.D.
he desired to pay, and so it reached 300 pounds; and
when he yet wanted to speak and to pay, the command
was that his head should be forfeit ; and there it stopped.
But, through the proud and heedless people, the worse
counsel won the day, that the said host should proceed
immediately and without delay.
§ 78.-How the Florentines raised an army to fortify
Montalcino, and were discomfited by Count Giordano and
by the Sienese at Montaperti.
The people of Florence having taken the ill resolve to 1260 a.v.
raise an army, craved assistance from their friends, which
came with foot soldiers and with horse, from Lucca, and
Bologna, and Pistoia, and Prato, and Volterra, and
Samminiato, and Sangimignano, and from Colle di
Valdelsa, which were' in league with the commonwealth
and people of Florence; and in Florence there were
800 horsemen of the citizens and more than 500 mer-
cenaries. And the said people being assembled in
Florence, the host set forth in the end of August, and for
pomp and display they led out the carroccio, and a bell,
which they called Martinella, on a car with a wooden
tower on wheels, and there went out nearly all the people
with the banners of the guilds, and there did not remain
a house or a family in Florence which went not forth on
foot or on horseback, at least one for each house, and for
some two or more, according to their power. And when
they found themselves in the territory of Siena, at the
place agreed upon, on the river Arbia, at the place
called Montaperti, with the men of Perugia and of
Orvieto, which there joined with the Florentines, there
were gathered together more than 3,000 horse and more
N
•
↓
178
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1260 A. D
than 30,000 foot. And whilst the host of the Floren-
tines was thus preparing, the aforesaid framers of the
plot, which were in Siena, in order that it might be the
more fully accomplished, sent to Florence certain other
friars to hatch treason with certain Ghibelline magnates
and popolani which had not been exiled from Florence,
and would therefore have to join the general muster of
the army.
With these, then, they plotted that when
they were drawn up for battle, they should from divers
quarters flee from their companies, and repair to their
own party, to confound the Florentine army. And this
plot they made because they seemed to themselves to be
but few in comparisom with the Florentines; and so it
was done.
Now it happened that when the said host was on the
hills of Montaperti, those sage Ancients who were leading
the host, and had managed the negotiations, were
awaiting the opening of the promised gate by the
traitors from within. A magnate from among the
people, a Florentine from the gate of S. Piero, which
was a Ghibelline, and was named Razzante, having
heard something of the expectation of the Florentine
host, was commissioned by consent of the Ghibellines
in the camp which were meditating the treason, to enter
Siena; whereupon he fled on horseback from the camp
to make known to the Florentine refugees how the
city of Siena was to be betrayed, and how the Floren-
tines were well equipped, and with great strength of
horse and foot, and to urge those within not to advise
battle. And when he was come unto Siena, and these
things had been disclosed to the said M. Farinata and
M. Gherardo, the plotters, they said thus to him: "Thou
wilt slay us, if thou spreadest this news throughout
k
BOOK VI. § 78
179
Siena, inasmuch as fear will fall upon every man, but 1260 A.D.
we desire that thou shouldest say the contrary; for if
we do not fight while we have these Germans we are
dead men, and shall never return to Florence, and for us
death and defeat would be better than to crawl about
the world any longer:" and their counsel was to try the
fortune of battle. Razzante, instructed as to what he
should say, determined and promised to speak thus; and
with a garland on his head, on horseback with the said
two, showing great gladness, he came to the parliament
to the palace where were all the people of Siena and
the Germans and other allies; and then, with a joyful
countenance, he told great news from the Ghibelline party
and the traitors in camp, how the host was ill-ordered
and ill-led, and disunited, and that if they attacked
them boldly, they would certainly be discomfited. And
Razzante having made his false report, at the cry of the
people they all moved to arms, calling out: "Battle,
battle." The Germans demanded a promise of double
pay, and this was given them; and their troop led the
attack from the gate of San Vito, which was to have
been given over to the Florentines; and the other horse
and foot sallied out after them. When those among the
host which were expecting that the gate should be given
to them saw the Germans and the other horse and
foot sally forth towards them from Siena in battle array,
they marvelled greatly, and were sore dismayed, seeing
their sudden approach and unlooked-for attack; and
they were the more dismayed that many Ghibellines
who were in the host, both on horse and foot, beholding
the enemy's troops approaching, fled from divers quar-
ters, as the treason had been ordered; and among them
were the della Pressa and they of the Abati, and many
*
'
t
180
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1260 A.D. others.
Inf. xxxii.
78-111.
Inf. x.
85-87.
1
But the Florentines and their allies did not on
this account neglect to array their troops, and await the
battle; and when the German troop violently charged the
troop of Florentine horse (where was the standard of
the cavalry of the commonwealth, which was borne by
M. Jacopo del Nacca, a man of great valour, of the
house of the Pazzi in Florence), that traitor of a M.
Bocca degli Abati, which was in his troop and near to
him, struck the said M. Jacopo with his sword, and
cut off the hand with which he held the standard, and
immediately he died. And this done, the horsemen
and people, beholding the standard fallen, and that
there were traitors among them, and that they were so
strongly assailed by the Germans, in a short time were
put to flight. But because the horsemen of Florence
first perceived the treason, there were but thirty-six men
of name of the cavalry slain and taken. But the great
mortality and capture was of the foot soldiers of Flor-
ence, and of Lucca, and of Orvieto, because they shut
themselves up in the castle of Montaperti, and were all
taken; but more than 2,500 of them were left dead upon
the field, and more than 1,500 were taken captive of the
best of the people of Florence, from every house, and of
Lucca, and of the other allies which were in the said
battle. And thus was abased the arrogance of the un-
grateful and proud people of Florence. And this was
on a Tuesday, the 4th day of September, in the year of
Christ 1260; and there was left the carroccio and the
bell called Martinella, with an untold amount of booty,
of the baggage pertaining to the Florentines and their
allies. And thus was routed and destroyed the ancient
Popolo of Florence, which had continued in so many
victories and in great lordship and state for ten years,
-
{
BOOK VI. § 79
181
1.
§ 79.-How the Guelfs of Florence, after the said dis- 1260 A. D.
comfiture, departed from Florence and went to Lucca.
The news of the grievous discomfiture being come to
Florence, and the miserable fugitives returning there-
from, there arose so great a lamentation both of men and
of women in Florence that it reached unto the heavens,
forasmuch as there was not a house in Florence, small
or great, whereof there was not one slain or taken; and
from Lucca, and from the territory there were a great
number, and from Orvieto. For the which thing the
heads of the Guelfs, both nobles and popolari, which
had returned from the defeat, and those which were in
Florence, were dismayed and fearful, and feared lest the
exiles should come from Siena with the German troops,
perceiving that the rebel Ghibellines and those under
bounds which were absent from the city were beginning
to return thereto. Wherefore the Guelfs, without being
banished or driven out, went forth with their families,
weeping, from Florence, and betook themselves to Lucca Cf. Inf.
on Thursday, the 13th day of September, in the year of x. 48.
Christ 1260. These were the chief families of the Guelf
refugees from Florence: of the sesto of Oltrarno, the
Rossi, and the Nerli, and part of the Mannelli, the Bardi,
and the Mozzi, and the Frescobaldi ; the notable popolani
of the said sesto were the Canigiani, Magli, and Macchia-
velli, the Belfredelli and the Orciolini, Aglioni, Rinucci,
Barbadori, and the Battincenni, and Soderini, and Mal-
duri and Ammirati. Of San Piero Scheraggio, the
nobles Gherardini, Lucardesi, Cavalcanti, Bagnesi,
Pulci, Guidalotti, Malispini, Foraboschi, Manieri, they
of Quona, Sacchetti, Compiobbesi ; the popolani, Maga-
lotti, Mancini, Bucelli, and they of the Antella. Of the
sesto of Borgo, the nobles: the Bondelmonti, Scali,
A
L
пор
182
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
F
!
}
J
!
2
1260 A.D. Spini, Gianfigliazzi, Giandonati, Bostichi, Altoviti, the
Ciampoli, Baldovinetti and others. Of the sesto of San
Brancazio, the nobles: Tornaquinci, Vecchietti, and
part of the Pigli, Minerbetti, Becchenugi, and Bordoni
and others. Of the Porte del Duomo: the Tosinghi,
Arrigucci, Agli, Sizii, Marignolli, and Ser Brunetto
Latini and his family, and many others. Of the Porte
San Piero Adimari, Pazzi, Visdomini, and part of the
Donati. Of the branch of the Scolari there were left
della Bella, the Carci, the Ghiberti, the Guidalotti di
Balla, the Mazzochi, the Uccellini, Bocca, Londe; and
beside these magnates and popolani of each sesto were
put under bounds. And for this departure the Guelfs
were much to be blamed, inasmuch as the city of Flor-
ence was very strong, and with walls, and with moats
full of water, and could well have been defended and
held; but the judgment of God in punishing sins
must needs hold on its course without hindrance; and
to whomsoever God intends ill, from him He takes
away wisdom and knowledge. And the Guelfs having
departed on Thursday, the Sunday after being the 16th
of September, the exiles from Florence which had been
at the battle of Montaperti, with Count Giordano and
with his German troops, and with the other soldiers of
the Ghibellines of Tuscany, enriched by the spoil of the
Florentines and of the other Guelfs of Tuscany, entered
into the city of Florence without hindrance, and im-
mediately they made Guido Novello of the Counts
Guidi, Podestà of Florence for King Manfred, from the
first day of the coming January for two years, and his
judgment hall was the old palace of the people at Santo
Apollinari, the stair of which was on the outer wall.
And a little while after he caused the Ghibelline gate to
BOOK VI. § 80
183
!
I
be made, and the road out to be opened; to the intent 1260 A.D.
that by that way, which corresponds with the palace,
there might be entrance and exit at need, and he might
bring his retainers from Casentino into Florence to
guard him and the city. And because it was done in the
time of the Ghibellines, the gate and the road took the
name of Ghibelline. This Count Guido caused all the
citizens which remained in Florence to swear fealty to
King Manfred, and by reason of promises made to the
Sienese he caused five castles of the territory of Flor-
ence which were on their frontier to be destroyed; and
there remained in Florence as captain of the host, and
vicar general for King Manfred, the said Count Giordano,
with the German troops in the pay of the Florentines,
who greatly persecuted the Guelfs in many parts of
Tuscany, as we shall make mention hereafter; and took
all their goods, and destroyed many palaces and towers
pertaining to the Guelfs, and took their goods for the
benefit of the commonwealth. The said Count Giordano
was a gentleman of Piedmont in Lombardy, and kinsman
of the mother of Manfred, and by his prowess, and be-
cause he was very faithful to Manfred, and in life and
customs as worldly-minded as he, he made him a count,
and gave him lands in Apulia, and from small estate
raised him to great lordship.
:
§ 80.-How the news of the defeat of the Florentines
came to the court of the Pope, and the prophecy which was
made thereupon by Cardinal Bianco.
When the news of the aforesaid defeat came to the 1260 A. D.
court of Rome, the Pope and the cardinals who loved
the state of Holy Church felt much grief and compassion
thereat, alike for the Florentines, and also because
184
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1260 A.D.
thereby the state and power of Manfred, the enemy of
Inf. x. 120. the Church, would increase; but Cardinal Ottaviano degli
Ubaldini, which was a Ghibelline, rejoiced greatly thereat;
wherefore Cardinal Bianco, which was a great astrologer
and master of necromancy, seeing this, said: if Cardinal
Ottaviano knew the future of this war of the Florentines,
he would not be rejoicing thus. The college of cardinals
prayed him that he would declare himself more openly.
Cardinal Bianco would not speak, because to speak of
the future seemed to him to be unlawful to his office,
but the cardinals so prayed the Pope that he com-
manded him on his obedience to speak. Having re-
ceived the said command, he said in brief words: the
conquered shall conquer victoriously, and shall not be
conquered for ever. This was interpreted to mean that
the Guelfs, conquered and driven out of Florence, should
victoriously return to power, and should never again lose
their state and lordship in Florence.
Cf. Inf. xx.
and xxvii.
100-107.
§ 81.-How the Ghibellines of Tuscany purposed to
destroy the city of Florence, and how M. Farinata degli
Uberti defended it.
After the same fashion that the Guelfs of Florence
departed, so did those of Prato and of Pistoia, and of
Volterra, and of Samminiato, and of San Gimignano,
and of many other cities and villages of Tuscany, which
all returned to the party of the Ghibellines save the city
of Lucca, the which held to the party of the Guelfs for
a time, and was a refuge for the Guelfs of Florence, and
for the other exiles of Tuscany, the which Guelfs of
Florence took their stand in Lucca in the quarter around
San Friano; and the loggia in front of San Friano was
made by the Florentines. And when the Florentines
BOOK VI. § 81
185
found themselves in this place, Messer Tegghiaio Aldo- 1260 A.D.
brandi, seeing Spedito who had insulted him in the
council and bade him look to his breeches, drew himself
up and took from his pouch five hundred florins of gold
that he had, and showed them to Spedito (who had fled
from Florence in great poverty), and said to him re-
proachfully, "Just look at the state of my breeches!
This is what you have brought yourself and me and the
rest to, by your rash and overbearing, lordship." And
Spedito answered, "Then why did you trust us?" We
have made mention of these paltry and base altercations Cf. Inf.
xxx. 148.
as a warning, that no citizen, especially if he be a
popolano and of small account, when he chances to be
in office, should be too bold or presumptuous. At this
time the Pisans, the Sienese, and they of Arezzo, with
the said Count Giordano, and with the other Ghibelline
leaders, caused a council to be held at Empoli, to es-
tablish the Ghibelline party in Tuscany, and to form a
league; and so it was done. And forasmuch as Count
Giordano must needs return into Apulia, to King Man-
fred, by command of the said Manfred there was pro-
claimed as his vicar-general and captain of the host in
Tuscany, Count Guido Novello of the Counts Guidi of
Casentino and of Modigliana, who factiously forsook
Count Simone his brother, and Count Guido Guerra his
relative, and all those of his branch of the family which
held to the Guelf party; and he was desirous to drive
out of Tuscany every Guelf. And at the said council all
the neighbouring cities, and the Counts Guidi, and the
Counts Alberti, and they of Santafiore, and the Ubaldini, Purg. vi.
and all the barons around took counsel, and were all of
one mind how for the good of the Ghibelline party the
city of Florence should be utterly destroyed and reduced
III.
!
T
186
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1260 A.D.
Inf. x.
91-93.
Inf. x.
83, 84.
1261 A.D.
to open villages, to the intent there might remain neither
renown, nor fame, nor power of its might. To with-
stand which proposal uprose the valiant and wise knight,
Messer Farinata degli Uberti, and in his saying he
introduced two ancient proverbs of the street which say :
“As the ass has wit, so he munches his rape" [i.e., every
one does his business according to his capacity, such as
it is], and "Lame goats can go if they meet no wolf"
[ie., any one can get on if there are no difficulties]; and
these two proverbs he wove together, saying: "As the
ass has wit, lame goats can go; so he munches his rape
if they meet no wolf," adroitly turning the vulgar proverbs
to examples and comparisons to show the folly of thus
speaking, and the great peril and hurt that might follow
thereupon; and saying that if there were none other
than he, whilst he had life in his body he would defend
the city with sword in hand. Count Giordano perceiving
this, and what manner of man and of what authority was
Messer Farinata, and his great following, and how the
Ghibelline party might be broken up and come to dis-
cord, abandoned the idea, and took other counsel, so
that by one good man and citizen our city of Florence
was saved from so great fury, destruction, and ruin. But
afterwards the said people of Florence were ungrateful
and forgetful towards the said Messer Farinata, and his
progeny and descendants, as hereafter we shall make
mention. But in despite of the forgetfulness of the un-
grateful people, nevertheless we ought to commend and
keep in notable memory the good and virtuous citizen,
who acted after the fashion of the good Roman Camillus
of old, as we are told by Valerius and Titus Livius.
§ 82.-How Count Guido, the vicar, with the league of
:
187
BOOK VI. §§ 82-83
the Ghibellines of Tuscany, went against Lucca, and took 1261 a.D.
S. Maria a Monte and many fortresses.
§ 83.-How the Guelf refugees from Florence sent
their ambassadors into Germany to stir up Conradino
against Manfred.
In those times the Guelf refugees from Florence and
from the other cities of Tuscany, perceiving themselves
to be thus persecuted by the forces of Manfred and of
the Ghibellines of Tuscany, and seeing that no lord was
rising against the forces of Manfred, and also that the
Church had but little power against him, thought within
themselves to send their ambassadors into Germany to
stir up the little Conradino, offering him much aid and
favour, against Manfred, his uncle, who was falsely hold-
ing the kingdom of Sicily and of Apulia; and this was
done, for from among the chief of the Florentine exiles
there went as ambassadors, with those of the common-
wealth of Lucca. And the Guelf exiles from Florence
were represented by M. Bonaccorso Bellincioni of the
Adimari, and M. Simone Donati. And they found Conra-
dino so young a boy that his mother would in no wise
consent to let him go from her, albeit with will and with
mind she was greatly against Manfred and held him.
as an enemy and rebel against Conradino. And the
said ambassadors, when they returned from Germany,
as a token and earnest of the coming of Conradino,
caused him to give them his mantle lined with miniver,
which being brought to Lucca caused great rejoicing
among the Guelfs, and it was shown in S. Friano of
Lucca, as if it had been a relic. But the Guelfs of
Tuscany did not know the future destiny, how the
said Conradino should become their enemy.
•
1
188
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
;
1262 A.D.
Par. xvi.
56.
1263 A.D.
§ 84.-How the Guelf refugees from Florence took
Signa, but held it only a short space. § 85.-How Count
Guido, the vicar, with the Tuscan league and the forces
of the Pisans, marched upon Lucca, whereon the Lucchese
made their peace, and drave out the Guelf refugees from
Lucca.
7
§ 86.-How the Guelf refugees from Florence, and the
other exiles of Tuscany, drave out the Ghibellines from
Modena and afterwards from Reggio.
After the miserable Guelfs which had been driven
from Florence and from all the cities of Tuscany
(whereof none held with the Guelf party) were come
into the city of Bologna, they abode there long time in
great want and poverty, some receiving pay to serve on
foot, and some on horse, and some without pay. It
came to pass in those times that the inhabitants of the
city of Modena, Guelfs and Ghibellines, came to dissen-
sion and civic strife among themselves, as it is the custom
of the cities of Lombardy to assemble and fight on the
piazza of the commonwealth; and many days they
were opposed the one to the other without either side
being able to win the victory. It came to pass that the
Guelfs sent for succour to Bologna, and especially to
the Guelf refugees from Florence, which straightway,
as needy folk, and making war for their own behoof,
went thither on horse and on foot, as each best could.
And when they came to Modena a gate was opened to
them by the Guelfs, and they were admitted; and
straightway when they were come upon the piazza of
Modena, as brave men and used to arms and to war,
they attacked the Ghibellines, which could not long
endure, but were defeated and slain and driven out of
་
BOOK VI. §§ 84-86
189
5
the city, and their houses and their goods spoiled; by 1263 A.D.
reason of which booty the said Guelf refugees from
Florence and from the rest of Tuscany were much en-
riched, and furnished themselves with horses and with
arms, whereof they were in great need, and this was in
the year of Christ 1263. And whilst they were in
Modena, a little while after, in the same manner as in
Modena, fighting began in the city of Reggio in Lom-
bardy, between the Guelfs and the Ghibellines ; and when
the Guelfs of Reggio sent for aid to the Guelf refugees
from Florence, which were in Modena, straightway they
went thither, and they chose as their captain Messer Forese
degli Adimari. And when they were come to Reggio
they joined in the battle on the piazza, which endured
long time, forasmuch as the Ghibellines of Reggio were
very powerful, and among them was one called Caca of
Reggio, on whose name wit is spilled in gibes even yet.
This man was well-nigh as tall as a giant, and of mar-
vellous strength, and he had an iron club in his hand,
and none dared to approach him whom he did not fell
to the earth, either slain or maimed, and by him the
battle was well-nigh wholly sustained. When the gentle-
men in banishment from Florence perceived this, they
chose among them twelve of the most valiant, and called
them the twelve paladins, which, with daggers in hand,
all set upon that valiant man, which, after very brave
defence, and beating down many of his enemies, was
struck down to the earth and slain upon the piazza;
and so soon as the Ghibellines saw their champion on
the ground, they took to flight and were discomfited
and driven out of Reggio; and if the Guelf refugees
from Florence and from the other cities of Tuscany
were enriched by the spoil of the Ghibellines of Modena,
--
190
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1263 A.D. much more were they enriched by that of the Ghibel-
lines of Reggio; and they all provided themselves with
horses, so that in a short time, while they abode in
Reggio and in Modena, they numbered more than 400
horsemen, good men-at-arms well mounted, and they
came at great need to the succour of Charles, count of
Anjou and of Provence, when he came into Apulia
against Manfred, as we shall hereafter relate. We will
now leave the doings of Florence, and of the Guelf
refugees, and turn to the things which came to pass
in those times between the Church of Rome and Man-
fred.
1261 A.D.
§ 87.-How Manfred persecuted Pope Urban and the
Church with his Saracens of Nocera, and how a crusade
was proclaimed against them.
By reason of the discomfiture of the Florentines, and
of the other Guelfs of Tuscany at Montaperti, as we
have afore said, King Manfred rose to great lordship
and state, and all the imperial party in Tuscany and in
Lombardy greatly increased in power, and the Church
and its devout and faithful followers were much abased
in all places. It came to pass that a very little while
after, in the said year 1260, Pope Alexander passed
from this life in the city of Viterbo, and the Church was
vacant without a pastor for five months through the dis-
putings among the cardinals; afterwards they elected
Pope Urban IV., of the city of Troyes, of Champagne in
France, the which was of low origin, being son of a
cobbler, but was a man of worth, and wise. But his
election was in this fashion: he was a poor clerk which
came to the court of Rome to plead a cause about his
Church, which had been taken from him, which brought
BOOK VI. § 87
191
:
in twenty pounds tournois a year. The cardinals, by rea- 1261 A.D.
son of their disputes, locked the doors when they were
shut up, and made among themselves a secret decree that
the first clerk which knocked at the door should be Pope.
As it pleased God this Urban was the first, and where
he came to plead for the poor church of twenty pounds
tournois revenue, he received the Universal Church, after
the ordinances of God, as fixed in the election of the
blessed Nicholas. Because the election was miraculous,
therefore have we made mention and record thereof.
And he was consecrated the year of Christ 1261. Find-
ing the Church much beaten down by the power of
Manfred, which was occupying the greater part of Italy,
and had stationed the host of his Saracens of Nocera in
the lands of the patrimony of S. Peter, the said Urban
preached a crusade against them; wherefore many faithful
people took the cross and marched in the army against
them. For the which cause, the Saracens fled into Apulia,
but Manfred did not therefore cease to molest the Pope
and the Church in their followers and troops, and he
abode now in Sicily and now in Apulia, in great luxury
and in great delights, following a worldly and epicurean
life, and for his pleasure keeping many concubines,
living lasciviously, and it seemed that he cared neither
for God nor for the saints. But God, the just Lord,
which, through grace, delays His judgments upon Cf. Par.
sinners to the intent they may bethink them, but in
the end does not pardon those who do not turn to
Him, presently sent forth His curse and ruin upon
Manfred, when he believed himself to be in the height
of his state and lordship, as hereafter we shall make
mention.
xxii. 16-
18.
192
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
C
1
§ 88.-How the Church of Rome elected Charles of
France to be king of Sicily and of Apulia.
The said Pope Urban and the Church being thus
brought down by the power of Manfred, and the two
124-129; Emperors-elect (to wit, the Spaniard and the Englishman)
xx. 67-69.
not being in concord nor having power to come into
Italy, and Conradino, son of King Conrad, to whom
pertained by inheritance the kingdom of Sicily and of
Apulia, being so young a boy that he could not as yet
come against Manfred, the said Pope, by reason of the
importunity of many faithful followers of the Church, the
which by Manfred's violence had been driven from their
lands, and especially by reason of the Guelf exiles from
Florence and from Tuscany who were continually pur-
suing the court, complaining of their woes at the feet of
the Pope, the said Pope Urban called a great council
of his cardinals and of many prelates, and made this
proposal: seeing the Church was subjugated by Man-
fred, and since those of his house and lineage had always
been enemies and persecutors of Holy Church, not being
grateful for many benefits received, if it seemed well to
them, he had thought to release Holy Church from bon-
dage and restore her to her state and liberty, and this
might be done by summoning Charles, count of Anjou
and of Provence, son of the king of France, and brother
of the good King Louis, the which was the most capable
prince in prowess of arms and in every virtue that there
was in his time, and of so powerful a house as that of
France, and who might be the champion of Holy Church
and king of Sicily and of Apulia, regaining it by force
from King Manfred, which was holding it unjustly by
force, and was excommunicated and condemned, and was
against the will of Holy Church, and as it were a rebel
1263 A.D.
Purg. vii.
113,
1263 A.D.
BOOK VI. §§ 88-89
193
4.
$
against her; and he trusted so much in the prowess of 1263 A.D.
the said Charles, and of the barons of France, which
would follow him, that he did not doubt but that he
would oppose Manfred and take from him the lands and
all the Kingdom in short time, and would put the Church
in great state. To the which counsel all the cardinals
and prelates agreed, and they elected the said Charles
to be king of Sicily and of Apulia, him and his descen-
dants down to the fourth generation after him, and the
election being confirmed, they sent forth the decree;
and this was the year of Christ 1263.
$ 89.-How Charles, count of Anjou and of Provence,
accepted the election offered him by the Church of Rome to
Sicily and to Apulia.
When the said invitation was carried to France by the
Cardinal Simon of Tours to the said Charles, he took
counsel thereupon with King Louis of France and with
the count of Artois, and with the count of Alençon, his
brother, and with the other great barons of France, and by
all he was counselled that in the name of God he should
undertake the said emprise in the service of Holy Church,
and to bring honour to the crown and to the realm.
And the King Louis of France, his elder brother, prof-
fered him aid in men and in money, and likewise offers
were made to him by all the barons of France. And his
lady, which was youngest daughter to the good Count Purg. vii.
Raymond Berenger, of Provence, through whom he had
the heritage of the county of Provence, when she heard
of the election of the Count Charles, her husband, to the
intent that she might become queen, pledged all her
jewels and invited all the bachelors-at-arms of France
and of Provence to rally round her standard and to make
128.
O
}
194
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
2
1263 A.D. her queen. And this was largely by reason of the con-
tempt and disdain which a little while before had been
shown to her by her three elder sisters, which were all
queens, making her sit a degree lower than they, for
which cause, with great grief, she had made complaint
thereof to Charles, her husband, which answered her:
"Be at peace, for I will shortly make thee a greater queen
than them;" for which cause she sought after and ob-
tained the best barons of France for her service, and
those who did most in the emprise. And thus Charles
wrought in his preparations with all solicitude and power,
and made answer to the Pope and to the cardinals, by
the said cardinal legate, how he had accepted their elec-
tion, and how, without loss of time, he would come into
Italy with a strong arm and great force to defend Holy
Church, aid against Manfred, to drive him from the
lands of Sicily and of Apulia; by the which news the
Church and all her followers, and whosoever was on the
side of the Guelfs, were much comforted and took great
courage. When Manfred heard the news, he furnished
himself for defence with men and money, and with the
force of the Ghibelline party in Lombardy and in Tus-
cany, which were of his league and alliance, he enlisted
and equipped many more folk than he had before, and
caused them to come from Germany for his defence, to
the intent the said Charles and his French following
might not be able to enter into Italy or to proceed to
Rome; and with money and with promises he gathered
a great part of the lords and of the cities of Italy under
his lordship, and in Lombardy he made vicar the Mar-
quis Pallavicino of Piedmont, his kinsman, which much
resembled him in person and in habits. And likewise
he caused great defences to be prepared at sea, of
C
BOOK VI. § 90
195
armed galleys of his Sicilians and Apulians, and of the 1263 A.D.
Pisans which were in league with him, and they feared
but little the coming of the said Charles, whom they
called, in contempt, Little Charles. And forasmuch as
Manfred thought himself, and was, lord over sea and
land, and his Ghibelline party was uppermost and ruled
over Tuscany and Lombardy, he held his coming for
nought.
$ 90.-Incident relating to the good Count Raymond
of Provence.
Since in the chapter above we have told of the worthy
lady, wife of King Charles and daughter of the good
Count Raymond Berenger, of Provence, it is fitting that
something should briefly be said of the said count, to
whom King Charles was heir. Count Raymond was a
lord of gentle lineage, and kin to them of the house of
Aragon, and to the family of the count of Toulouse. By
inheritance Provence, this side of the Rhone, was his; a
wise and courteous lord was he, and of noble state and
virtuous, and in his time did honourable deeds, and to his
court came all gentle persons of Provence and of France
and of Catalonia, by reason of his courtesy and noble
estate, and he made many Provencal coblas and canzoni
of great worth. There came to his court a certain
Romeo [pilgrim], who was returning from S. James',
and hearing the goodness of Count Raymond, abode in
his court, and was so wise and valorous, and came so
much into favour with the count, that he made him
master and steward of all that he had; who always con-
tinued in virtuous and religious living, and in a short
time, by his industry and prudence, increased his mas-
ter's revenue threefold, maintaining always a great and
Par. vi.
127-142.
Vita
Nuova,
§ xli.
34-52.
T
•
?
196
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
honourable court. And being at war with the count of
Toulouse on the borders of their lands (and the count
of Toulouse was the greatest count in the world, and
under him he had fourteen counts), by the courtesy of
Count Raymond, and by the wisdom of the good Romeo,
and by the treasure which he had gathered, he had so
many barons and knights that he was victorious in the
war, and that with honour. Four daughters had the
count, and no male child. By prudence and care the
good Romeo first married the eldest for him to the good
King Louis of France by giving money with her, say-
ing to the count, "Leave it to me, and do not grudge
the cost, for if thou marryest the first well, thou wilt
marry all the others the better for the sake of her kin-
ship, and at less cost." And so it came to pass; for
straightway the king of England, to be of kin to the king
of France, took the second with little money; afterwards
his carnal brother, being the king elect of the Romans,
after the same manner took the third; the fourth being
still to marry, the good Romeo said, "For this one I
desire that thou should'st have a brave man for thy son,
who may be thine heir," and so he did. Finding
Charles, count of Anjou, brother of King Louis of
France, he said, "Give her to him, for he is like to be the
best man in the world," prophesying of him; and this
was done. And it came to pass afterwards, through envy,
which destroys all good, that the barons of Provence
accused the good Romeo that he had managed the count's
treasure ill, and they called upon him to give an account;
the worthy Romeo said, "Count, I have served thee
long while, and raised thy estate from small to great,
and for this, through the false counsel of thy people,
thou art little grateful: I came to thy court a poor pil-
•
197
BOOK VI. § 91
>
2
:
-
grim, and I have lived virtuously here; give me back my
mule, my staff, and my scrip, as I came here, and I
renounce thy service." The count would not that he
should depart; but for nought that he could do would
he remain; and as he came, so he departed, and no one
knew whence he came or whither he went.
But many
held that he was a sainted soul.
§ 91.—How in these times there appeared a great comet, 1264 A.D.
and what it signified.
1
END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK VI.
1
BOOK VII.
HERE begins the Seventh Book, which treats of the coming 1264 A.D.
of King Charles, and of many changes and events which
followed thereupon.
I.
P
§ 1. Charles was the second son of Louis le Debon-
naire, king of France, and grandson of the good King
Philip, the blear-eyed, his grandfather, whereof we before
made mention, and brother of the good King Louis of
France, and of Robert, count of Artois, and of Alfonso,
count of Poitou; all these four brothers were the children
of Queen Bianca, daughter of the King Alfonso of Spain.
The said Charles, count of Anjou, by inheritance from
his father, and count of Provence, west of the Rhone,
by inheritance through his wife, the daughter of the
good Count Raymond Berenger, so soon as he was
elected king of Sicily and of Apulia by the Pope and
by the Church, made preparation of knights and barons
to furnish means for his enterprise and expedition into
Italy, as we before narrated. But in order that those
who come after may have fuller knowledge how this
Charles was the first of the kings of Sicily and of Apulia
descended from the house of France, we will tell some-
what of his virtues and conditions; and it is very fitting
that we should preserve a record of so great a lord, and
so great a friend and protector and defender of Holy
Church, and of our city of Florence, as we shall make
Inf. xix.
Purg. vii.
113, 124,
128, 129;
xi. 137;
xx. 67-69.
Purg. xx.
61-63.
190
200
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Purg. vii.
II3, 124.
Purg. vii.
126.
}
1264 A.D. mention hereafter. This Charles was wise, prudent in
counsel and valiant in arms, and harsh, and much feared
and redoubted by all the kings of the earth, great-
hearted and of high purposes, steadfast in carrying out
every great undertaking, firm in every adversity, faithful
to every promise, speaking little and acting much,
scarcely smiling, chaste as a monk, catholic, harsh in
judgment, and of a fierce countenance, tall and stalwart
in person, olive-coloured, large-nosed, and in kingly
majesty he exceeded any other lord, and slept little and
woke long, and was wont to say that all the time of sleep
was so much lost; liberal was he to knights in arms, but
greedy in acquiring land and lordship and money, from
whencesoever it came, to furnish means for his enterprises
and wars; in jongleurs, minstrels or jesters he never took
delight; his arms were those of France, that is an azure
field charged with the golden lily, barred with vermilion
above; so far they were diverse from the arms of France.
1265 A.D. This Charles, when he passed into Italy, was forty-six
years of age, and he reigned nineteen years in Sicily and
Apulia, as we shall make mention hereafter. He had by
his wife two sons and several daughters; the first was
named Charles II., and was somewhat crippled, and was
prince of Capua; and after the first Charles, his father,
he became king of Sicily and of Apulia, as we shall make
mention hereafter. The second was Philip, who was
prince of the Morea in his wife's right; but he died
young and without issue, for he ruptured himself in
straining a cross-bow. We will now leave for a while
to speak of the progeny of the good King Charles, and
will continue our story of his passing into Italy, and of
other things which followed thereupon.
BOOK VII. § 2
201
§ 2. How the Guelf refugees from Florence took the
arms of Pope Clement, and how they joined the French
army of Count Charles.
In those times the Guelf refugees from Florence 1265 A.D.
and from the other cities of Tuscany, who were much
advantaged by the booty they had made of the cities of
Modena and Reggio, whereof we before made mention,
hearing that Count Charles was preparing to pass into Italy,
gathered all their strength in arms and in horses, each
one doing all in his power; and they numbered more than
400 good horsemen of gentle lineage and proved in arms,
and they sent their ambassadors to Pope Clement, to the
end he might recommend them to Count Charles, King
elect of Sicily, and to proffer themselves for the service of
Holy Church; which were graciously received by the said
Pope, and provided with money and other benefactions;
and the said Pope required that for love of him the
Guelf party from Florence should always bear his proper
arms on their standard and seal, which was, and is, a
white field with a vermilion eagle above a green serpent,
which they bore and kept henceforward, and down to
our present times, though it is true that the Guelfs added
afterwards a small vermilion lily above the head of the
eagle; and with this banner they departed from Lom-
bardy in company with the French horsemen of Count
Charles when they journeyed to Rome, as we shall make
mention hereafter; and they were among the best war-
riors and the most skilled in arms, of all those which
King Charles had at the battle against Manfred. We
will now leave for the present to speak of the Guelf
refugees from Florence, and will tell of the coming of
Count Charles and of his followers.
1
1
202
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
t
1265 A.D.
§ 3.-How Count Charles departed from France, and
passed by sea from Provence to Rome.
In the year of Christ 1265, Charles, count of Anjou
and of Provence, having collected his barons and
knights of France, and money to furnish means for his
expedition, and having mustered his troops, left Count
Guy of Montfort, captain and leader of 1,500 French
horsemen, which were to journey to Rome by way of
Lombardy; and having kept the feast of Easter, of the
Resurrection of Christ, with King Louis of France and
with his other brothers and friends, he straightway de-
parted from Paris with a small company. Without delay
he came to Marseilles in Provence, where he had had
prepared thirty armed galleys, upon which he embarked
with certain barons whom he had brought with him from
France, and with certain of his Provençal barons and
knights, and put out to sea on his way to Rome in great
peril, inasmuch as King Manfred with his forces had armed
in Genoa, and in Pisa, and in the Kingdom, more than
eighty galleys, which were at sea on guard, to the intent
that the said Charles might not be able to pass. But
the said Charles, like a bold and courageous lord, pre-
pared to pass without any regard to the lying-in-wait of
his enemies, repeating a proverb, or perhaps the saying
of a philosopher, that runs: Good care frustrates ill
fortune. And this happened to the said Charles at his
need; for being with his galleys on the Pisan seas, by
the chances of the sea they were dispersed, and Charles
with three of his galleys, utterly forespent, arrived at the
Pisan port. Hearing this, Count Guido Novello, then
vicar in Pisa for King Manfred, armed himself with his
German troops to ride to the port and take Count
Charles; the Pisans seized their moment, and closed
I
!
BOOK VII. § 3
203
the doors of the city, and ran to arms, and raised a 1265 a.d.
dispute with the vicar, demanding back the fortress of
Mutrone, which he was holding for the Lucchese, which
was very dear and necessary to them; and this had to be
granted before he was able to depart. And on account
of the said interval and delay, when Count Guido had
departed from Pisa and reached the port, Count Charles,
the storm being somewhat abated, had with great care
reassembled his galleys and put out to sea, having de-
parted but a little time before from the port, so great
peril and misfortune being past; and thus, as it pleased
God, passing afterwards hard by the fleet of King Man-
fred, sailing over the high seas, he arrived with his
armada safe and sound at the mouth of the Roman
Tiber, in the month of May of the said year, the which
coming was held to be very marvellous and sudden, and
by King Manfred and his people could scarce be be-
lieved. Charles having arrived in Rome, was received
by the Romans with great honour, inasmuch as they
loved not the lordship of Manfred; and immediately he
was made senator of Rome by the will of the Pope and
the people of Rome. Albeit Pope Clement was in
Viterbo, yet he gave him all aid and countenance against
Manfred, both spiritual and temporal; but by reason of
his mounted troops, which were coming from France by
land, and which through the many hindrances prepared
by the followers of Manfred in Lombardy, had much
difficulty in reaching Rome, as we shall make mention,
it behoved Count Charles to abide in Rome, and in
Campagna, and in Viterbo throughout that summer,
during which sojourn he took counsel and ordered how
he might enter the Kingdom with his host,
1
204
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1265 A.D.
Cf. Purg.
vii.
133-136.
Conv. iv.
11: 125-
127.
Inf. xxxii.
115, 116.
$ 4.-How Count Guy of Montfort, with the horse of
Count Charles, passed through Lombardy.
Count Guy of Montfort, with the horsemen which
Count Charles had left him to lead, and with the
countess, wife to the said Charles, and with his horse-
men, departed from France in the month of June of the
*
*
*
*
*
*
said year.
And they took the way of Burgundy and of Savoy, and
crossed the mountains of Monsanese [M. Cenis]; and
when they came into the country about Turin and
Asti, they were received with honour by the marquis
of Monferrato, which was lord over that country,
forasmuch as the marquis held with the Church, and
was against Manfred; and by his conduct, and with
the aid of the Milanese, they set out to pass through
Lombardy, from Piedmont as far as Parma, all in arms,
and riding in troops, with much difficulty, forasmuch as
the Marquis Pallavicino, kinsman of Manfred, with the
forces of the Cremonese, and of the other Ghibelline
cities of Lombardy which were in league with Manfred,
was guarding the passes with more than 3,000 horse-
men, some Germans and some Lombards. At last, as
it pleased God, albeit the two hosts came very nigh one
another at the place called . . the French passed
through without any battle being fought and arrived at
the city of Parma. Truly it is said that one Master
Buoso, of the house of da Duera, of Cremona, for
money which he received from the French, gave counsel
in such wise that the host of Manfred was not there to
contest the pass, as had been arranged, wherefor the
people of Cremona afterwards destroyed the said family
of da Duera in fury. When the French came to the
city of Parma they were graciously received, and the
•
+
BOOK VII. §§ 4-5
205
*,
Guelf refugees from Florence and from the other cities 1265 A.D.
of Tuscany, with more than 400 horsemen (whereof
they had made captain Count Guido Guerra of the
Counts Guidi) went out to meet them as far as the city
of Mantua. And when the French met with the
Guelf refugees from Florence and from Tuscany, they
seemed to them such fine men, and so rich in horses
and in arms, that they marvelled greatly, that being in
banishment from their cities they could be so nobly
accoutred, and their company highly esteemed our
exiles. And afterwards they took them round by Lom-
bardy to Bologna, and by Romagna and by the March,
and by the Duchy, for they could not pass through
Tuscany, forasmuch as it all pertained to the Ghibelline
party, and was under the lordship of Manfred; for the
which thing they spent long time in their journeying,
so that it was not till the beginning of the month of
December, in the said year 1265, that they arrived in
Rome; and when they were come to the city of Rome,
Count Charles was very joyful, and received them with
great gladness and honour.
§ 5.-How King Charles was crowned in Rome king
of Sicily, and how he straightway departed with his host
to go against King Manfred.
When the mounted troops of Count Charles had 1265 A.D.
reached Rome, he purposed to assume his crown; and on
the day of the Epiphany in the said year 1265, by two
cardinal legates, despatched by the Pope to Rome, he was
consecrated and crowned over the realm of Sicily and
Apulia, he and his lady with great honour; and so soon
as the festival of his coronation was ended, without any
delay he set out with his host by way of the Campagna,
1
1265 A.D.
Cf. Inf.
xxviii. 16.
7
206
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
towards the kingdom of Apulia, and Campagna; and
very soon he had a large part thereof at his command
without dispute. King Manfred hearing of their coming,
to wit, first of the said Charles, and then of his people,
and how through failure of his great host, which was in
Lombardy, they had passed onward, was much angered.
Immediately he gave all his care to defend the passes of
the Kingdom, and at the pass at the bridge at Cepperano
he placed the Count Giordano and the count of Caserta,
the which were of the house of da Quona, with many
followers, both foot and horse; and in San Germano he
placed a great part of his German and Apulian barons,
and all the Saracens of Nocera with bows and cross-
bows, and great store of arrows, trusting more in this
defence than in any other, by reason of the strong place
and the position, which has on the one side high moun-
tains, and on the other marshes and stagnant waters,
and was furnished with victuals and with all things
necessary for more than two years. King Manfred
having fortified the passes, as we have said, sent his
ambassadors to King Charles to treat with him con-
cerning a truce or peace; and their embassage being
delivered, it was King Charles's will to make answer
with his own mouth; and he said in his language, in
French: "Allez, et ditez pour moi au sultan de Nocere,
aujourdhui je mettrai lui en enfer, ou il mettra moi en
paradis;" which was as much as to say: I will have
nothing but battle, and in that battle, either he shall
slay me, or I him; and this done without delay he set
out on his road. It chanced that King Charles hav-
ing arrived with his host at Fresolone in Campagna,
as he was descending towards Cepperano, the said Count
Giordano, which was defending that pass, seeing the
BOOK VII. § 6
207
1
.
į
king's followers coming to pass through, desired to 1265 A.D.
defend the pass; the count of Caserta said that it was
better to let some of them pass first so that they might
seize them on the other side of the pass without stroke
of sword. Count Giordano, when he saw the people
increase, again desired to assail them in battle; then the
count of Caserta, who was in the plot, said that the
battle would be a great risk, seeing that too many of
them had passed. Then Count Giordano, seeing the
king's followers to be so powerful, abandoned the place
and bridge, some say from fear, but more say on
account of the pact made by the king with the count
of Caserta, inasmuch as he loved not Manfred, who,
of his inordinate lust, had forcibly ravished the count
of Caserta's wife. Wherefore he held himself to be
greatly shamed by him, and sought to avenge himself by
this treachery. And to this we give faith, because he
and his were among the first who gave themselves up to
King Charles; and having left Cepperano, they did not
return to the host of King Manfred at San Germano,
but abode in their castles.
A
§ 6.—How, after King Charles had taken the pass oj
Cepperano, he stormed the city of San Germano.
When King Charles and his host had taken the pass 1265 A.D.
of Cepperano, they took Aquino without opposition, and
they stormed the stronghold of Arci, which is among the
strongest in that country; and this done, they encamped
the host before San Germano. The inhabitants of the
city, by reason of the strength of the place, and because
it was well furnished with men and with all things, held
the followers of King Charles for nought, and in con-
tempt they insulted the servants which were leading the
•
208
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
[47% at j
1265 A.D. horses to water, saying vile and shameful things, calling
out: "Where is your little Charles?" For which reason
the servants of the French began to skirmish, and to
fight with those of the city, whereat all the host of the
French rose in uproar, and fearing that the camp would
be attacked, the French were all suddenly in arms,
running towards the city; they within, not being on their
guard, were not so quickly all in arms. The French
with great fury assailed the city, fighting against it in
many places; and those who could find no better pro-
tection, dismounting from their horses, took off their
saddles, and with them on their heads went along
under the walls and towers of the town. The count of
Vendôme, with M. John, his brother, and with their
standard, which were among the first to arm themselves,
followed the grooms of the besieged which had sallied
forth to skirmish, and pursuing them, entered the town
together with them by a postern which was open to
receive them; and this was not without great peril, for-
asmuch as the gate was well guarded by many armed
folk, and of those which followed the count of Ven-
dôme and his brother, some were there slain and
wounded, but they by their great courage and strength
nevertheless were victorious in the combat around the
gate by force of arms, and entered in, and straightway
set their standard upon the walls. And among the first
which followed them were the Guelf refugees from Flor-
ence, whereof Count Guido Guerra was captain, and
the ensign was borne by Messer Stoldo Giacoppi de'
Rossi; the which Guelfs at the taking of San Germano
bore themselves marvellously and like good men, for
the which thing the besiegers took heart and courage,
and each one entered the city as he best could. The
1
BOOK VII. § 7
209
!
besieged, when they saw the standards of their enemies 1265 a.d.
upon the walls, and the gate taken, fled in great num-
bers, and few of them remained to defend the town;
wherefore King Charles's followers took the town of San
Germano by assault, on the 10th day of February, 1265,
and it was held to be a very great marvel, by reason of
the strength of the town, and rather the work of God
than of human strength, forasmuch as there were more
than 1,000 horsemen within, and more than 5,000 foot-
men, among which there were many Saracen archers
from Nocera; but by reason of a scuffle which arose the
night before, as it pleased God, between the Christians
and the Saracens, in the which the Saracens were van-
quished, the next day they were not faithful in the
defence of the city, and this among others was truly one
of the causes why they lost the town of San Germano.
Of Manfred's troops many were slain and taken, and the
city was all overrun and robbed by the French; and
there the king and his host abode some time to take
repose and to learn the movements of Manfred.
$ 7.-How King Manfred went to Benivento, and how
he arrayed his troops to fight against King Charles.
King Manfred, having heard the news of the loss of 1265 a.D.
San Germano, and his discomfited troops having returned
thence, he was much dismayed, and took counsel what
he should do, and he was counselled by the Count
Calvagno, and by the Count Giordano, and by the Count
Bartolommeo, and by the Count Chamberlain, and by
his other barons, to withdraw with all his forces to the
city of Benivento, as a stronghold, in order that he
might give battle on his own ground, and to the end he
might withdraw towards Apulia if need were, and also
P
Si
F
210
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1265 A.D.
1
to oppose the passage of King Charles, forasmuch as by
no other way could he enter into the Principality and
into Naples, or pass into Apulia save by the way of
Benivento; and thus it was done. King Charles, hear-
ing of the going of Manfred to Benivento, immediately
departed from San Germano, to pursue him with his
host; and he did not take the direct way of Capua, and
by Terra di Lavoro, inasmuch as they could not have
passed the bridge of Capua by reason of the strength of
the towers of the bridge over the river, and the width
of the river. But he determined to cross the river Vol-
turno near Tuliverno, where it may be forded, whence
he held on by the country of Alifi, and by the rough
mountain paths of Beniventana, and without halting, and
in great straits for money and victual, he arrived at the
hour of noon at the foot of Benivento in the valley over
against the city, distant by the space of two miles from
the bank of the river Calore which flows at the foot
of Benivento. King Manfred seeing the host of King
Charles appear, having taken counsel, determined to
fight and to sally forth to the field with his mounted
troops, to attack the army of King Charles before they
should be rested; but in this he did ill, for had he
tarried one or two days, King Charles and his host
would have perished or been captive without stroke of
sword, through lack of provisions for them and for their
horses; for the day before they arrived at the foot of
Benivento, through want of victual, many of the troops.
had to feed on cabbages, and their horses on the stalks,
without any other bread, or grain for the horses; and
they had no more money to spend. Also the people
and forces of King Manfred were much dispersed, for
M. Conrad of Antioch was in Abruzzi with a follow-
1
BOOK VII. § 8
211
---
ing, Count Frederick was in Calabria, the count of 1265 A.D.
Ventimiglia was in Sicily; so that, if he had tarried a
while, his forces would have increased; but to whom
God intends ill, him He deprives of wisdom. Manfred
having sallied forth from Benivento with his followers,
passed over the bridge which crosses the said river of
Calore into the plain which is called S. Maria della
Grandella, to a place called the Pietra a Roseto; here
he formed three lines of battle or troops, the first was
of Germans, in whom he had much confidence, who
numbered fully 1,200, horse, of whom Count Calvagno
was the captain; the second was of Tuscans and Lom-
bards, and also of Germans, to the number of 1,000
horse, which was led by Count Giordano; the third,
which Manfred led, was of Apulians with the Saracens
of Nocera, which was of 1,400 horse, without the foot
soldiers and the Saracen bowmen which were in great
numbers.
§ 8.-How King Charles arrayed his troops to fight
against King Manfred.
King Charles, seeing Manfred and his troops in the 1265 A.D.
open field, and ranged for combat, took counsel whether
he should offer battle on that day or should delay it.
The most of his barons counselled him to abide till the
coming morning, to repose the horses from the fatigue
of the hard travel, and M. Giles le Brun, constable of
France, said the contrary, and that by reason of delay
the enemy would pluck up heart and courage, and that
the means of living might fail them utterly, and that if
others of the host did not desire to give battle, he alone,
with his lord Robert of Flanders and with his followers,
would adventure the chances of the combat, having con-
212
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1277 A.D.
Inf. xvi.
34-39.
--
fidence in God that they should win the victory against
the enemies of Holy Church. Seeing this, King Charles
gave heed to and accepted his counsel, and through the
great desire which he had for the combat, he said with a
loud voice to his knights, "Venu est le jour que nous
avons tant desiré," and he caused the trumpets to be
sounded, and commanded that every man should arm
and prepare himself to go forth to battle; and thus in
a little time it was done. And he ordered, after the
fashion of his enemies, over against them, three principal
bands: the first band was of Frenchmen to the number
of 1,000 horse, whereof were captains Philip of Mont-
fort and the marshal of Mirapoix; of the second King
Charles with Count Guy of Montfort, and with many of
his barons and of the queen's knights, and with barons
and knights of Provence, and Romans, and of the
Campagna, which were about 900 horse; and the royal
banners were borne by William, the standard-bearer, a
man of great valour; the third was led by Robert, count
of Flanders, with his Prefect of the camp, Marshal Giles
of France, with Flemings, and men of Brabant, and of
Aisne, and Picards, to the number of 700 horse. And
besides these troops were the Guelf refugees from Flor-
ence, with all the Italians, and they were more than 400
horse, whereof many of the greater houses in Florence re-
ceived knighthood from the hand of King Charles upon
the commencement of the battle; and of these Guelfs
of Florence and of Tuscany Guido Guerra was captain,
and their banner was borne in that battle by Conrad of
Montemagno of Pistoia. And King Manfred seeing the
bands formed, asked what folk were in the fourth band,
which made a goodly show in arms and in horses and
in ornaments and accoutrements: answer was made him
:
BOOK VII. § 9
213
that they were the Guelf refugees from Florence and 1265 A. D.
from the other cities of Tuscany. Then did Manfred
grieve, saying: "Where is the help that I receive from
the Ghibelline party whom I have served so well, and
on whom I have expended so much treasure?" And
he said: "Those people (that is, the band of Guelfs)
cannot lose to-day"; and that was as much as to say
that if he gained the victory he would be the friend of
the Florentine Guelfs, seeing them to be so faithful
to their leader and to their party, and the foe of the
Ghibellines.
§ 9.- Concerning the battle between King Charles and 1265 A.n.
King Manfred, and how King Manfred was discomfited
and slain.
The troops of the two kings being set in order on the
plain of Grandella, after the aforesaid fashion, and each
one of the said leaders having admonished his people to
do well, and King Charles having given to his followers.
the cry, "Ho Knights, Monjoie !" and King Manfred to
his, "Ho, Knights, for Suabia!" the bishop of Alzurro
as papal legate absolved and blessed all the host of
King Charles, remitting sin and penalty, forasmuch as
they were fighting in the service of Holy Church.
And this done, there began the fierce battle between the
two first troops of the Germans and of the French, and
the assault of the Germans was so strong that they evilly
entreated the French troop, and forced them to give
much ground and they themselves took ground. The
good King Charles seeing his followers so ill-bestead,
did not keep to the order of the battle to defend himself
with the second troop, considering that if the first troop
of the French, in which he had full confidence, were
j
214
CHRONICLE OF VİLLANI
1265 A.D. routed, little hope of safety was there from the others;
but immediately with his troop he went to succour the
French troop, against that of the Germans, and when the
Florentine refugees and their troop beheld King Charles
strike into the battle, they followed boldly, and per-
formed marvellous feats of arms that day, always follow-
ing the person of King Charles; and the same did the
good Giles le Brun, constable of France, with Robert of
Flanders and his troop; and on the other side Count
Giordano fought with his troop, wherefore the battle was
fierce and hard, and endured for a long space, no one
knowing who was getting the advantage, because the
Germans by their valour and strength, smiting with their
swords, did much hurt to the French. But suddenly
there arose a great cry among the French troops, who-
soever it was who began it, saying: "To your daggers!
To your daggers! Strike at the horses!" And this
was done, by the which thing in a short time the Ger-
mans were evilly entreated and much beaten down,
and well-nigh turned to flight. King Manfred, who
with his troop of Apulians remained ready to suc-
cour the host, beholding his followers not able to
abide the conflict, exhorted the people of his troop
that they should follow him into the battle, but they
gave little heed to his word, for the greater part of the
barons of Apulia and of the Kingdom, among others
the Count Chamberlain, and him of Acerra and him
of Caserta, and others, either through cowardice of
heart, or seeing that they were coming by the worse,
and there are those who say through treachery, as
xxviii. 16. faithless folk, and desirous of a new lord, failed Man-
Cf. Inf.
fred, abandoning him and fleeing, some towards Abruzzi
and some towards the city of Benivento. Manfred,
BOOK VII. § 9
215
being left with few followers, did as a valiant lord, who 1265 a. D.
would rather die in battle as king than flee with shame;
and whilst he was putting on his helmet, a silver eagle
which he wore as crest fell down before him on his
saddle bow; and he seeing this, was much dismayed,
and said to the barons, which were beside him, in Latin :
"Hoc est signum Dei, for I fastened this crest with my
own hand after such a fashion that it should not have
been possible for it to fall"; yet for all this he did not
give up, but as a valiant lord he took heart, and immedi-
ately entered into the battle, without the royal insignia,
so as not to be recognised as king, but like any other
noble, striking bravely into the thickest of the fight;
nevertheless, his followers endured but a little while, for
they were already turning; and straightway they were
routed and King Manfred slain in the midst of his
enemies, it was said by a French esquire, but it was not
known for certain. In that battle there was great mor-
tality both on the one side and on the other, but much
more among the followers of Manfred; and whilst they
were fleeing from the field towards Benivento, they
were pursued by the army of King Charles, which fol-
lowed them as far as the city (for night was already
falling), and took the city of Benivento and those who
were fleeing. Many chief barons of King Manfred were
taken; among the others were taken Count Giordano,
and Messer Piero Asino degli Uberti; which two King
Charles sent captive to Provence, and there he caused
them to die a cruel death in prison. The other Apulian
and German barons he kept in prison in divers places
in the Kingdom; and a few days after, the wife of the
said Manfred, and his children and his sister, who were
in Nocera of the Saracens in Apulia, were delivered as
Purg. iii.
118, 119.
216
CHRONICLE OF VILLANÍ
;
1265 A.D. prisoners to King Charles, and they afterwards died
in his prison. And without doubt there came upon
Manfred and his heirs the malediction of God, and right
clearly was shown the judgment of God upon him be-
cause he was excommunicated, and the enemy and
persecutor of Holy Church. At his end, search was
made for Manfred for more than three days, and he
could not be found, and it was not known if he was
slain, or taken, or escaped, because he had not borne
royal insignia in the battle; at last he was recognised
by one of his own camp-followers by sundry marks on
his person, in the midst of the battle-field; and his
body being found by the said camp-follower, he threw
it across an ass he had and went his way crying, "Who
buys Manfred? Who buys Manfred ?” And one of the
king's barons chastised this fellow and brought the body
of Manfred before the king, who caused all the barons
which had been taken prisoners to come together, and
having asked each one if it was Manfred, they all timidly
said Yes. When Count Giordano came, he smote his
hands against his face, weeping and crying: "Alas, alas,
my lord," wherefor he was commended by the French;
and some of the barons prayed the king that he would
give Manfred the honour of sepulture; but the king
made answer: "Je le fairois volontiers, s'il ne fût ex-
communié "; but forasmuch as he was excommunicated,
King Charles would not have him laid in a holy place;
but at the foot of the bridge of Benivento he was buried,
and upon his grave each one of the host threw a stone;
whence there arose a great heap of stones. But by some
it was said that afterwards, by command of the Pope,
the bishop of Cosenza had him taken from that sepul-
chre, and sent him forth from the Kingdom which was
Purg. iii.
124-132.
BOOK VII. §§ 10-13
217
}
Church land, and he was buried beside the river of 1265 A.D.
Verde [Garigliano], on the borders of the Kingdom and
Campagna ; this, however, we do not affirm. This battle
and defeat was on a Friday, the last day of February, in
the year of Christ 1265.
$ 10.-How King Charles had the lordship of the King-
dom and of Sicily, and how Don Henry of Spain came to
him. § 11.-How the Saracens of Berber passed into
Spain, and how they were there routed. § 12.-How the 1266 A.D.
Florentine Ghibellines laid siege to Castelnuovo in Val-
darno, and how they departed thence worsted.
$ 13.-How the Thirty-six were established in Florence,
and how the Guilds of Arts were formed and standards
given thereto.
When the news came to Florence and to Tuscany of
the discomfiture of Manfred, the Ghibellines and the
Germans began to be discouraged and to fear in all
places; and the Guelf refugees from Florence, which
were in rebellion, and those who were under bounds
in the territory, and in many places, began to be
strengthened and to take heart and courage, and coming
nearer to the city, plotted changes and mutations within
the city, by compacts with their friends within, which
had understanding with them, and they came as far
as to the Servi of S. Maria to take counsel, having
hope from their people which had been at the vic-
tory with King Charles, from whom with his French
folk they were expecting aid; wherefore the people of
Florence, which were at heart more Guelf than Ghibel-
line, through the losses they had received, one of his
father, another of his son, a third of his brothers, at the
218
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1266 A. D.
Inf. xxiii.
103-108.
defeat of Montaperti, likewise began to take courage,
and to murmur and to talk through the city, complain-
ing of the spendings and the outrageous burdens which
they endured from Count Guido Novello, and from the
others which were ruling the city; whence those which
were ruling the city of Florence for the Ghibelline party,
hearing in the city the said tumult and murmuring, and
fearing lest the people should rebel against them, by a
sort of half measure, and to content the people, chose
two knights of the Jovial Friars of Bologna as Podestàs of
Florence, of which one was named M. Catalano of the
Malavolti, and the other M. Roderigo of Landolo, and one
pertained to the party of the Guelfs, to wit, M. Catalano,
and the other to the party of the Ghibellines. And note
that the Jovial Friars were called Knights of S. Mary,
and they became knights when they took that habit, for
they wore a white gown and a grey mantle; and for
arms, a white field with a red cross and two stars; and
they were bound to defend widows, and children under
ward, and to be peace makers; and other ordinances
they had, as religious persons. And the said M. Roderigo
was the beginner of this Order; but it endured but a
short while, for the fact followed the name, to wit, they
gave themselves more to joviality than to aught else.
These two friars were brought thither by the people
of Florence, and they put them in the People's Palace
over against the Badia, believing that by virtue of
their habit they would be impartial, and would guard
the commonwealth from extravagant spendings; the
which, albeit in heart they were of diverse parties, under
cover of false hypocrisy were at one, more for their
own gain than for the public weal; and they ordained
thirty-six good men, merchants and artificers of the
“រ
BOOK VII. § 13
219
greatest and best which there were in the city, the which 1266 A.D.
were to give counsel to the said two Podestàs, and were
to provide for the spendings of the commonwealth;
and of this number were both Guelfs and Ghibellines,
populani and magnates which were to be trusted, which
had remained in Florence at the banishment of the
Guelfs. And the said thirty-six met together every day
to take counsel as to the common well-being of the city,
in the shop and court of the consuls of Calimala, which
was at the foot of the house of the Cavalcanti in the Mer-
cato Nuovo; the which made many good ordinances for
the common weal of the city, among which they decreed
that each one of the seven principal Arts in Florence
should have a college of consuls, and each should have
its ensign and standard, to the intent that, if any one
in the city rose with force of arms, they might under
their ensigns stand for the defence of the people and of
the commonwealth. And the ensigns of the seven greater
Arts were these: the judges and notaries, an azure field
charged with a large golden star; the merchants of Cali-
mala, to wit, of French cloths, a red field with a golden
eagle on a white globe; money changers, a red field sewn
with golden florins; wool merchants, a red field charged
with a white sheep; physicians and apothecaries, a red
field, thereupon S. Mary with her son Christ in her arms;
silk merchants and mercers, a white field charged with a
red gate, from the title of Porta Sante Marie; furriers,
arms vair, and in one corner an Agnus Dei upon an azure
field. The next five, following upon the greater arts,
were regulated afterwards when the office of Priors of
the Arts was created, as in time hereafter we shall make
mention; and they were arranged after a similar fashion
to the seven Arts, with standards and arms to wit, the
"
220
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1266 A.D. Baldrigari (that is, retail merchants of Florentine cloths,
of stockings, of linen cloths, and hucksters), white and
red standard; butchers, a yellow field with a black goat;
shoemakers, the transverse stripes, white and black,
known as the pezza gagliarda [saucy piece]; workers
in stone and in timber, a red field charged with the saw,
and the axe, and the hatchet, and the pick-axe; smiths
and iron workers, a white field charged with large black
pincers.
·
7,
§ 14.-How the second Popolo rose in Florence, for the
which cause Count Guido Novello, with the Ghibelline
leaders, left Florence.
By reason of the said doings in Florence by the said
two Podestàs and the Thirty-six, the Ghibelline mag-
nates in Florence, such as the Uberti, the Fifanti, and
Lamberti, and Scolari, and the others of the great
Ghibelline houses, began to have their factious fears
raised, for it seemed to them that the said Thirty-six
supported and favoured the Guelf popolani which had
remained in Florence, and that every change was
against their party. Through this jealousy, and be-
cause of the news of the victory of King Charles,
Count Guido Novello sent for help to all the neigh-
bouring allies, such as were the Pisans, Sienese, Aretines,
Pistoians, and them of Prato, of Volterra, Colle, and
Sangimignano, so that with 600 Germans which he had,
his horsemen in Florence numbered 1,500. It came to
pass that in order to pay the German troops, which
were with Count Guido Novello, captain of the league, he
required that an impost of 10 per cent. should be levied ;
and the said Thirty-six sought some other method of
finding the money, less burdensome to the people. For
1
BOOK VII. § 14
221
this cause, when they delayed some days longer than 1266 A.D.
appeared fitting to the Count and to the other great
Ghibellines of Florence, by reason of the suspicion which
they felt concerning the ordinances made by the Popolo,
the said nobles determined to put the town in an up-
roar, and destroy the office of the said Thirty-six, with
the help of the great body of horse which the vicar had
in Florence; and when they were armed, the first that
began were the Lamberti, which with their armed troops
sallied forth from their houses in Calimala, saying,
"Where are these thieving Thirty-six, that we may cut
them all in pieces?" which Thirty-six were then taking
counsel together in the shop where the consuls of Cali-
mala administered justice, under the house of the
Cavalcanti in the Mercato Nuovo. When the Thirty-
six heard this they broke up the council, and straight-
way the town rose in uproar, and the shops were closed,
and every man flew to arms. The people all gathered
in the wide street of Santa Trinità, and Messer Gianni
de' Soldanieri made himself head of the people to the
end he might rise in estate, not considering the end,
that it must bring about loss to the Ghibelline party,
and damage to himself, which seems always to have
happened in Florence to whomsoever becomes head of
the people; and thus armed, at the foot of the house of
the Soldanieri, the popolani gathered in very great num-
bers and put up barricades at the foot of the tower of the
Girolami. Count Guido Novello, with all the horsemen
and with the Ghibelline magnates of Florence, was in
arms and mounted in the piazza of S. Giovanni; and
they advanced against the people, and drew up before the
barricade on the ruins of the houses of the Tornaquinci,
and made some show and attempt at fighting, and some
222
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1266 A.D.
mounted Germans passed within the barricade; the
people defended it boldly with crossbows and by hurling
missiles from the towers and houses. When the Count
saw that they could not dislodge the people, he reversed
the banners and returned with all the horsemen to the
piazza of S. Giovanni, and then came to the palace on
the piazza of S. Apollinari, where were the two Podes-
tàs, M. Catalano and M. Roderigo, the Jovial Friars ;
the horsemen meanwhile having command of the city
from Porte San Piero as far as San Firenze. The
Count demanded the keys of the gates of the city
to depart from the town; and for fear missiles should
be hurled at him from the houses, he had for his
safety on one side of him Uberto de' Pucci, and on
the other Cerchio dei Cerchi, and behind him Guidingo
Savorigi, which were of the said Thirty-six, and among
the greatest in the town. The said two friars were cry-
ing from the palace, demanding with loud voices that the
said Uberto and Cerchio should come to them, to the
end they might pray the Count to return to his house
and not depart; and they themselves would quiet the
people, and see that the soldiers were paid. The Count
being in greater suspicion and fear of the people than was
called for, would not wait, but would only have the keys
of the gate; and this showed that it was more the work
of God than any other cause; for that great and puissant
body of horse had not been opposed nor driven out, nor
dismissed, nor was there any force of enemies against
them; for albeit the people were armed and gathered
together, this was more from fear than to oppose the
Count and his horsemen, and they would soon have
been quieted, and have returned to their houses, and
laid down their arms. But when the judgment of God
BOOK VII. § 15
223
-
is ripe, the occasion is ever at hand. When the Count 1266 a. D.
had gotten the keys, during a great silence, he caused a
cry to be made whether all the Germans were there;
he was told that they were. Then the same was asked
concerning the Pisans, and likewise concerning all the
cities of the league; and when he knew that all were
there, he gave orders to his standard-bearer to advance
with banners, and this was done; and they took the wide
road of San Firenze, and behind San Pietro Scheraggio
and San Romeo to the old Ox Gate, and when this
was opened, the Count, with all his horsemen, sallied
forth, and held on by the moats behind San Jacopo,
and by the piazza of Santa Croce, where as yet there
were no houses, and along the Borgo di Pinti; and there
stones were cast upon them; and they turned by
Cafaggio, and in the evening went to Prato; and this
was on S. Martin's Day, the 11th day of November, in
the year of Christ 1266.
$ 15.-How the Popolo restored the Guelfs to Florence,
and how they afterwards drave out the Ghibellines.
When Count Guido Novello, with all his horsemen
and with many Ghibelline leaders of Florence, reached
Prato, they perceived that they had done very foolishly
in departing from the city of Florence, without stroke
of sword and not driven thence, and they perceived
that they had done ill, and took counsel to return to
Florence the following morning; and this they did;
and they came all armed and in battle array at the
hour of tierce to the gate of the Carraia Bridge, where
is now the borough of Ognissanti, but there were no
houses then; and they demanded that the gate should
be opened to them. The people of Florence were in
224
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
"
1266 A.D.
Cf. Inf. x.
58-69,
IIO, III.
Purg. xi,
97-99,
arms, and for fear lest the Count, returning with his
horsemen into Florence, might take vengeance upon
them and devastate the city, agreed together not to
open the gate, but to defend the city, which was very
strong, with walls and with moats full of water around
the second circle; and when they would have made a
dash for the gate, they were shot at and wounded; and
there they abode until after noon, and neither by per-
suasions nor by threats were they allowed to enter in.
They returned to Prato gloomy and shamed, and as
they were returning, being angry, they attacked the for-
tress of Capalle, but did not take it. And when they
came to Prato they bitterly reproached themselves; but
after a thing ill-judged, and worse carried out, repen-
tance is in vain. The Florentines which were left re-
organized the town, and dismissed the said two Podestàs,
the Jovial Friars of Bologna, and sent to Orvieto for
aid in soldiers, and for a Podestà and Captain, which
Orvietans sent 100 horsemen to guard the city, and
M. Ormanno Monaldeschi was Podestà, and another
gentleman of Orvieto was the Captain of the People.
And by a treaty of peace, the following January the
Popolo restored to Florence both Guelfs and Ghibel-
lines, and caused many marriages and alliances to be
made between them, among the which these were the
chief that M. Bonaccorso Bellincioni degli Adimari
gave for wife to M. Forese, his son, the daughter
of Count Guido Novello, and M. Bindo, his brother,
took one of the Ubaldini; and M. Cavalcante, of the
Cavalcanti, gave for wife to his son Guido the daughter
of M. Farinata degli Uberti; and M. Simone Donati
gave his daughter to M. Azzolino, son of M. Farinata
degli Uberti; for the which alliances the other Guelfs
F
BOOK VII. § 16
225
of Florence distrusted their loyalty to the party; and VitaNuovo
iii. 96-
for the said reason the said peace endured but a little
while; for when the said Guelfs had returned to
Florence, feeling themselves stronger and emboldened
by the victory which they had gained over Manfred,
with King Charles, they sent secretly into Apulia to the
said King Charles for soldiers, and for a captain, and
he sent Count Guy of Montfort, with 800 French
horsemen, and he came to Florence on Easter Day of
the Resurrection in the year of Christ 1267. And
when the Ghibellines heard of his coming, the night
before they departed from Florence without stroke of
sword, and some went to Siena, and some to Pisa, and
to other places. The Florentine Guelfs gave the lord-
ship over the city to King Charles for ten years, and
when they sent him their free and full election by
solemn embassy, with authority over life and death and
in lesser judgments, the king answered that he desired
from the Florentines their love and good-will and no
other jurisdiction; nevertheless, at the prayer of the
commonwealth he accepted it simply, and sent thither
year by year his vicars; and he appointed twelve good
citizens to rule the city with the vicar. And it may be
noted concerning this banishment of the Ghibellines,
that it was on the same day, Easter Day of the Resur-
rection, whereon they had committed the murder of M.
Bondelmonte de' Bondelmonti, whence the factions in
Florence broke out, and the city was laid waste; and it
seemed like a judgment from God, for never afterwards Cf. Inf.
did they return to their estate.
x. 51.
104; xxiv.
18, 19;
XXV. III-
113; xxxi.
21-24;
xxxiii. 2-4.
Sonnet
xxxiii. 1.
De Vulg.
El. i. 13:
36; ii. 6:
68, 69; ii.
12: 16, 17,
62, 63.
§ 16.-How, after the Ghibellines had been driven from 1267 A.D.
Florence, the ordinances and councils of the city were
reorganize..
Q
226
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1267 A.D.
When the Guelf party had returned to Florence, and
the vicar or Podestà was come from King Charles (the
first of them being M.
), and after twelve good
men had been appointed, as of old the Ancients, to
rule the republic, the council of 100 good men of
the people was restored, without whose deliberation no
great thing or cost could be carried out; and after
any measure had been passed in this council, it was put
to the vote in the council of the colleges of consuls of
the greater Arts, and the council of the credenza [privy
council of the Captain of the People] of eighty. These
councillors, which, when united with the general coun-
cil, numbered 300, were all popolani and Guelfs. After
measures had been passed in the said councils, the fol-
lowing day the same proposals were brought before the
councils of the Podestà, first before the council of ninety,
including both magnates and popolani (and with them
associated yet again the colleges of consuls of the Arts),
and then before the general council, which was of 300
men of every condition; and these were called the occa-
sional councils; and they had in their gift governorships
of fortresses, and dignities, and small and great offices.
And this ordered, they appointed revisors, and corrected
all statutes and ordinances, and ordered that they should
be issued each year. In this manner was ordered the
state and course of the commonwealth and of the people
of Florence at the return of the Guelfs; and the chan-
cellors of finance were the monks of Settimo and of
Ognissanti on alternate half-years.
§ 17.-How the Guelfs of Florence instituted the
Ordinances of the Party.
In these times, when the Ghibellines had been driven
BOOK VII. § 17
227
X. 120.
out from Florence, the Guelfs which had returned thither 1267 A.D.
being at strife concerning the goods of the Ghibelline
rebels, sent their ambassadors to the court, to Pope Urban
and to King Charles, to order their affairs, which Pope
Urban and King Charles for their estate and peace ordered
them in this manner, that the goods should be divided
into three parts-one part to be given to the common-
wealth, the second to be awarded in compensation to
the Guelfs which had been ruined and exiled, the third
to be awarded for a certain time to the "Guelf Party";
but afterwards all the said goods fell to the Party,
whence they formed a fund, and increased it every day,
as a reserve against the day of need of the Party; con-
cerning which fund, when the Cardinal Ottaviano degli Cf. Inf.
Ubaldini heard thereof, he said, "Since the Guelfs of
Florence have funded a reserve, the Ghibellines will
never return thither." And by the command of the
Pope and the king, the said Guelfs made three knights
heads of the Party, and called them at first consuls of
the knights, and afterwards they called them Captains
of the Party, and they held office for two months, the
sesti electing them alternately, three and three; and
they gathered to their councils in the new church of
Santa Maria Sopra Porta, being the most central place
in the city, and where there are many Guelf houses
around; and their privy council consisted of fourteen,
and their larger council of seventy magnates and popo-
lani, by whose vote were elected the Captains of the
Party and other officers. And they called three mag-
nates and three popolani Priors of the Party, to whom
were committed the order and care of the money of the
Party; and also one to hold the seal, and a syndic to
prosecute the Ghibellines. And all their secret docu-
228
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
་
1267 A.D.
ments they deposited in the church of the Servi Sancte
Marie. After like manner the Ghibelline refugees made
ordinances and captains. We have said enough of the
Ordinances of the Party, and we will return to the
general events, and to other things.
§ 18.-How the soldan of the Saracens took Antioch.
§ 19.-How the Guelfs of Florence took the castle of
Santellero, with many Ghibelline rebels. § 20.-How
many cities and towns of Tuscany went over to the Guelf
party. $ 21.-How King Charles's marshal advanced
upon Siena with the Florentines, and how the king came
to Florence and took Poggibonizzi. § 22.-How King
Charles with the Florentines marched upon the city of
Pisa.
§ 23.-How the young Conradino, son of King Conrad,
came from Germany into Italy against King Charles.
King Charles being in Tuscany, the Ghibelline refugees
from Florence formed themselves into a league and
company with the Pisans and Sienese, and came to
an agreement with Don Henry of Spain, which was
Roman senator, and already at enmity with King
Charles, his cousin. Therefore, with certain barons
of Apulia and Sicily, he made oath and conspiracy to
rob him of certain towns in Sicily and in Apulia, and
to send into Germany, and to stir up Conradino,
which was the son of Conrad, the son of the Emperor
Frederick, to cross into Italy to take away Sicily and
the Kingdom from King Charles. And so it was
done; for immediately in Apulia there rose in rebel-
lion Nocera of the Saracens, and Aversa in Terra di
Lavoro, and many places in Calabria, and almost all in
BOOK VII. §§ 18-23
229
ነ
Abruzzi, if we except Aquila, and in Sicily almost all, 1267 A.D.
or a great part of the island of Sicily, if we except
Messina and Palermo; and Don Henry caused Rome
to rebel, and all Campagna and the country around; and
the Pisans and the Sienese and the other Ghibelline
cities sent of their money 100,000 golden florins to stir
up the said Conradino, who being very young, sixteen
years old, set forth from Germany, against his mother's
will, who was daughter of the duke of Austria, and who
was not willing for him to depart because of his youth.
And he came to Verona in the month of February, in
the year of Christ 1267, with many barons and good
men-at-arms from Germany in his train; and it is said
that there followed him as far as Verona nigh upon
10,000 men on horses or ponies, but through lack of
means a great part returned to Germany, yet there
remained of the best 3,500 German cavalry. And from
Verona he passed through Lombardy, and by the way
of Pavia he came to the coast of Genoa, and arrived
beyond Saona at the shores of Varagine, and there put
out to sea, and by means of the forces of the Genoese,
with their fleet of twenty-five galleys, came by sea to
Pisa, and arrived there in May in 1268, and by the 1258 A.D.
Pisans and by all the Ghibellines of Italy was received
with great honour, almost as if he had been Emperor.
His cavalry came by land, crossing the mountains of
Pontremoli, and arrived at Serrazzano, which was held by
the Pisans, and then took the way of the seacoast with an
escort as far as Pisa. King Charles, hearing how Con-
radino was come into Italy, and hearing of the rebellion
of his cities in Sicily and Apulia, caused by the trea-
cherous barons of the Kingdom (the most of whom he
had released from prison), and by Don Henry of Spain,
#
!
i
230
*
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
-
1268 A.D. immediately departed from Tuscany, and by hasty
marches came into Apulia, and left in Tuscany M.
William di Belselve, his marshal, and with him M.
William, the standard-bearer, with 800 French and
Provençal horsemen to keep the cities of Tuscany for
his party, and to oppose Conradino so that he should
not be able to pass. And Pope Clement, hearing of
the coming of Conradino, sent to him his messengers
and legates, commanding him, under pain of excom-
munication, not to go forward, nor to oppose King
Charles, the champion and vicar of Holy Church. But
Conradino did not by reason of this abandon his enter-
prise, nor would he obey the commands of the Pope,
forasmuch as he believed that his cause was just, and
that the Kingdom and Sicily were his, and of his patri-
mony, and therefore he fell under sentence of excom-
munication from the Church, which he despised and
cared little for; but being in Pisa, he collected money
and people, and all the Ghibellines and whosoever be-
longed to the imperial party, gathered themselves to him,
whence his force grew greatly. And being in Pisa, his
host marched against the city of Lucca, which was held
for the party of Holy Church, and within it were the
marshal of King Charles with his people, and the legate
of the Pope and of the Church, with the forces of the
Florentines and of the other Guelfs of Tuscany, and
with many who had taken the cross, and through pro-
clamations and indulgences and pardons given by the
Pope and by his legates, had come against Conradino;
and he remained over against Lucca ten days with his
host; and the two hosts met together to fight at Ponte-
rotto, two miles distant from Lucca, but they did not
fight, but each one shunned the battle, and they re-
BOOK VII. § 24
231
mained one on each side of the Guiscianella; so they
returned, the one part to Pisa, and the other to Lucca.
§ 24.-How the marshal of King Charles was defeated
at Ponte a Valle by Conradino's army.
Then Conradino departed with his followers from 1268 A.D.
Pisa, and came to Poggibonizzi, and when the inhabi-
tants thereof heard how Conradino was come to Pisa,
they rebelled against King Charles and against the com-
monwealth of Florence, and sent the keys to Pisa to
Conradino. And then from Poggibonizzi he went to
Siena, and by the Sienese was received with great
honour; and whilst he sojourned in Siena, the marshal
of King Charles, which was called, as we have said, M.
William di Belselve, with his people, departed from
Florence on S. John's Day in June to go to Arezzo to
hinder the movements of Conradino; and by the Floren-
tines they were escorted and accompanied as far as
Montevarchi; and they desired to accompany him till
he should be nigh unto Arezzo, hearing that the journey
was like to be disputed, and fearing an ambush in the
region round about Arezzo. The said marshal, being
beyond measure confident in his people, would have the
Florentines accompany him no further, and in front of
the cavalcade he set M. William, the standard-bearer,
with 300 horsemen well armed and in readiness, and he
passed on safe and sound. The marshal, with 500 of
his horsemen, not on their guard nor keeping their ranks,
and for the most part unarmed, prepared to advance, and
when they came to the bridge at Valle which crosses
the Arno nigh to Laterino, there sallied forth upon their
rear an ambush of the followers of Conradino, which,
hearing of the march of the said marshal, had departed
232
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1268 A.D.
1268 A.D.
-.
from Siena under conduct of the Ubertini and other
Ghibelline refugees from Florence; and being come to
the said bridge, the French, not being prepared, and
without much defence, were defeated and slain, and the
greater part were taken, and those which fled towards
Valdarno to the region round about Florence were
taken and spoiled as if they had been enemies; and the
said M. William, the marshal, and M. Amelio di Cor-
bano, and many other barons and knights were taken
and brought to Siena to Conradino, and this was the
day after the Feast of S. John, the 25th day of the
month of June, in the year of Christ 1268. At which
defeat and capture the followers of King Charles and
all those of the Guelf party were much dismayed, and
Conradino and his people increased thereupon in great
pride and courage, and held the French almost for
naught. And this being heard in the Kingdom, many
cities rebelled against King Charles. And at this time
King Charles was at the siege of the city of Nocera of
the Saracens in Apulia, which had rebelled, to the end
that the others on the coast of Apulia, which were all
subject to him, might not rebel against him.
§ 25.-How Conradino entered into Rome, and after-
wards with his host passed into the kingdom of Apulia.
Conradino, having sojourned somewhat in Siena, de-
parted to Rome, and by the Romans and by Don
Henry, the senator, was received with great honour, as
if he had been Emperor, and in Rome he gathered
together people and money, and despoiled the treasures.
of S. Peter and the other churches of Rome to raise
monies; and he had in Rome more than 5,000 horsemen,
what with Germans and Italians, together with those of
BOOK VII. §§ 25-26
233
2
2
the senator, Don Henry, brother of the king of Spain, 1268 A.D.
which had with him full 800 good Spanish horsemen.
And Conradino, hearing that King Charles was with his
host in Apulia at the city of Nocera, and that many of
the cities and barons of the Kingdom had rebelled, and
that others were suspected, it seemed to him a convenient
time to enter into the Kingdom, and he departed from
Rome the 10th day of August, in the year of Christ
1268, with the said Don Henry, and with his company
and his barons, and with many Romans; and he did not
take the way of Campagna, forasmuch as he knew that
the pass of Cepperano was furnished and guarded;
wherefore he did not desire to contest it, but took the
way of the mountains between the Abruzzi and the
Campagna by Valle di Celle, where there was no guard
nor garrison; and without any hindrance he passed on
and came into the plain of San Valentino in the country
of Tagliacozzo.
§ 26.-How the host of Conradino and that of King
Charles met in battle at Tagliacozzo.
King Charles, hearing how Conradino was departed 1268 A.d.
from Rome with his followers to enter into the Kingdom,
broke up his camp at Nocera, and with all his people
came against Conradino by hasty marches, and at the
city of Aquila in Abruzzi awaited his followers. And
being at Aquila, he took counsel with the men of the
city, exhorting them to be leal and true, and to make
provision for the host; whereupon a wise and ancient
inhabitant rose and said: "King Charles, take no
further counsel, and do not avoid a little toil, to the end
thou mayest have continual repose. Delay no longer,
but go against the enemy, and let him not gain ground,
G
234
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
..
1268 A.D.
Inf. xxviii.
17, 18.
and we will be leal and true to thee." The king, hear-
ing such sage counsel, without any delay or further
parley, departed by the road crossing the mountains, and
came close to the host of Conradino in the place and
plain of San Valentino, and there was nought between
them save the river of
King Charles had of his
people, between Frenchmen and Provençals and Itali-
ans, less than 3,000 cavaliers, and seeing that Conradino
had many more people than he, he took the counsel of
the good M. Alardo di Valleri, a French knight of great
wisdom and prowess, which at that time had arrived in
Apulia from over seas from the Holy Land, who said
to King Charles, if he desired to be victorious it behoved
him to use stratagems of war rather than force. King
Charles, trusting much in the wisdom of the said M.
Alardo, committed to him the entire direction of the
host and of the battle, who drew up the king's followers
in three troops, and of one he made captain M. Henry
of Cosance, tall in person, and a good knight at arms;
he was armed with royal insignia in place of the king's
person, and led Provençals and Tuscans and Lombards,
and men of the Campagna. The second troop was of
Frenchmen, whereof were captains M. Jean de Cléry,
and M. William, the standard-bearer; and he put the
Provençals to guard the bridge over the said river, to
the end the host of Conradino might not pass without
the disadvantage of combat. King Charles, with the
flower of his chivalry and barons, to the number of 800
cavaliers, he placed in ambush behind a little hill in a
valley, and with King Charles there remained the said
M. Alardo di Valleri, with M. William de Ville, and
Arduino, prince of the Morea, a right valiant knight.
Conradino, on the other side, formed his followers in
BOOK VII. § 27
235
three troops, one of Germans, whereof he was captain 1268 a.D.
with the duke of Austria, and with many counts and
barons; the second of Italians, whereof he made captain
Count Calvagno, with certain Germans; the third was of
Spaniards, whereof was captain Don Henry of Spain,
their lord. In this array, one host over against the other,
the rebel barons of the Kingdom guilefully, in order to
cause dismay to King Charles and his followers, caused
false ambassadors to come into the camp of Conradino,
in full pomp, with keys in their hands, and with large
presents, saying that they were sent from the common-
wealth of Aquila to give him the keys and the lordship
of the city, as his men and faithful subjects, to the end
he might deliver them from the tyranny of King Charles.
For which cause the host of Conradino and he himself,
deeming it to be true, rejoiced greatly; and this being
heard in the host of King Charles caused great dismay,
forasmuch as they feared to lose the victual which
came to them from that side, and also the aid of the
men of Aquila. The king himself, hearing this, was seized
with so great pangs that in the night season he set forth
with a few of the host in his company, and came to
Aquila that same night, and causing the guards at the
gates to be asked for whom they held the city, they
answered, For King Charles: who, having entered in
without dismounting from his horse, having exhorted
them to good watch, immediately returned to the host,
and was there early in the morning: and because of the
weariness of going and returning by night from Aquila,
King Charles laid him down and slept.
§ 27.-How Conradino and his people were defeated by
King Charles.
236
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1268 A.D.
: -
Now Conradino and his host were puffed up with the
vain hope that Aquila had rebelled against King
Charles, and therefore, all drawn up in battle array,
they raised their battle cry, and made a vigorous rush to
force the passages of the river and engage with King
Charles. King Charles, albeit he was reposing, as we
have said, hearing the din of the enemy, and how they
were in arms and ready for battle, immediately caused his
followers to arm and array themselves after the order
and fashion whereof we before made mention. And the
troop of the Provençals, which was led by M. Henry of
Cosance, being at guard on the bridge to hinder the
passing of Don Henry of Spain and his people, the
Spaniards set themselves to ford the river, which was not
very great, and began to enclose the troop of Provençals
which were defending the bridge. Conradino and the
rest of his host, seeing the Spaniards had crossed, began
to pass the river, and with great fury assailed the fol-
lowers of King Charles, and in a short time had routed
and defeated the Provençal troop; and the said M.
Henry of Cosance; and the standard of King Charles
was beaten down, and M. Henry himself was slain. Don
Henry and the Germans, believing they had got King
Charles in person, inasmuch as he wore the royal
insignia, all fell upon him at once. And the said
Provençal troop being routed, they dealt in like fashion
with the French and the Italian troop, which was led
by M. Jean de Cléry and M. William, the standard-
bearer, because the followers of Conradino were two
to one against those of King Charles, and very fierce
and violent in battle; and the followers of King Charles,
seeing themselves thus sore bestead, took to flight,
and abandoned the field. The Germans believed
BOOK VII. § 27
237
7
C
17, 18.
themselves victorious, not knowing of King Charles's 1268 A.D.
ambush, and began to scatter themselves over the field,
giving their minds to plunder and booty. King Charles
was upon the little hill above the valley, where was his
troop, with M. Alardo di Valleri, and with Count Guy
of Montfort, beholding the battle; and when he saw
his people thus routed, first one troop and then the
other thus put to flight, he was deadly grieved, and
longed even to put in motion his own troop to go to the
succour of the others. M. Alardo, which was comman-
der of the host, and wise in war, with great temper- Inf.xxviii.
ance and with wise words much restrained the king,
saying that for God's sake he should suffer it a while, if
he desired the honour of the victory, because he knew
the cupidity of the Germans, and how greedy they were
for booty; and he must let them break up more from
their troops; and when he saw them well scattered, he
said to the king : "Let the banners set forth, for now it
is time;" and so it was done. And when the said troop
sallied forth from the valley, neither Conradino nor his
followers believed that they were enemies, but that they
were of their own party; and they were not upon their
guard; and the king, coming with his followers in close
ranks, came straight to where was the troop of Conra-
dino, with the chief among his barons, and there began
fierce and violent combat, albeit it endured not long, see-
ing that the followers of Conradino were faint and weary
with fighting, and had not near so many horsemen in
battle array as those of the king, forasmuch as the greater
part were wandering out of the ranks, some pursuing the
enemy and some scattered over the field in search of
booty and prisoners; and the troop of Conradino, by
reason of the unexpected assault of the enemy, was con-
238
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1268 A.D. tinually diminishing, and that of King Charles continually
increasing, because his first troop, which had been put
to flight through the first defeat, recognising the royal
standard, joined on to his company, insomuch that in a
little while Conradino and his followers were discomfited.
And when Conradino perceived that the fortunes of war
were against him, by the counsel of his greater barons
he took to flight, together with the duke of Austria,
and Count Calvagno, and Count Gualferano, and Count
Gherardo da Pisa, and many more. M. Alardo di Valleri,
seeing the enemy put to flight, cried aloud, praying
and entreating the king and the captains of the troop
not to set forth either in pursuit of the enemy or other
prey, fearing lest the followers of Conradino should
gather together, or should sally forth from some ambush,
but to abide firm and in order on the field; and so was
it done. And this was very fortunate, for Don Henry,
with his Spaniards and other Germans which had gone
in pursuit of the Provençals and Italians whom they had
first discomfited in a valley, and which had not seen
King Charles offer battle nor the discomfiture of Con-
radino, had now gathered his men together, and was
returning to the field; and seeing King Charles' troop,
he believed them to be Conradino and his following, so
that he came down from the hill where he had assembled
his men, to come to his allies; and when he drew nigh
unto them, he recognised the standards of the enemy,
and how much deceived he had been; and he was sore
dismayed; but, like the valiant lord he was, he rallied
and closed up his troop after such a fashion that King
Charles and his followers, which were spent by the toils
of the combat, did not venture to strike into Don Henry's
troop, and to the end they might not have to throw up the
BOOK VII. § 27
239
?
game in their turn, they abode in array over against one 1268 A.D.
another a good space. The good M. Alardo, seeing this,
said to the king that they must needs make the enemy
break their ranks in order to rout them; whereon the
king bade him act after his mind. Then he took of the
best barons of the king's troop from twenty to thirty,
and they set forth from the troop, making as though they
would flee, as he had instructed them. The Spaniards,
seeing how the standard-bearers of sundry of these lords
were wheeling round as in act to flee in terror, with
vain hope began to cry: "They are put to flight,” and
began to leave their own ranks, desiring to pursue them.
King Charles, seeing gaps and openings in the troop of
Spaniards, and others on the German side, began boldly
to strike among them, and M. Alardo with his men wisely
gathered themselves together and returned to the troop.
Then was the battle fierce and hard; but the Spaniards
were well armed, and by stroke of sword might not be
struck to the ground, and continually after their fashion
they drew close together. Then began the French to
cry out wrathfully, and to take hold of them by the
arms and drag them from their horses after the manner
of tournaments; and this was done to such good purpose
that in a short time they were routed, and defeated, and
put to flight, and many of them lay dead on the field.
Don Henry, with many of his followers, fled to Monte
Cascino, and said that King Charles was defeated. The
abbot, which was lord of those lands, knew Don Henry,
and judging by divers signs that he was a fugitive,
caused him and great part of his people to be seized.
King Charles, with all his followers, remained upon the
field, armed and on horseback, until the night, to the
end he might gather together his men, and to be sure of
•
240
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1268 A.D.
1268 A.D.
1
full victory over the enemy; and this defeat was on the
vigil of S. Bartholomew, on the 23rd day of August, in
the year of Christ 1268. And in that place King
Charles afterwards caused a rich abbey to be built for
the souls of his men which had been slain; which is
called S. Mary of the Victory, in the plain of Taglia-
Cozzo.
§ 28.-Of the vision that came to Pope Clement concern-
ing the discomfiture of Conradino.
§ 29.-How Conradino and certain of his barons were
taken by King Charles, and how he caused their heads to
be cut off.
Conradino, with the duke of Austria and with many
others, which were fled from the field with him, arrived
at the beach near Rome upon the sea-shore hard by a
place which is, called Asturi, which pertained to the
Infragnipani, noblemen of Rome; and when they were
come thither, they caused a frigate to be armed to pass
into Sicily, hoping to escape from King Charles; and in
Sicily, which had almost all rebelled against the king, to
recover state and lordship. They having already set
sail unrecognised on the said vessel, one of the said
Infragnipani which was in Asturi, seeing that they were
in great part Germans, and fine men and of noble
aspect, and knowing of the defeat, was minded to gain
riches for himself, and therefore he took the said lords
prisoners; and having learnt of their conditions, and
how Conradino was among them, he led them captive to
King Charles, for which cause the king gave him land
and lordship at Pilosa, between Naples and Benivento.
And when the king had Conradino and those lords in
BOOK VII. §§ 28-29
241
68.
his hands, he took counsel what he should do. At last 1268 a.d.
he was minded to put them to death, and he caused by
way of process an inquisition to be made against them,
as against traitors to the Crown and enemies of Holy
Church, and this was carried out; for on the . . day
were beheaded Conradino, and the duke of Austria, and Purg. xx.
Count Calvagno, and Count Gualferano, and Count
Bartolommeo and two of his sons, and Count Gherardo
of the counts of Doneratico of Pisa, on the market
place at Naples, beside the stream of water which runs
over against the church of the Carmelite friars; and the
king would not suffer them to be buried in a sacred
place, but under the sand of the market place, foras-
much as they were excommunicate. And thus with
Conradino ended the line of the house of Suabia, which
was so powerful both in emperors and in kings, as
before we have made mention. But certainly we may
see, both by reason and by experience, that whosoever
rises against Holy Church, and is excommunicate, his
end must needs be evil for soul and for body; and there-
fore the sentence of excommunication of Holy Church,
just or unjust, is always to be feared, for very open
miracles have come to pass confirming this, as whoso will
may read in ancient chronicles; as also by this present
chronicle it may be seen with regard to the emperors
and lords of past times, which were rebels and persecu-
tors of Holy Church. Yet because of the said judg-
ment King Charles was much blamed by the Pope and
by his cardinals, and by all wise men, forasmuch as he
had taken Conradino and his followers by chance of
battle, and not by treachery, and it would have been
better to keep him prisoner than to put him to death.
And some said that the Pope assented thereto; but we
•
R
242
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1268 A.D.
1268 A.D.
do not give faith to this, forasmuch as he was held to be
a holy man. And it seems that by reason of Conra-
dino's innocence, which was of such tender age to be
adjudged to death, God showed forth a miracle against
King Charles, for not many years after God sent him
great adversities when he thought himself to be in
highest state, as hereafter in his history we shall make
mention. To the judge which condemned Conradino,
Robert, son of the count of Flanders, the king's son-in-
law, when he had read the condemnation, gave a sword-
thrust, saying that it was not lawful for him to sentence
to death so great and noble a man, from which blow the
judge died; and it was in the king's presence, and there
. was never a word said thereof, forasmuch as Robert was
very high in the favour of the king, and it seemed to the
king and to all the barons that he had acted like a
worthy lord. Now Don Henry of Spain was likewise in
the king's prison, but forasmuch as he was his cousin by
blood, and because the abbot of Monte Cascino, which
had brought him prisoner to the king, to the end he
might not break his rule, had made a compact with him.
that he should not be put to death, the king would not
condemn him to death, but to perpetual imprisonment,
and sent him prisoner to the fortress in the hill Sanctæ
Mariæ in Apulia; and many other barons of Apulia and
of Abruzzi, which had opposed King Charles and been
rebellious against him, he put to death with divers
torments.
§ 30.-How King Charles recovered all the lands in
Sicily and in Apulia which had rebelled against him.
§ 31.-How the Florentines defeated the Sienese at the
foot of Colle di Valdelsa.
BOOK VII. §§ 30-31
243
In the year of Christ 1269, in the month of June, 1269 A.D.
the Sienese, whereof M. Provenzano Salvani, of Siena,
was governor, with Count Guido Novello, with the
German and Spanish troops, and with the Ghibelline re-
fugees from Florence and from the other cities of Tus-
cany, and with the forces of the Pisans, to the number
of 1,400 horse and 8,000 foot, marched upon the strong-
hold of Colle di Valdelsa, which was under the lordship
of the Florentines; and this they did because the Floren-
tines had come in May with an army to destroy Poggi-
bonizzi. And when they had encamped at the abbey
of Spugnole, and the news was come to Florence on
Friday evening, on Saturday morning M. Giambertaldo,
vicar of King Charles for the league of Tuscany, de-
parted from Florence with his troops which he then
had with him in Florence to the number of 400 horse;
and sounding the bell, and being followed by the Guelfs
of Florence on horse and on foot, he came with his
cavalry to Colle on Sunday evening, and there were
about 800 horsemen or less with but few of the people,
forasmuch as they could not reach Colle so speedily as
the horsemen. It came to pass that on the following
Monday morning, the day of S. Barnabas, in June, the
Sienese, hearing that the horsemen had come from
Florence, broke up their camp near the said abbey
and withdrew to a safer place. M. Giambertaldo, see-
ing the camp in motion, without awaiting more men
passed the bridge with his horse and marshalled his
troops with the cavalry of Florence and such of the
people as had arrived together with them of Colle (who
by reason of the sudden coming of the Florentines were
not duly arrayed either with captains of the host or with
the standard of the commonwealth); and M. Giam-
244
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1269 A.D, bertaldo took the standard of the commonwealth of
Florence and requested of the horsemen of Florence,
amongst whom were representatives of all the Guelf
houses, that one of them should take it; but none
advanced to take it, whether through cowardice or
through jealousy, one of the other; and after they had
been a long time in suspense, M. Aldobrandini, of
the house of Pazzi, boldly stepped forward and said:
"I take it to the honour of God and of the victory of
our commonwealth;" wherefore he was much com-
mended for his boldness; and straightway he advanced,
and all the horsemen followed him, and struck boldly into
the ranks of the Sienese; and albeit it was not held to
be very wise and prudent leadership, yet as it pleased
God these bold and courageous folk with good success
broke up and defeated the Sienese and their allies,
which numbered well-nigh twice as many horse and
a great number of foot, whereof many were slain and
taken; and if on the Florentine side the foot had arrived
and had been at the battle, scarce one of the Sienese
Purg. xiii. would have escaped. Count Guido Novello fled, and
115-119.
M. Provenzano Salvani, lord and commander of the host
of the Sienese, was taken prisoner; and they cut off his
head and carried it through all the camp fixed on a lance.
And truly thus was fulfilled the prophecy and revela-
tion made to him by the devil by means of incantation,
though he did not understand it; for having invoked him
to learn how he would fare in that expedition, he made
a lying answer and said, "Thou wilt go and fight; thou
goest to conquer not to die in the battle, and thy head
shall be the highest in the field ;" and he, thinking to
have the victory from these words, and thinking he
would remain lord over all, did not put the stop in the
•
BOOK VII. §§ 32-34
245
109-114,
120-123.
:
right place and detect the fraud, where he said, "Thou 1269 A.D.
goest to conquer not, to die," etc. And therefore it
is great folly to believe in such counsel as is that of
the devil. This M. Provenzano was a great man in
Siena in his day after the victory which he gained at
Montaperti, and he ruled all the city; and all the Purg. xi.
Ghibelline party in Tuscany made him their head, and
he was very presumptuous in will. In this battle the
said M. Giambertaldo bore himself like a valiant lord
in fighting against his enemies, and likewise did his
followers and all the Guelfs of Florence, making great
slaughter of their enemies to avenge their kinsfolk and
friends which were slain at the defeat of Montaperti ;
and none, or scarce any, did they lead to prison, but
put them all to death and to the sword; wherefore the
city of Siena, in comparison with the number of its in-
habitants, suffered greater loss of its citizens in this de-
feat than Florence did on the day of Montaperti; and
they left on the field all their belongings. For the which
thing a little while after, the Florentines restored the
Guelf refugees to Siena and drave out the Ghibellines
and made peace between one commonwealth and the
other, remaining ever after friends and allies. And in
this manner ended the war between the Florentines and
the Sienese which had endured so long.

§ 32.-How the Florentines took the castle of Ostina in 1269 a.D.
Valdarno. § 33.-How the Florentines, serving for the
Lucchese, marched upon Pisa.
§ 34.-How there was a great flood of waters which
carried away the Santa Trinita Bridge and the Carraia
Bridge.
246
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1269 A.D.
1270 A.D.
In the said year 1269, on the night of the first of
October, there was so great a flood of rain and waters
from heaven, raining down continually for two nights
and one day, that all the rivers of Italy increased more
than had ever been known before; and the river of Arno
overflowed its borders so beyond measure that a great
part of the city of Florence became a lake, and this was
by reason of much wood which the rivers brought down,
which was caught and lay across at the foot of the Santa
Trinita Bridge in such wise, that the water of the river
was so stopped up that it spread through the city, whence
many persons were drowned and many houses ruined.
At last so great was the force of the river that it tore
down the said bridge of Santa Trinita, and again by the
disgorging thereof the rush of the water and of the
timber struck and destroyed the Carraia Bridge; and
when they were destroyed and cast down the height of
the river, which had been kept up by the said retention
and damming of the river, went down, and the fulness of
the water ceased which had spread through the city.
§ 35.-How certain rebel nobles in Florence were be-
headed. § 36.-How the Florentines took the stronghold
of Piandimezzo in Valdarno, and how they destroyed
Poggibonizzi.
§ 37.-How King Louis of France made an expedition
to Tunis, wherein he died.
In the year of Christ 1270 the good King Louis of
France, which was a most Christian man, and of good
life and works, not only as becomes a man of the world,
being king over so great a realm and dominion, but also
as becomes a man of religion, ever working for the good
ε 1
BOOK VII. §§ 35-37
247
...
of Holy Church and of Christianity, not fearing the 1270 A. D.
great toil and cost which he endured in the expedition
over seas when he and his brothers were taken prisoners
at Monsura by the Saracens, as we made mention be-
fore; set his heart, as it pleased God, on going once
more against the Saracens and the enemies of the Chris-
tians; and this he carried out with great zeal and pre-
paration, taking the cross and gathering treasure, and
calling upon all his barons and knights and good men of
his realm. And this done, he set forth from Paris and
came into Provence, and from there with a great fleet
he set sail from his port of Aigues Mortes in Provence
with his three sons, Philip and John and Louis, and with
the king of Navarre, his son-in-law, and with all his chief
men, counts and dukes and barons of the realm of
France, and his friends from without the realm. And
on his expedition there afterwards followed him Edward,
son of the king of England, with many Englishmen and
Scots and Frisians and Germans, more than 5,000 horse;
the which army and crusade was an almost innumerable
company on horse and on foot, and were reckoned
200,000 fighting men. And believing it to be the better
course they determined to go against the kingdom of
Tunis, thinking that if it could be taken by the Chris-
tians they would be in a very central place whence they
could more easily afterwards take the kingdom of
Egypt, and could cut off and wholly impede the force
of the Saracens in the realm of Ceuta, and also that of
Granada. And the said host with their fleet passed
over safe and sound and came to the port of the ancient
city of Carthage, which is distant from Tunis fifteen
miles; the which Carthage, whereof some part had been
rebuilt and fortified by the Saracens in defence of the
248
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1270 A.D.
port, was very soon stormed by the Christians. And
when the Christians would have entered into the city of
Tunis, as it pleased God, by reason of the sins of the
Christians, the air of those shores began to be greatly
corrupted, and above all in the camp of the Christians,
by reason that they were not accustomed to the air,
and by reason of their hardships and the excessive
crowding of men and of animals, for the which thing
there died first John, son of the said King Louis, and
then the cardinal of Albano, which was there for the
Pope, and afterwards there fell sick and died the
said good King Louis with a very great number of
counts and of barons; and an innumerable company of
the common folk died there. Wherefore Christendom
suffered very great loss, and the said host was well-nigh
all dispersed, and came well-nigh to naught without
stroke of the enemy. And albeit the said King Louis
had not had good success in his enterprises against the
Saracens, yet in his death he had good success for his
soul; and the king of Navarre, which was there present,
wrote in his letters to the cardinal of Tusculum that in
his infirmity he did not cease to praise God, continually
saying this prayer: "Cause us, Lord, to hate the pros-
perity of the world, and to fear no adversity." Then
he prayed for the people which he had brought with
him, saying, "Lord, be Thou the Sanctifier and Guardian
of Thy people," and the other words which follow in
the said prayer.
And at last, when he came to die, he
lift up his eyes to heaven and said: "Introibo in domum
tuam, adorabo ad templum sanctum tuum, et confitebor
nomini tuo" [see Ps. v. 7]. And this said he died
in Christ. And when his host heard of his death they
were greatly troubled, and the Saracens greatly rejoiced;
BOOK VII. § 38
249
but in this sorrow Philip, his son, was made king of 1270 A.D.
France, and King Charles, brother of the said King
Louis, which had sent for him before he died, came
from Sicily and arrived in Carthage with a great fleet
and with many followers and reinforcements, whence
the Christian host regained great vigour, and the Sara-
cens were afraid. And albeit the Saracen host was in-
creased by an innumerable company, for from every
place the Arabs were come to succour them, and there
were many more of them than of the Christians, yet
they never dared to come to a pitched battle with the
Christians; but they came with ambushes and with
artifices, and did them much hurt; and this was one
among others, that the said country is very sandy, and
when it is dry there is very much dust; wherefore the
Saracens, when the wind was blowing against the Chris-
tian host, stationed themselves in great numbers upon
the hills where was the said sand, and stirring it up with
their horses and with their feet, set it all in motion, and
caused much annoyance and vexation to the host; but
when water rained down from heaven the said plague
ceased, and King Charles with the Christians, having pre-
pared engines of divers fashions both for sea and land,
set himself to attack the city of Tunis; and of a truth it
is said, if they had gone on, in a short time they would
have taken the city by force, or the king of Tunis with
his Turks and Arabs would have abandoned it.
§ 38.-How King Charles concluded a treaty with the 1270 A„D.
king of Tunis, and how the host departed.
The king of Tunis with his Saracens seeing them-
selves in evil case, and fearing to lose the city and the
country round about, sought to make peace with King
250
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1270 A.D.
Charles and with the other lords by free and liberal
covenants, to which peace King Charles consented and
concluded it in the following manner: first, that all the
Christians which were prisoners in Tunis, or in all that
realm, should be freed, and that monasteries and
churches might be built by the Christians, and therein
the sacred office might be celebrated; and that the
gospel of Christ might be freely preached by the minor
friars and the preaching friars and by other ecclesiastical
persons; and whatsoever Saracen should desire to be
baptized, and turn to the faith of Christ, might freely be
allowed so to do; and all the expenses which the said
kings had incurred were to be fully restored to them;
and beyond that the king of Tunis was to pay tribute
every year to Charles, king of Sicily, of 20,000 golden.
pistoles; and there were many other articles which it
were long to tell. Concerning this peace some said
that King Charles and the other lords did for the best,
considering their evil state from the pestilential air and
the mortality among the Christians; for the king of
Navarre, when King Louis was dead, fell sick and de-
parted from the host and died in Sicily, and the cardinal
legate of the Pope died; and the Church of Rome in
those times had no pastor which could provide for all
things, and Philip, the new king of France, desired to de-
part from the host and return to France with his father's
body. Others blamed King Charles, saying that he did
it through avarice, to the end he might henceforward,
by reason of the said peace, always receive tribute from
the king of Tunis for his own special benefit; for if the
kingdom of Tunis had been conquered by all the host of
the Christians, it would have afterwards pertained in
part to the king of France, and to the king of England,
BOOK VII. § 39
251
2
1
and to the king of Navarre, and to the king of Sicily, 1270 A.D.
and to the Church of Rome, and to divers other lords
which were at the conquest. And it may have been,
both one cause and the other; but however that may
have been, when the said treaty was concluded the said
host departed from Tunis, and when they came with
their fleet to the port of Trapali in Sicily, as it pleased
God, so great a storm overtook them while the fleet was
in the said port that without any redemption the greater
part perished, and one vessel broke the other, and all
the belongings of that host were lost, which were of un-
told worth, and many folk perished there. And it was
said by many that this came to pass by reason of the
sins of the Christians, and because they had made a
covenant with the Saracens through greed of money
when they could have overcome and conquered Tunis
and the country.
$ 39.-How Gregory X. was made pope at Viterbo,
and how Henry, son of the king of England, there died.
When the said Christian host was come to Sicily, 1272 A.D.
they abode there sometime to recover the sick, and
to be refreshed, and to repair their fleet; and those
kings and lords were held in much honour by Charles,
king of Sicily; and afterwards they departed from Sicily,
and King Charles with them, and came into the kingdom
of Apulia, and by Calabria to Viterbo, where was the
papal court without a Pope, and at Viterbo there tarried
the said kings Philip of France, and Charles of Sicily,
and Edward, and Henry his brother, sons of the king of
England, to see that the cardinals, which were in dis-
union, should elect a good pastor to reform the papal
chair. And since they were not able to agree upon
252
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1272 A.D.
Inf. xii.
118-120.
Purg. vii.
130-132.
any one of those there present, they elected Pope
Gregory X., of Piacenza, which was cardinal legate of
Syria in the Holy Land; and when he was elected, and
had returned from beyond seas, he was consecrated
Pope in the year of Christ 1272. Whilst the aforesaid
lords were in Viterbo, there came to pass a scandalous
and abominable thing, under the government of King
Charles; for Henry, brother of Edward, son of King
Richard of England, being in a church at Mass, at the
hour when the sacrifice of the body of Christ was being
celebrated, Guy, count of Montfort, which was vicar for
King Charles in Tuscany, having no regard for reverence
towards God, nor towards King Charles his lord, stabbed
and slew with his own hand the said Henry in revenge
for Count Simon of Montfort, his father, slain, through
his own fault, by the king of England. And of this it
is well to preserve a notable record. When Henry,
father of the good Edward, was reigning in England, he
was a man of simple life, so that the barons held him
for nought, wherefore he sent for the said Count Simon,
his kinsman, to guide the realm for him, seeing that
Edward was but young. This Simon was much feared
and dreaded; and when he saw the government of the
realm in his hands, as a felon and traitor, he falsely
averred that the king had passed certain iniquitous laws
against the people, and he put him and Edward in prison
in the castle of Dover, and held the realm himself.
The queen,
Edward's maternal aunt, was desirous
of saving him, and knew that Count Simon came every
Easter to Dover, and took Edward out of the castle,
and made him ride with him; and when he departed
he caused him to be again imprisoned with strong
and strict guard, that he might not so much as have
.
BOOK VII. § 39
253
letters. So the wise queen sent to Dover a wise and 1272 A.D.
beautiful damsel, which knew how to work in jewels,
purses, and pouches. And when Edward saw her he
loved her, and so wrought with his guards that they
brought him the said damsel, and when he would have
touched her, she said to him: "I am here for other
matters," and she drew forth letters sent him by the
queen, advising him as to his deliverance and welfare;
and therein she advised him that she was sending him
one of our Florentine horse-dealers, which was named
Persona Fulberti, with fine steeds, and a small ship
equipped with many oars, and advising him what he
was to do. Now, after his wont, at Easter, Count Simon
came to Dover, and took Edward out of the castle, and
while they were trying the steeds of the said dealer,
Edward, with the count's permission, mounted the best
of them, and galloping round in a wide sweep, at last
took to the field and made off, and came to the port
and found the bark prepared. Then he left the horse,
and embarked, and came to France, and then with
aid from the king of France, and Flanders, and Bra-
bant, and Germany, with a great host he passed into
England, and fought against Count Simon, and dis-
comfited him, and seized him by the scalp, and had him
dragged along the ground, and then hung. Then he set
his father free ; and when he was dead, then was Edward
crowned king of England with great honour. And now
we return to our chief subject-how was slain Count
Henry, earl of Cornwall, brother of King Edward, in
revenge for this, as we said before. The court was greatly
disturbed, giving much blame therefor to King Charles,
who ought not to have suffered this if he knew thereof,
and if he did not know it he ought not to have let it go
254
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
1272 A.D. unavenged. But the said Count Guy, being provided
with a company of men-at-arms on horse and on foot,
was not content only with having done the said murder;
forasmuch as a cavalier asked him what he had done,
and he replied, "J'ai fait ma vangeance," and that
cavalier said, "Comment ? Votre père fut trainé;"
and immediately he returned to the church, and took
Henry by the hair, and dead as he was, he dragged him
vilely without the church; and when he had done the
said sacrilege and homicide, he departed from Viterbo,
and came safe and sound into Maremma to the lands
of Count Rosso, his father-in-law. By reason of the
death of the said Henry, Edward, his brother, very
wrathful and indignant against King Charles, departed
from Viterbo, and came with his followers through Tus-
cany, and abode in Florence, and knighted many citi
zens, giving them horses and all knightly accoutrements
very nobly, and then he came into England, and set the
heart of his said brother in a golden cup upon a pillar
at the head of London Bridge over the river Thames, to
keep the English in mind of the outrage sustained. For
the which thing, Edward, after he became king, was
never friendly towards King Charles, nor to his folk.
After like manner, Philip, king of France, departed with
his folk, and came and dwelt many days in Florence;
and when he was come into France, he buried the body
of the good King Louis, his father, with great honour,
and had himself crowned with great solemnity at
Rheims.
Inf. xii.
I 20.
B4
1270 A.D.
1271 A.D.
§ 40.-How the Tartars came down into Turkey, and
drave thence the Saracens. § 41.—How King Enzo, son
of the Emperor Frederick, died in prison at Bologna.
BOOK VII. §§ 40-42
255
§ 42.-How Pope Gregory came with his court to
Florence, and caused peace to be made between the Guelfs
and Ghibellines.
In the year 1272, Gregory X., of Piacenza, having 1272 A.D.
returned from his mission over seas, was consecrated
and crowned Pope, and because of the great affection
and desire which he had to succour the Holy Land, and
that a general crusade should set forth over seas, there-
fore so soon as he was made Pope, he called a general
council at Lyons-on-Rhone in Burgundy, and by his
mandate caused the electors of the empire of Germany to
elect as king of the Romans, Rudolf, count of Friburg,
which was a valiant man-at-arms, albeit he was of small
possessions; but by his prowess he conquered Suabia
and Austria; and the duchy of Austria being vacant,
since the duke had been slain with Conradino by King
Charles, he made Albert, his son, to be duke. The
aforesaid Pope, the year after his coronation, set forth
with his court from Rome to go to Lyons-on-Rhone
to the council which he had summoned, and he entered
into Florence with his cardinals, and with King Charles,
and with the Emperor Baldwin of Constantinople, which
was of the lineage of the chief house of Flanders. This
Baldwin was son of Henry, the brother of the first Bald-
win, which conquered Constantinople with the Vene-
tians, as we before made mention. And with the Pope,
and with King Charles, there came to Florence many
other lords and barons, on the 18th day of June, in
the year of Christ 1273, and were received with honour
by the Florentines. And the situation of Florence
being pleasing to the Pope, by reason of the con-
venience of the water, and the pure air, and that the
court found much comfort there, he purposed to abide
Purg. vi.
103-105;
vii. 91–96;
Convito
iv. 3: 37-
42.
Purg. vi.
97-117.
1273 A.D.
256
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1273 A.D,
•
:
there, and pass the summer in Florence. And finding
that this good city of Florence was being destroyed by
reason of the parties (the Ghibellines being now in exile),
he determined that they should return to Florence, and
should make peace with the Guelfs; and so it came
about, and on the 2nd day of July in the said year, the
said Pope, with his cardinals, and with King Charles,
and with the said Emperor Baldwin, and with all the
barons and gentlemen of the court (the people of
Florence being assembled on the sands of the Arno
hard by the head of the Rubaconte Bridge, great scaf-
folds of wood having been erected in that place whereon
stood the said lords), gave sentence, under pain of
excommunication if it were disobeyed, upon the differ-
ences between the Guelf and Ghibelline parties, causing
the representatives of either party to kiss one another
on the mouth, and to make peace, and to give sureties
and hostages; and all the castles which the Ghibellines
held they gave back into the hands of King Charles,
and the Ghibelline hostages went into Maremma under
charge of Count Rosso. The which peace endured but
a short time, as hereafter we shall make mention. And
on that day the said Pope founded the church of San
Gregorio, and called it after his own name, which church
was built by them of the house of Mozzi, which were
merchants for the Pope and for the Church, and in a
little time were come to great riches and state; and the
said Pope dwelt in their palaces at the head of the
Rubaconte Bridge on the further side of Arno, whilst
he abode in Florence; and King Charles abode in the
garden of the Frescobaldi, and the Emperor Baldwin at
the Bishop's Palace. But on the fourth day thereafter,
the Pope departed from Florence, and went to sojourn in
BOOK VII. §§ 43-48'
257
Mugello with Cardinal Ottaviano, which was of the house 1273 A.D.
of the Ubaldini, who were his hosts, and who did him great
honour. At the end of the summer, the Pope departed,
and his cardinals and King Charles, and went over the
mountains to Lyons-on-Rhone in Burgundy. And the
reason why the Pope departed suddenly from Florence
was that when he had caused the representatives of the
Ghibelline party to come to Florence, and to kiss the
representatives of the Guelfs on the mouth in token of
peace, and to remain in Florence to complete the treaty
of peace, and they returned to the place of their sojourn
in the house of the Tebalducci in Orto San Michele, it
was told them, whether it were true or false, that King
Charles' marshal, on the petition of the great Guelfs
would cause them to be hewn in pieces if they did not
depart from Florence. And that this was the cause
we believe by reason of the virulence of the factions.
And straightway they left Florence and departed, and
the said peace was broken; wherefore the Pope was
sorely disturbed, and departed from Florence, leaving
the city under an interdict, and went, as we have said,
to Mugello; and for this cause he continued in great
wrath against King Charles.
·
$ 43.-How Pope Gregory held a council at Lyons on 1274 A.D.
the Rhone. § 44. How the Ghibelline party were ex-
pelled from Bologna. § 45.-How the judge of Gallura
with certain Guelfs was driven out of Pisa. § 46.—Of 1275 a.d.
a great miracle which came to pass in Baldacca and Man-
sul [Bagdad and Mosul] over seas. § 47.-How Count
Ugolino with all the remaining Guelfs was driven out of
Pisa. $48.-How the Bolognese were discomfited at the
bridge of San Brocolo by the Count of Montefeltro and
S
258
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
:I
-
;
1275 A.D.
by the Romagnuoli. § 49.-How the Pisans were dis-
comfited by the Lucchese at the stronghold of Asciano.
$ 50. Of the death of Pope Gregory, and of three
other Popes after him.
In the year of Christ 1275, on the eighteenth day
of the month of December, when Pope Gregory X.
was returning from the council at Lyons-on-Rhone, he
arrived in the country of Florence; and forasmuch as
the city of Florence was under interdict, and her inhabi-
tants excommunicate, because they had not observed the
treaty of peace which he had made between the Guelfs
and Ghibellines, as was aforesaid, he was not minded to
enter into Florence, but by cunning he was led past the
old walls, and some said that he could have done no
other, because the river Arno was so swollen by rain
that he could not cross the ford, but needs must cross
over the Rubaconte Bridge, so that unwittingly, and not
being able to do otherwise, he entered into Florence;
and whilst he was passing over the bridge, and through
the Borgo San Nicolò, he took off the interdict, and
passed on, blessing the folk; but so soon as he was with-
out he renewed the interdict, and excommunicated the
city afresh, with a wrathful mind repeating that verse of
the Psalter which says: "In camo et fræno maxillas eorum
constringe" [Ps. xxxiii. 9]; wherefore the Guelfs which
were governing Florence were in great doubt and fear.
And the said Pope departing from Florence, went to the
abbey at Ripole, and from there straightway he departed
to Arezzo; and being come to Arezzo, he fell sick, and
as it pleased God, he passed from this life on the tenth
day of the following month of January, and was buried
in Arezzo with great honour; at whose death the Guelfs
;
1
BOOK VII. §§ 49–5Ò
259
98-145.
of Florence rejoiced greatly, by reason of the evil will
which the said Pope had towards them. And when the
Pope was dead, straightway the cardinals were shut up,
and on the twentieth day of the said month of January
they proclaimed as Pope, Innocent V. a Burgundian,
which had been a preaching friar and then a cardinal;
and he lived as Pope until the following June, so that he 1276 A.D.
did little, and died in the city of Viterbo, and was there
buried honourably. And after him, on the twelfth day.
of July, Cardinal Ottobuono dal Fiesco, of the city of
Genoa, was elected, which lived as Pope but twenty- Purg. xix.
nine days, and was called Pope Adrian V., and was
buried in Rome. And after him, in the month of Sep-
tember following, Cardinal Piero Spagnuolo was elected
Pope, which was called Pope John XXI., and lived as
Pope but eight months and some days; for as he was
sleeping in his room at Viterbo the ceiling fell down 1277 A.D.
upon him and he died; and he was buried at Viterbo
on the twentieth day of May, 1277; and the throne was
vacant six months. And in that same year there was
great scarcity of all victuals, and the bushel of wheat
was sold for fifteen shillings, of thirty shillings to the
florin. And a great and true vision should be noted
concerning the death of the said Pope, which was seen
by one of our Florentine merchants of the Company of
Apothecaries, which was called Berto Forzetti, and it is
well that this should be told. The said merchant had a
natural infirmity of a wandering fancy, so that often
when sleeping he would rise and sit upon his bed, and
speak of strange wonders; and there is yet more, for
being questioned by those around him as to what he
was saying, he would answer rationally, and all the time
he was sleeping. It came to pass, on the night when
Par. xii.
134, 135.
260
CHRONICLE OF VILLANT
1277 A.D.
Inf. xix.
69-87.
1280 A.D.
1275 A.D.
1276 A.D.
1277 A.D.
the said Pope died, the said man being in a ship on the
high seas, journeying to Acre, rose and cried out, "Alas,
alas !" His companions awoke, and asked him what
ailed him; he replied: "I see a gigantic man in black
with a great club in his hand, and he is about to break
down a pillar, above which is a ceiling." And after a
little he cried out again, and said: "He has broken it
down, and he is dead." He was asked: "Who?" He
replied: "The Pope." The said companions wrote down
the words, and the night; and when they were come to
Acre, a short time after there came to them the news of the
death of the said Pope, which came to pass in that same
night. And I, the writer, had testimony of this from
those merchants which were present with the said man
upon the said ship, and heard the said Berto, which
were men of great authority, and worthy of belief; and
the fame of this spread throughout all our city. After-
wards was elected Pope Nicholas III., of the house of
the Orsini of Rome, which was called by his proper
name, Cardinal Gianni Guatani, which lived as Pope
two years and nine months and a half. We have spoken
of the aforesaid Popes because four Popes died in
sixteen months. We will say no more of the aforesaid
Popes, and we will speak of those things which came to
pass in their days in Florence and throughout the whole
world.
§ 51.-How the Florentines and Lucchese defeated the
Pisans at the moat called Arnonico. § 52.- How the
Della Torre of Milan were defeated. § 53-How King
Philip of France caused all the Italian money-lenders to be
seized.
BOOK VII. §§ 51-54
261
$ 54.-How Nicholas III., of the Orsini, was made 1277 A.D.
Pope, and concerning that which he did in his time.
In the said year, whereof we related somewhat
before, M. Gianni Guatani was made Pope, a cardinal,
of the house of the Orsini of Rome, which, whilst he
was young, as priest and then cardinal, was virtuous
and of good life, and it is said that he was virgin
in his body; but after he was called Pope Nicholas
III. he had great schemes, and through warmth to-
wards his kinsfolk, he undertook many things to make
them great, and was among the first, if not the first, of
the Popes in whose court simony was openly practised
on behalf of his kindred, by the which thing he in- Inf. xix.
52-84.
creased them much in possessions, and in castles, and
in treasure beyond all the Romans, during the short
time that he lived. This Pope made seven Roman
cardinals, whereof the most part were his kinsfolk;
among others, at the prayer of M. Gianni, head of the
house of Colonna, his cousin, he made M. Jacopo della
Colonna a cardinal, to the end the Colonnesi might not
lend aid to the Annibaldeschi, enemies of the Orsini, but
might rather aid these latter; and this was held a great
thing; because the Church had deprived all the Colon-
nesi, and those of their kindred, of any ecclesiastical be-
nefice, since the time of Pope Alexander III., forasmuch
as they had held with the Emperor Frederick I. against
the Church. Afterwards the said Pope caused the noble
and great papal palaces to be built at S. Peter's; then
he entered into strife with King Charles by reason that
the said Pope had requested King Charles to form an
alliance with him by marriage, desiring to give one of
his nieces as wife to a nephew of the King's, to which
alliance King Charles would not consent, saying, “Al-
Inf. xix.
98, 99.
"
262
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
Cf. Inf.
xix. 81.
beit he wears red hose, yet is not his lineage worthy to
mate with ours; and his lordship will not be hereditary."
For the which thing the Pope's wrath was kindled against
him, and he was no longer his friend, but opposed him
secretly in all things, and openly made him renounce
the office of Roman senator, and of vicar of the Empire,
which he held from the Church during the imperial
vacancy; and he was much against him in all his
undertakings, and for money which it was said he re-
ceived from Paleologus, he consented, and gave aid and
favour to the plot and rebellion in the island of Sicily,
as hereafter we shall narrate; and he took from
the Church the castle Santangiolo, and gave it to M.
Orso, his nephew. Again the said Pope made Rudolf,
king of the Romans, invest him, on behalf of the
Church, with the county of Romagna, and the city of
Bologna, by reason that he was debtor to the Church
for the fulfilment of the promise which he had made to
Pope Gregory at the council of Lyons-on-Rhone, when
he confirmed his election, to wit that he would pass
into Italy, and equip the expedition over seas, as we
before made mention; which thing he had not done by
reason of his other undertakings and wars in Germany.
Now this gift to the Church of the privileges of the
country of Romagna and the city of Bologna, neither
could nor ought to have been made by right; among
other reasons, because the said Rudolf had not yet
attained to the imperial benediction; but that which
the clergy take, they are slow in giving back. So soon
as the said Pope held privilege over Romagna, he made
Bertoldo degli Orsini, his nephew, count thereof, in the
Church's name, and sent him into Romagna with a
company of horsemen and men-at-arms, and with him
BOOK VII. §§ 55-56
263
T
i
as legate Brother Latino, of Rome, cardinal of Ostia, 1277 A.D.
his nephew, his sister's son, of the family of the Bran-
caleoni, whence he was chancellor of Rome by inherit-
ance; and this he did to take the lordship out of the
hand of Guido di Montefeltro, which held it and ruled
there tyrannically; and this was done in such wise, that Inf. xxvii.
in a short time almost all Romagna came under the
Church's rule, but not without war and great cost to the
Church, as hereafter we will tell in due place and time.
67.
!
$ 55.-How King Rudolf of Germany defeated and 1277 A.D.
slew the king of Bohemia.
$ 56.-How the Cardinal Latino, by the Pope's com-
mand, made peace between the Guelfs and Ghibellines of
Florence, and composed all the other feuds in the city.
In these times the Guelf magnates of Florence-
having rest from their wars without, with victory and
honour, and fattening upon the goods of the exiled
Ghibellines, and through other gains-by reason of pride
and envy began to strive among themselves; whence
arose in Florence many quarrels and enmities between
the citizens, with death and wounds. Among the
greater of these was the contest between the house of
the Adimari on the one side, which were very great and
powerful, and on the other side the Tosinghi, and the
house of the Donati, and the Pazzi, all leagued together
against the Adimari in such sort that almost all the city
was divided, and one held with one side, and one with
the other; wherefore the city and the Guelf party
were in great peril. For the which thing the common-
wealth and the Captains of the Guelf party sent their
solemn ambassadors to the court to Pope Nicholas,
}
264
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
1278 A.D. that he should take counsel, and give aid in making
peace among the Guelfs of Florence; if not, the Guelf
party would be broken up, and one side would drive out
the other. And in like guise the Ghibelline refugees
from Florence sent their ambassadors to the said Pope, to
pray and entreat him to put into execution the treaty of
peace which Pope Gregory IX. had commanded between
them and the Guelfs of Florence. For the foregoing
reasons the said Pope put forth and confirmed the said
treaty, and ordained a mediator and legate, and com-
mitted the said questions to the Cardinal Frate Latino
which represented the Church in Romagna; a man of
great authority and learning, and highly considered by
the Pope, who, by command of the Pope, departed from
Romagna, and came to Florence with 300 horsemen, in
service of the Church, on the eighth day of the month of
October, in the year of Christ 1278, and by the Fioren-
tines and the clergy was received with great honour and
with a procession, the carroccio coming out to meet
him, with many jousters; and afterwards the said legate
on the day of S. Luke the Evangelist in that same year
and month, founded and blest the first stone of the new
church of Santa Maria Novella, which pertained to the
Order of Preaching Friars, whereof he was a friar; and in
that place of the friars he dealt with and ordained gener-
ally the treaties of peace between all the Guelf citizens,
and between the Guelfs and Ghibellines. And the first
was between the Uberti and the Bondelmonti (and it
was the third peace between them), save only that the
sons of M. Rinieri Zingane de' Bondelmonte would not
consent thereto, and were excommunicated by the legate
and banished by the commonwealth.
But the peace
was not set aside on their account; for afterwards the
1278 A.D.
J
4
BOOK VII. § 56
265
legate very happily concluded it in the month of 1278 a.d.
February following, when the people of Florence were
assembled in parliament on the old piazza of the said
church, which was all covered with cloths and with great
wooden scaffolds, whereon were the said cardinal, and
many bishops, and prelates, and clergy, and monks, and
the Podestà, and the Captain, and all the counsellors, and
the orders of Florence. And at that time a very noble
speech was made by the said legate with citation of great
and very fine authorities, as behoved the matter, seeing
that he was a very dexterous and beautiful preacher;
and this done, he caused the representatives ordained by
the Guelfs and Ghibellines to kiss one another on the
mouth, making peace with great joy among all the
citizens, and there were 150 on either side. And in
that place, and at that same time, he gave judgment as
to the terms and agreements and conditions which were
to be observed, both on one side and on the other, con-
firming the said peace with solemn and authentic docu-
ments, and with all due sureties. And from that time 1278 a.D.
forward the Ghibellines and their families were to be
allowed to return to Florence; and they did return,
and they were free from all sentence of banishment
and condemnation; and all the books of condemna-
tion and banishment which were in the chamber were
burnt; and the said Ghibellines recovered their goods.
and possessions, save that to some of the chief leaders,
it was commanded for more security of the city that
for a certain time they should be under bounds. And
when the cardinal legate had done this, he made
contracts of peace between single citizens; and the
first was that one where had been greatest discord, to
wit, between the Adimari, and the Tosinghi, and Donati,
:
1279 A.D.
1.
266
1278 A.D. and Pazzi, bringing about several marriages between
them, and in like manner were all the agreements made
in Florence and in the country round about, some
willingly, and some by command of the commonwealth,
the cardinal having pronounced sentence, with good
securities and sureties; by which contracts of peace the
said legate won much honour, and well-nigh all of them
were observed, and the city of Florence abode thereafter
long time in peaceful and good and tranquil state. And
the said legate gave and ordained, for the general
government of the city, fourteen good men, magnates
and popolani, whereof eight were Guelfs and six Ghibel-
lines, and their term of office endured for two months,
and there was a certain order in their election; and
they assembled in the house of the Badia of Florence,
over the gate which goes to Santa Margherita, and re-
turned to their homes to eat and to sleep. And this
done, the said Cardinal Latino returned to Romagna to
his legation with great honour. We will now leave the
affairs of Florence for a while, and we will tell of other
things which came to pass in those times, and especially
of the revolt of the island of Sicily against King Charles,
which was notable and great, and whence afterwards
grew much ill; and it was a thing well-nigh marvellous
and impossible, and therefore we will treat of it more
at large.
1281 A.D.
1
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
$ 57.-How there was a treacherous plot to cause the
island of Sicily to rebel against King Charles. § 58.-
How Pope Nicholas III., of the Orsini, died, and how
Martin of Tours, in France, was made Pope. $ 59.-
How Peter, king of Aragon, promised and vowed to
Paleologus and to the Sicilians, to come into Sicily and
C
BOOK VII. §§ 57-61
267
take the lordship thereof. § 60.-How the said king of 1281 A.D.
Aragon set about preparing his armada, and how the Pope
sent to him and forbade him.
§ 61.-How and after what manner the island o
Sicily rebelled against King Charles.
In the year of Christ 1282, on Easter Monday of 1282 A.D.
the Resurrection, which was the 30th day of March,
as had been purposed by M. John of Procita, all the
barons and chiefs which had a hand in the plot were
in the city of Palermo for Easter, and the inhabitants
of Palermo, men and women, going in a body, on
horse and on foot, to the festival at Monreale, three
miles outside the city (and as those of Palermo went,
so also went the Frenchmen, and the captain of King
Charles, for their disport), it came to pass, as it was
ordained by the enemy of God, that a Frenchman in
his insolence laid hold of a woman of Palermo to do
her villainy; she beginning to cry out, and the people
being already sore and all moved with indignation
against the French, the retainers of the barons of the
island began to defend the woman, whence arose a great
battle between the French and the Sicilians, and many
were wounded and slain on either side; but those of
Palermo came off worst. Straightway, all the people
returned in flight to the city, and the men flew to arms,
crying, "Death to the French." They gathered together Par. viii.
in the market place, as had been ordained by the leaders
of the plot; and the justiciary, which was for the
king, fighting at the castle, was taken and slain, and as
many Frenchmen as were in the city were slain in the
houses and in the churches, without any mercy. And
this done, the said barons departed from Palermo, and
75.
•
268
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
P
;
1282 A.D.
each one in his own city and country did the like,
slaying all the Frenchmen which were in the island,
save that in Messina they delayed some days before
rebelling; but through tidings from those in Palermo
giving account of their miseries in a fair epistle, and
exhorting them to love liberty and freedom and fraternity
with them, the men of Messina were so moved to
rebellion that they afterwards did the like of what they
of Palermo had done against the French, and yet more.
And there were slain in Sicily more than 4,000 of them,
and no one could save another though he were never
so much his friend, no not if he would lay down his life
for him; and if he had concealed him, he must needs
yield him up or slay him. This destruction spread
through all the island, whence King Charles and his
people received great hurt both in person and in goods.
These adverse and evil tidings the Archbishop of
Monreale straightway made known to the Pope and to
King Charles by his messengers.
§ 62.-How King Charles complained to the Church,
and to the king of France, and to all his friends, and the
aid which he received from them. $63.-How they of
Palermo, and the other Sicilians, sent their ambassadors
to Pope Martin. § 6.4.-Of the aid which the common-
wealth of Florence sent to King Charles. § 65.-How
King Charles led an expedition against Messina by
sea and by land. § 66.-How the king's forces took
Melazzo, and how the Messinese sent for the legate to
treat for peace with King Charles. § 67.-How the
treaty of peace was broken which the legate had ar-
ranged between King Charles and the Messinese. § 68.
-How Messina was attacked by King Charles' forces,
BOOK VII. §§ 62-79
269
:
112, 114-
and how' it' was defended. § 69.—How Peter, king of 1282 A.F.
Aragon, departed from Catalonia and came to Sicily, and
how he was made and crowned king by the Sicilians. Purg. vii.
§ 70.-Of the parliament which the king of Aragon 116, 125,
held in Palermo, to succour the city of Messina. § 71. 129.
-The letter that the king of Aragon sent to King
Charles. § 72.- How King Charles called his council
and answered the king of Aragon by his letter. § 73.
What was King Charles' answer in his letter to the king
of Aragon. § 74.-How the king of Aragon sent his
admiral to capture the fleet of King Charles. § 75.—How
King Charles must needs depart from the siege of Messina,
and how he returned into the Kingdom. § 76.—Who
was the first Christian king of Aragon. § 77.-How the 1281 A. D.
Lucchese burnt and destroyed the city of Pescia. § 78.-
How Rudolf, when he had been elected Emperor, sent his
vicar into Tuscany.
§ 79.-How the Office of Priors was first created in
Florence.
•
In the year of Christ 1282, the city of Florence being 1282 A.D.
under government of the order of the fourteen good
men as the Cardinal Latino had left it, to wit eight
Guelfs and six Ghibellines, as we afore made mention,
it seemed to the citizens that this government of four-
teen was too numerous and confused; and to the end
so many divided hearts might be at one, and, above all,
because it was not pleasing to the Guelfs to have the
Ghibellines as partners in the government by reason of
the events which were come to pass (such as the loss
which King Charles had already sustained of the island
of Sicily, and the coming into Tuscany of the imperial
vicar, and likewise the wars begun in Romagna by the
270
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1282 A.D.
count of Montefeltro on the Ghibelline side), for the
safety and welfare of the city of Florence they annulled
the said office of the fourteen and created and made a
new office and lordship for the government of the said
city of Florence, to wit, the Priors of the Arts; the
which name, Priors of the Arts, means to say
"the
first," chosen over the others; and it was taken from the
Holy Gospel, where Christ says to His disciples, "Vos
estis priores." And this invention and movement began
among the consuls and council of the art of Calimala,
to which pertained the wisest and most powerful citizens
of Florence, and the most numerous following, both
magnates and popolani, of those which gave themselves
to the calling of merchants, and specially of such as
greatly loved the Guelf party and Holy Church. And
the first priors of the Arts were three, whereof the names
were these: Bartolo di M. Jacopo de' Bardi, for the
sesto of Oltrarno and for the art of Calimala ; Rosso
Bacherelli, for the sesto of San Piero Scheraggio, for
the art of the exchangers; Salvi del Chiaro Girolami,
for the sesto of San Brancazio and for the woollen art.
And their office began in the middle of June of the
said year, and lasted for two months, unto the middle
of August, and thus three priors were to succeed every
two months, for the three greater Arts. And they
were shut up to give audience (sleeping and eating at
the charges of the commonwealth), in the house of
the Badia where formerly, as we have aforesaid, the
Ancients were wont to assemble in the time of the
old Popolo, and afterwards the fourteen. And there
were assigned to the said priors six constables and six
messengers to summon the citizens; and these priors,
with the Captain of the Popolo, had to determine
BOOK VII. § 79
271
?
'
the great and weighty matters of the commonwealth, 1282 A.D.
and to summon and conduct councils and make regu-
lations. And when the office had endured the two
months, it was pleasing to the citizens; and for the
following two months they proclaimed six, one for each
sesto, and added to the said three greater Arts the art of
the doctors and apothecaries, and the art of the Porta
Santæ Mariæ, and that of the furriers and skin-dressers ;
and afterwards from time to time all the others were
added thereto, to the number of the twelve greater Arts;
and there were among them magnates, as well as
popolani, great men of good repute and works, and
which were artificers or merchants. And thus it went
on until the second Popolo was formed in Florence, as
hereafter, in due time, we shall relate. From thence-
forward there were no magnates among them, but there
was added thereto the gonfalonier of justice. And some-
times there were twelve priors, according to the changes
in the condition of the city and special occasions that
arose; and they were chosen from the number of all the
twenty-one Arts, and of those which were not themselves
artificers, albeit their forefathers had been artificers. The
election to the said office was made by the old priors
with the colleges of consuls of the twelve greater Arts,
and with certain others which elected the priors for each
sesto, by secret votes; and whosoever had most votes
the same was made prior; and this election took place
in the church of San Piero Scheraggio; and the Captain
of the Popolo was stationed over against the said
church in the houses which pertained to the Tizzoni.
We have said so much of the beginning of this office of
the priors, forasmuch as many and great changes fol-
lowed therefrom to the city of Florence, as hereafter,
粤
​272
CHRONICLE OF VILLANT'
F
1282 A.D.
1
Inf. xxvii.
76-78.
1282 A.D.
in due place and time, we shall relate. At present we
will leave telling, for a time, of the doings of Florence,
and we will tell of other events which came to pass in
those times.
§ 81.-How M. Jean d' Appia, count of Romagna,
was defeated at Forlì by the count of Montefeltro.
In the said time, when the said M. Jean d' Appia,
( count of Romagna, was in Faenza, and was making war
against the city of Forlì, he dabbled in practices where-
by he might gain the said city by treachery; the which
practices Count Guido of Montefeltro himself, which
was lord of the city, had set in motion and floated,
as one that was master both of plots and of war, and
who knew the folly of the French. At last, on the
first day of May, in the year of Christ 1282, the said
M. Jean came with his forces in the morning very
early before day to the city of Forlì, thinking to have
it; and as it was ordered by the count of Monte-
eltro, the entrance to one gate was granted him, which
he entered with part of his followers, and part he left
without with the orders, if need arose, to succour those
within, and if things went against them, to assemble all
his forces in a field under a great oak. The French
which entered into Forlì rode through the city without
meeting any opposition; and the count of Montefeltro,
which knew all the plot, had gone forth from the city
with his followers; and it was said that this same count
of Montefeltro was guided by the augury and counsel
1
§ 80.-How Pope Martin sent M. Jean d' Appia
into Romagna, and how he took the city of Faenza and
besieged Forlì.
4
"
1
·
BOOK VII. §§ 80-81
273
+
··
of one Guido Bonatti, a roof-maker, who had turned as-
trologer or the like, and that it was he who prompted his
actions; and for this emprise he gave him the standard
and said, "Thou hast it at such a pitch, that so long as
a rag of it hold, wheresoever thou bearest it thou shalt
be victorious." But I more believe that his victories were
won by his own wit and mastery of war. And according
as he had planned, he charged those without under the
tree, and put them to rout. They which had entered in,
thinking the city was theirs, had given themselves to
plunder and gone into the houses; and as was ordered
by the count of Montefeltro, the citizens had taken off
the bridles and saddles from the most of their horses;
and suddenly the said count, with part of his followers,
entered again into Forlì by one of the gates, and over-
ran the city; and part of his horse and foot he left in
troops drawn up under the oak, as the French had been.
M. Jean d' Appia and his men, seeing themselves thus.
handled, when they thought they had conquered the
city, held themselves for dead and betrayed, and who-
soever could recover his horse fled from the city, and
came to the tree without, thinking to find friends there ;
and when they came thither they were taken or slain by
their enemies, and likewise they which had remained
within the city; wherefore the French and the followers
of the Church suffered great discomfiture and loss, and Inf. xxvii.
there died there many good French knights, and of the 44.
Latin leaders, among others, Count Taddeo da Monte-
feltro, cousin to Count Guido, which by reason of dis-
putes concerning his inheritance held with the Church
against the said Count Guido; and there died there
Tribaldello de' Manfredi, which had betrayed Faenza, Inf. xxxii,
and many others; albeit the count of Romagna, M.
I22.
T
Inf. xx.
118.
1282 a.d.
274
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1282 A.D.
1282 A.D.
§ 82.-How Forlì surrendered to the Church, and how
there was peace in Romagna. § 83.-How the king of
Armenia with a great company of Tartars was defeated
at Cammella [Emesa] in Syria by the soldan of Egypt.
§ 84.-How the war between the Genoese and Pisans began.
$ 85.-How the prince, son of King Charles, with many
barons of France and of Provence, came to Florence to
1283 A.D. march against the Sicilians. § 86.-How King Charles
and King Peter of Aragon engaged to fight in single com-
bat at Bordeaux, in Gascony, for the possession of Sicily.
§ 87.-How on the appointed day, King Peter, of Aragon,
failed to appear at Bordeaux, wherefore he was excom-
municated and deposed by the Pope. § 88.-How there
was in Florence a flood of waters and great scarcity of
victuals. § 89.-How a noble court and festival was
held in the city of Florence, whereat all were arrayed in
white. § 90.-How the Genoese did great hurt to the
Pisans returning from Sardinia. § 91.-Still of the
doings of the Pisans and the Genoese. § 92.—How the
Genoese discomfited the Pisans at Meloria. § 93.-How
Charles, prince of Salerno, was defeated and taken
prisoner at sea, by Ruggeri di Loria, with the fleet of the
Sicilians. $94.-How King Charles arrived at Naples
with his fleet, and then made ready to pass to Sicily.
1283 A.D.
1284 A.D.
}
Jean d' Appia, escaped with certain others from the said
discomfiture, and returned to Faenza.
$95.-How the good King Charles passed from this
life at the city of Foggia in Apulia.
When King Charles had returned with his host to
Brindisi, he disbanded them and returned to Naples to
make his arrangements, and to furnish himself with money
BOOK VII. §§ 82-95
275
128.
and with men to go again to Sicily so soon as he might. 1284 A.D.
And like one whose anxious mind could not rest, when
mid-December was past, he returned into Apulia, to be
at Brindisi to hasten on his fleet. When he was at
Foggia, in Apulia, as it pleased God, he fell sick of a
grievous sickness, and passed from this life on the day
following the Epiphany, on the 7th day of January, in
the year of Christ 1284. But before he died, with great
contrition taking the Body of Christ, he said with great
reverence these words: "Sire Dieu, comme je crois
vraiment que vous étes mon Sauveur, ainsi je vous prie,
que vous ayez merci de mon ame; ainsi comme je fis
la prise du royaume de Cicile plus pour servir sainte
Eglise que pour mon profit ou autre convoitise, ainsi
vous me pardonniez mes péchés ;" and a short time Purg. vii.
after he passed from this life, and his body was brought 113, 124,
to Naples; and after great lamentation had been made
over his death, he was buried at the archbishop's at
Naples with great honour. Concerning this death of
King Charles there was a great marvel, for the same day
whereon he died, the tidings of his death were published
by one Brother Arlotto, a minister of the Minor Friars,
and by M. Giardino da Carmignanola, a teacher in the
University; and when this came to the notice of the
king of France he sent for them to learn whence they
knew it. They said that they knew his nativity, which
was under the lordship of Saturn, and by its influence
had resulted his exaltations and his adversities; and
some said that they knew it by revelation of some spirit,
for each of them was a great astrologer and necro-
mancer. This Charles was the most feared and re-
doubted lord, and the most valiant in arms, and of the
most lofty designs, of all the kings of the house of
:
276
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
France from Charles the Great to his own day, and the
one which most exalted the Church of Rome; and he
would have done more if, at the end of his life, fortune
had not turned against him. Afterwards there came as
guardian and defender of the kingdom, Robert, count
of Artois, cousin of the said king, with many French
knights, and with the princess, and with the prince's
son, grandson to King Charles, which was called after
him Charles Martel, and which was some twelve or
31, 49-72; thirteen years old. Of King Charles there remained no
Par. viii.
1X. I.
other heir than Charles II., prince of Salerno, of whom
we have made mention. And this Charles was comely
in person, and gracious and liberal, and whilst his
father was living and afterwards he had many chil-
dren by the princess, his wife, daughter and heiress of
the king of Hungary. The first was the said Charles
Martel, which was afterwards king of Hungary; the
second was Louis, which became a Minor Friar, and
afterwards was bishop of Toulouse; the third was
Robert, duke of Calabria; the fourth was Philip, prince
of Taranto; the fifth was Raymond Berenger (count
that was to be of Provence); the sixth was John, prince
of Morea; the seventh was Peter, count of Eboli.
1284 A.D.
Cf. Par.
viii. 82,83;
Purg. xx.
79-84.
Par. viii.
76-84.
1284 A.D.
§ 96.-How the prince, son to King Charles, was con-
demned to death by the Sicilians, and afterwards was sent
prisoner into Catalonia by Queen Constance. $97.-
How there was a great flood of waters in Florence, which
overwhelmed part of the Poggio de' Magnoli. § 98.-
How the Florentines, with the Genoese and with the
Tuscans, made a league against the Pisans, whereby the
Ghibellines were driven out of Pisa. § 99.—How the
Florentines began the foundation of the gates, to build the
:
BOOK VII. §§ 96-105
277
new walls of the city. § 100.—Of the great events that
came to pass among the Tartars of Turigio. § 101. 1285 A.D.
How the Saracens took and destroyed Margatto in Syria.
$ 102.-How King Philip of France went with a great
army against the king of Aragon. $103.-How the
king of Aragon was discomfited and wounded by the
French, of the which wound he afterwards died. § 104.
How the king of France took the city of Gerona, and
how his fleet was discomfited at sea.
$105.-How the king of France departed from Ara-
gon, and died at Perpignan.
King Philip of France, seeing his fortune so changed
and adverse, and his fleet, which was bringing victuals
to his host, taken and burnt, was overcome with grief and
melancholy in such wise that he fell grievously sick with
fever and a flux, wherefore his barons took counsel to
depart and return to Toulouse, and of necessity they
were forced thereto by lack of victuals, and by rea-
son of the adverse season of autumn, and because of
the sickness of their king. And thus they departed
about the first day of October, carrying their sick king
in a litter, and they dispersed with but little order, each
one getting away as best he could and most quickly;
wherefore, when they were crossing the difficult pass.
of the Schiuse through the great mountains of Pirris
[? the defiles of the great mountains of Pertus], the Ara-
gonese and Catalans which were at the pass, sought
to hinder the passing of the litter wherein the king of
France lay sick. And when the French saw this, they
gave battle in despair to them which were at the pass,
to the end they might not take the body of the king,
and by force of arms they broke them up and discom-
278
CHRONICLE OF VILLANÍ
1285 A.D. fited them, and drave them from the pass; but many of
the French common people on foot were taken and
slain, and many mules and horses and much baggage
destroyed and taken by the Catalans and Aragonese.
And a little while after the departure of the king of
France and of his host, the king of Aragon received
Gerona back on conditions. And when the host of the
king of France in guise as if defeated came to Perpignan,
as it pleased God, King Philip of France passed from
this life on the 6th day of October, in the year of Christ
1285; and in Perpignan the queen of Morea, his wife,
with her company made great lamentation and sorrow.
And afterwards Philip and Charles, his sons, caused the
body to be brought to Paris, and he was buried at S.
Denys with his predecessors, with great honour. This
enterprise against Aragon was attended with greater loss
of men and more cost in horses and money, than the
realm of France had almost ever suffered in times past;
for afterwards the king which succeeded the said Philip,
and the greater part of the barons, were always in debt
and ill provided with money. And after the death of
King Philip of France, King Philip the Fair, his eldest
son, was made king of France, and crowned king in the
Purg. city of Rheims, with the Queen Joanna of Navarre, his
wife, on the day of the Epiphany next following. And
note, that in one year or little more, as it pleased God,
there died four such great lords of Christendom, as were
Pope Martin, and the good Charles, king of Sicily and
of Apulia, and the valiant King Peter of Aragon, and
the powerful King Philip of France, of whom we have
made mention. This King Philip was a lord of a great
heart, and in his life did high emprises; first, when he
went against the king of Spain, and then against the
109.
Purg. vii.
105.
BOOK VII. §§ 106–114
279
count of Foix, and then against the king of Aragon, 1285 A.D.
with greater forces than ever his predecessor had
gathered. We will leave now speaking of the doings
beyond the mountains, whereof we have said enough for
this time, and we will go back to speak of the doings of
our Italy which came to pass in the said time.
§ 106. Of the death of Pope Martin IV., and how
Honorius de' Savelli of Rome was made Pope. § 107.
-How a certain Genoese flotilla was taken by the
Pisans. § 108.-How Count Guido of Montefeltro, lord 1286 A.D.
of Romagna, surrendered to the Church of Rome. § 109.
-How Pope Honorius changed the habit of the Carmelite
Friars. $110.-How the bishop of Arezzo caused Poggio
a Santa Cecilia, in the territory of Siena, to rebel, and haw
it was recovered. $111.-How there was great scarcity
of victual in Italy. § 112.-How M. Prezzivalle dal
Fiesco came into Tuscany as Imperial Vicar. § 113. 1287 A.D.
How Pope Honorius de Savelli died.
§ 114.
Of a notable thing which came to pass in
Florence at this time.
1285 A.D.
Purg. xxiv.
20-24.
In the said year, M. Matteo da Fogliano di Reggio,
being Podestà of Florence, had taken and condemned
to be beheaded for murder one Totto de' Mazzinghi da
Campi, which was a great warrior and leader; and as he
was on his way to execution, M. Corso dei Donati with
his following would have rescued him from the officers
by force; for the which thing the said Podestà caused
the great bell to be sounded: wherefore all the good
people of Florence armed themselves and assembled at
the palace, some on horse and some on foot, crying:
"Justice, justice." For the which thing the said Podestà
ני
280
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1287 A.D.
1288 A.D.
Inf. xiii.
120, 121.
1288 A.D.
carried out his sentence, but whereas the said Totto
should have been beheaded, he caused him to be dragged
along the ground, and then hung by the neck, and he
condemned to a fine those who had begun the uproar
and impeded justice.
§ 121.-How the judge of Gallura and the Guelf party
were driven from Pisa, and the Count Ugolino taken
prisoner.
53.
In the year of Christ 1288, in the month of July, great
divisions and factions having arisen in Pisa concerning
Purg. viii. the government, for of one party Judge Nino di Gallura
de' Visconti was head with certain Guelfs, and of another
Count Ugolino dei Gherardeschi with another party of
the Guelfs, and of a third the Archbishop Ruggeri degli
Ubaldini with the Lanfranchi, and Gualandi, and Sis-
mondi, with the other Ghibelline houses. And the said
Ugolino, in order to gain power, sided with the arch-
bishop and his party, and betrayed Judge Nino, not
considering that he was his grandson, his daughter's son;
Inf. xxxiii.
31-33.
$ 115.-How the Guelfs were driven out of Arezzo,
whence war arose between the Florentines and the Aretines.
§ 116.—Of a great fire which broke out in Florence.
§ 117.-How the armada of Charles Martel took the city
of Agosta in Sicily, and how their armada was defeated at
sea by Ruggeri di Loria. § 118.-How a great fire broke
out in Florence at the houses of the Cerchi. § 119.-Of
the calling of Pope Nicholas IV., of Ascoli. § 120.-Of
a great expedition which the commonwealth of Florence
made against the city of Arezzo, and how as they departed
the Sienese were defeated at the Pieve [parish church] al
Toppo.
.

BOOK VII. §§ 115–121
281
1
and they ordained that he should be driven out of 1288 a.d.
Pisa with his followers, or taken prisoner. Judge Nino
hearing this, and seeing that he was not well able
to defend himself, left the city and went to his castle
of Calci, and allied himself with the Florentines and
Lucchese to make war against Pisa. Count Ugolino,
before the departure of Judge Nino, to the end he might
hide his treachery in having decreed the banishment of
the judge, departed from Pisa, and went to one of his
manors in the country, which was called Settimo. When
he heard of the departure of Judge Nino, he returned to
Pisa with great rejoicing; and the Pisans made him their
lord with great rejoicings and festivities; but he abode
only a short time in the government, for Fortune turned
against him, as it pleased God, because of his treacheries
and crimes; for of a truth it was said that he caused Count
Anselm of Capraia, his nephew, his sister's son, to be
poisoned, from envy, and because he was beloved in Pisa,
and he feared lest he might rob him of his state. And
that happened to Count Ugolino, which a little while
before had been foretold him by a wise and valiant
man of affairs, named Marco Lombardo; for when the
count was called by all lord of Pisa, and when he was in
greatest state and happiness, he prepared a rich feast on
his birthday, and invited thereto his sons and grandsons,
and all his lineage and kinsfolk, both men and women,
with great pomp in dress and ornaments, and prepara-
tions for a great festival. The count taking the said
Marco, showed him all his grandeur and possessions, and
the preparations for his feast; and this done, he asked
him: "Marco, what thinkest thou of all this?" The
sage answered and said unto him at once:
"You are
better prepared for evil fortune than any nobleman of
¿
Purg. xvi.
46.
282
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
said: "
1288 A.D. Italy." And the count fearing these words of Marco's,
"Why?" and Marco answered: "Because the
wrath of God is the only thing lacking to you." And
of a truth the wrath of God suddenly came upon him, as
it pleased God, because of his treacheries and crimes;
for when the archbishop of Pisa and his followers had
succeeded in driving out Nino and his party, by the
counsel and treachery of Count Ugolino, the forces of
the Guelfs were diminished; and then the archbishop
took counsel how to betray Count Ugolino, and in a sud-
den uproar of the people, he was attacked and assaulted
at the palace, the archbishop giving the people to under-
stand that he had betrayed Pisa, and given up their for-
tresses to the Florentines and the Lucchese; and being
without any defence, the people having turned against
him, he surrendered himself prisoner, and at the said
assault one of his bastard sons and one of his grandsons
were slain, and Count Ugolino was taken, and two of his
sons, and three grandsons, his son's children, and they
were put in prison, and his household and followers; and
the Visconti and Ubizinghi, Guatani, and all the other
Guelf houses were driven out of Pisa. And thus was the
traitor betrayed by the traitor; wherefore the Guelf party
in Tuscany was greatly cast down, and the Ghibellines
greatly exalted because of the said revolution in Pisa, and
because of the force of the Ghibellines of Arezzo, and
because of the power and victories of Don James of
Aragon, and of the Sicilians against the heirs of King
Charles.
1288 A.D.
$ 122.-How the Lucchese took the castle of Asciano
from the Pisans. § 123.-How the Pisan mercenaries,
coming from Campagna, were routed by the Florentine
L
BOOK VII. §§ 122–128
283
!
3
mercenaries in Maremma. § 124.-Of the dash on Lat- 1288 a.D.
terina made by the Florentines as an attack on Arezzo.
$ 125.-How Prince Charles was released from the prison
of the king of Aragon. § 126.-Of a great flood of water
that was in Florence. § 127.-How the Aretines came
and laid waste the territory of Florence as far as San
Donato in Collina.
$128. -How the Pisans chose for captain the count of
Montefeltro, and how they starved to death Count Ugolino
and his sons and grandsons.
In the said year 1288, in the said month of March, 1288 a.d.
the wars in Tuscany between the Guelfs and Ghibellines
becoming hot again (by reason of the war begun by the
Florentines and Sienese against the Aretines, and by the
Florentines and Lucchese against the Pisans), the Pisans
chose for their captain of war Count Guido of Monte-
feltro, giving him wide jurisdiction and lordship; and
he passed the boundaries of Piedmont, within which he
was confined by his terms of surrender to the Church,
and came to Pisa; for the which thing he and his sons
and family, and all the commonwealth of Pisa, were ex-
communicated by the Church of Rome, as rebels and
enemies against Holy Church. And when the said
count was come to Pisa in the said month of March, the
Pisans which had put in prison Count Ugolino and hist
two sons, and two sons of Count Guelfo, his son, as we
before made mention, in a tower on the Piazza degli
Anziani, caused the door of the said tower to be locked,
and the keys thrown into the Arno, and refused to the
said prisoners any food, which in a few days died there
of hunger. And albeit first the said count demanded Inf. xxxiii.
with cries to be shriven; yet did they not grant him a 1-90.
t
284
1288 A.D. friar or priest to confess him. And when all the five
dead bodies were taken out of the tower, they were
buried without honour; and thenceforward the said
prison was called the Tower of Hunger, and will be
always. For this cruelty were the Pisans greatly blamed
throughout the whole world wherever it was known, not
so much by reason of the count, which because of his
crimes and treacheries was peradventure worthy of such
a death, but by reason of his sons and grandsons which
were young and innocent boys; and this sin committed
by the Pisans did not go unpunished, as in due time
hereafter may be found. We will leave speaking, for a
while, of the affairs of Florence and of Tuscany, and
will tell of other events which took place in the said
times and came to pass through the whole world.
$ 129.- How the Saracens took Tripoli in Syria.
$130. Of the coronation of King Charles II., and
how he passed through Florence, and left Messer Amerigo
di Nerbona as captain of war for the Florentines.
1289 A.D.
CHRONICLE OF VILLANİ
In the said year, on the 2nd day of May, there came
to Florence Prince Charles, son of the great King
Charles, which was returning from France after he had
been loosed from prison, and was going to the court at
Rieti where was the Pope; and he was received by the
Florentines with great rejoicing, and the Florentines did.
him much honour and made him many presents; and
having sojourned three days in Florence, he departed on
his journey towards Siena. And when he was departed,
tidings came to Florence that the troops of Arezzo were
making ready to go into the country of Siena to hinder
or bring shame upon the said Prince Charles, which had
1
BOOK VII. §§ 129-130
285
but a small company of men-at-arms.
Florentines caused the horsemen of the cavalry to ride
forth, wherein were all the flower of the best families
of Florence, together with mercenaries which were in
Florence, and they were in number 800 horse, and 3,000
foot, to accompany the prince; wherefore the prince took
in very good part such honourable service, and speedy
and unasked succour of so many good men, though it
came not to the pinch of need withal; for the Aretines
having heard of the riding forth of the Florentines, did
not venture to go out against them; but nevertheless
the Florentines accompanied the said prince beyond
Bricola to the borders of the territory of Siena and
of Orvieto. And when the commonwealth of Florence
asked of the prince to appoint them a captain of war,
and also that he would grant them to carry forth the royal
standard with the host, the prince allowed it, and knighted
Amerigo di Nerbona, a man very noble, and brave and
wise in war, and gave him to them for captain; which
M. Amerigo with his company, about 100 mounted men,
came to Florence with the said horse; and the prince
came to the court, and was honourably received by
Pope Nicolas IV. and by his cardinals; and the day of
Pentecost following, on the 29th day of May, 1289, in
the city of Rome the said Charles was crowned by the
said Pope, king of Sicily and of Apulia, with great
honour, solemnity and rejoicing, and many favours and
grand presents of jewels and of money were made to him
by the Church, with subsidies of tithes to aid him in his
war in Sicily. And this done, King Charles departed
from the court, and went into the Kingdom.
Straightway the 1289 A.D.
1
1289 A.D.
”,
286
§ 131.-How the Florentines defeated the Aretines at
Certomondo in Casentino.
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
In the said year, and month of May, the horsemen of
Florence being returned from escorting Prince Charles,
with their captain, M. Amerigo di Nerbona, a host
was straightway gathered against the city of Arezzo,
by reason of outrages received from the Aretines,
and the banners of war were given out on the 13th day
of May, and the royal standard was borne by M.
Gherardo Ventraia de' Tornaquinci; and so soon as
they were given to them, they bore them to the abbey at
Ripoli, as was their wont, and there they left them under
guard, making as though they would march by that road.
upon the city of Arezzo. And the allies being come
and the host being ordered, by secret counsel they pur-
posed to depart by the way of Casentino, and suddenly,
the 2nd day of June, the bells being sounded by the
hammer, the ever-prosperous host of the Florentines set
forth, and they bore the banners which were at Ripoli
across the Arno, and held the way of Pontassieve, and
encamped to await all the main force on Monte al Pruno;
and there were assembled 1,600 horse and 10,000 foot,
whereof 600 were citizens with their horses, the best
armed and mounted which ever sallied forth from Flor-
ence; and 400 mercenaries, together with the following of
the Captain, M. Amerigo, in the pay of the Florentines;
and of Lucca there were 500 horsemen ; and of Prato,
40 horsemen and foot soldiers; of Pistoia, 60 horse
and foot; and of Siena, 120 horse; and of Volterra,
40 horse; and of Bologna, their ambassadors with
their company; and of Samminiato, and of Sangimig-
nano, and of Colle, men mounted and on foot from
each place; and Maghinardo of Susinana, a good and
2
g
2
BOOK VII. § 131
287
wise captain in war, with his Romagnoli. And the said
host being assembled, they descended into the plain
of Casentino, devastating the places of Count Guido
Novello, who was Podestà of Arezzo. Hearing this, the
bishop of Arezzo, with the other captains of the Ghibel-
line party (for there were many men of name amongst
them), determined to come with all their host to
Bibbiena, to the end it might not be destroyed; and
they were 800 horse and 8,000 foot, very fine men ; and
many wise captains of war were among them, for they
were the flower of the Ghibellines of Tuscany, of the
March, and of the Duchy, and of Romagna; and all were
men experienced in arms and in war; and they desired
to give battle to the Florentines, having no fear, albeit
the Florentines were two horsemen to one against them;
but they despised them, saying that they adorned them-
selves like women, and combed their tresses; and they
derided them and held them for nought. Truly there
was further cause why the Aretines should declare battle
against the Florentines, albeit their horsemen were two to
one against them; for they were in fear of a plot which
the bishop of Arezzo had set on foot with the Florentines,
and conducted by M. Marsilio de' Vecchietti, to give
over to the Florentines Bibbiena, Civitella, and all the
villages of his see, and he to have 5,000 golden florins
each year of his life, on the security of the company
of the Cerchi. The progress of this plot was inter-
rupted by M. Guiglielmino Pazzo, his nephew, to the
end the bishop might not be slain by the Ghibelline
leaders; and therefore they hastened the battle, and
took thither the said bishop, where he was left dead,
together with the rest; and thus was the bishop pun-
ished for his treason, who at the same time sought
Inf. xxvii.
49-51.
Purg. xiv.
118, 119.
...
*T
288
1289 A.D.
to betray both the Florentines and his own Aretines.
And the Florentines, having joyfully received the
gage of battle, arrayed themselves; and the two hosts.
stood over against one another, after more ordered
fashion, both on one side and on the other, than ever
in any battle before in Italy, in the plain at the foot
of Poppi, in the region called Certomondo, for so is
the place called, hard by a church of the Franciscans,
which is near there, and in a plain which is called
Campaldino; and this was a Saturday morning, the 11th
1289 A.D. day of June, the day of S. Barnabas the Apostle. M.
Amerigo and the other Florentine captains drew up
in well-ordered troops, and enrolled 150 forefighters of
the best of the host, among the which were twenty new-
made knights, who then received their spurs; and M.
Vieri de' Cerchi being among the captains, and being
lame in his leg, would not therefore desist from being
among the forefighters; and since it fell to him to
make the selection for his sesto, he would not lay this
service upon any who did not desire to be chosen, but
chose himself, and his son and nephews; the which
thing was counted to him as of great merit; and for his
good example and for shame many other noble citizens
offered themselves as forefighters. And this done, they
flanked them on either side by troops of light-armed
infantry, and crossbowmen, and unmounted lancers.
Then, behind the forefighters, came the main body,
flanked in its turn by footmen, and, behind all, the
baggage, so collected as to close up the rear of the
main body, outside of which were stationed two hundred
Purg. xxiv. horse and foot of the Lucchese and Pistoians and other
82.
Cf. Par.iii. foreigners, whereof was captain M. Corso Donati, which
then was Podestà of Pistoia; and their orders were to
*106, 107.
Cf. Par.
xvi. 65,
94-96.
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
A
BOOK VII. § 131
289
-
..
take the enemy in flank, should occasion rise. The 1289 A.D.
Aretines on their part ordered their troops wisely, inas-
much as there were, as we have said, good captains of
war amongst them; and they appointed many forefighters,
to the number of 300, among the which were chosen
twelve of the chief leaders, who were called the Twelve
Paladins. And each side having given a war-cry to their
host, the Florentines, "Ho, knights, Nerbona," and the
Aretines, "Ho, knights, San Donato," the forefighters of
the Aretines advanced with great courage, and struck spur
to smite into the Florentine host; and the rest of their
troop followed after, save that Count Guido Novello,
which was with a troop of 150 horse to charge in flank,
did not adventure himself into the battle, but drew back,
and then fled to his castle. And the movement and
assault made upon the Florentines by the Aretines, who
esteemed themselves to be valiant men-at-arms, was to
the end that by their bold attack they might break up
the Florentines at the first onset, and put them to
flight; and the shock was so great that most of the
Florentine forefighters were unhorsed, and the main
body was driven back a good space, but they were not
therefore confounded nor broken up, but received the
enemy with constancy and fortitude; and the wings of
infantry on either side, keeping their ranks well, en-
closed the enemy, and there was hard fighting for a
good space. And M. Corso Donati, who was apart
with the men of Lucca and Pistoia, and had been com-
manded to stand firm, and not to strike under pain of
death, when he saw the battle begun, said, like a valiant
man: "If we lose, I will die in the battle with my fel-
low-citizens; and if we conquer, let him that will, come
to us at Pistoia to exact the penalty"; and he boldly
U
.
290
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
set his troop in motion, and struck the enemy in flank,
and was a great cause of their rout. And this done, as
it pleased God, the Florentines had the victory, and the
Aretines were routed and discomfited, and between horse
and foot more than 1,700 were slain, and more than
2,000 taken, whereof many of the best were smuggled
away, some for friendship, some in return for ransom;
but there came of them bound to Florence more than
740. Among the dead left on the field were M. Guigliel-
mino of the Ubertini, bishop of Arezzo, the which was a
great warrior, and M. Guiglielmino de' Pazzi of Valdarno
and his nephews, the which was the best and the most
experienced captain of war that there was in Italy in his
time; and there died there Bonconte, son of Count
Guido of Montefeltro, and three of the Uberti, and
one of the Abati, and two of the Griffoni of Fegghine,
and many other Florentine refugees, and Guiderello
d'Alessandro of Orvieto, a renowned captain, who bore
the imperial standard, and many others. On the side of
the Florentines was slain no man of renown save M.
1289 A.D. Guiglielmo Berardi, bailiff of M. Amerigo da Nerbona,
and M. Bindo del Baschiera de' Tosinghi, and Ticci
de' Visdomini; but many other citizens and foreigners
were wounded. The news of the said victory came to
Florence the same day, at the same hour that it took
place, for after their meal, the Priors being gone to sleep
and repose, after the care and wakefulness of the past
night, suddenly there was a knocking on the chamber
door, with the cry: "Arise, for the Aretines are discom-
fited"; and having risen and opened the door, they
found no one, and their servant without had heard no-
thing, wherefore it was held to be a great and notable
marvel, inasmuch as no person came from the host
1289 A.D.
Purg. v.
88-129.
Inf. xxvii.
67-129.
1
BOOK VII. § 132
291
::
with tidings before the hour of véspers. And this was 1289 A.D.
the truth, for I heard it and saw it; and all the Floren-
tines marvelled whence this could be, and awaited the
issue in suspense.
But when they arrived which came
from the host, and reported the tidings in Florence,
there was great gladness and rejoicing; and there was
good cause, for at the said discomfiture were slain many
captains and valiant men of the Ghibelline party, and
enemies of the commonwealth of Florence, and there
were brought low the arrogance and pride not only of the
Aretines, but of the whole Ghibelline party and of the
Empire.
§ 132.-How the Florentines besieged the city of Arezzo,
and laid waste the region round about.
After the said victory of the commonwealth over the 1289 A.D.
Aretines, the trumpet was sounded for the return from
pursuing the fugitives, and the Florentine host was mar-
shalled upon the field; and this done, they departed
to Bibbiena, and took it without any resistance; and
having plundered and despoiled it of all its wealth and
much booty, they caused the walls and the fortified
houses to be destroyed to the foundations, and many
other villages round about, and they abode there eight
days. Whereas, if on the day following, the Floren-
tine host had ridden upon Arezzo, without doubt they
would have taken the city; but during that sojourn
they that had escaped from the battle returned thither,
and the peasants round about took refuge there,
and order was taken for the defence and guard of the
city. The host of the Florentines came thither after
some days, and laid siege to the city, continually laying
waste the region round about, and taking their fortresses,
1
?
*.*
292
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1289 A.D.
Cf. Par.
xvi. 42.
so that they gained them nearly all, some by orce, and
some on conditions; and the Florentines caused many
thereof to be destroyed, but they kept possession of
Castiglione of Arezzo, and Montecchio, and Rondine,
and Civitella, and Laterina, and Montesansavino. And
with the host there went two of the Priors of Florence as
inspectors; and the Sienese came in a body, with much
force of horse and foot, after the defeat, to regain their
lands taken by the Aretines, and they took the Lucignano
of Arezzo, and Chiusura of Valdichiane, on conditions.
And the said Florentine host being at Arezzo, in the old
palace of the bishops, for twenty days, they laid waste all
round about them, and they ran their races there on the
feast of S. Giovanni, and erected there many engines,
and hurled into the city asses with mitres on their
heads, in contempt and reproach of their bishop, and
raised many wooden towers and other works to attack
the city; and a fierce battle ensuing, a great part of the
palisade (for there was not then any other wall in that
part) was burnt and laid low; and if the captains of the
host had made the besiegers fight lustily, they would
have taken the city by storm; but where they should have
fought, they caused the retreat to be sounded, wherefore
they were held in abomination, forasmuch as this was
done through greed of gain; for the which cause the
people and the combatants, losing heart, were slack in
skirmishing and on guard; wherefore the night following
they of Arezzo issued forth and set fire to many wooden
towers, and burnt them, with many other works. And
this done, the Florentines lost hope of taking the city by
battle, and the better part of the host departed, leaving
the aforesaid strongholds guarded, to the end they
might continually harry the city; and the host returned
·
BOOK VII. § 132
-
293
.
to Florence on the 23rd day of July with great rejoic- 1289 A.D.
ing and triumph, and there came to meet them the
clergy in procession, the men of birth jousting, and the
populace with the standards and ensigns of each of the
Arts, with its company; and they set a canopy of cloth of
gold over the head of M. Amerigo di Nerbona, borne
upon pikes by many knights, and likewise over M.
Ugolino de' Rossi of Parma, which was then Podestà of
Florence. And note that all the expenses of the said
host were furnished by our commonwealth by a tax of
six and a quarter per cent., which raised more than
36,000 golden florins, so well ordered were then the
registers of the city and country; and the other affairs
and revenues of the commonwealth were equally well
ordered. True it is that after the return of the said host
the popolani began to suspect that the magnates, through
pride of the said victory, might lay burdens on them
beyond accustomed usage; and for this cause the seven
greater Arts drew to themselves the five lesser Arts, and
made ready among themselves arms, and shields, and
certain standards, and this was in a sense a beginning of
the Popolo, which afterwards took the form of the Popolo
of 1292, as hereafter we shall narrate. From the afore-
said victory the city of Florence was much exalted, and
rose to good and happy state, the best which it had seen
until these times, and it increased greatly in people and
in wealth, for every one was gaining by some merchan-
dise, art, or trade; and it continued in peaceful and
tranquil state for many years after, rising every day.
And by reason of gladness and well-being, every year, on
the first day of May, they formed bands and companies
of gentle youths, clad in new raiment, and raised
pavilions covered with cloth and silk and with wooden
?
294
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
!
*
1289 A.D.
1289 A.D.
Par. viii.
64-66.
Purg. vii.
136.
Convito iv.
II: 126.
walls, in divers parts of the city; and likewise there were
bands of women and of maidens going through the city
dancing in ordered fashion, and ladies, by two and two,
with instruments, and with garlands of flowers on their
heads, continuing in pastimes and joyance, and at feasts
and banquets.
§ 133. Of a fierce and violent battle between the
duke of Brabant and the count of Luxemburg. § 134.
-How Don James came from Sicily into Calabria with
his armada, and there received some loss, and afterwards
laid siege to Gaeta. § 135.-How Charles Martel was
crowned king of Hungary. § 136.-How they of Chiusi
were routed, and the Guelf refugees restored. § 137.-
How the Lucchese, with the forces of Florence, marched
upon the city of Pisa. § 138.-Of an expedition that the
Florentines made wherein they should have had Arezzo
yielded up to them. § 139.-Of a great fire that broke
out in Florence in the house of the Pegolotti. § 140.-
How the Florentines and their allies made a third expedi-
tion against Arezzo. § 141.-How Porto Pisano was
taken and laid waste by the Florentines and Genoese and
Lucchese. § 142.—How the marquis of Montferrat was
taken prisoner by them of Alexandria. § 143.—Of a
great miracle that came to pass in Paris concerning the
body of Christ. § 144.-How they of Ravenna seized
the count of Romagna, who was there to represent the
Church.
G
§ 145.-How the soldan of Babylon conquered by force
the city of Acre, to the great hurt of the Christians.
1291 A.D.
In the year of Christ 1291, in the month of April, the
xxvii. 89. soldan of Babylon [Cairo] of Egypt having first garri-
Cf. Inf.
BOOK VII. §§ 133–145
295
soned and provisioned Syria, traversed the desert and 1291 A.D.
came into the said Syria with his host, and laid siege to
the city of Acre, which of old was called in the Scriptures
Ptolemais, and now is called Acon in Latin; and the
soldan had with him so much people, both foot and horse,
that his host stretched over more than twelve miles. But
before we tell more of the loss of Acre, we will tell the
reason why the soldan came to besiege it, and took it, as
it was related to us by trustworthy fellow-citizens of our
own, and merchants which were in Acre at that time.
It is true that, because the Saracens had in foregoing
times taken from the Christians the city of Antioch, and
of Tripoli, and of Tyre, and many other towns which the
Christians held on the seashore, the city of Acre had
greatly increased, both in folk and in power, forasmuch
as no other city was held by the Christians in Syria; so
that the kings of Jerusalem, and of Cyprus, and the
princes of Antioch, and of Tyre, and of Tripoli, and the
Orders of the Templars and the Hospitallers, and other
Orders, and the Pope's legates, and they which had gone
over seas from the kings of France and of England,
all gathered at Acre, and there were there seventeen
hereditary lordships, which was a great confusion. And
at that time there was truce between the Christians and
the Saracens, and there were there more than 18,000 pil-
grims who had taken the cross; and their pay not being
forthcoming, and because they could not get it from the
lords and states which had sent them forth, part of them,
which were wild and lawless men, scrupled not to break
the truce, and to rob and to slay all the Saracens which
were in Acre, under the security of the truce, with their
merchandise and victuals; and in like manner they went
through many villages round about Acre, robbing and
-
296
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
4
:
;
1291 A.D. slaying the Saracens. For the which thing, the soldan
holding himself much aggrieved, sent his ambassadors to
Acre to those lords, demanding compensation for the
wrongs that had been committed, and that for his hon-
our and the satisfaction of his people, there should be
sent to him as prisoners some of the chiefs and leaders
of them which had broken the truce, to the end that he
might execute justice upon them, the which requests
were denied him. Wherefore he came with his army,
as we have said, and because of the multitude of his
people, by force they filled up part of the moats, which
were very deep, and took the outer circle of the walls;
and the next circle they caused in part to fall by the aid
of mines and engines; and they took the great tower,
which was called Accursed, because it had been foretold
that by it Acre should be lost. But with all this they
could not take the city, for albeit the Saracens broke
down the walls by day, by night they were repaired
and stopped up with planks, or with sacks of wool and
of cotton, and vigorously defended on the day following,
by the wise and valiant brother, Guillaume de Beaujeu,
master of the Temple, which was captain-general of the
war and of the defence of the city, and had, with much
prowess and foresight and care, vigorously defended the
city. But as it pleased God, and to punish the sins of
the inhabitants of Acre, the said master of the Temple,
lifting up his right arm in the combat, was shot by a
Saracen with a poisoned arrow, which entered into the
joints of his cuirass, by the which wound he shortly after
died; and because of his death the whole city was
moved and put in fear; and by reason of the confusion
of so many lords and captains, as we before said, all fell
into disorder, and there was discord in the guard and
}
BOOK VII. § 145
297
defence of the city; and each one who could gave heed 1291 A.D.
to his own safety, taking refuge in ships and in other
vessels which were in the port. For the which cause
the Saracens, continuing the attacks by day and by
night, entered the city by force and traversed it, robbing
everywhere and slaying all who came in their way, and
the young men and maidens they carried off as slaves;
and there were of slain and prisoners, men, women and
children, more than 60,000; and the loss of goods and
booty was infinite. And having collected the booty
and treasures, and carried away the prisoners out of the
city, they broke down the walls and strongholds, and
set fire to them, and destroyed all the city, whereby
Christendom sustained very great hurt, for by the loss
of Acre there remained in the Holy Land no city per-
taining to the Christians; and never again was any one
of the good trading cities, which are on our sea-shores
and borders, worth one-half of its former profit in mer-
chandise and arts; because of the loss of the city and
port of Acre, by reason of its good situation right on
the brow of our sea, and in the midst of Syria, and
well-nigh in the midst of the inhabited world, seventy
miles distant from Jerusalem, a magazine and port
for all merchandise, both from the East and from the
West; and all races of men in the world met there
to barter merchandise; and there were interpreters
there of all the languages of the world, so that it
was like one of the elements of the world. And this
disaster was not without the great and just judgment
of God, for that city was more full of sinful men and
of women of every kind of abandoned vice than any
other Christian city. When the sorrowful tidings came
to the West, the Pope proclaimed great indulgences
298
CHRONICLE OF VILLANİ
1291 A.D. and pardons to whosoever should give aid and succour
to the Holy Land, sending word to all Christian lords
that he purposed a general crusade; and he forbade,
under pain of severe judgments and excommunications,
that any Christian should go to Alexandria or the land
of Egypt with merchandise, or victuals, or wood, or iron,
or should give aid and favour there in any wise.
1291 A.D.
Purg. vi.
103-105.
§ 146.-Of the death of King Rudolf of Germany.
In the said year 1291, King Rudolf of Germany died,
but he never attained to the honours of the Empire,
because he was always intent upon increasing his state
and lordship in Germany, leaving the enterprises of Italy
that he might increase land and possessions for his sons;
who, by his energy and valour, from a small count rose
to be Emperor, and gained for himself the duchy of
Austria, and a great part of the duchy of Suabia.
§ 147.-How King Philip of France caused all the
Italians to be taken prisoner, and then ransomed. § 148.
-How the Pisans recaptured the fortress of Pontadera.
§ 149.-How the city of Forlì in Romagna was taken
by Maghinardo da Susinana.
In the said year all the county of Romagna, being,
obedient to Holy Church, and under the care of the
bishop of Arezzo, which was count thereof for the Pope,
Maghinardo da Susinana, with certain nobles and great
men of Romagna, took the city of Forlì by theft, and in
it they took the Count Aghinolfo of Romena with his
sons, which was brother to the said count bishop of
Arezzo; and they besieged the said count bishop in
Cesena; whence arose great war in Romagna. The said
.
-
BOOK VII. §§ 146-155
299
xxvii.
Maghinardo was a great and wise tyrant, holding many 1291 A.D.
castles between Casentino and Romagna, and having
many followers; and he was wise in war and very fortu-
nate in many battles, and in his time did great things.
He was a Ghibelline by race and by his works, but with
the Florentines he was a Guelf and the enemy of all Cf. Inf.
their enemies, whether they were Guelfs or Ghibellines; 49-51,
and in every expedition and battle which the Florentines
undertook, whilst he was alive, he was with his people
in their service as a captain; and this was because, when
his father died, which was called Piero Pagano, a great
nobleman, leaving the said Maghinardo, a young child
and with many enemies, to wit, the Counts Guidi and
the Ubaldini and other lords of Romagna, this said
father left him to the care and tutelage of the people
and commonwealth of Florence, him and his lands; by
the which commonwealth his patrimony was benignly
increased and guarded and improved, and for this cause
he was grateful and very faithful to the commonwealth
of Florence in all its needs.
END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK VII.
§ 150.-How the Florentines took the castle of Ampi-
nana.
§ 151.-How Pope Nicholas, of Ascoli, died. 1292 A.D.
§ 152.-How the whole city of Noyon, in France, was
burnt. $ 153-How Adolf was elected king of the
Romans. § 154.-How the Florentines marched upon the
city of Pisa. § 155.-Of the miracles which were mani-
fested in Florence by S. Maria d'Orto San Michele.
BOOK VIII.
HERE begins the Eighth Book. It tells how the second
Popolo arose in the city of Florence, and of many great
changes which by reason thereof came afterwards to pass
in Florence, following on with the other events of those
times.
I.
§ 1. In the year of Christ 1292, on the 1st day of 1292 A.D.
February, the city of Florence being in great and power-
ful state, and prosperous in all things, and the citizens
thereof waxing fat and rich, and by reason of excessive
tranquillity, which naturally engenders pride and novel-
ties, being envious and arrogant among themselves,
many murders, and wounds, and outrages were done by
one citizen upon another; and above all the nobles
known as magnates and potentates, alike in the coun-
try and in the city, wrought upon the people who
might not resist them, force and violence both against
person and goods, taking possession thereof. For the
which thing certain good men, artificers and merchants
of Florence, which desired good life, considered how to
set a remedy and defence against the said plague, and
one of the leaders therein, among others, was a man of
worth, an ancient and noble citizen from among the
popolani, rich and powerful, whose name was Giano
della Bella, of the people of S. Martin, with the following Par. xvi.
and counsel of other wise and powerful popolani. And 131, 132.
1
301
302
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1292 A.D.
instituting in Florence an order of judges to correct
the statutes and our laws, as by our ordinances the
custom was of old to do, they ordained certain laws and
statutes, very strong and weighty, against such magnates
and men of power as should do wrong or violence
against the people; increasing the common penalties
in divers ways, and enacting that one member of a
family of magnates should be held answerable for the
others; and two bearing witness to public fame and
report should be held to prove such crimes; and the
public accounts should be revised. And these laws
they called the Ordinances of Justice. And to the
intent they might be maintained and put into execu-
tion, it was decreed that beyond the number of six
Priors which governed the city, there should be a gon-
falonier of justice appointed by the several sesti in
succession, changing every two months, as do the Priors.
And when the hammer-bells were sounded, the people
were to rally to the church of San Piero Scheraggio and
give out the banner of justice, which before was not the
custom. And they decreed that not one of the Priors
should be of the noble houses called magnates; for be-
fore this good and true merchants had often been made
Priors, albeit they chanced to be of some great and noble
house. And the ensign and standard of the said Popolo
was decreed to be a white field with a red cross; and
there were chosen 1000 citizens, divided according to
the sesti, with certain standard-bearers for each region,
with fifty footmen to each standard, which were to be
armed, each one with hauberk and shield marked with
the cross; and they were to assemble at every tumult
or summons of the gonfalonier, at his house or at the
palace of the Priors, to do execution against the mag-
T
*
BOOK VIII. § I
303
nates; and afterwards the number of the chosen foot- 1292 A.D.
men increased to 2,000, and then to 4,000. And a like
order of men-at-arms for the people, with the said
ensign, was enrolled in each country and district of
Florence, and they were called the Leagues of the
People. And the first of the said gonfaloniers was
one Baldo de' Ruffoli of the Porte del Duomo; and in
his time the standard sallied forth with armed men to
destroy the goods of a family named Galli of Porta S.
Marie, by reason of a murder which one of them had
committed in the kingdom of France on the person of
a popolano. This new decree of the people, and change.
in the State was of much importance to the city of
Florence, and had afterwards many and divers con-
sequences both ill and good to our commonwealth, ast
hereafter in due time we shall make mention. And in
this new thing and beginning of the Popolo, the popolani
would have been hindered by the power of the magnates
had it not been that in those times the said magnates of
Florence were in broils and discords among themselves,
since that the Guelfs were returned to Florence; and
there was great war between the Adimari and the
Tosinghi, and between the Rossi and the Tornaquinci,
and between the Bardi and the Mozzi, and between the
Gherardini and the Manieri, and between the Calval-
canti and the Bondelmonti, and between certain of the
Bondelmonti and the Giandonati, and between the
Visdomini and the Falconieri, and between the Bos-
tichi and the Foraboschi, and between the Foraboschi
and the Malispini, and among the Frescobaldi them-
selves, and among the family of the Donati themselves,
and many other noble houses. [And therefore let not
the reader marvel because we have put this event at the
:
304
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
I292 A.D.
I293 A. D.
1294 A.D.
Cf. Inf. iii.
58-60;
xxvii. 104,
105.
head of our book, forasmuch as the most strange events
arose from this beginning, and not only to our city of
Florence, but to all the region of Italy.]
§ 2.-How the people of Florence made peace with the
Pisans, and many other notable things. § 3.—Of a great
fire which broke out in Florence in the district of Tor-
cicoda. § 4.-How the war began between the king of
France and the king of England.
85.-How Celestine V. was elected and made Pope,
and how he renounced the papacy.
In the year of Christ 1294, in the month of July, the
Church of Rome had been vacant after the death of
Pope Nicholas d'Ascoli for more than two years, by
reason of the discord of the cardinals, which were
divided, each party desiring to make one of themselves
Pope. And the cardinals being in Perugia and straitly
constrained by the Perugians to elect a Pope, as it
pleased God they were agreed not to name one of their
own college, and they elected a holy man which was
called Brother Peter of Morrone in Abruzzi. This man
was a hermit, and of austere life and penitence, and in
order to abandon the vanity of the world, after he had
ordained many holy monasteries of his Order, he de-
parted as a penitent into the mountain of Morrone,
which is above Sermona. He, being elected and
brought and crowned Pope, made in the following Sep-
tember, for the reformation of the Church, twelve cardi-
nals, for the most part from beyond the mountains, by
the petition and after the counsel of King Charles, king
of Sicily and of Apulia. And this done, he departed with
the court to Naples, and by King Charles was graciously
BOOK VIII. §§ 2-5
305
received and with great honour; but because he was 1294 A.D.
simple and knew no letters, and did not occupy himself
willingly with the pomps of the world, the cardinals held
him in small esteem, and it seemed to them that they
had made an ill choice for the well-being and estate of
the Church. The said holy father perceiving this, and
not feeling himself sufficient for the government of the
Church, as one who more loved the service of God
and the weal of his soul than worldly honour, sought
every way how he might renounce the papacy. Now,
among the other cardinals of the court was one M.
Benedetto Guatani d' Alagna, very learned in books,
and in the things of the world much practised and
sagacious, which had a great desire to attain to the papal
dignity; and he had laid plans seeking and striving to
obtain it by the aid of King Charles and the cardinals,
and already had the promise from them, which afterwards
was fulfilled to him. He put it before the holy father,
hearing that he was desirous to renounce the papacy,
that he should make a new decretal, that for the good
of his soul any Pope might renounce the papacy, show-
ing him the example of S. Clement, whom, when S. Peter
came to die, he desired should be Pope after him; but
he, for the good of his soul, would not have it so, and
in his room first S. Linus and then S. Cletus was Pope. Par. xxvii.
And even as the said cardinal gave counsel, Pope Celes- 41.
tine made the said decretal; and this done, the day of
S. Lucy in the following December, in a consistory of
all the cardinals, in their presence he took off the crown
and papal mantle, and renounced the papacy, and de- Cf. Inf. iii.
59, 60.
parted from the court, and returned to his hermit life,
and to do his penance. And thus Pope Celestine
reigned in the papacy five months and nine days. But
X
(
306
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
afterwards it is said, and was true, that his successor, M.
Benedetto Guatani aforesaid (who was afterwards Pope
Boniface), caused him to be taken prisoner in the moun-
tains of S. Angiolo in Apulia above Bastia, whither he
had withdrawn to do penance; and some say that he
would fain have gone into Slavonia, but the other
secretly held him in the fortress of Fummone in Cam-
pagna in honourable confinement, to the intent that so
long as he lived none should be set up as a rival to his
own election, forasmuch as many Christians held Celes-
tine to be the right and true Pope, notwithstanding his
renunciation, maintaining that such a dignity as was the
papacy by no decretal could be renounced; and albeit
S. Clement refused the papacy at the first, the faithful
nevertheless held him to be father, and it behoved him
to be Pope after S. Cletus. But Celestine being held
prisoner, as we have said, in Fummone, lived but a
short time in the said place; and dying there, he was
buried poorly in a little church without Fummone per-
taining to the order of his brethren, and put under-
ground more than ten cubits deep, to the end his body
might not be found. But during his life, and after his
death, God wrought many miracles by him, whence
many people held him in great reverence and a certain
time afterwards by the Church of Rome, and by Pope
John XXII., he was canonised, and called S. Peter of
Morrone, as hereafter in due time we shall make men-
tion.
1294 A.D.
Inf. vi. 69.
xix. 52-57,
76-81.
xxvii. 70,
85-111.
§ 6.-How Boniface VIII. was elected and made Pope.
In the said year 1294, Cardinal Benedetto Guatani,
having by his wit and sagacity so wrought. that Pope
Celestine had renounced the papacy, as before in the
}
BOOK VIII. § 6
307
..
xii. 90.
xviii.
xxvii.
22-27.
xxx. 148.
last chapter we have made mention, followed up his Purg. xx.
enterprise, and wrought upon the cardinals and the Par. ix.
86-90.
support of King Charles, which had the friendship of 136-142.
many cardinals, specially of the twelve newly elected by xvii.
Celestine. And while he was pursuing this quest, one 49-51.
evening by night he went secretly with but few com-
118-136.
panions to King Charles, and said to him: "King, thy
Pope Celestine had the will and the means to serve thee
in thy Sicilian war, but he had not the knowledge. Now,
if thou wilt work with thy friends the cardinals that I may
be elected Pope, I shall know, and I shall will, and I shall
be able," promising him by his faith and oath to put
thereto all the power of the Church. Then the king,
trusting in him, promised him and agreed with his twelve
cardinals that they should give him their votes; and there
being at the election M. Matteo Rosso and M. Jacopo
della Colonna, which were the heads of factions among the
cardinals, they perceived what was toward, and straight-
way they too gave him their votes, but the first to do
it was M. Matteo Rosso Orsini. And on this wise he
was elected Pope in the city of Naples, the vigil of the
Nativity of Christ in the said year; and immediately
when he was elected, he willed to depart from Naples
with his court, and came to Rome, and there caused
himself to be crowned with great solemnity and honour
in the middle of January. And this done, the first act
which he did, hearing that great war was begun between
King Philip of France and King Edward of England
on the question of Gascony, was to send beyond the
mountains two cardinal legates, to the end they might
reconcile them together; but they availed little, for the
said lords continued in greater war than before. This
Pope Boniface was of the city of Alagna, a very noble
:
1294 A.D.
!
308
man of his city, son of M. Lifredi Guatani, a Ghibelline
by race, and whilst he was cardinal he was their pro-
tector, specially of the Todini; but after he was made
Pope he became a strong Guelf, and did much for King
Charles in the war in Sicily, albeit it is said by many
wise men that he broke up the Guelf party, under cover
of showing himself a strong Guelf, as hereafter in his
actions may be manifestly seen by him who observes
closely. A man of large schemes was he and lordly, and
sought for much honour, and well knew how to maintain
and advance the rights of the Church, and by reason of
his knowledge and power he was much redoubted and
feared; he was very rich through making the Church
great and his kinsfolk; making no scruple of gain, for he
said all was lawfully his which was the Church's. And
when he was made Pope he annulled all the assignments
of the revenues of vacant benefices made by Pope
Celestine, except where one was in possession; and he
had his nephew made Count Caserta by King Charles,
and two sons of the said nephew, the one count of
Fondi, and the other count of Palazzo. He bought the
military fortress at Rome, which was the palace of
Octavianus the emperor, and caused it to be enlarged
and rebuilt at great cost, and other strong and fine
castles in Campagna and in Maremma. And always he
abode in winter in Rome, and in summer and spring in
Rieti or Orvieto, but afterwards the most in Alagna,
to make his city great. We will now leave speaking of
the said Pope, following from time to time the things
which came to pass in other parts of the world, and
above all those in Florence, whereof the matter increases
much.
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
:
BOOK VIII. §§ 7-8
309
J
$ 7. When the foundation of the new church of Santa 1294 A.D.
Croce was begun in Florence.
§ 8.-How the great man of the people, Giano della
Bella, was driven out of Florence.
In the said year 1294, in the month of January, when
M. Giovanni da Lucino da Como had lately entered
upon the office of Podestà of Florence, a cause came for
trial before him accusing M. Corso de' Donati, a noble
and powerful citizen among the best in Florence, of
having slain a popolano, a retainer of his associate M.
Simone Galastrone, in a scuffle and fray which they had
together, and wherein that retainer was slain; for which
M. Corso Donati refused to pay the fine and bade jus-
tice take its course, trusting in the favour of the said
Podestà, to be granted at the prayers of friends and of
the lords; whereas the people of Florence looked that
the said Podestà should condemn him; and already
the standard of justice had been brought forth to carry
the sentence into execution; but he absolved him; for
the which thing, when the said declaration of inno-
cence was read from the palace of the Podestà, and
M. Simone Galastrone was condemned for having in-
flicted wounds, the common people cried out: "Death to
the Podestà," and sallied forth in haste from the palace,
crying, "To arms! to arms! long live the people !" and
a great number of the people flew to arms, and especially
of the common people, and rushed to the house of Giano
della Bella, their chief; and he, it is said, sent them with
his brother to the palace of the Priors to follow the
gonfalonier of justice; but this they did not do, but
came only to the palace of the Podestà, and furiously
assaulted the said palace with arms and crossbows,
310
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1294 A.D. and set fire to the gates and burnt them, and entered
in, and seized and scornfully robbed the said Podestà
and his household. But M. Corso in fear of his life
fled from the palace over the roofs, for then was it not
so walled as it is now. And the tumult displeased the
Priors which were very near to the palace of the Podestà,
but by reason of the unbridled populace, they were not
able to hinder it. But some days after, when the uproar
had been quieted, the great men could not rest, in their
desire to abase Giano della Bella, forasmuch as he had
been among the chiefs and beginners of the Ordinances
of Justice, and was moreover desirous further to abase
the magnates by taking from the Captains of the Guelf
Party the seal and the common fund of the Party (which
fund was very great), and to give them to the common-
wealth; not that he was not a Guelf and of Guelf stock,
but he would fain diminish the power of the magnates.
Wherefore the magnates, seeing themselves thus treated,
created a faction together with the Council of the College
of Judges and of Notaries, which held themselves to be
oppressed by him, as we before made mention, and with
other popolani grassi, friends and kinsmen of the mag-
nates, which loved not that Giano della Bella should be
greater in the commonwealth than they. And they deter-
mined to elect a body of stalwart Priors. And this
was done, and they were proclaimed earlier than the
wonted time. And this done, when they were in office
they conferred with the Captain of the People, and set
forth a proclamation and inquisition against the said
Giano della Bella and his other confederates and follow-
ers and those which had been leaders in setting fire to
the gates of the Palace, charging them with having set
the city in an uproar, and disturbed the peace of the
BOOK VIII. § 8
311
State, and assaulted the Podestà, against the Ordinances 1294 A. D.
of Justice; for the which thing the common people was
much disturbed, and went to the house of Giano della
Bella, and offered to surround him with arms, to defend
him or to attack the city. And his brother bore to Orto
San Michele a standard with the arms of the people;
but Giano was a wise man, albeit somewhat presump-
tuous, and when he saw himself betrayed and deceived
by the very men which had been with him in making the
Popolo, and saw that their force together with that of the
magnates was very great, and that the Priors were already
assembled under arms at their house, he would not hazard
the chances of civil war; and to the end the city might
not be ravaged, and for fear of his person, he would not
face the court, but withdrew, and departed from Florence
on the 5th day of March, hoping that the people might
yet restore him to his state; wherefore by the said accu-
sation or notification he was for contumacy condemned
in person and banished, and he died in exile in France
(for he had affairs to attend to there, and was a partner
of the Pazzi); and all his goods were destroyed; and
certain other popolani were accused with him; and he
was a great loss to our city, and above all to the people,
forasmuch as he was the most leal and upright popo-
lano, and lover of the common good, of any man in
Florence, and one who gave to the commonwealth and
took nothing therefrom. He was presumptuous and
desired to avenge his wrongs, and this he did somewhat
against the Abati, his neighbours, with the arm of the
commonwealth, and, perhaps for the said sins, he was
by his own laws, wrongfully and without guilt, judged
by the unjust. And note that this is a great example to
those citizens which are to come, to beware of desiring
I
312
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1294 A.D.
鹏
​1294 A.D.
прод
·
1294 A.D.
Inf. xv.
23-120.
Inf. xv.
119, 120.
to be lords over their fellow-citizens or too ambitious;
but to be content with the common citizenship. For
the very men which had aided him to rise, through
envy betrayed him and plotted to abase him; and it has
been seen and experienced truly in Florence in ancient
and modern times, that whosoever has become leader of
the people and of the masses has been cast down; for-
asmuch as the ungrateful people never give men their
due reward. From this event arose great disturbance
and change amongst the people and in the city of
Florence, and from that time forward the artificers and
common people possessed little power in the common-
wealth, but the government remained in the hands of
the powerful popolani grassi.
§ 9.— When the building of the great church of Santa
Reparata was begun.
§ 10.-How M. Gianni di Celona came into Tuscany
as Imperial Vicar.
*
*
well.
In the said year 1294 there died in Florence a worthy
citizen whose name was M. Brunetto Latini, who was a
great philosopher, and was a perfect master in rhetoric,
understanding both how to speak well and how to write
And he it was which commented upon the rhe-
toric of Tully, and made the good and useful book called
"The Treasure," and "The Little Treasure,” and “The
Key to the Treasure," and many other books in philo-
sophy, and concerning vices and virtues. And he was
secretary of our commonwealth. He was a worldly
man, but we have made mention of him because it was
hẹ who was the beginner and master in refining the
*
*
*
•
BOOK VIII. §§ 9-12
313
•
די
Florentines and in teaching them how to speak well, and
how to guide and rule our republic according to policy.
§ 11. How S. Louis, king that was of France, was 1294 A.D.
canonised.
§ 12.-How the magnates of Florence raised a tumult 125 A.D.
in the city to break up the Popolo.
On the 6th day of the month of July of the year 1295,
the magnates and great men of the city of Florence,
seeing themselves mightily oppressed by the new Ordi-
nances of Justice made by the people-and especially
by that ordinance which declares that one kinsman is to
be held to account for another, and that two witnesses
establish public report-having their own friends in the
priorate, gave themselves to breaking down the ordi-
nances of the people. And first they made up their
great quarrels amongst themselves, especially between
the Adimari and Tosinghi, and between the Mozzi and
the Bardi. And this done, on an appointed day, they
made a great gathering of folk, and petitioned the Priors
to have the said articles amended; whereupon all the
people in the city of Florence rose in tumult and rushed
to arms; the magnates, on armoured horses themselves,
and with their retainers from the country and other
troops on foot in great numbers; and one set of them
drew up in the piazza of S. Giovanni, over whom M.
Forese degli Adimari held the royal ensign; another set
assembled at the Piazza a Ponte, whose ensign was held
by M. Vanni Mozzi; and a third set in the Mercato
Nuovo, whose standard M. Geri Spini held; with intent
to overrun the city. The popolani were all in arms, in
their ranks, with ensigns and banners, in great numbers;
314
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1.
1295 A.D.
and they barricaded the streets of the city at sundry
points to hinder the horsemen from overrunning the
place, and they gathered at the palace of the Podestà,
and at the house of the Priors, who at that time abode
at the house of the Cerchi behind San Brocolo. And
the people found themselves in great power and well
ordered, with force of arms and folk, and they associated
with the Priors, whom they did not trust, a number of
the greatest and most powerful and discreet of the
popolani of Florence, one for each sesto. Wherefore the
magnates had no strength nor power against them, and
the people might have overthrown them; but consulting
for the best, and to avoid civil battle, by the mediation
of certain friars between the better sort of either side,
each party disarmed; and the city returned to peace and
quiet without any change; the Popolo being left in its
state and lordship; save that whereas before the proof
of public report was established by two witnesses, it was
now laid down that there must be three; and even this
was conceded by the Priors against the will of the
popolani, and shortly afterwards it was revoked and the
old order re-established. But for all that this disturb-
ance was the root and beginning of the dismal and ill
estate of the city of Florence which thereafter followed,
for thenceforth the magnates never ceased to search for
means to beat down the people, to their utmost power;
and the leaders of the people sought every way of
strengthening the people and abasing the magnates by
reinforcing the Ordinances of Justice, and they had the
great crossbows taken from the magnates and bought up
by the commonwealth; and many families which were
not tyrannical nor of any great power they removed
from the number of the magnates and added them tọ
1
BOOK VIII. § 13
315
the people, to weaken the power of the magnates and 1295 A.D.
increase that of the people; and when the said Priors
went out of office they were struck with cudgels behind
and had stones flung at them, because they had con-
sented to favour the magnates; and by reason of these
disturbances and changes there was a fresh ordering of
the people in Florence, whereof the heads were Mancini
and Magalotti, Altoviti, Peruzzi, Acciaioli, Cerretoni
and many others.
$ 13.-How King Charles made peace with King
James of Aragon.
In the year of Christ 1295 the King Alfonso of Aragon
died; by the which death Don James, his brother, which
had been crowned king of Sicily and held the island,
sought to make peace with the Church and with King
Charles; and by the hand of Pope Boniface it was done
after this manner: that the said Don James should take
to wife the daughter of King Charles, and should resign
the lordship of Sicily, and should set the hostages free
which King Charles had left in Aragon, to wit Robert
and Raymond and John, his sons, with other barons and
knights of Provence. And the Pope, with King Charles,
promised that they would cause Charles of Valois,
brother of the king of France, to renounce the claim
which Pope Martin IV. had granted him to the kingdom
of Aragon; and to the end he might consent thereto,
King Charles gave him the county of Anjou, and his
daughter to wife. And to order this matter King
Charles went into France in person, and when he re-
turned with the compact made, and with his sons whom
he had set free from prison, he came to the city of
Florence, whither was already come to meet him Charles.
Purg. vii.
iii. 116.
115-120,
AL
316
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Martel, his son, king of Hungary, with his company of
200 knights with golden spurs, French and Provençal
and from the Kingdom, all young men, invested by the
king with habits of scarlet and dark green, and all with sad-
dles of one device, with their palfreys adorned with silver
and gold, with arms quarterly, bearing golden lilies and
surrounded by a bordure of red and silver, which are the
arms of Hungary. And they appeared the noblest and
richest company a young king ever had with him. And in
Florence he abode more than twenty days, awaiting his
father, King Charles, and his brothers; and the Floren-
tines did him great honour, and he showed great love to
the Florentines, wherefore he was in high favour with
them all. And when King Charles was come into Flor-
ence, and Robert and Raymond and John, his sons, with
the marquis of Montferrat, which was to have for wife
the daughter of the king, he made many knights in Flor-
ence and received much honour and many presents from
the Florentines; and then the king with all his sons
returned to the papal court and afterwards to Naples.
And this done, and after all the articles of the treaty
of peace had been fulfilled by the Pope and by King
Charles, Don James departed from Sicily and came into
Aragon, and was crowned king over the realm; but
whosoever may have been in fault, whether the Pope or
Don James, King Charles found himself deceived, for
when King Charles thought to have the island of Sicily
again in quiet, after Don James had departed, Frederick,
his next brother, became lord thereof, and caused him-
self to be crowned king by the Sicilians against the
will of the Church by the bishop of Cephalonia ; where-
fore the Pope was much angered with the king of Aragon,
as well as with Frederick his brother, and caused him
1295 A.D.
Cf. Par.
viii.49-75.
Par. viii.
55.
Purg. iii.
116, vii.
115-120.
Par. xix.
130-135,
XX.
61-63;
Convito iv.
6:180-190
De Vulg.
Eloquio i.
12:15-38.
?
7
BOOK VIII. §§ 14-23
317
to be summoned to court, which King James came thither 1295 A.D.
the following year, as hereafter we shall make mention.
§ 14.-How the Guelf party were driven by force out 1296 A.D.
of Genoa. § 15.-The doings of the Tartars of Persia.
§ 16.-How Maghinardo da Susinana defeated the Bo-
lognese and took the city of Imola. § 17.-How the
people of Florence built the cities and strongholds of San-
giovanni and Castelfranco in Valdarno. § 18.—How
King James of Aragon came to Rome, and Pope Boniface
granted him the island of Sardinia. § 19.-How the
counts of Flanders and of Bar rebelled against the king
of France. § 20.-How the count of Artois defeated the 1297 A.D.
Flemings at Furnes, and how the king of England passed
into Flanders § 21.-How Pope Boniface deposed from
the cardinalate M. Jacopo and M. Piero della Colonna.
§ 22.-How Albert of Austria defeated and slew Adolf,
king of Germany, and how he was elected king of the
Romans.
1298 A. D.
Purg. vi.
97.
§ 23.-How the Colonnesi came to ask pardon of the 1298 A.D.
Pope, and afterwards rebelled a second time.
In the said year, in the month of September, nego-
ciations having taken place between Pope Boniface and
the Colonnesi, the said Colonnesi, both laymen and clergy,
came to Rieti, where the court was, and threw themselves
at the feet of the said Pope, asking pardon, who for-
gave them and absolved them from excommunication,
and desired them to surrender the city of Palestrina ; and
this they did, and he promised to restore them to their
state and dignity, which promise he did not fulfil, but
caused the said city of Palestrina to be destroyed from
the hill and stronghold where it was, and a new city to
{ ་
1.
318
67-111.
be built on the plain, to which the name of the Civita
Papale was given; and all this false and fraudulent
treaty the Pope made by the counsel of the count of
Inf. xxvii. Montefeltro, then a minor friar, when he said the evil
word "ample promise and scant fulfilment." The said
Colonnesi, finding themselves deceived in that which had
been promised to them, and the noble fortress of Pales-
trina destroyed by the said deceit, before the year was
ended rebelled against the Pope and the Church; and
the Pope excommunicated them again with heavy sen-
tence; wherefore, fearing lest they should be taken or
slain through the persecution of the said Pope, they de-
parted from the city of Rome and were dispersed, some
to Sicily, some to France and to other places, conceal-
ing themselves in one place after another so as not to
be recognised, and to the end no certain abiding-place
of theirs might be known, especially M. Jacopo and
M. Piero, which had been cardinals; and thus they con-
tinued in exile so long as the said Pope lived.
1298 A.D.
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
§ 24.-How the Genoese defeated the Venetians at sea.
$ 25. Of the great earthquakes that befell in certain
cities in Italy.
§ 26.-When the palace of the people of Florence was
begun, where dwell the Priors.
In the said year 1298, the commonwealth and people
of Florence began to build the Palace of the Priors, by
reason of the differences between the people and the
magnates, forasmuch as the city was always in jealousy
and commotion, at the election of the Priors afresh every
two months, by reason of the factions which had already
begun; and the Priors which ruled the city and all the
:
BOOK VIII. §§ 24-35
319
republic, did not feel themselves secure in their former 1298 A.D.
habitation, which was the house of the White Cerchi
behind the church of San Brocolo. And they built
the said palace where had formerly been the houses
of the Uberti, rebels against Florence, and Ghibellines;
and on the site of those houses they made a piazza, so
that they might never be rebuilt. And they bought
other houses from citizens, such as the Foraboschi,
and there built the said palace and the tower of the
priors, which was raised upon a tower which was more
than fifty cubits high, pertaining to the Foraboschi, and
called the Torre della Vacca. And to the end the said
palace might not stand upon the ground of the said.
Uberti, they which had the building of it set it up
obliquely; but for all that it was a grave loss not to
build it four-square, and further removed from the
church of San Piero Scheraggio.
$27.-How peace was made between the commonwealth 1299 A.D.
of Genoa and that of Venice. § 28.-How peace was
made between the commonwealth of Bologna and the
marquis of Este and Maghinardo da Sussinana by the
Florentines. § 29.-How King James of Aragon with
Ruggeri di Loria and with the armada of King Charles
defeated the Sicilians off Cape Orlando. § 30.-How
peace was made between the Genoese and Pisans. § 31.-
When the new walls of the city of Florence were begun
again. § 32.-How the king of France by his practices
got hold of all Flanders, and had the count and his sons
in prison. § 33.-How the king of France allied himself
with King Albert of Germany. § 34.-How the prince
of Taranto was defeated in Sicily. § 35.-How Ghazan,
lord of the Tartars, defeated the soldan of the Saracens,
and took the Holy Land in Syria.
To
320
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1300 A.D.
Cf. Purg.
ii. 98, 99.
Par. xxxi.
104-108.
Inf. xviii.
28-33.
1
$36.-How Pope Boniface VIII. gave pardons to alı
Christians which should go to Rome, in the year of the
iubilee, 1300.
In the year of Christ 1300, according to the birth of
Christ, inasmuch as it was held by many that after every
hundred years from the nativity of Christ, the Pope
which was reigning at the time granted great indul-
gences, Pope Boniface VIII., which then occupied the
apostolic chair, in reverence for the nativity of Christ,
granted supreme and great indulgence after this manner ;
that within the whole course of this said year, to what-
soever Roman should visit continuously for thirty days
the churches of the Blessed Apostles S. Peter and S.
Paul, and to all other people which were not Romans
which should do likewise for fifteen days, there should
be granted full and entire remission of all their sins, both
the guilt and the punishment thereof, they having made
or to make confession of the same. And for consolation
of the Christian pilgrims, every Friday and every solemn
feast day, was shown in S. Peter's the Veronica, the true
image of Christ, on the napkin. For the which thing, a
great number of the Christians which were living at that
time, women as well as men, made the said pilgrimage
from distant and divers countries, both from far and
near. And it was the most marvellous thing that was
ever seen, for throughout the year, without break, there
were in Rome, besides the inhabitants of the city,
200,000 pilgrims, not counting those who were coming
and going on their journeys; and all were suitably sup-
plied and satisfied with provisions, horses as well as
persons, and all was well ordered, and without tumult
or strife; and I can bear witness to this, for I was
present and saw it. And from the offerings made by
!
BOOK VIII. §§ 36-38.
321
·
*
the pilgrims much treasure was added to the Church, 1300 A.D.
and all the Romans were enriched by the trade. And I,
finding myself on that blessed pilgrimage in the holy
city of Rome, beholding the great and ancient things.
therein, and reading the stories and the great doings of
the Romans, written by Virgil, and by Sallust, and by
Lucan, and Titus Livius, and Valerius, and Paulus
Orosius, and other masters of history, which wrote alike
of small things as of great, of the deeds and actions of
the Romans, and also of foreign nations throughout the
world, myself to preserve memorials and give examples to
those which should come after took up their style and
design, although as a disciple I was not worthy of such
a work. But considering that our city of Florence, the
daughter and creature of Rome, was rising, and had great
things before her, whilst Rome was declining, it seemed
to me fitting to collect in this volume and new chronicle
all the deeds and beginnings of the city of Florence, in
so far as it has been possible for me to find and gather
them together, and to follow the doings of the Florentines
in detail, and the other notable things of the universe in
brief, as long as it shall be God's pleasure; in hope of
whose grace, rather than in my own poor learning, I
have undertaken the said enterprise; and thus in the
year 1300, having returned from Rome, I began to com-
pile this book, in reverence to God and the blessed
John, and in commendation of our city of Florence.
§ 37.-How Count Guido of Flanders and two sons of 1300 A.D.
his surrendered to the king of France, and how they were
deceived and cast into prison.
§ 38-How the parties of the Blacks and Whites first
began in the city of Pistoia.
Y
322
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1300 A.D.
In these times the city of Pistoia being in happy and
great and good estate, among the other citizens there was
one family very noble and puissant, not however of very
ancient lineage, which was called the Cancellieri, born of
one Ser Cancelliere, which was a merchant, and gained
much wealth, and by his two wives had many sons,
which by reason of their riches all became knights, and
men of worth and substance, and from them were born
many sons and grandsons, so that at this time they
numbered more than 100 men in arms, rich and puissant
and of many affairs, so that not only were they the
leading citizens of Pistoia, but they were among the
most puissant families of Tuscany. There arose among
them through their exceeding prosperity, and through
the suggestion of the devil, contempt and enmity, be-
tween them which were born of one wife against them
which were born of the other; and the one part took the
name of the Black Cancellieri, and the other of the
Whites, and this grew until they fought together, but it
was not any very great affair. And one of those on the
side of the White Cancellieri having been wounded, they
on the side of the Black Cancellieri, to the end they
might be at peace and concord with them, sent him
which had done the injury and handed him over to the
mercy of them which had received it, that they should
take amends and vengeance for it at their will; they on
the side of the White Cancellieri, ungrateful and proud,
having neither pity nor love, cut off the hand of him
which had been commended to their mercy on a horse
manger. By which sinful beginning, not only was the
house of the Cancellieri divided, but many violent
deaths arose therefrom, and all the city of Pistoia was
divided, for some held with one part and some with the
BOOK VIII. § 39
323
-
other, and they called themselves the Whites and the 1300 A.D.
Blacks, forgetting among themselves the Guelf and
Ghibelline parties; and many civil strifes and much
peril and loss of life arose therefrom in Pistoia; and
not only in Pistoia, but afterwards the city of Florence
and all Italy was contaminated by the said parties, as
hereafter we shall be able to understand and know.
The Florentines, fearing lest the said factions should stir
up rebellion in the city to the hurt of the Guelf party,
interposed to bring about an atonement between them,
and took the lordship of the city, and brought both
parties of the Cancellieri from Pistoia, and set them
under bounds at Florence. The Black party were kept
in the house of the Frescobaldi in Oltrarno, and the
White party in the house of the Cerchi in Garbo, through
kinship which there was between them. But like as one
sick sheep infects all the flock, thus this accursed seed
which came from Pistoia, being in Florence corrupted
all the Florentines, and first divided all the races and
families of the nobles, one part thereof holding to and
favouring one side, and the other the other, and after-
wards all the popolari. For the which cause and begin-
ning of strife not only were the Cancellieri not reconciled
together by the Florentines, but the Florentines by them
were divided and broken up, increasing from bad to
worse, as our treatise will hereafter make manifest.
$ 39.-How the city of Florence was divided and brought
to shame by the said White and Black parties.
In the said time, our city of Florence was in the 1300 A.D.
greatest and happiest state which had ever been since it
was rebuilt, or before, alike in greatness and power and
in number of people, forasmuch as there were more than
324
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1300 A.D.
Cf. Purg.
xxiv. 22.
30,000 citizens in the city, and more than 70,000 men
capable of arms in the country within her territory; and
she was great in nobility of good knights, and in free.
populace, and in riches, ruling over the greater part of
Tuscany; whereupon the sin of ingratitude, with the in-
stigation of the enemy of the human race, brought forth
from the said prosperity pride and corruption, which put
an end to the feasts and joyaunce of the Florentines.
For hitherto they had been living in many delights and
dainties, and in tranquillity and with continual banquets;
and every year throughout almost all the city on the first
day of May, there were bands and companies of men
and of women, with sports and dances. But now it came
to pass that through envy there arose factions among
the citizens; and one of the chief, and greatest began
in the sesto of offence, to wit of Porte San Piero,
between the house of the Cerchi, and the Donati; on
the one side through envy, and on the other through rude
ungraciousness. The head of the family of the Cerchi
was one M. Vieri dei Cerchi, and he and those of his
house were of great affairs, and powerful, and with great
kinsfolk, and were very rich merchants, so that their
company was among the largest in the world; these
were luxurious, inoffensive, uncultured and ungracious,
like folk come in a short time to great estate and
power. The head of the family of the Donati was M.
Corso Donati, and he and those of his house were
gentlemen and warriors, and of no superabundant riches,
but by many were called the Malefami. Neighbours
they were in Florence and in the country, and while the
one set was envious the other stood on their boorish
dignity, so that there arose from the clash a fierce scorn
between them, which was greatly inflamed by the ill
BOOK VIII. § 39
325
seed of the White and Black parties from Pistoia, as we 1300 A.D.
made mention in the last chapter. And the said Cerchi
were the heads of the White party in Florence, and with
them held almost all the house of the Adimari, save the
branch of the Cavicciuli ; all the house of the Abati, which
was then very powerful, and part of them were Guelf
and part were Ghibelline; a great part of the Tosinghi,
specially the branch of Baschiera; part of the house
of the Bardi, and part of the Rossi, and likewise some
of the Frescobaldi, and part of the Nerli and of the
Mannelli, and all the Mozzi, which then were very
powerful in riches and in estate; all those of the house
of the Scali, and the greater part of the Gherardini, all
the Malispini, and a great part of the Bostichi and
Giandonati, of the Pigli, and of the Vecchietti and
Arrigucci, and almost all the Cavalcanti, which were a
great and powerful house, and all the Falconieri which
were a powerful house of the people. And with them
took part many houses and families of popolani, and
lesser craftsmen, and all the Ghibelline magnates and
popolani; and by reason of the great following which
the Cerchi had, the government of the city was almost
all in their power. On the side of the Blacks were all
they of the house of the Pazzi, who may be counted with
the Donati as the chiefs, and all the Visdomini and all
the Manieri and Bagnesi, and all the Tornaquinci, and
the Spini and the Bondelmonti, and the Gianfigliazzi,
Agli, and Brunelleschi, and Cavicciuli, and the other
part of the Tosinghi, all that was left; and part of all the
Guelf houses named above, for those which were not
with the Whites held on the contrary with the Blacks.
And thus from the said two parties all the city of
Florence and its territory was divided and contaminated.
326
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1300 A.D. For the which cause, the Guelf party, fearing lest the said
parties should be turned to account by the Ghibellines,
sent to the court to Pope Boniface, that he might use
some remedy. For the which thing the said Pope sent
for M. Vieri de' Cerchi, and when he came before him,
he prayed him to make peace with M. Corso Donati and
with his party, referring their differences to him; and he
promised him to put him and his followers into great
and good estate, and to grant him such spiritual favours
as he might ask of him. M. Vieri, albeit he was in other
things a sage knight, in this was but little sage, and was
too obstinate and capricious, insomuch that he would
grant nought of the Pope's request; saying that he was
at war with no man; wherefore he returned to Florence,
and the Pope was moved with indignation against him
and against his party. It came to pass a little while
after that certain both of one party and of the other
were riding through the city armed and on their guard,
and with the party of the young Cerchi was Baldinaccio
• of the Adimari, and Baschiera of the Tosinghi, and
Naldo of the Gherardini, and Giovanni Giacotti Mali-
spini, with their followers, more than thirty on horseback;
and with the young Donati were certain of the Pazzi and
of the Spini, and others of their company. On the even-
ing of the first of May, in the year 1300, while they were
watching a dance of ladies which was going forward on
the piazza of Santa Trinità, one party began to scoff at
the other, and to urge their horses one against the other,
whence arose a great conflict and confusion, and many
were wounded, and, as ill-luck would have it, Ricoverino,
son of M. Ricovero of the Cerchi, had his nose cut off
his face; and through the said scuffle that evening all the
city was moved with apprehension and flew to arms. This
BOOK VIII. § 40
327
2
was the beginning of the dissensions and divisions in the 1300 A.D.
city of Florence and in the Guelf party, whence many ills
and perils followed on afterwards, as in due time we
shall make mention. And for this cause we have nar-
rated thus extensively the origin of this beginning of the
accursed White and Black parties, for the great and evil
consequences which followed to the Guelf party, and to
the Ghibellines, and to all the city of Florence, and also
to all Italy; and like as the death of M. Bondelmonte
the elder was the beginning of the Guelf and Ghibelline
parties, so this was the beginning of the great ruin of
the Guelf party and of our city. And note, that the 1299 A.D.
year before these things came to pass, the houses of the
commonwealth were built, which began at the foot of
the old bridge over the Arno, and extended towards the
fortress of Altafronte, and to do this they raised the
piles at the foot of the bridge, and they had of necessity
to move the statue of Mars; and whereas at the first it
looked towards the east, it was turned towards the
north, wherefore, because of the augury of old, folk said:
"May it please God that there come not great changes
therefrom to our city."
§ 40.-- How the Cardinal Acquasparta came as legate
from the Pope to make peace in Florence, and could not
do it.
1
By reason of the aforesaid events and the factions of 1300 A.D,
the White and Black parties, the captains of the Guelf
party and their council were fearful lest through the said
divisions and strifes the Ghibelline party might rise to
more power in Florence, which under the plea of good
government already seemed likely; and many Ghibellines
held to be good men were beginning to be set in office,
me
|
¡
1300 A.D.
Par. xii.
124.
A
!
328
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
and also those which held with the Black party; and to
recover their estate they sent ambassadors to the court
to Pope Boniface to pray him, for the good of the city
and for the party of the Church, to take some action.
For the which thing straightway the Pope appointed as
legate to follow up this matter Brother Matteo d'Acqua-
sparta, his cardinal bishop of Porto, of the Order of the
Minor Friars, and sent him to Florence, which came
there in the month of June following, in the said year
1300, and was received with great honour by the Floren-
tines. And when he had taken some repose in Flor-
ence, he craved jurisdiction from the commonwealth to
reconcile the Florentines together; and to the end he
might take away the said White and Black parties he
desired to reform the city, and to throw the offices open
again; and those which were of one part and of the
other which were worthy to be priors, their names were
to be put into a bag together, in each of the sesti, and
were to be drawn thence every two months, as chance
would have it; forasmuch as through the ill-will which
had arisen from the factions and divisions, there was
never an election of priors by the colleges of Consuls
of the Arts but that almost all the city was moved to up-
roar, and at times with great preparation of arms. They
of the White party which were at the head of the govern-
ment of the city, through fear of losing their estate, and
of being deceived by the Pope and the legate by means
of the said reformation, took the worse counsel, and
would not yield obedience; for the which thing the said
legate was offended, and returned to court, and left the
city of Florence excommunicate and under interdict.
BOOK VIII. § 41
329
#
§ 41.-Concerning the evils and dangers which followed
afterwards to our city.
When the legate was departed from Florence the city 1300 A.D.
remained in great turmoil and in evil state. It came to
pass in the month of December following that M. Corso
Donati went with his followers, and they of the house of
the Cerchi with their followers, to the burial of a lady of
the house of Frescobaldi; and when the two parties came
face to face, they were minded to assault one another,
wherefore all the folk which were at the burial rose in
uproar; and thus every one returned in flight to his own
house, and all the city flew to arms, and each of the
parties gathered a great assembly at their house. M.
Gentile dei Cerchi, Guido Cavalcanti, Baldinaccio and
Corso of the Adimari, Baschiera della Tosa, and Naldo
of the Gherardini, with their companions and followers
on horse and on foot, went in haste to Porte San Piero
to the house of the Donati, and not finding them at
Porte San Piero, hastened to San Piero Maggiore, where
was M. Corso with his companions and assembly, and
by them they were stoutly resisted and driven back and
wounded, to the shame and dishonour of the Cerchi and
of their followers; and for this they were condemned,
both the one party and the other, by the commonwealth.
A little while after, certain of the Cerchi were in the
country at Nepozzano and Pugliano at their country
homes and farms; and as they were returning to Flor-
ence, they of the house of the Donati, being assembled
with their friends at Remole, opposed their path, and
there were wounds and assaults both on one side and
on the other; for the which cause both one side and
the other were accused and condemned for the assem-
blage and assaults; and the greater part of those of the
330
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1300 A.D.
1300 A.D.
house of the Donati, not being able to pay their fine,
chose imprisonment, and were put under confinement.
The Cerchi desired to follow their example, for M.
Torrigiano dei Cerchi had said: "They shall not over-
come us in this wise, as they did the Tedaldini, eating
them up by fines"; so he induced his companions
to choose imprisonment, against the will of M. Vieri
dei Cerchi and of the other wise men of his house,
which knew the disposition and wantonness of their
youths; and it came to pass that a certain accursed Ser
Neri degli Abati, overseer of that prison, when eating
with them, set before them a present of poisoned ris-
soles, whereof they ate; whence in a little while, after
two days, two of the White and two of the Black Cerchi
died, and Pigello Portinari and Ferraino dei Bronci, and
for this no vengeance was taken.
$42. Of the same.
The city of Florence, being in such heat and dangers
from strifes and enmities, whence very often the city
was in uproar and at arms, M. Corso Donati, the Spini,
the Pazzi, and some of the Tosinghi and Cavicciuli, and
their followers, both magnates and popolani of their
faction of the Black party, with the captains of the Guelf
party, which were then of their mind and purpose,
assembled in the church of Santa Trinità, and there took
counsel and oath together to send ambassadors to the
court to Pope Boniface, to the end he might invite some
prince of the house of France, which should restore
them to their estate, and abase the Popolo and the White
party, and for this end to spend to their utmost power;
and thus they did, wherefore the news spreading through
the city through some report, the commonwealth and
BOOK VIII. §§ 42-43
331
L
.:
the people were much troubled, and inquisition was 1300 A.D.
made by the magistrates; wherefore M. Corso Donati,
which was leader in the matter, was condemned in
goods and in person; and the other leaders thereof, in
more than 20,000 pounds; and they paid them. And this
done, there were banished and set under bounds Sini-
baldi, brother of M. Corso, and some of his family, and
M. Rosso, and M. Rossellino della Tosa, and others
their companions; and M. Giacchinotto and M. Pazzino
dei Pazzi, and some of the younger members of their
families, and M. Geri Spini and some of his family, to the
village of the Pieve. And to still all anxiety the people
sent the chiefs of the other party out of the city and
placed them under bounds at Serrezzano; to wit, M. Gen-
tile, and M. Torrigiano and Carbone of the Cerchi, and
some of their companions, Baschiera della Tosa and some
of his family, Baldinaccio degli Adimari and some of his
family, Naldo dei Gherardini and some of his family,
Guido Cavalcanti and some of his family, and Giovanni
Giacotti Malespini. But this party abode less time under
bounds, forasmuch as they were recalled by reason of
the unhealthiness of the place, and Guido Cavalcanti
returned thence sick, whence he died; and he was a
great loss, seeing that he was a philosopher and a man
accomplished in many things, save only that he was too
sensitive and passionate. In such fashion was our city
guided in the storm.
*******************
Inf. x. 58-
69, 110,
III.
§ 43.-How Pope Boniface sent into France for M.
Charles of Valois.
When the legate, Brother Matteo d'Acquasparta, had 1300 A.D.
returned to the papal court, he informed Pope Boni-
face of the evil and uncertain condition of the city of
332
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
E
1300 A.D.
1301 A.D.
:
Florence; and afterwards, by reason of the things which
came to pass after the departure of the legate, as we
have said, and by reason of the importunity and free
expenditure of the captains of the Guelf party, and of
the aforesaid exiles which were at the village of the
Pieve hard by the court, and of M. Geri Spini (for he
and his company were merchants for Pope Boniface and
his general advisers), it came to pass that by their zeal and
industry, and by that of M. Corso Donati, who followed
the court wheresoever it went, the said Pope Boniface
took counsel to send for M. Charles of Valois, brother of
the king of France, with a double purpose; principally
for the aid of King Charles in his Sicilian war, giving
the king of France and the said M. Charles to understand
that he would cause him to be elected Emperor of the
Romans, and confirm the election, or at the least by the
authority of the Pope and of Holy Church would make
him imperial lieutenant for the Church in virtue of the
rights of the Church when the Empire is vacant; and
beyond this he gave him the title of Peacemaker in
Tuscany, to the end he might use all his force to bring
Florence to his purpose. And when he sent his legate
into France for the said M. Charles, the said M. Charles
by the will of the king, his brother, came, as we shall
hereafter make mention, in the hope of being Emperor,
because of the promises of the Pope, as we have said.
$ 44-How the Guelfs were driven from Agobbio,
and how they afterwards recovered the city and drove the
Ghibellines thence.
§ 45.-How the Black party were driven out of Pistoia.
In the year of Christ 1301, in the month of May, the
BOOK VIII. §§ 44-49
333
›
143.
White party in Pistoia, with the aid and favour of the 1301 A.D.
Whites which were governing the city of Florence, drove Inf. xxiv.
thence the Black party and destroyed their houses,
palaces and possessions, and among others a strong and
rich possession of palaces and towers which pertained to
the Black Cancellieri, which was called Damiata.
§ 46.-How the Interminelli and their followers were 1301 A.D.
driven out of Lucca. § 47.-How the Guelf refugees from
Genoa were peaceably restored. § 48.-How a comet
appeared in the heavens.
§ 49.-How M. Charles of Valois of France came to
Pope Boniface, and afterwards came to Florence and drove
out the White party.
In the said year 1301, in the month of September, 1301 A.D.
there came to the city of Alagna, in Campagna, where
was Pope Boniface with his court, Charles, count of
Valois, brother of the king of France, with many counts
and barons, and with 500 French horsemen in his
company, having taken the way from Lucca to Alagna
without entering into Florence for lack of trust therein;
which M. Charles was received with honour by the Pope
and his cardinals; and there came to Alagna King Charles
and his sons to speak with him and to do him honour;
and the Pope made him count of Romagna. And after
they had taken counsel and he had arranged with the Pope
and with King Charles the expedition into Sicily in the
following spring, which was the chief reason why he was
come from France, the Pope, not forgetting the anger he
had felt against the White party in Florence, and desirous
that Charles should not pass the winter in vain, gave him
the title of Peacemaker in Florence for the annoyance
334
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1301 A.D.
Purg. xx.
70-78.
of the Guelfs in Florence, and ordained that he should
return to the city of Florence. And thus he did, with
his followers and with many others, Florentines, Tuscans,
and Romagnese, refugees, and under bounds from their
cities, because they were of the party of the Black Guelfs.
And when he was come to Siena, and then to Staggia,
they which governed the city of Florence, being fearful
of his coming, held long counsel whether to allow him
to enter the city or no. And they sent ambassadors to
him, and he made answer with fair and friendly words,
saying that he was come for their good and well-being,
and to make peace among them; for the which thing
they which ruled the city (who, albeit they were of the
White party, called themselves and desired to remain
Guelf) determined to allow him to enter. And thus, on
the day of All Saints, 1301, M. Charles entered into
Florence with his followers unarmed, and the Floren-
tines did him great honour, coming to meet him in pro-
cession with many jousters bearing standards, and horses
draped in silk. And when he had reposed himself and
sojourned some days in Florence, he craved from the
commonwealth the lordship and charge of the city, and
authority to make peace among the Guelfs. And this
was assented to by the commonwealth, on the 5th day of
November, in the church of Santa Maria Novella, where
were assembled the Podestà, and captain, and priors, and
all the councillors and the bishop, and all the good
people of Florence; and when his demand had been
made, counsel and deliberation were held thereupon,
and the lordship and charge of the city was remitted to
him. And M. Charles, after his secretary had set the
matter forth, with his own mouth accepted it and swore
to it, and, as the king's son, promised to preserve the
BOOK VIII. § 49
335
.
city in peaceful and good state; and I, the writer, was 1301 A.D.
present at these things. And straightway the contrary
was done by him and by his followers, for, by the counsel
of M. Musciatto Franzesi, which was come from France
as his guide, and by agreement with the Black Guelfs,
he caused his followers to take arms, even before he
had returned to his house; for he abode in the house
of the Frescobaldi, in Oltrarno. Wherefore, when the
citizens saw this new sight of his horsemen in arms,
the city was all thrown into suspicion and alarm, and
both magnates and popolani took arms, each one in the
house of his friends as best he might, barricading the
city in divers parts. But in the house of the Priors but
few assembled, and the people was as good as without
a head, for the priors and they which ruled the common-
wealth saw that they were betrayed and deceived. In
the midst of this tumult, M. Corso de' Donati, which was
banished as a rebel, came that same day from Peretola
to Florence by agreement, with some following of certain
of his friends and foot-soldiers; and when the priors
and the Cerchi, his enemies, heard of his coming, M.
Schiatta de' Cancellieri, which was captain of 300 mer-
cenary horsemen for the commonwealth of Florence, came
to them and offered to go against the said M. Corso to
take him and to punish him; but M. Vieri, head of the
Cerchi, would not consent thereto, saying, "Let him
come," confiding in the vain hope that the people would
punish him. Wherefore the said M. Corso entered into
the suburbs of the city, and finding the gates of the old
circle shut, and not being able to enter, he came to the
postern of the Pinti, which was by the side of San Piero
Maggiore, between his houses and those of the Uccellini,
and finding that shut, he began to beat it down, and in
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CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1301 A.D.
like manner did his friends within, so that without diffi-
culty it was broken down. And when he had entered in
he stood in array upon the piazza of San Piero Maggiore,
and folk were added to him, with following of his friends,
crying, "Long live M. Corso!" and "Long live the
baron!" to wit, M. Corso himself, for so they named
him; and he, seeing his forces and followers to have
increased, the first thing that he did was to go to the
prisons of the commonwealth, which were in the houses
of the Bastari, in the street of the palace, and these he
opened by force, and set the prisoners free; and this
done, he did the like at the palace of the Podestà, and
then went on to the Priors, causing them for fear to lay
down the government and return to their homes. And
during all this destruction of the city M. Charles of
Valois and his people gave no counsel nor help, nor did
he keep the oath and promise made by him. Wherefore
the tyrants and malefactors and banished men which
were in the city took courage, and the city being un-
guarded and without government, they began to rob the
shops and places of merchandise and the houses which
pertained to the White party, or to any one that had not
the power to resist, slaying and wounding many persons,
good men of the White party. And this plague endured
in the city for five days continually, to the great ruin of
the city. And afterwards it continued in the country,
the troopers going on robbing and burning houses for
more than eight days, whereby a great number of beau-
tiful and rich possessions were destroyed and burned.
And when the said destruction and burning was ended,
M. Charles and his council reconstituted the city and
elected a government of Priors of the popolani of the
Black party. And in that same month of November
BOOK VIII. § 49
337
•
there came to Florence the aforesaid legate of the Pope, 1301 A.D.
Cardinal Matteo d'Acquasparta, to make peace among
the citizens; and he reconciled the houses of the Cerchi
and Adimari and their followers of the White party, and
the Donati and Pazzi and their followers of the Black
party, arranging marriages between them; and when he
desired to divide the offices among them, they of the
Black party with the forces of M. Charles would not
allow it, wherefore the legate was troubled, and returned
to court, leaving the city under an interdict. And
the said peace endured but little, for it came to pass
on the ensuing day of the feast of the Nativity, when
M. Niccola, of the White Cerchi, was on his way to
his farm and mills with his company on horseback,
as they were passing through the piazza of Santa Croce,
where preaching was going on, Simone, son of M. Corso
Donati, which was sister's son to the said M. Niccola,
urged and prompted to evil-doing, followed the said M.
Niccola with his companions and troopers on horse-
back; and when he came up with him at the Ponte
ad Affrico, he assailed him in combat; wherefore the
said M. Niccola, without fault or cause, not being on
his guard against his said nephew Simone, was slain
and dragged from his horse. But, as it pleased, God, the
punishment was prepared for the sin, for the said Simone
being struck in the side by the said M. Niccola, died
that same night; wherefore, albeit it was a just judg-
ment, yet it was held as a great loss, forasmuch as the
said Simone was the most finished and accomplished
youth of Florence, and would have come to greater
honour and state, and was all the hope of his father, M.
Corso; which, after his joyous return and victory, had, in
brief space, a sorrowful beginning of his future downfall.
+
A
Z
338
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1302 A.D.
-
And shortly after this time the city of Florence, not being
able to rest by reason of its being big with the poison of
the factions of White and Black, must needs bring forth
a woeful catastrophe; wherefore it came to pass in the
following April, after order and treaty made with the
Blacks, one of M. Charles' barons, which was called
Pierre Ferrand of Languedoc, entered on a plot with
them of the house of Cerchi, and with Baldinaccio of the
Adimari, and Baschiera of the Tosinghi, and Naldo Ghe-
rardini, and others of their followers of the White party,
making great promises of money and desiring them with
their followers and with their people to set him in great
estate and to betray M. Charles; concerning which letters
were written or forged with their seals, which, by the
said M. Pierre Ferrand, as had been arranged, were then
carried to M. Charles. For which thing the said leaders
of the White party, to wit, all of the house of the White
Cerchi of Porte San Piero, Baldinaccio and Corso of the
Adimari, with almost all the Bellincioni branch, Naldo
of the Gherardini, with his branch of the house, Baschi-
era of the Tosinghi, with his branch of the said house,
some of the house of the Cavalcanti, Giovanni Giacotto
Malispini and his allies, were cited; but they did not
appear, either for fear of the wrong deed they had com-
mitted, or for fear of losing their persons by reason of
the said treachery; rather did they depart from the city,
let go by their adversaries; and some went to Pisa,
and some to Arezzo and Pistoia, consorting with the
Ghibellines and the enemies of the Florentines. For the
which thing they were condemned by M. Charles as
rebels, and their palaces and goods in the city and in the
country destroyed; and the like with many of their follow-
ers, both magnates and popolani. And after this fashion
BOOK VIII. §§ 50-59
339
was abased and driven away the ungrateful and proud 1302 A.D.
party of the Whites, in company of many Ghibellines of
Florence, by M. Charles of Valois of France, by commis-
sion of Pope Boniface, on the 4th day of April, 1302,
whence there came to our city of Florence much ruin
and many perils, as hereafter, in due time, we shall, as
we read on, be able to understand.
$ 50.-How M. Charles of Valois passed into Sicily 1302 A.D.
to make war for King Charles, and made a shame-
ful peace. § 51.-How the band of Roumania was
formed. § 52.-How the Florentines and Lucchese
marched upon the city of Pistoia, and how they took the
castle of Serravalle by siege. § 53.-How the Florentines
took the castle of Piantrevigne and many other castles that
the Whites had caused to rebel. § 54.-How the island
of Ischia belched out a marvellous fire. § 55.-How the
common people of Bruges rebelled against the king of
France and slew the French. § 56.-Of the great and
disastrous rout of the French by the Flemings at Cour-
tray. § 57.-Of what lineage were the present counts
and lords of Flanders. § 58.-How the king of France
reassembled his host, and with all his forces attacked
the Flemings, and returned to France with little honour.
§ 59.-How Folcieri da Calvoli, Podestà of Florence,
caused certain citizens of the White party to be beheaded.
R
In the said year 1302, Folcieri da Calvoli of Romagna,
a fierce and cruel man, had been made Podestà of Flor-
ence, by the influence of the leaders of the Black party.
Now the said leaders lived in great trepidation, foras-
much as the White and Ghibelline party was very power-
ful in Florence, and the exiles were plotting every day
1302 A.D.
Purg, xiv.
58-66.
་
340.
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
1302 A.D. in treaty with their friends which had remained in
Florence. Wherefore the said Folcieri suddenly caused
certain citizens of the White party and Ghibellines to
be taken; which were, M. Betto Gherardini, and Masino
de' Cavalcanti, and Donato and Tegghia his brother,
of the Finiguerra da Sammartino, and Nuccio Coderini
de' Galigai, which was but half-witted, and Tignoso
de' Macci; and at the petition of M. Musciatto Fran-
zesi, which was among the lords of the city, there were
to have been taken certain heads of the house of the
Abati his enemies, but hearing this they fled and de-
parted from Florence, and never afterwards were citi-
zens thereof. And a certain sexton of the Calze was
among the prisoners, being charged with plotting
treachery in the city with the exiled Whites; and
whether guilty or not, he was made to confess under
torture that they were going to betray the city, and to
give up certain gates to the Whites and Ghibellines; but
the said Tignoso de' Macci, through weight of flesh, died
under the cord. All the other aforesaid prisoners he
judged, and caused them to be beheaded, and all of
the house of the Abati he condemned as rebels, and
destroyed their goods, whence the city was greatly dis-
turbed, and there followed many evils and scandals.
And in the said year there was much scarcity of victuals,
and grain was sold in Florence at twenty-two shillings
the bushel, reckoning fifty-one shillings to a golden florin.
1302 A.D.
1
§ 60.-How the White party and the Ghibelline refu-
gees from Florence came to Puliciano and departed thence
in discomfiture.
In the said year, in the month of March, the Ghibel-
line and White refugees from Florence, with the forces
BOOK VIII. § 60
34I
:
of the Bolognese which were in alliance with the White 1302 A. D.
party, and with the aid of the Ghibellines of Romagna
and of the Ubaldini, came to Mugello with 800 horse
and 6,000 foot, whereof Scarpetta degli Ordilaffi of Forlì
was captain. And they took the village and stronghold
of Puliciano without opposition, and besieged a fortress
which was there held by the Florentines, thinking there
to make a great head, and gather Mugello under their
rule, and afterwards to extend their forces as far as the
city of Florence. When the tidings come to Florence,
immediately they rode to Mugello, gentle and simple,
with all the forces of the city; and when they were
come to the village, and the Lucchese and other friends
were come also, they sallied forth in array and order
against the enemy; and when the horsemen of Bologna
heard of the sudden coming of the Florentines, and
found themselves deceived by the White refugees from
Florence, which had given them to understand that the
Florentines for fear of their friends which remained
within the city would not venture to sally forth from the
city, they held themselves to be betrayed, and in great
fear without any order they departed from Puliciano of
Mugello, and came to Bologna; wherefore the White
and Ghibelline refugees were routed and dispersed, and
departed by night without stroke of sword as if defeated,
leaving all their harness, and many of them threw away
their arms, and some of the best of them were slain, or
taken by certain scouts which were sent on in advance.
Among the other notable and honourable citizens and
ancient Guelfs which had become Whites, there was
taken M. Donato Alberti, the judge, and Nanni de'
Ruffoli of the Porte del Vescovo. After Nanni had been
taken, he was slain by one of the Tosinghi; and Donato
N
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CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1302 A.D.
1302 A.D.
Alberti had his head cut off, by that same law which he
had made and introduced into the Ordinances of Justice,
when he was ruling and was prior. And with the said
M. Donato Alberti were taken prisoner and beheaded
two of the Caponsacchi, and one of the Scogliari, and
Lapo di Cipriani, and Nerlo degli Adimari, and about
ten others of little account; by reason of which rout the
White and the Ghibelline refugees were much cast down.
§ 61.-Incident, relating how M. Maffeo Visconti was
driven from Milan.
In the said year 1302, on the 16th day of June, M.
Maffeo Visconti, captain of Milan, was driven from his
lordship; and this was the cause: he and his sons
desired to govern Milan entirely, and to give no share of
honour to M. Piero Visconti, and to others his kinsmen,
and to other cattani and feudatories. For the which
cause scandal arose in Milan, and the lords della Torre,
with the forces of the patriarch of Aquilea, came with
a great host against Milan, and with them M. Alberto
Scotti da Piacenza, and Count Filippone da Pavia, and
M. Antonio da Foseraco of Lodi. M. Maffeo sallied
forth against them, but because of the strife which he
had with his kinsmen, he was ill-supported, and had
not sufficient power against his enemies; wherefore M.
Alberto Scotti undertook the office of mediator to make
peace, and deceived and betrayed M. Maffeo, who
trusted himself to him; for he deposed him from the office
of captain, wherefore M. Maffeo for shame would not re-
turn to Milan; but the lords della Torre were restored to
Milan without a battle, and M. Mosca and M. Guidetto
di M. Nappo della Torre remained lords of Milan.
And M. Mosca dying a little while after, the said M.
BOOK VIII. § 61
343
Guidetto caused himself to be proclaimed captain of 1302 A.D.
Milan, and ruled harshly, and was much dreaded and
feared, and so persecuted the said M. Maffeo and his
sons that he brought them well-nigh to nought, and they
were fain to go begging through many places and coun-
tries; and in the end for their security they took refuge
in a little castle in the territory of Ferrara, which per-
tained to the marquises of Este, their kinsfolk, inasmuch
as Galeasso, son to Maffeo, had for wife the sister of the
marquis. And when M. Guidetto della Torre, which was
captain of Milan, and his enemy heard this, he desired
news of him and of his state, and said to a wise and clever
jongleur: "If thou desirest to gain a palfrey and a
mantle of vair, go to the place where M. Maffeo Visconti
abides, and spy out his state." And in mockery of him
he said: "When thou takest leave of him, ask him two
questions: first, ask him how he fares and what manner
of life is his; secondly, when he thinks to return to
Milan." The minstrel departed and came to M. Maffeo,
and found him very meanly furnished, compared with his
former state; and on departing from him, he asked his
aid in getting a palfrey and a mantle of vair; and he
answered, he would aid him gladly, but he might not
have them from him, for he had none such. Then he
said: "It is not from you that I would have them, but
answer me two questions which I shall put to you";
and he told the two questions wherewith he had been
charged. The wise man understood from whom they
came, and straightway made answer very wisely. To
the first he said: "Methinks I fare well, forasmuch as
I know how to live after the times"; to the second he
answered and said: "Thou shalt say to thy lord, M.
Guidetto, that when the measure of his sins is greater
+

344
CHRONICLE ÓF VILLANI
1302 A.D. than mine, I will return to Milan.” And when the
jongleur was' come back to M. Guidetto, and had brought
the answer, he said: "Aye, thou hast earned the pal
frey and the mantle, for those are the words of none
other than the wise M. Maffeo:”
§ 62.-How there arose strife and enmity between Pope
Boniface and King Philip of France.
In the said time, albeit some while before the defeat
of Courtray, the king of France had become angered
against Pope Boniface, by reason of the promise which
the said Pope had made to the king, and to M. Charles
of Valois, his brother, to make him Emperor, when he
sent for him, as afore we made mention; which thing he
did not fulfil, be the cause what it might. Nay, rather
in the same year he had confirmed as king of the
Romans Albert of Austria, son of King Rudolf, for
vi. 97-117. the which thing the king of France held himself to be
Cf. Purg.
greatly deceived and betrayed by him, and in his wrath
he entertained and did honour to Stefano della Colonna,
his enemy, which was come to France on hearing of the
discord which had arisen; and the king to the best of
his power favoured him and his followers. And beyond
this, the king caused the bishop of Pamiers, in the dis-
trict of Carcassone, to be taken prisoner on charge of
being a Paterine; and he spent the revenues of every
vacant bishopric, and would confer the investitures him
self. Wherefore Pope Boniface, which was proud and
disdainful, and bold in doing all great things, of high
purposes and powerful, as he was and as he held himself
to be, beholding these outrages on the part of the king,
added indignation to ill-will, and became wholly an
enemy to the king of France. And at first, to establish
1302 A.D.
Cf. Purg.
xxxii.
148-160.
BOOK VIII. § 62
345
his rights, he caused all the great prelates of France to 1302 A.D.
be invited to his court; but the king of France opposed
them, and would not let them go, wherefore the Pope
was the more greatly incensed against the king, and
would have it, according to his privilege and decrees,
that the king of France, like other Christian princes,
ought to acknowledge the temporal as well as the
spiritual sovereignty of the Apostolic Chair; and for
this he sent into France as his legate a Roman priest,
archdeacon of Narbonne, that he might protest against
and admonish the king under pain of excommunication to
comply thereto, and acknowledge him; and if he would
not do this, he was to excommunicate him and leave
him under an interdict. And when the said legate came
to the city of Paris, the king would not allow him to
publish his letters and privileges, nay rather they were
taken from him by the king's people, and he himself
was dismissed from the realm. And when the said papal
letters came before the king and his barons in the
temple, the Count d'Artois, which was then living, threw
them into the fire and burnt them in despite, whence
great judgment came upon him; and the king ordered
that all the entrances to his kingdom should be guarded,
so that no message nor letter from the Pope should enter
into France. When Pope Boniface heard this, he pro-
nounced sentence of excommunication against the said
Philip, king of France; and the king of France to
justify himself, and to make his appeal, summoned in
Paris a great council of clerics and prelates and of all
his barons, excusing himself, and bringing many charges
against Pope Boniface of heresy, and simony, and mur-
ders, and other base crimes, by reason whereof he ought
to be deposed from the papacy. But the abbot of
346
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
0
1302 A.D. Citeaux would not consent to the appeal, rather he
departed, and returned into Burgundy in despite of the
king of France. In such wise began the strife between
Pope Boniface and the king of France, which had after-
wards so ill an end; whence afterwards arose great strife
between them, and much evil followed thereupon, as
hereafter we shall make mention.
1303 A.D.
Purg. xx.
85-90.
In these times there came to pass a very notable
thing in Florence, for Pope Boniface having presented
to the commonwealth of Florence a fine young lion,
which was confined by a chain in the court of the palace
of the Priors, there came in thither an ass laden with
wood, which when it saw the said lion, either through
the fear he had of him or through a miracle, straightway
attacked the lion fiercely, and so struck him with his
hoofs that he died, notwithstanding the help of many
men which were there present. This was held for a
sign of great changes to come, and such like, which
certainly came to pass to our city in these times. But
certain of the learned said that the prophecy of the
Sibyl was fulfilled where she said: "When the tame
beast shall slay the king of beasts, then will begin the
destruction of the Church"; and this was shortly made
manifest in Pope Boniface himself, as will be found in
the chapter following.
§ 63.-How the king of France caused Pope Boniface
to be seized in Anagna by Sciarra della Colonna, whence
the said Pope died a few days afterwards.
After the said strife had arisen between Pope Boni-
face and King Philip of France, each one sought to
abase the other by every method and guise that was
possible: the Pope sought to oppress the king of France
i
347
BOOK VIII. § 63
with excommunications and by other means to deprive 1303 A.D.
him of the kingdom; and with this he favoured the
Flemings, his rebellious subjects, and entered into nego-
tiations with King Albert of Germany, encouraging him
to come to Rome for the Imperial benediction, and to
cause the Kingdom to be taken from King Charles,
his kinsman, and to stir up war against the king of
France on the borders of his realm on the side of Ger-
many. The king of France, on the other hand, was not
asleep, but with great caution, and by the counsel of
Stefano della Colonna and of other sage Italians, and
men of his own realm, sent one M. William of Nogaret
of Provence, a wise and crafty cleric, with M. Mus-
ciatto Franzesi, into Tuscany, furnished with much
ready money, and with drafts on the company of the
Peruzzi (which were then his merchants) for as much
money as might be needed; the Peruzzi not know-
ing wherefore. And when they were come to the
fortress of Staggia, which pertained to the said M.
Musciatto, they abode there long time, sending ambas-
sadors and messages and letters; and they caused people
to come to them in secret, giving out openly that they
were there to treat concerning peace between the Pope
and the king of France, and that for this cause they
had brought the said money; and under this colour they
conducted secret negotiations to take Pope Boniface
prisoner in Anagna, spending thereupon much money,
corrupting the barons of the country and the citizens of
Anagna; and as it had been purposed, so it came to
pass; for Pope Boniface being with his cardinals, and
with all the court, in the city of Anagna, in Campagna,
where he had been born, and was at home, not think-
ing or knowing of this plot, nor being on his guard, or
;
348
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
1303 A.D. if he heard anything of it, through his great courage
not heeding it, or perhaps, as it pleased God, by rea
son of his great sins, in the month of September,
1303, Sciarra della Colonna, with his mounted followers,
to the number of 300, and many of his friends on foot,
paid by money of the French king, with troops of
the lords of Ceccano and of Supino, and of other
barons of the Campagna, and of the sons of M. Maffio
d'Anagna, and, it is said, with the consent of some of
the cardinals which were in the plot, one morning
early entered into Anagna, with the ensigns and stan-
dards of the king of France, crying: "Death to Pope
Boniface! Long life to the king of France!" And they
rode through the city without any hindrance, or rather,
well-nigh all the ungrateful people of Anagna followed
the standards and the rebellion; and when they came to
the Papal Palace, they entered without opposition and
took the palace, forasmuch as the present assault was
not expected by the Pope and his retainers, and they
were not upon their guard. Pope Boniface-hearing the
uproar, and seeing himself forsaken by all his cardinals,
which were fled and in hiding (whether through fear
or through set malice), and by the most part of his
servants, and seeing that his enemies had taken the
city and the palace where he was gave himself up
for lost, but like the high-spirited and valorous man
he was, he said: "Since, like Jesus Christ, I am willing
to be taken and needs must die by treachery, at the
least I desire to die as Pope"; and straightway he
caused himself to be robed in the mantle of S. Peter,
and with the crown of Constantine on his head, and
with the keys and the cross in his hand, he seated him-
self upon the papal chair. And when Sciarra and the
BOOK VIII. § 63
349
C.
!
others, his enemies, came to him, they mocked at him 1303 A.D.
with vile words, and arrested him and his household
which had remained with him; among the others, M.
William of Nogaret scorned him, which had conducted
the negotiations for the king of France, whereby he
had been taken, and threatened him, saying that he
would take him bound to Lyons on the Rhone, and
there in a general council would cause him to be
deposed and condemned. The high-spirited Pope
answered him, that he was well pleased to be con-
demned and deposed by Paterines such as he, whose
father and mother had been burnt as Paterines ; whereat
M. William was confounded and put to shame. But
afterwards, as it pleased God, to preserve the holy
dignity of the Popes, no man dared to touch him, nor
were they pleased to lay hands on him, but they left
him robed under gentle ward, and were minded to rob
the treasure of the Pope and of the Church. In this
pain, shame and torment the great Pope Boniface abode
prisoner among his enemies for three days; but, like as
Christ rose on the third day, so it pleased Him that
Pope Boniface should be set free; for without entreaty
or other effort, save the Divine aid, the people of
Anagna beholding their error, and issuing from their
blind ingratitude, suddenly rose in arms, crying: "Long
live the Pope and his household, and death to the
traitors"; and running through the city they drove out
Sciarra della Colonna and his followers, with loss to
them of prisoners and slain, and freed the Pope and his
household. Pope Boniface, seeing himself free, and his
enemies driven away, did not therefore rejoice in any
wise, forasmuch as the pain of his adversity had so
entered into his heart and clotted there; wherefore he
;
350
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1303 A.D. departed straightway from Anagna with all his court,
and came to Rome to S. Peter's to hold a council, pur-
posing to take the heaviest vengeance for his injury and
that of Holy Church against the king of France, and
whosoever had offended him; but, as it pleased God,
the grief which had hardened in the heart of Pope
Boniface, by reason of the injury which he had received,
produced in him, after he was come to Rome, a strange
malady, so that he gnawed at himself as if he were mad,
and in this state he passed from this life on the 12th
day of October in the year of Christ 1303, and in the
church of S. Peter, near the entrance of the doors, in
a rich chapel which was built in his lifetime, he was
honourably buried.
Inf. xix.
52-57.
1303 A.D.
§ 64. We will further tell of the ways of Pope Boni-
face.
This Pope Boniface was very wise both in learning
and in natural wit, and a man very cautious and ex-
perienced, and of great knowledge and memory; very
haughty he was, and proud, and cruel towards his
enemies and adversaries, and was of a great heart, and
much feared by all people; and he exalted and in-
creased greatly the estate and the rights of Holy Church,
and he commissioned M. Guglielmo da Bergamo and
M. Ricciardi of Siena, who were cardinals, and M. Dino
Rosoni of Mugello, all of them supreme masters in laws
and in decretals, together with himself, for he too was a
great master in divinity and in decretals, to draw up the
Sixth Book of the Decretals, which is as it were the
light of all the laws and the decretals. A man of large
schemes was he, and liberal to folk which pleased him,
and which were worthy, very desirous of worldly pomp.
BOOK VIII. § 64
351
according to his estate, and very desirous of wealth, not 1303 A.D.
scrupulous, nor having very great or strict conscience
about every gain, to enrich the Church and his nephews. Par. xxx.
148.
He made many of his friends and confidants cardinals in
his time, among others two very young nephews, and his
uncle, his mother's brother; and twenty of his relations.
and friends of the little city of Anagna, bishops and
archbishops of rich benefices; and to another of his
nephews and his sons, which were counts, as we afore
made mention, to them he left almost unbounded riches;
and after the death of Pope Boniface, their uncle,
they were bold and valiant in war, doing vengeance
upon all their neighbours and enemies, which had be-
trayed and injured Pope Boniface, spending largely,
and keeping at their own cost 300 good Catalan
horsemen, by force of which they subdued almost all
the Campagna and the district of Rome. And if Pope
Boniface, while he was alive, had believed that they
could be thus bold in arms and valorous in war, cer-
tainly he would have made them kings or great lords.
And note, that when Pope Boniface was taken prisoner,
tidings thereof were sent to the king of France by many
couriers in a few days, through great joy; and when the
first couriers arrived at Sion, beyond the mountain of
Brieg [Sion under Brieg], the bishop of Sion, which then
was a man of pure and holy life, when he heard the
news was, as it were, amazed, and abode some while in
silent contemplation, by reason of the wonderment which
took him at the capture of the Pope; and coming to
himself he said aloud, in the presence of many good
folk: "The king of France will rejoice greatly on hear-
ing these tidings, but I have it by Divine inspiration,
that for this sin he is judged by God, and that great and
352
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1303 A.D. Strange perils and adversities, with shame to him and
his lineage, will overtake him very swiftly, and he and
his sons will be cast out from the inheritance of the
realm." And this we learned a little while after, when
we passed by Sion, from persons worthy of belief,
which were present to hear. Which sentence was a
prophecy in all its parts, as afterwards the truth will
show, in due time, when we narrate the doings of the
said king of France and of his sons. And the judgment
of God is not to be marvelled at; for, albeit Pope Boni-
face was more worldly than was fitting to his dignity,
and had done many things displeasing to God, God
caused him to be punished after the fashion that we
have said, and afterwards He punished the offender
against him, not so much for the injury against the
person of Pope Boniface, as for the sin committed
against the Divine Majesty, whose countenance he repre-
sented on earth. We will leave this matter, which is
now ended, and will turn back somewhat to relate of the
doings of Florence and of Tuscany, which were very
great in those times.
1303 A.D.
•
$65.-How the Florentines had the castle of Montale,
and how they marched upon Pistoia together with the
Lucchese. §.66.How Benedict XI. was elected Pope.
•
§ 67.-How King Edward of England recovered Gas-
cony and defeated the Scots.
In this year Edward, king of England, made peace with
King Philip of France, and recovered Gascony, doing
homage to him therefor; and to this the king of France
consented, by reason of the contest which he had with
the Church after the capture which he had made of
BOOK VIII. §§ 65-68
353
Pope Boniface, and by reason of the war in Flanders, to
the intent the said king of England might not be against
him. And in this same year, the said King Edward
being ill, the Scots marched into England, for which
cause the king had himself borne in a litter, and went
out with the host against the Scots, and defeated them,
and became lord over all the lands of Scotland, save
only the marshes and rugged mountains, wherein the
rebel Scots had taken refuge with their king, which was
named Robert Bruce, which, from lowly birth, had risen
to be king.
§ 68.-How there were in Florence great changes and
civic battles through desire that the accounts of the com-
monwealth should be examined.
*
-
1303 A.D.
Par. xix.
121-123.
In the said year 1303, in the month of February, the 1303 A. D.
Florentines were in great discord among themselves, by
reason that M. Corso Donati did not consider that he
was so great in the commonwealth as he desired, and
thought himself worthy to be; and the other magnates
and powerful popolani of his Black party had gotten
more authority in the commonwealth than seemed to
him good; and being already at enmity with them, either
through pride, or through envy, or through desire of
lordship, he made a new faction, leaguing himself with
the Cavalcanti, whereof the most part were Whites, say-
ing that he desired that the public accounts of those
which had held office, and had administered the monies
of the commonwealth, should be examined; and they
made their head M. Lottieri, bishop of Florence, which
was of the family of the Tosa of the White branch, with
certain magnates, against the priors and the people;
and there was fighting in the city in many places
A A
1
354
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1303 A.D. and for many days, and they set engines in many
towers and strongholds of the city after the ancient
manner, which should hurl missiles and shoot at each
other; and upon the towers of the Bishop's Palace they
raised a mangonel directed against his enemies hard by.
The priors strengthened themselves with people and
men-at-arms of the city and of the country, and boldly
defended the palace, for many assaults and attacks were
made upon them; and the house of the Gherardini
held with the people, with a great following of their
friends from the country; and likewise the house of the
Pazzi, and of the Spini and M. Tegghiaio Frescobaldi
with his branch of the family, which were a great aid
to the people; and M. Lotteringo de' Gherardini was
slain by an arrow in a battle which was fought in Porte
Sante Marie. Other houses of the magnates did not
hold with the people, but some were with the bishop
and with M. Corso, and some which liked him not
stood apart from the strife. For the which dissension
and civil fighting much evil was committed in the city
and in the country, of murders, and burnings, and rob-
beries, as in a city ungoverned and disordered, without
any rule from the government, save that each should
do all possible harm to the other; and the city was all
full of refugees, and strangers, and folk from the country,
each house with its own following; and the city would
have utterly destroyed itself had not the Lucchese.
come to Florence at the request of the commonwealth,
with great number of foot and horse; who took in
hand the matter, and the guardianship of the city, and
general authority was of necessity given to them, so that
for sixteen days they freely ruled the city, issuing a
proclamation on their own authority. And when the
•
1
BOOK VIII. § 68
355
..
→
proclamation was made throughout the city in the name 1303 A.D.
of the commonwealth of Lucca, it seemed evil to many
Florentines, and a great outrage and wrong; wherefore one
Ponciardo de' Ponci di Vacchereccia struck the herald
from Lucca in the face with his sword while he was reading
the proclamation, for which cause afterwards they sent forth
no more proclamations in their own name; but so wrought
that at last they quieted the uproar and caused each party
to lay down arms, and restored the city to quiet, calling
for new priors to promote peace, the people remaining
in its estate and liberty; and they inflicted no punishment
for misdeeds committed, but whoever had suffered wrong
had to bear his loss. And in addition to the said plague
there was great famine that year, and grain was worth
more than twenty-six shillings the bushel, level measure,
of fifty-two shillings to the golden florin; and if it had
not been that the commonwealth and the rulers in the
city had made provision beforehand, and had caused to
be brought by the hand of the Genoese from Sicily and
from Apulia full 26,000 bushels of grain, the citizens
and the country people could not have escaped from
famine and this traffic in grain was, with others, one of
the causes why they desired to examine the accounts of
the commonwealth, by reason of all the money which
was passing; and certain, whether rightly or wrongly,
were spoken evil of and blamed thereanent. And this
adversity and peril of our city was not without the judg
ment of God, by reason of many sins committed through
the pride and envy and avarice of our then living citizens,
which were then ruling the city, and alike of the rebels
therein, as of those which were governing, for they were
great sinners, nor was this the end thereof, as hereafter
in due time may be seen.
:
*****
356
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1303 A.D.
§ 69.-How the Pope sent into Florence as legate the
Cardinal da Prato to make peace, and how he departed
thence in shame and confusion.
During the said discord among the Florentines, Pope
Benedict, with good intent, sent to Florence the
Cardinal da Prato as legate to set the Florentines at
peace one with another, and likewise with their exiles
and all the province of Tuscany; and he came to
Florence, on the tenth day of the month of March, 1303,
and was received by the Florentines with great honour
and with great reverence, as by men who felt themselves
to be divided and in evil state; and those which had
the disposition and desire to live rightly, loved peace
and concord, and it was the contrary with the others.
This Cardinal Niccolo, of the land of Prato, was a
preaching friar, very wise in learning, and of natural
intelligence, subtle and sagacious, and cautious, and very
experienced; and by descent he was of the Ghibellines,
and it was afterwards seen that he favoured them greatly;
albeit at the first he showed good and impartial inten-
tions. When he was in Florence, in a public sermon
and discourse in the piazza of San Giovanni, he showed
forth his privileges as legate, and made manifest his
intention, by command of the Pope, of setting the
Florentines at peace one with another.
The good
popolani which ruled the city, seeing themselves in
evil estate by reason of the disturbances and riots and
strifes, brought about in those times by the magnates
against the people to abase and undo them, took part
with the cardinal in the desire for peace; and by
way of reconstruction of the Occasional Councils, they
gave him full and free right to set the citizens at peace
one with another within the city, and with their exiles
BOOK VIII. § 69
357
without, and to appoint the priors and gonfaloniers and 1303 A.D.
rulers of the city at his pleasure. And this done, he
gave his mind to making peace among the citizens, and
renewed the order of the nineteen gonfaloniers of the
companies after the fashion of the ancient Popolo of old,
and he summoned the gonfaloniers and gave them the
banners after the fashion and devices that still are, save
that they bore not the label of the arms of the king in
chief. And by reason of these reforms of the cardinal the
people were much heartened and strengthened, and the
magnates were brought low, so that they never ceased
trying to bring about changes and to hinder the cardinal
to the end they might disturb the peace, that the Whites
and the Ghibellines might not have state nor power to
return to Florence, and that they themselves might enjoy
their goods which had been confiscated as of rebels, both
in the city and in the country. For all this the cardinal
did not cease from pursuing peace, with the aid and
favour of the people, and he caused twelve plenipoten-
tiaries of the exiles to come into Florence, two for each Cf. Epis-
tola i.
sesto, one from amongst the chief Whites and one
Ghibelline; and he had them to sojourn in the Borgo di
San Niccolo, and the legate sojourned in the palaces of
the Mozzi of S. Gregorio, and often he had them to take
counsel with the leaders of the Guelfs and of the Blacks
in Florence to find out means and security of peace, and
to order relations between the exiles, and the nobles
within. In these negotiations it seemed to the powerful
Guelfs and Blacks that the cardinal was too much sup-
porting the side of the Whites and of the Ghibellines, and
they took counsel subtly to the end they might disturb
the negotiations, to send a counterfeit letter, with the
seal of the cardinal, to Bologna and into Romagna, to his
358
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1303 A.D. friends the Ghibellines and the Whites, that they should,
without any hindrance or delay, come to Florence with
men in arms on horse and on foot to his aid; and some
say withal that it was true that the cardinal sent it;
wherefore some of those people came as far as Trespiano
and some to Mugello. By which coming there arose
in Florence great murmuring and ill-feeling, and the
legate was much blamed and reproached therefor; and
he, whether he were guilty or no, denied it to the people.
Through which ill-feeling, and also through fear of suffer-
ing harm, the twelve White and Ghibelline plenipoten-
tiaries departed from Florence and came to Arezzo, and
the people which had come to the legate, by his command
returned to Bologna and to Romagna, and the ill-will
was somewhat quieted in Florence. Those which were
ruling the city counselled the cardinal that, to avoid
suspicion, he should go to Prato, and should reconcile
the citizens thereof among themselves, and likewise the
Pistoians, and in the meanwhile in Florence a way might
be found of making general peace with the exiles. The
cardinal, not being able to do otherwise, did this, and,
whether in good faith or no, went to Prato and re-
quested the inhabitants to trust in him, and he would
reconcile them. Now the leaders of the Black party and
of the Guelfs of Florence marked the ways of the car-
dinal, how that he greatly favoured the Ghibellines and
Whites and would fain restore them to Florence, and
saw likewise that the people followed him; wherefore
they feared it might turn out perilous to the Guelf party,
and ōrdained with the Guazzalotti of Prato, a powerful
house of the Black party, and strong Guelfs, to bring to
pass in Prato a schism and riot against the cardinal, and
to raise a tumult in the city; wherefore the cardinal,
•
BOOK VIII. § 69
359
seeing the inhabitants of Prato to be ill-disposed, and 1303 A.D.
fearing for his person, departed from Prato, and excom-
municated the inhabitants, and laid the city under
interdict, and came to Florence, and proclaimed war
against Prato, and offered remission of sins and of
penalties to whosoever would march against Prato; and
many citizens prepared to go thither on horse and on
foot, folk that were, in faith, more Ghibelline than Guelf,
and they went as far as Campi. In this assembling of
the host much folk gathered in Florence of folk from the
country and foreigners, and the fear and jealousy of the
Guelfs began to increase; wherefore many which at the
first had held with the cardinal, changed their purpose
through the turbulence which they observed; and the
magnates of the Black party, and likewise they which
were temporising with the cardinal, furnished them-
selves with arms and with men, and the city was all in
disorder, and they were ready to fight one another.
The cardinal legate, seeing that he could not carry
out his purpose of leading an army against Prato, and
that the city of Florence was disposed to civil strife,
and that of those which had held with him, some were
now against him, became fearful and uneasy, and
suddenly departed from Florence on the 4th day of
June, 1304, saying to the Florentines : Seeing that
ye desire to be at war and under a curse, and do not
desire to hear or to obey the messenger of the vicar of
God, or to have rest or peace among yourselves, abide.
with the curse of God and of Holy Church"; thus he
excommunicated the citizens, and left the city under an
interdict, whence it was held, that by this curse, whether
just or unjust, there fell judgment and great peril on our
city through the adversities and perils which came to
(C
Cf. Inf.
x. 79-81.
360
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1304 A.D.
Cf. Inf.
vi. 36.
pass therein but a short time after, as hereafter we shall
make mention.
§ 70.-How the bridge of Carraia fell, and how many
people died there.
In this same time that the Cardinal da Prato was in
Florence, and was beloved by the people and by the
citizens, who hoped that he might set them at peace
one with another, on the first day of May, 1304, just
as in the good old times of the tranquil and good estate
of Florence, it had been the custom for companies and
bands of pleasure-makers to go through the city re-
joicing and making merry, so now again they assembled
and met in divers parts of the city; and one district
vied with the other which could invent and do the
best. Among others, as of old was the custom, they
of Borgo San Friano were wont to devise the newest
and most varied pastimes; and they sent forth a pro-
clamation that whosoever desired news of the other
world should come on the 1st day of May upon the
Carraia Bridge, and beside the Arno; and they erected
upon the Arno a theatre upon boats and vessels, and
thereupon they made the similitude and figure of hell,
with fires and other pains and sufferings, with men dis-
guised as demons, horrible to behold, and others which
had the appearance of naked souls, which seemed to be
persons, and they were putting them to the said divers
torments, with loud cries, and shrieks, and tumult, which
seemed hateful and fearful to hear and to see; and by
reason of this new pastime there came many citizens to
look on, and the Carraia Bridge, which then was of wood
from pile to pile, was so burdened with people that it
gave way in many places, and fell with the people
BOOK VIII. §§ 70-71
361
1
which were upon it, wherefore many were killed and 1304 A.D.
drowned, and many were maimed; so that the pastime
from sport became earnest, and, as the proclamation had
said, many by death went to learn news of the other
world, with great lamentation and sorrow to all the city,
for each one believed he must have lost his son or his
brother there; and this was a sign of future ill, which in
a short time should come to our city through the exceed-
ing wickedness of the citizens, as hereafter we shall make
mention.
1
$ 71.-How Florence was set on fire, and a great part
of the city burnt.
When the Cardinal da Prato had departed from Flor- 1304 A.D.
ence after the manner aforesaid, the city was left in evil
state and in great confusion; for there was the party
which held with the cardinal, whereof were leaders the
Cavalcanti and the Gherardini, the Pulci and the White
Cerchi of the Garbo, which were merchants of Pope
Benedict, with a following of many houses of the people,
(which feared the magnates might break up the Popolo
if they got the government), from among the leading
houses and families of the popolani of Florence, such
as the Magalotti, and Mancini, Peruzzi, Antellesi, and
Baroncelli, and Acciaiuoli, and Alberti, Strozzi, Ricci,
and Albizzi, and many others; and they were well pro-
vided with foot-soldiers and with men-at-arms. On
the contrary part, to wit, the Blacks, the leaders were
M. Rosso della Tosa, with his branch of Blacks, M.
Pazzino de' Pazzi, with all his family, the part of the
Adimari which were called the Cavicciuoli, and M.
Geri Spini, with his kin, and M. Betto Brunelleschi; M.
Corso Donati stood neutral, forasmuch as he was ill with
362
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1304 A.D.
the gout, and because he was angered with these leaders
of the Black party; and almost all the other magnates
held aloof, and the popolani also, save the Medici and
the Giugni, which held strongly with the Blacks. And
the fighting began between the White Cerchi and the
Giugni at their houses at the Garbo, and they fought
there by day and by night. In the end, the Cerchi
defended themselves with the aid of the Cavalcanti and
Antellesi, and the force of the Cavalcanti and Gherardini
so increased that with their followers they rode through
the city as far as the Mercato Vecchio, and from Orto
San Michele as far as the piazza of S. Giovanni, without
any opposition or hindrance whatever, because their
forces increased both in the city and in the country;
forasmuch as the greater part of the people followed
them, and the Ghibellines sided with them; and they
of Volognano and their friends were coming to their
aid with more than 1,000 foot-soldiers; and were al-
ready at Bisarno; and certainly on that day they would
have conquered the city and driven out thence the afore-
said leaders of the Blacks and Guelfs, whom they held
as their enemies (forasmuch as it was said that they had
caused M. Betto Gherardini to be beheaded, and Masino
Cavalcanti and the others, as we before made mention),
save that when they were flourishing and victorious in
several parts of the city where they were fighting against
their enemies, it came to pass, as it pleased God, either
to avoid worse ill, or that He permitted it to punish the
sins of the Florentines, that one, Ser Neri Abati, a clerk
and prior of San Piero Scheraggio, a worldly and disso-
lute man, and a rebel against and enemy of his associates,
of purpose set fire first to the house of his associates in
Orto San Michele, and then to the Florentine Calimala at
BOOK VIII. § 71
363
the house of the Caponsacchi, near to the entrance of the
Mercato Vecchio. And the accursed fire was so furious
and impetuous, fanned by the north wind, which was blow-
ing strongly, that on that day were burnt the houses of
the Abati, and of the Macci, and all the loggia of Orto
San Michele, and the houses of the Amieri, and Toschi,
and Cipriani, and Lamberti, and Bachini, and Buiamonti,
and all Calimala, and the houses of the Cavalcanti, and
all around the Mercato Nuovo and S. Cecilia, and all the
street of Porte Sante Marie as far as the Ponte Vecchio,
and Vacchereccia, and behind San Piero Scheraggio, and
the houses of the Gherardini, and of the Pulci and Amidei
and Lucardesi, and all the neighbourhood of the said
places, almost to the Arno; and, in short, all the marrow
and yolk and the most precious places of the city of
Florence were burnt, and the number of the palaces
and towers and houses was more than 1,700. The loss
of stores, and of treasure, and of merchandise was infi-
nite, forasmuch as in those places were almost all the
merchandise and precious things of Florence, and that
which was not burnt was robbed by highwaymen as it
was being carried away, the city being continually at
war in divers places, wherefore many companies, and
clans, and families were ruined and brought to poverty
by the said fires and robberies. This plague came upon
our city of Florence on the 10th day of June, in the year
of Christ 1304; and for this cause the leaders of that fac-
tion the Cavalcanti, which were among the most powerful
houses in Florence, both in retainers, and in possessions,
and in goods, and the Gherardini, among the greatest
in the country, their houses and those of their followers
being burnt down, lost their vigour and estate, and were
driven out of Florence as rebels, and their enemies re-
1304 A.D.
Cf. Par.
xvi. 121,
I22.
364
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
***
1304 A.D. covered their estate, and became lords over the city.
And then it was verily believed that the magnates would
set aside the Ordinances of Justice of the Popolo, and
this they would have done if it had not been that
through their factions they were themselves at variance
one with another, and each party sided with the people
to the end they might not lose their estate. We must
now go on to tell of the other events which were in many
parts in these times, forasmuch as there arose thence
further adverse fortune to our city of Florence.
1304 A.D.
$ 72.-How the Whites and Ghibellines came to the
gates of Florence, and departed thence in discomfiture.
When the Cardinal da Prato had returned to the Pope,
which was at Perugia with his court, he made many
complaints against them which were ruling the city of
Florence, and accused them before the Pope and the
college of cardinals of many crimes and faults, showing
them to be sinful men and enemies of God and of Holy
Church, and recounting the dishonour and treachery
which they had done to Holy Church when he had
desired to restore them to good and peaceful estate; for
the which thing the Pope and his cardinals were greatly
moved with anger against the Florentines, and by the
counsel of the said Cardinal da Prato the Pope cited
twelve of the chief leaders of the Guelf party and of the
Blacks which were in Florence, which were directing all
the state of the city, the names whereof were these: M.
Corso Donati, M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Pazzino de'
Pazzi, M. Geri Spini, M. Betto Brunelleschi. And they
were to appear before him under pain of excommunica-
tion and deprivation of all their goods; which straight-
way came obediently thither with a great company of
BOOK VIII. § 72
365
their friends and followers in great state, for they were 1304 A.D.
more than 150 on horseback, to defend themselves be-
fore the Pope against the charges which the Cardinal da
Prato had made against them. And in this summons
and citation of so many leaders of Florence, the Cardinal
da Prato cunningly planned a great treachery against the
Florentines, straightway sending letters to Pisa, and to
Bologna, and to Romagna, to Arezzo, to Pistoia, and to
all the leaders of the Ghibelline and White party in
Tuscany and in Romagna, that they should assemble
with all their forces and those of their friends on foot and
on horse, and on a day named should come in arms to
the city of Florence, and take the city, and drive out
thence the Blacks and those which had been against
him, saying that this was by the knowledge and will of
the Pope (the which thing was a great falsehood and lie,
forasmuch as the Pope knew nothing thereof), and en-
couraging each one to come securely, forasmuch as the
city was weak, and open in many places; and saying that
he of his zeal had summoned and caused to appear at
the court all the leaders of the Black party, and that
within the city there was a large party which would
welcome them and would surrender the city to them;
and that they should gather together and come secretly
and quickly. And when they had received these letters,
they rejoiced greatly, and, being encouraged by the
favour of the Pope, each one furnished himself according
to his power, and moved towards Florence on the day
appointed. And two days before, through their great
eagerness, the Pisans, with their troops and with all the
Florentines which were in Pisa, to the number of 400
horsemen, whereof Count Fazio was captain, came as
far as the stronghold of Marti; and all the other assembly
•
•
366
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1304 A.D.
of Whites and Ghibellines came towards Florence after
so secret a fashion that they were at Lastra above Mon-
tughi, to the number of 1,600 horse and 9,000 foot, ere
the most could believe it in Florence, forasmuch as they
had not allowed any messenger which should announce
their coming to find his way to Florence; and if they had
descended upon the city one day sooner, without doubt
they would have had the city, forasmuch as there was
no preparation, nor store of arms, nor defence. But
they abode that night at Lastra and at Trespiano, ex-
tending as far as Fontebuona, awaiting M. Tolosata
degli Uberti, captain of Pistoia, which was taking the
way across the mountains with 300 Pistoian cavaliers
and soldiers, and with many on foot; and in the morn-
ing, seeing that he did not come, the Florentine refugees
determined to come to the city, thinking to have it
without stroke of sword, and this they did, leaving the
Bolognese at Lastra, which, by reason of their cowardice,
or perhaps because of the Guelfs which were among
them, were not in favour of the enterprise; so the rest
came on, and entered into the suburb of San Gallo with-
out any hindrance, for at that time the city had not the
circles of the new walls, nor the moats, and the old
walls were open and broken down in many places. And
when they had entered into the suburbs, they broke
down a wooden palisade with a gate leading into the
suburb, which was abandoned by our citizens without
defence; and the Aretines carried off the bolt of the
said gate, and in contempt of the Florentines took it
to Arezzo, and set it in their chief church of San Donato.
And when the said enemies were come down through
the suburbs towards the city, they assembled at Cafaggio,
by the side of the Servi, and they were more than 1,200
BOOK VIII. § 72
367
horsemen, and common folks in numbers, with many folk 1304 A.D.
from the country following them, and with Ghibellines
and Whites from within, which had come out to their aid.
Now this was ill advised on their part, as we shall tell
hereafter, for they had stationed themselves in a place
without water; for if they had taken up their stand on
the piazza of Santa Croce, they would have had the
river and water for themselves and for their horses, and
the Città Rossa round about, without the old walls, all
which was so built with houses as to accommodate an
army in safety were it never so large; but to whom God
wills ill, from him He takes all wit and judgment.
When, on the evening before, the tidings were brought
to Florence, there was great fear and suspicion of treach-
ery, and the city was on guard all night; but by reason
of fear some went this way, some that, all at random,
each one removing his goods. And of a truth it was
said that the greatest and best houses in Florence, of
magnates, and popolani, and Guelfs, knew of this pur-
pose, and had promised to surrender the city; but hear-
ing of the great force of the Ghibellines of Tuscany
and the enemies of our commonwealth which were
come with our exiles, they feared greatly for themselves,
and that they should be driven away and robbed, and so
they changed their purpose, and looked to defend the
city together with the rest. Certain of our exiled leaders,
with part of their followers, departed from Cafaggio from
the army, and came to the gate of the Spadari, and
this they attacked and conquered, and entered in to-
gether with their banners as far as the piazza of S.
Giovanni; and if the larger force which was in Cafaggio
had then come towards the city, and attacked some
other gate, they would certainly not have been resisted.
368
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
}
1304 A.D.
In the piazza of S. Giovanni were assembled all the
valiant men and Guelfs which were giving themselves to
the defence of the city, not, however, in great numbers
(perhaps 200 horse and 500 foot), and with the aid of
large crossbows they drove back the enemy without the
gate, with the loss of some taken and slain. The news
went to Lastra to the Bolognese by their spies, reporting
that their side had been routed and discomfited, and
straightway, without learning the certainty thereof, for it
was not true, they departed in flight as best they could,
and when they met M. Tolosato with his followers in
Mugello, which was advancing with full knowledge of the
truth, he would have retained them and caused them to
turn back; but this he could not bring about, neither
through entreaties nor threats. They of the main body
in Cafaggio, when they heard the news from Lastra how
the Bolognese had departed in confusion, as it pleased
God, straightway took fear, and through the discomfori
of continuing in array until after noon in the burning
sun, the heat being great, and not having sufficiency
of water for themselves and for their horses,-began to
disperse and to depart in flight, throwing away their
arms without assault or pursuit of the citizens, foras-
much as they scarce followed after them at all, save cer-
tain troopers of their own free will. And thus many of
the enemy died, either by the sword or from exhaustion,
and were robbed of arms and of horses; and certain of
the prisoners were hanged in the piazza of San Gallo and
along the road, on the trees. But verily it was said that,
notwithstanding the departure of the Bolognese, if they
had stood firm until the coming of M. Tolosato, which
they could assuredly have done by reason of the small
number of horse which were defending Florence, they
BOOK VIII. §§ 73-80
369
would yet have gained the city. But it seemed to be 1304 A.D.
the work and will of God that they should be bewitched,
to the end our city of Florence might not be wholly laid
waste, sacked, and destroyed. This unforeseen victory
and escape of the city of Florence was on S. Margaret's
Day, the 20th of the month of July, the year of Christ
1304. We have made such an extensive record, foras-
much as we were there present, and by reason of the
great risk and peril from which God saved the city of
Florence, and to the end our descendants may take
therefrom example and warning.
§ 73.—How the Aretines recovered the castle of Laterino 1304 A.D.
which the Florentines held. § 74.-Of certain further
things which came to pass in Florence in the said times.
§ 75.-How the Florentines went out against and took
the strongholds of the Stinche and Montecalvi which
were held by the Whites. § 76.-Returns back some- 1303 A.D.
what to tell of the story of the Flemings. § 77.-How
Guy of Flanders was routed and seized, with his armada,
by the admiral of the king of France. § 78.-How the 1304 A.D.
king of France defeated the Flemings at Mons-en-Sevèle.
$ 79.-How, shortly after the defeat of Mons-en-Sevèle,
the Flemings returned to the conflict with the king of
France and gained a favourable peace.
$ 80.-How Pope Benedict died; and of the new elec-
tion of Pope Clement V.
In the year of Christ 1304, on the 27th day of the 1304 A.D.
month July, Pope Benedict died in the city of Perugia, it
was said by poison; for when he was eating at his table,
there came to him a young man veiled and attired in
the garb of a woman, as a serving sister of the nuns of
BB
370
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
-
•
-
1304 A.D.
S. Petronella, in Perugia, with a silver basin wherein
were many fine ripe figs, and he presented them to
the Pope from his devout servant, the abbess of that
nunnery. The Pope received them with great pleasure,
and forasmuch as he was fond of them, and without
any one tasting thereof beforehand, seeing that they
were presented by a woman, he ate many thereof,
whereat he straightway fell ill, and in a few days died,
and was buried with great honour at the Preaching
Friars (for he was of that Order), in San Ercolano,
of Perugia. This was a good man, and virtuous and
just, and of holy and religious life, and desirous to do
right in all things; and through the envy of certain of
his brother cardinals, it was said, they compassed his
death after the said manner; wherefore God recom-
pensed them, if they were guilty thereof, in a short
time, by a very just and open vengeance, as will be
shown hereafter. For after the death of the said Pope
there arose a schism and a great discord among the
college of cardinals in electing the Pope; and by reason
of their differences they were divided into two almost
equal parties; the head of the one was M. Matteo Rosso,
of the Orsini, with M. Francesco Guatani, nephew that
was of Pope Boniface; and the leaders of the other
were M. Napoleone, of the Orsini dal Monte, and the
Cardinal da Prato, which hoped to restore their kinsfolk
and friends, the Colonnesi, to their estate, and were
friends of the king of France, and leaned towards the
Ghibelline side. And when they had been shut up for
a period of more than nine months, and were pressed
by the Perugians to nominate a Pope, and could not
come to an agreement, at last the Cardinal da Prato,
finding himself in a secret place with the Cardinal
C
BOOK VIII. § 80
371
pos
C
Francesco, of the Guatani, said to him, "We are 1305 A.D.
doing great harm and injury to the Church by not
choosing a Pope." And M. Francesco said, "It
does not lie with me." And the other replied, "If I
could find a good way of escape, wouldst thou be con-
tent ? " He made answer that he would; and thus
conversing together they came to this agreement, by the
industry and sagacity of the Cardinal da Prato, who,
treating with the said M. Francesco Guatani, gave him
his choice; for it was determined that the one party, to
avoid all suspicion, should choose three men from be-
yond the Alps suitable for the papacy, whomsoever it
pleased them, and the other party, within forty days,
should take one of the three, whichever they pleased,
and that he should be Pope. The party of M. Fran-
cesco Guatani preferred to make the first choice, thinking
thus to have the advantage, and he elected three arch-
bishops from beyond the Alps, made and created by
Pope Boniface, his uncle, which were his great friends
and confidants, and enemies of the king of France, their
adversary, trusting that whichever the other party might
take they would have a Pope after their mind, and a
friend. Among these three the archbishop of Bordeaux
was the one in whom they most trusted. The wise and
far-seeing Cardinal da Prato thought that their purpose
would be better carried out by taking M. Raimond de
Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux, than by taking either
of the others; albeit he had been appointed by Pope
Boniface, and was no friend of the king of France,
by reason of injuries done to his kinsfolk in the war of
Gascony by M. Charles of Valois; but knowing him to
be a man desirous of honour and lordship, and that he
was a Gascon, who are by nature covetous, and that he
372
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
I
1305 A.D. might easily make peace with the king of France, they
secretly took counsel, and he and his party in the
college took an oath, and having confirmed with the
other part of the college the documents and papers
concerning the said agreements and pacts, by his letters,
and those of the other cardinals of his party, they
wrote to the king of France, and enclosed under their
seals the pacts and agreements and commissions between
themselves and the other part of the college, and by
faithful and good couriers ordered by means of their
merchants (the other party knowing nothing of this),
they sent from Perugia to Paris in eleven days, admon-
ishing and praying the king of France by the tenor of
their letters, that if he wished to recover his estate in
Holy Church and relieve his friends, the Colonnesi, he
should turn his foe into a friend, to wit M. Raimond
de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux, one of the three
chosen and most trusted by the other party; and he
sought and stipulated with him for liberal terms for
himself and for his friends, forasmuch as to his hands
was committed the election of the one of those three,
whichever he pleased. The king of France having
received the said letters and commissions, rejoiced
greatly, and was eager for the undertaking. First of all
he sent friendly letters by messengers into Gascony to
M. Raimond de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux, that
he should come to meet him, for he desired to speak
with him; and within the next six days the king came
in person with a small company, to a secret conference
with the said archbishop of Bordeaux in a forest, at
an abbey in the district of S. Jean d'Angelus, and when
they had heard mass together and sworn faith upon
the altar, the king parleyed with him with good words
terall
•
1
!
BOOK VIII. § 80
373
1
to reconcile him with M. Charles; and then he said 1305 A.D.
thus to him, "Behold, archbishop, I have in my hand
the power to make thee Pope if I will, and for this
cause am come to thee; and, therefore, if thou wilt
promise to grant me six favours which I shall ask of
thee, I will do thee this honour, and to the end thou
mayest be assured that I have this power," he drew
forth and showed him the letters and commissions from
both one part of the college and the other. The
Gascon, coveting the papal dignity, and seeing thus
suddenly how with the king lay the power of making
him Pope, as it were stupefied with joy, threw himself
at his feet, and said, "My lord, now I know that thou
lovest me more than any other man, and wouldst return
me good for evil; thou hast to command and I to obey,
and always it shall be so ordered." The king lifted him
up and kissed him on the mouth, and then said to him,
"The six special graces that I ask of thee are these:
the first, that thou wilt reconcile me perfectly with the
Church, and procure my pardon for my misdeed which
I committed in the capture of Pope Boniface. The
second, that thou wilt recommunicate me and my
followers. The third article, that thou wilt grant me all
the tithes of the realm for five years, in aid of my
expenses which I have incurred for the war in Flanders.
The fourth, that thou wilt promise to destroy and annul
the memory of Pope Boniface. The fifth, that thou
wilt restore the honour of the cardinalate to M. Jacopo
and M. Piero della Colonna, and restore them to their
estate, and together with them wilt make certain of my
friends cardinals. The sixth grace and promise I
reserve till due time and place, for it is secret and
great. The archbishop promised everything on oath
""
↑
374
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
ទ
1305 A.D.
Inf. xix.
82-87.
upon the body of Christ, and, furthermore, gave him as
hostages his brother and two of his nephews; and the
king swore to him and promised that he should be
elected Pope. And this done, with great love and joy
they parted, and the king returned to Paris, taking with
him the said hostages under cover of love and of
reconciling them with M. Charles; and straightway he
wrote in answer to the Cardinal da Prato and to the
others of his party, telling what he had done, and that
they might safely elect as Pope M. Raimond de Goth,
archbishop of Bordeaux, as a trustworthy and sure
friend. And as it pleased God, the matter was so
urgently pressed that in thirty-five days the answer to
the said mandate was come back to Perugia with great
secrecy.
And when the Cardinal da Prato had received
the said answer, he showed it secretly to his party, and
craftily summoned the other party, when it should
please them to assemble together, forasmuch as they
desired to observe the agreement, and so it was immedi-
ately done. And when the said parties were gathered
together, and it was necessary to ratify and confirm the
order of the said compacts with authenticated papers
and oaths, it was solemnly done. And then the said
Cardinal da Prato wisely cited an authority from Holy
Scripture which was fitting to the occasion, and by
the authority committed to him after the said manner,
he elected as Pope the aforesaid M. Raimond de Goth,
archbishop of Bordeaux; and this was accepted and
confirmed with great joy by both parties, and they sang
with a loud ice "Te Deum Laudamus,” etc., the
party of Pope Boniface not knowing of the deceit and
fraud which had been carried out, rather believing that
they had as Pope that man in whom they most trusted;
BOOK VIII. §§ 81-84
375
**
+
and when the announcements of the election came 1305 A.D.
abroad, there was great strife and disturbance between
their families, forasmuch as each said that he was the
friend of their party. And this done, and the cardinals
being come forth from their confinement, it was straight-
way determined to send him the election and decree
across the mountains where he was. This election took
place on the 5th day of June in the year of Christ
1305, when the apostolic chair had been vacant ten
months and twenty-eight days. We have made so long
a record of this election of the Pope, by reason of the
subtle and fine deceit which took place, and for its
bearing on the future, forasmuch as great things followed
thereupon, as hereafter we shall relate, during the time.
of his papacy and of his successor. And this election
was the cause whereby the papacy reverted to foreigners,
and the court went beyond the mountains, so that for
the sin committed by the Italian cardinals in the death
of Pope Benedict, if they were guilty thereof, and in
the fraudulent election, they were well punished by the
Gascons, as we shall tell hereafter.
§ 81. Of the coronation of Pope Clement V. and 1305 A.D.
of the cardinals which he made. § 82.-How the
Florentines and the Lucchese besieged and took the city of
Pistoia. § 83.-How the cities of Modena and of Reggio
rebelled against the marquis of Este, and how the Whites
and the Ghibellines were driven out of Bologna.
§ 84.-How there arose in Lombardy one Fra Dolcino
with a great company of heretics, and how they were burnt.
In the said year 1305, in the territory of Novara
in Lombardy, there was one Frate Dolcino, which was
Inf. xxviii.
1305 A.D.
55-60.
376
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1305 A.D.
1306 A.D.
not a brother of any regular Order, but as it were a
monk outside the Orders, and he rose up and led
astray a great company of heretics, men and women of
the country and of the mountains, of small account;
and the said Fra Dolcino taught and preached that he
was a true apostle of Christ, and that everything ought
to be held lovingly in common, and women also were
to be in common, and there was no sin in so using
them! And many other foul articles of heresy he
preached, and maintained that the Pope and cardinals
and the other rulers of Holy Church did not observe
their duty nor the evangelic life; and that he ought to
be made Pope. And he, with a following of more than
3,000 men and women, abode in the mountains, living
in common after the manner of beasts; and when they
wanted victuals they took and robbed wherever they
could find any; and thus he reigned for two years. At
last those which followed the said dissolute life, becom-
ing weary of it, his sect diminished much, and through
want of victuals and by reason of the snow he was taken
by the Navarese and burnt, with Margaret his com-
panion, and with many other men and women which
with him had been led astray.
§ 85.-How Pope Clement sent as legate into Italy
Cardinal Napoleone of the Orsini, and how he was ill re-
ceived. § 86.- How the Florentines besieged and took
the strong castle of Montaccianico and dismantled it, and
caused Scarperia to be built. § 87.-How the Florentines
strengthened the Popolo, and chose the first executor of the
Ordinances of Justice.
§ 88. Of the great war which was begun against
the marquis of Ferrara, and how he died.
•
BOOK VIII. §§ 85-92
377
112; xviii.
55-57.
Purg. v.
73-78.
In the said year 1306, the Veronese, Mantuans, and Inf. xii.
Brescians made a league together, and declared a great
war against the Marquis Azzo of Este, which was lord
of Ferrara, because they feared that he was desirous to
be lord over Lombardy, forasmuch as he had taken to
wife a daughter of King Charles; and they overran his
places and took from him some of his strongholds. But
the year after, when he had gathered his forces, with
the aid of the Piedmontese and of King Charles, he
made a great expedition against them, and overran their
places and did them much hurt. But a little time after 1306 a.d.
the said marquis fell sick, and died in great pain and
misery; and he had been the gayest and most redoubted
and powerful tyrant in Lombardy, and he left no son of
lawful wedlock, and his lands and lordship became a
cause of great strife between his brothers and nephews,
and one of his bastard sons, which was named Francis,
whom the Venetians greatly favoured because he was
born in Venice ; and much strife and war followed there-
from with hurt to the Venetians, as hereafter in due time
we shall make mention.
xx. 79-81.
De Vulg.
El. I. 12:
38; II. 6:
42-44.
§ 89.-How M. Napoleone Orsini, the legate, came to 1306 A.D.
Arezzo; and of the expedition which the Florentines
made against Gargosa. § 90.-How the good King 1307 A.D.
Edward of England died. § 91.-How the king of Purg. vii.
France went to Poitiers to Pope Clement, to cause the
memory of Pope Boniface to be condemned.
132.
§ 92.-How and after what fashion was destroyed the
Order and mansion of the Temple of Jerusalem by the
machinations of the king of France.
In the said year 1307, before the king of France 1307 A.D.
"
1
378
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
į
Purg. xx.
91-93.
departed from the court of Poitiers, he accused and
denounced to the Pope, incited thereto by his officers
and by desire of gain, the master and the Order of the
Temple, charging them with certain crimes and errors,
whereof as the king had been informed the Templars
were guilty. The first movement came from a prior
of the said Order of Monfaucon in the region of Tou-
louse, a man of evil life and a heretic, and for his
faults condemned to perpetual imprisonment in Paris by
the grand master. And finding himself in prison with
one Noffo Dei, of our city of Florence, a man full of all
vices, these two men, despairing of any salvation, evilly
and maliciously invented the said false accusation in hope
of gain, and of being set free from prison by aid of the
king. But each of them a little while after came to a
bad end; forasmuch as Noffo was hanged and the prior
stabbed. To the end they might move the king to seek
his gain, they brought the accusation before his officers,
and the officers brought it before the king; wherefore
the king was moved by his avarice, and made secret
arrangements with the Pope and caused him to promise
to destroy the Order of the Templars, laying to their
charge many articles of heresy; but it is said that it
was more in hope of extracting great sums of money
from them, and by reason of offence taken against the
master of the Temple and the Order. The Pope, to
be rid of the king of France, by reason of the request
which he had made that he would condemn Pope Boni-
face, as we have before said, whether rightly or wrongly,
to please the king promised that he would do this;
and when the king had departed, on a day named in
his letters, he caused all the Templars to be seized
throughout the whole world, and all their churches.
·
***
į
BOOK VIII. § 92
379
and mansions and possessions, which were almost innu- 1307 A.D.
merable in power and in riches, to be sequestered ;
and all those in the realm of France the king caused to
be occupied by his court, and at Paris the master of the
Temple was taken, which was named Jacques of the lords
of Molay in Burgundy, with sixty knights, friars and
gentlemen; and they were charged with certain articles.
of heresy, and certain vile sins against nature which
they were said to practise among themselves; and that
at their profession they swore to support the Order right
or wrong, and that their worship was idolatrous, and
that they spat upon the cross, and that when their
master was consecrated it was secretly and in private,
and none knew the manner; and alleging that their
predecessors had caused the Holy Land to be lost by
treachery, and King Louis and his followers to be taken
at Monsura. And when sundry proofs had been given
by the king of the truth of these charges, he had them
tortured with divers tortures that they might confess, and
it was found that they would not confess nor acknow-
ledge anything. And after keeping them a long time
in prison in great misery, and not knowing how to put
an end to their trial, at last outside Paris at S. Antoine 1310 A.D.
(and the like was also done at Senlis in France) in a
great park enclosed by wood, fifty-six of the said Tem-
plars were bound each one to a stake, and they began
to set fire to their feet and legs little by little, admonish-
ing them one after the other that whosoever of them
would acknowledge the error and sins wherewith they
were charged might escape; and during this martyrdom,
exhorted by their kinsfolk and friends to confess, and
not to allow themselves to be thus vilely slain and
destroyed, yet would not one of them confess, but with
•
F
爨
​J
:
...
380
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1310 A.D. weeping and cries they defended themselves as being
innocent and faithful Christians, calling upon Christ and
S. Mary and the other saints; and by the said martyrdom
all burning to ashes they ended their lives. And the
master was reserved, and the brother of the dauphin
of Auvergne, and Brother Hugh of Peraud, and another
of the leaders of the Order, which had been officers and
treasurers of the king of France, and they were brought
to Poitiers before the Pope, the king of France being
present, and they were promised forgiveness if they
would acknowledge their error and sin, and it is said
that they confessed something thereof; and when they
had returned to Paris there came thither two cardinal
legates to give sentence and condemn the Order upon
the said confession, and to impose some discipline upon
the said master and his companions; and when they had
mounted a great scaffold, opposite the church of Nôtre
Dame, and had read the indictment, the said master of
the Temple rose to his feet, demanding to be heard; and
when silence was proclaimed, he denied that ever such
heresies and sins as they had been charged with had
been true, and maintained that the rule of their Order
had been holy and just and catholic, but that he cer-
tainly was worthy of death, and would endure it in peace,
forasmuch as through fear of torture and by the persua-
sions of the Pope and of the king, he had by deceit
been persuaded to confess some part thereof. And the
discourse having been broken off, and the sentence not
having been fully delivered, the cardinals and the other
prelates departed from that place. And having held
counsel with the king, the said master and his com-
panions, in the Isle de Paris and before the hall of the
king, were put to martyrdom after the same manner as
+
BOOK VIII. §§ 93-94
381
S
Y
the rest of their brethren, the master burning slowly to 1310 A.D.
death and continually repeating that the Order and their
religion was catholic and righteous, and commending
himself to God and S. Mary; and likewise did the brother
of the dauphin. Brother Hugh of Peraud, and the other,
through fear of martyrdom, confessed and confirmed
that which they had said before the Pope and the king,
and they escaped, but afterwards they died miserably.
And by many it was said that they were slain and de-
stroyed wrongly and wickedly, and to the end their
property might be seized, which afterwards was granted
in privilege by the Pope to the Order of the Hospitallers,
but they were requiz to collect money and buy it back
from the king of France and the other princes and lords,
and that with so 'great a sum that, with the interest to
be paid thereupon, the Order of the Hospitallers. was,
and is, poorer than it was before in its property; or
perhaps God brought this about by miracle to show how
things were. And the king of France and his sons had
afterwards much shame and adversity, both because of
this sin and of the capture of Pope Boniface, as here-
after shall be related. And note, that the night after
the said master and his companion had been martyred,
their ashes and bones were collected as sacred relics by
friars and other religious persons, and carried away to
holy places. In this manner was destroyed and brought
to nought the rich and powerful Order of the Temple at
Jerusalem, in the year of Christ 1310. We will now
leave the doings in France and return to our doings in
Italy.
§ 93.—Of events and defeats which came to pass in 1307 A.D.
Romagna and in Lombardy. § 94. Of the death of 1308 A.D.
M
$
*
382
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1308 A.D.
King Albert of Germany. § 95.-How the Podestà of
Florence fled with the Hercules seal of the commonwealth.
§ 96.-How Corso Donati, the great and noble citi-
zen of Florence, died.
In the said year 1308, there being in the city of
Florence increasing strife between the nobles and the
powerful popolani of the Black party which were ruling
the city, by reason of rivalry for state and lordship,
which began at the time of the tumult when they de-
manded to see the accounts, as we have before made
mention; this jealous disposition must needs bring forth
sorrowful consequences, because from the sins of pride
and envy and avarice, and other vices which reigned.
among them, they were divided into factions; and the
leader of one faction was M. Corso de' Donati, with a
following of some nobles, and of certain popolani, among
others them of the house of Bordoni; and of the other
party were leaders M. Rosso della Tosa, M. Geri Spini,
and M. Pazzino dei Pazzi, and M. Betto Brunelleschi,
with their allies, and with the Cavicciuli, and with many
houses of magnates and popolani, and the greater part
of the good people of the city, which had the offices and
the government of the city, and of the people.
Corso and his followers believed themselves to have
been ill-treated with regard to offices and honours,
whereof they held themselves to be more worthy, foras-
much as they had been the principal restorers of the
Blacks to their estate, and had driven out the Whites;
but by the other party it was said that M. Corso desired
to be lord over the city with no equal. But whatever
may have been the truth or the cause, his aforesaid
opponents and they which ruled the city had hated and
M.
BOOK VIII. §§ 95-96
383
!
greatly feared him, ever since he had allied himself by 1308 A.D.
marriage to Uguccione della Faggiuola, a Ghibelline,
and hostile to the Florentines; and also they feared him
because of his ambition and power and following, being
uncertain whether he would not take their state from
them, and drive them from the city, and above all, be-
cause they found that the said M. Corso had made a
league and covenant with the said Uguccione della
Faggiuola, his father-in-law, and had sent for him and
his aid. For the which thing, in great jealousy, the city
suddenly rose in an uproar, and the priors caused the
bells to be sounded, and the people and the nobles, on
horse and on foot, flew to arms, and the Catalan troops
with the king's marshal, which were at the service of
them which ruled the city. And straightway, as had
been ordained by the aforesaid leaders, an inquisition or
accusation was given to the Podestà, to wit, to M. Piero
della Branca d' Agobbio, against the said M. Corso,
charging him with wishing to betray the people, and to
overturn the city, by bringing thither Uguccione della
Faggiuola with the Ghibellines and enemies of the com-
monwealth. And he was first cited to appear, and then
proclamation was made against him, and then he was
condemned; in less than an hour, without giving any
longer time for his trial, M. Corso was condemned as
a rebel and traitor to his commonwealth, and straight-
way the priors set forth with the standard of justice,
and the Podestà, captain and executioner, with their
retainers and with the standard-bearers of the com-
panies, with the people in arms, and the troops on
horse, amid the acclamations of the people, to go to
the house where dwelt M. Corso at San Piero Maggiore,
to carry out the sentence. When M. Corso, having
* to the
384
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
J
1308 A.D. heard of the attack against him (or, as some said, in
order to strengthen himself to carry out his purpose,
for he was expecting Uguccione della Faggiuola with
a great following which was already come to Remole),
had barricaded himself in the road of San Piero Mag-
giore, at the foot of the towers of Cicino, and in Torci-
coda, and at the entrance of the way which goes towards
the Stinche, and at the way of San Brocolo, with strong
barricades, and with much folk, his kinsmen and friends,
in arms and with crossbows, enclosed within the barri-
cade, and at his service. The people began to attack
the said barricades in divers places, and M. Corso
and his friends to defend them boldly; and the battle
endured the greater part of the day, and was so strong
that, with all the power of the people, if the reinforce-
ments of Uguccione's followers and the other friends
from the country invited by M. Corso had joined him
in time, the people of Florence would have had enough
to do that day; because, albeit they were many, yet
were they ill-ordered and not well agreed, forasmuch as
to part of them the attack was not pleasing. But when
Uguccione's followers heard how M. Corso was attacked
by the people, they turned back, and the citizens which
were within the barricade began to depart, so that he
remained very scant of followers, and certain of the
people broke down the wall of the orchard over against
the Stinche, and entered in with a great company of
men in arms. When M. Corso and his followers saw
this, and that the aid of Uguccione and of his other
friends was belated and had failed them, he abandoned
the houses, and fled out of the city, the which houses.
were straightway plundered and destroyed by the people,
and M. Corso and his followers were pursued by certain
}
4640
+
1
BOOK VIII. § 96
385
citizens on horse and by certain Catalans, sent expressly 1308 A.D.
to take him. And Gherardo Bordoni was overtaken by
Boccaccio Cavicciuli, at the Affrico, and slain, and his
hand was cut off and taken to the street of the Adimari,
and nailed to the door of M. Tedici degli Adimari, his
associate, by reason of enmity between them. M. Corso,
departing quite alone, was overtaken and captured near
Rovezzano by certain Catalans on horse, and as they
were taking him prisoner to Florence, when they were
hard by San Salvi, he prayed them to let him go free,
promising them much money if they would let him
escape, but they held to their purpose of taking him to
Florence, as had been commanded them by their lords;
then M. Corso, in fear of coming into the hands of his
enemies, and of being brought to justice by the people,
being much afflicted with gout in his hands and feet, let
himself fall from his horse. The said Catalans seeing
him on the ground, one of them gave him a thrust with
his lance in the throat, which was a mortal blow, and
then left him there for dead; the monks of the said
convent carried him into the abbey, and some said that
before he died he gave himself into their hands as a
penitent, and some said that they found him dead; and
the next morning he was buried in San Salvi with little
honour and but few present, for fear of the common-
wealth. This M. Corso Donati was among the most
sage, and was a valiant cavalier, and the finest speaker,
and most skilled, and of the greatest renown and of the
greatest courage and enterprise of any one of his time
in Italy, and a handsome and gracious cavalier in his
person; but he was very worldly, and in his time caused
many conspiracies and scandals in Florence to gain
state and lordship; and for this cause have we made so
CC
Purg. xxiv.
81-87.
FROM?;** i'w det
386
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
掣
​י.
1308 A.D.
E
1308 A.D.
A
1308 A.D. long a treatise concerning his end, forasmuch as he was
of great moment to our city, and after his death many
things followed thereupon, as may be understood by
the intelligent, to the end he may be an example to those
which come after.
2
§ 97.-How the church of the Lateran at Rome was
burned. § 98.--How the magnates of Samminiato de-
stroyed their Popolo. § 99.-How the Tarlati were
expelled from Arezzo, and the Guelfs restored. § 100.
-How the Ubaldini returned to submission to the com-
monwealth of Florence.
§ 101.-After what manner Henry, count of Luxem
burg, was elected emperor of Rome.
In the said year 1308, the King Albert of Germany
being dead, as we afore said, by the which death the
Empire was left vacant, the electors of Germany were at
great discord among themselves concerning the election ;
and when the king of France heard of the said vacancy,
he thought within himself that now his purpose would
be carried out with little difficulty, by reason of the
sixth promise which Pope Clement had secretly made to
him when he promised to make him Pope, as we afore
made mention; and he assembled his secret council
with M. Charles of Valois, his brother, and there he
revealed his intention, and the long desire which he had
had that the Church of Rome should elect as king of
the Romans M. Charles of Valois, even while Albert,
king of Germany, was living, by means of his forces and
power and money, and with the aid of the Pope and the
Church; for at other times of old the election had
passed from the Greeks to the French, and from the
BOOK VIII. §§ 97–101
387
French to the Italians, and from the Italians to the 1308 A.D.
Germans. And now much more ought it to come to
pass, seeing the Empire was vacant, and especially by
reason of the said promise and oath, which Pope Cle-
ment had made to him when he had made him Pope.
And he revealed all the secret covenant with him, and
this done, he asked their counsel and made them swear
secrecy. To this enterprise the king was encouraged
by all his counsellors, and that to this end he should use
all the power of the crown and of his realm, so that it
might be brought about, alike for the honour of M.
Charles of Valois, who was worthy thereof, and that
the honour and dignity of the Empire might return to
the French, as it had of old pertained long time to
their forefathers, Charles the Great and his successors.
And when the king and M. Charles heard the encou-
ragement and goodwill of his council, they rejoiced
greatly, and took counsel that without delay the king
and M. Charles, with a great force of barons and knights
in arms, should go to Avignon to the Pope, before the
Germans should have made any other election, showing
and giving out that his going was concerning the petition
against the memory of Pope Boniface; and that when
the king came to the court, he should require from the
Pope the sixth and secret promise, to wit, the election
and confirmation as Emperor of Rome of M. Charles
of Valois; and he being so strong in followers, no
cardinal nor any one else, not even the Pope, would
dare to refuse him. And this ordered, the barons and
knights were commanded to provide themselves with
arms and with horses to bear the king company on
his journey to Avignon; and they of the signiory of
Provence were to make ready, and should number more
1
388
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1
J
1308 A.D. than 6,000 knights in arms. But as it pleased God,
who willed not that the Church of Rome should be
wholly subject to the house of France, these prepara-
tions of the king and his purpose were secretly made
known to the Pope by one of the privy council of the
king of France. The Pope, fearing the coming of the
king with so great a force, remembering the promise
he had made, and perceiving that it was most contrary
to the liberty of the Church, held secret counsel with
M. d' Ostia, Cardinal da Prato alone, forasmuch as they
were already indignant with the king of France, by
reason of his inordinate demands, and because, if the
Church had condemned the memory of Pope Boniface,
that which he had done would have been made null and
void, and the Cardinal da Prato had been made cardinal
by Boniface with certain others, as we have said in
another place. The said cardinal, hearing that which
the Pope had learned of the purpose and of the coming
of the king of France, spake thus: "Holy Father, here
there is but one remedy, to wit, before the king makes
his request of thee, thou must secretly and carefully
arrange with the princes of Germany that they complete
the election to the Empire." This counsel pleased the
Pope, but he said: "Whom do we will to be Emperor?"
Then the cardinal, with much foresight, not only to
secure the liberty of the Church, but because of his
fitness and his leaning towards the Ghibelline party,
which he would support in Italy, said: "I believe
that the count of Luxemburg is to-day the best man in
Germany, and the most loyal and bold, and the most
catholic; and I do not doubt, if by thy means he comes
to this dignity, that he will be faithful and obedient to
thee and to Holy Church, and a man who will come to
}
BOOK VIII. § 102
389
great things." The Pope was pleased with the good 1308 a.d.
report which he heard of him, and said: "How can
this election be brought about by us secretly, sending
letters under our seal, unknown to the college of our
brother cardinals?" The cardinal made answer :
"Write
thy letters to him and to the electors under a small and
secret seal, and I will write to them in my letters more
fully concerning thy purpose, and I will send them by my
servant"; and so it was done. And as it pleased God,
when the messengers were come into Germany, and had
presented the letters, in eight days the princes of Ger-
many were assembled at Middleburg, and there without
dissent they elected as king of the Romans Henry, count
of Luxemburg; and this was from the industry and ac-
tivity of the said cardinal which wrote these words among
others to the princes: "See that ye are united in this
matter, and without delay; if not, I believe that the
election and the lordship of the Empire will return to the
French." This done, the election was straightway made
public in France and at the papal court; and the king
of France, not knowing the manner thereof, and making
preparations to go to the court, held himself deceived,
and was never afterwards a friend of the said Pope.
$ 102.-How Henry the Emperor was confirmed by the
Pope.
In the said year, after Henry of Luxemburg had been 1308 A.D.
elected king of the Romans, he sent for his confirmation
to Avignon to the court of Pope Clement the count of
Savoy, his kinsman, and M. Guy of Namûrs, brother
of the count of Flanders, his cousin, which were honour-
ably received by the Pope and by the cardinals; and in
the month of April, 1308, the said Henry was confirmed
■
1308 A.D.
1309 A.D.
390
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
as Emperor by the Pope, and it was ordained that the
Cardinal dal Fiesco and the Cardinal da Prato should be
legates in Italy, and should bear him company when he
should have crossed the mountains, commanding in the
Church's name that he should be obeyed by all. Im-
mediately when his ambassadors had returned with the
Pope's confirmation, he went to Aix-la-Chapelle in Ger-
many with all the barons and prelates of Germany, and
there were there the duke of Brabant, and the count of
Flanders, and the count of Hainault, and more barons
of France; and at Aix, by the archbishop of Cologne,
he was with honour and without any opposition crowned
with the first crown, on the day of the Epiphany, 1308,
as king of the Romans.
§ 103.-How the Venetians took the city of Ferrara and
then lost it again. § 104.-How the master of the Hospi-
tal took the island of Rhodes. § 105.-How the king of
Aragon prepared an expedition against Sardinia. § 106.
-How the Guelfs were expelled from Prato, and then
were reinstated. § 107.-How the Tarlati returned to
Arezzo and expelled the Guelfs therefrom. § 108.-
How King Charles II. died. § 109.—of the signs that
appeared in the air. § 110.-How the Florentines re-
newed war with Arezzo. § III.-How the Lucchese
would have destroyed Pistoia, and the Florentines op-
posed them.
§ 112.-How Robert was crowned king over the king-
dom of Sicily and Apulia.
In the month of June of the year 1309, Duke Robert,
now King Charles' eldest son, went by sea from Naples
to Provence, to the court, with a great fleet of galleys,
7
BOOK VIII. §§ 103-120
391
i
and a great company, and was crowned king of Sicily Par. viii.
and of Apulia by Pope Clement, on S. Mary's Day in 76–84.
December of the said year, and was entirely acquitted
of the loan which the Church had made to his father and
grandfather for the war in Sicily, which is said to have
been more than 300,000 ounces of gold. In the said
year and month the Guelfs were driven out of Amelia by
the forces of the Colonnesi.
§ 113.- How they of Ancona were discomfited by
Count Frederick. § 114.-How M. Ubizzino Spinoli was
driven out of Genoa and defeated. § 115.-How the
Venetians were defeated at Ferrara. § 116.—Of the war
between them of Volterra and them of Sangimignano.
§ 117.-How the Orsini of Rome were defeated by the
Colonnesi. § 118.-How the folk of Arezzo were defeated
by the marshal of the Florentines.
§ 119.-How the
Florentines marched upon Arezzo.
§ 120.--How the ambassadors of Henry, king of the
Romans, came to Florence.
In the said year, on the 3rd day of July, there 1310 A.D.
came to Florence M. Louis of Savoy, senator elect of
Rome, with two clerics, prelates of Germany, and M.
Simone Filippi of Pistoia, ambassadors from the Em-
peror, requiring the commonwealth of Florence to pre-
pare to do honour to his coronation, and to send their
ambassadors to him to Lausanne; and they required.
and commanded that the expedition which had been
sent against Arezzo should be withdrawn. A great and
fine council was held by the Florentines, wherein the
ambassadors discreetly set forth their embassy. M. Betto
Brunelleschi was called upon to respond for the com-
392
CHRONICLE OF VILLANT
L
¡
}
i
1310 A.D.
1310 A.D.
t
monwealth, which at the first made answer with proud
and unfitting words, wherefor he was afterwards blamed
by the wise; then answer was discreetly made, and
courteously, by M. Ugolino Tornaquinci, whereon they
departed, well content, on the 12th day of July, and
went to the host of the Florentines to Arezzo, and made
the like command that the host should depart, which did
not therefore depart. The said ambassadors abode in
Arezzo, very wrathful against the Florentines.
§ 121. Of wondrous folk that went their way through
Italy beating themselves.
END OF SELECTIONS FROM BOOK VIII.
1
·
?
I
BOOK IX.
HERE begins the Ninth Book. How Henry, count of
Luxemburg, was made Emperor.
§ 1.--Henry, count of Luxemburg, reigned four years 1310 A.D.
and seven months and eighteen days from his first corona-
tion to his end. He was wise and just and gracious, vali-
ant and firm in arms, virtuous and catholic; and albeit of
low estate according to his lineage, he was great-hearted,
feared and redoubted; and if he had lived longer he
would have done the greatest things. This man was Par. xvii.
elected emperor after the manner aforesaid, and im- 82, xxx.
133-138.
mediately when he had received confirmation from the Epistolæ
Pope he caused himself to be crowned king in Germany; v. vi. vii.
and afterwards he pacified all the disputes between the
barons of Germany, and purposed earnestly to come to
Rome for the imperial crown, and to pacify Italy from
the divers discords and wars which were therein, and
then to carry out the expedition over seas to recover
the Holy Land, if God had granted it to him. Whilst
he abode in Germany to pacify the barons, and to pro-
vide himself with money and with followers before
crossing the mountains, Wenceslas, king of Bohemia,
died, and left no male heir, but only two daughters, the
one already wife of the duke of Carinthia, and the other,
by the counsel of his barons, Henry gave to wife to
哗
​393
394
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1310 A.D.
1310 A.D.
Par. xxx.
133-141.
1
John, his son, whom he crowned king of Bohemia, and
left him in his place in Germany.
§ 2.-How the Guelf party was expelled from Venice.
§ 3. Of the prophecies of M. Arnaldo da Villanuova.
§ 4.-How there was a conspiracy in Ferrara to make the
place rebel against the Church. § 5.-How they of Todi
were routed by them of Perugia. § 6.-How the Guelfs
were expelled from Spoleto.
§ 7.-How the Emperor Henry departed from Germany.
to go into Italy.
In the said year 1310, the Emperor came to Lausanne
with few followers, awaiting his forces, and the embas-
Epistola v. sies from the cities of Italy, and there abode many
months. When the Florentines heard this they took
counsel to send him a rich embassage, and likewise the
Lucchese, and the Sienese, and the other cities of the
Tuscan league; and the ambassadors were actually
chosen, and the stuffs for their robes prepared, that they
might be honourably arrayed. Yet this journey was
abandoned by reason of certain Guelf magnates of Flor-
ence, which feared lest under pretence of peace the
Emperor might restore the banished Ghibellines to
Florence, and make them lords thereof; wherefore
suspicion arose, and afterwards indignation, whence
followed great peril to all Italy, forasmuch as when the
ambassadors from Rome, and they of Pisa and of the
other cities were come to Lausanne in Savoy, the Em-
peror asked why the Florentines were not there. Then
answer was made to the lord by the ambassadors of the
refugees from Florence, that it was because they were
afraid of him. Then said the Emperor: "They have
...
BOOK IX. §§ 2-8
395
done ill, forasmuch as our desire was to have all the 1310 A.D.
Florentines, and not only a faction, for our faithful sub-
jects, and to make that city our treasure and archive
house, and the loftiest of our empire." And it was
known of a surety by folk which were near to him, that
up to that time he had purposed with pure intent to
maintain them which were ruling Florence in their
estate, which intent the refugees greatly dreaded. But
henceforth, by reason of this anger, or through evil re-
port of his ambassadors which came to Florence, and of
the Ghibellines and Pisans, he gave his mind the other
way. Wherefore, in the following August, the Floren-
tines, being alarmed, raised 1,000 citizen cavalry, and
began to provide themselves with soldiers and with
money, and to make a league with King Robert, and
with many cities of Tuscany and of Lombardy, to oppose
the coming and the coronation of the Emperor; and the
Pisans, to the end that he might cross the Alps, sent
him 70,000 golden florins, and promised him as many
more when he should be come to Pisa; and with this aid
he set forth from Lausanne, forasmuch as he was not
himself a lord rich in money.
§ 8.-How King Robert came to Florence as he re-
turned from his coronation.
In the said year 1310, on the 30th day of September, 1310 A.D.
King Robert came to Florence on his way back from
his coronation at Avignon, where was the Pope's court;
he abode in the house of the Peruzzi dal Parlagio
[of the Forum], and the Florentines did him much
honour, and held jousts, and gave him large presents of
money, and he abode in Florence until the 24th day of
October, to reconcile the Guelfs together, which were
1
"
·
1310 A.D.
1310 A.D.
Joannes de
Virgilio
Carmen,
v. 26.
L
?
396
divided into factions among themselves, and to treat of
warding off the Emperor. He could do but little in
reconciling them; so much had error increased among
them, as before has been narrated.
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
§ 9.-How the Emperor Henry passed into Italy and
gained the city of Milan.
In the year 1310, at the end of September, the Em-
peror departed from Lausanne with his followers, and
crossed the mountains of M. Cenis, and at the beginning
of October he came to Turin in Piedmont: afterwards
he came to the city of Asti, the 10th day of October.
By the people of Asti he was peaceably received as lord,
and they went out to meet him, with rejoicing and a
great procession, and he pacified all the disputes among
the people of Asti. In Asti he awaited his followers,
and before he departed he had nigh upon 2,000 horse
from beyond the mountains. In Asti he abode more
than two months, forasmuch as at that time M. Guidetto
della Torre was ruler in Milan, a man of great wit and
power, which had, between soldiers and citizens, more
than 2,000 cavalry, and by his force and tyranny he kept
out of Milan the Visconti and their Ghibelline party,
and also his associate, the archbishop, with many other
Guelfs. This M. Guidetto was in league with the Flor-
entines and with the other Guelfs of Tuscany and of
Lombardy, and opposed the coming of the Emperor, and
would have succeeded if it had not been that his own
associates with their following led the Emperor to make
for Milan, by the counsel of the cardinal of Fiesco, the
Pope's legate. M. Guidetto, not being able to provide
against everything, consented to his coming, against his
will; and thus the Emperor entered into Milan on the
BOOK IX. §§ 9-–10
397
.
vigil of the Feast of the Nativity, and on the Day of the 1310 A.D.
Epiphany, the 6th of January, he was crowned in S.
Ambrogio by the archbishop of Milan, with the second
crown of iron, with great honour, both he and his wife.
[And the said crown is in Milan, and is of fine tempered
steel as for a sword, made in the form of a wreath of
laurel, wherein rich and precious stones were inlaid, after
the fashion of the Cæsars which were crowned with
laurel in their triumphs and victories; and it is made
of steel by way of a figure and similitude, for like as steel
and iron surpass all other metals, so the Cæsars, triumph-
ing by the force of the Romans and Italians, which then
were all called Romans, surpassed and subdued to the
Empire of Rome all the nations of the earth.] And at
the said coronation were ambassadors from well-nigh all
the cities of Italy save Florence and those of their league.
And whilst he abode in Milan he caused all the Milanese
to be at peace one with another, and restored M. Maffeo
Visconti and his party, and the archbishop and his
party, and in general every man who was in banishment.
And well-nigh all the cities and lords of Lombardy came
to do his bidding, and to give him great quantity of
money; and he sent his vicar into all the cities save into
Bologna and Padua, which were against him, and were
with the league of the Florentines.
§ 10.-How the Florentines enclosed the new circle of
the city with moats.
In the said year, on S. Andrew's Day, the Florentines, 1310 A.D.
through fear of the coming of the Emperor, took counsel
to enclose the city with moats from the Porta San Gallo
as far as the Porta Santo Ambrogio, which is called La Cf. Epist.
Croce a Gorgo, and then as far as the river Arno; and
vi.
398
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
+
1310 A.D.
1310 A.D.
then from the Porta San Gallo to the Porta dal Prato
d'Ognissanti, where the walls were already founded, they
were raised eight cubits higher. And this work was
done quickly and in short time, which thing was assuredly
afterwards the salvation of the city of Florence, as here-
after shall be narrated; inasmuch as theretofore the city
had been all exposed and the old walls in great measure
pulled down and sold to the neighbouring inhabitants,
to enlarge the old city, and to enclose the suburbs and
the new additions.
§ 11.-How the della Torre were driven out of Milan.
In the said year, on the 11th day of the month of
February, M. Guidetto della Torre, seeing himself cast
out from the lordship of Milan, and Maffeo Visconti and
his other enemies much in favour with the Emperor,
thought to cause the city of Milan to rebel against the
Emperor, seeing that he had with him but few horse, for-
asmuch as they were gone away and dispersed through-
out the cities of Lombardy; and this would have come
to pass, if it had not been that Matteo Visconti very
wisely warned the Emperor thereof, and his marshal, and
the count of Savoy. For the which thing the city rose
in arms and uproar, and there was some fighting. Now
there were who said that M. Maffeo Visconti by his wit
and sagacity deceived him to the end he might bring him
under the Emperor's suspicion, coming to him secretly,
and complaining of the lordship of the Emperor and of
the Germans, making as though he would better love the
freedom of Milan than such lordship; and saying to him
that he would rather have him for lord than the Emperor,
and that he and his followers would give him all aid
and assistance in driving out the Emperor. To which
BOOK IX. § II
399
:
proposal M. Guidetto gave heed, trusting in his former 1310 A. D.
enemy, through desire of recovering his state and lord-
ship; or perhaps it was for his sins, of which he had
many, and was the answer of Maffeo coming true, which
he had made to him through the mouth of the jongleur,
as we related before. M. Maffeo under the said promise
betrayed him, and revealed all to the Emperor and to his
council; and this we believe of a surety, because of what
we heard thereof afterwards from wise Lombards which
were then in Milan. And for this cause M. Guidetto
della Torre was called upon to defend himself, who did
not appear, but departed with his followers from Milan,
asserting that he was not guilty of treachery, but that
his enemies had charged him therewith to bring him to
nought and drive him out of Milan. But the most
believe that he was in fault, forasmuch as he was in
league with the Florentines and the Bolognese, and with
other Guelf cities, and it was said that he was to receive
much money therefor from the Florentines and their
league. But whatever might have been the cause, the
said intrigues made the city of Cremona immediately
rebel against the Emperor, on the 20th day of Feb-
ruary, and this rebellion and others in Lombardy
were of a surety brought about by the zeal and the
spending of the Florentines, to give the Emperor so
much to do in Lombardy that he would not be able to
come into Tuscany. At this time the Ghibellines of
Brescia drave out the Guelfs, and this likewise came to
pass to those of Parma; for the which thing the Emperor
sent his vicar and followers into Brescia, and caused
peace to be made, and the Guelfs to return to the city,
which a short time afterwards finding themselves strong
in the city, and seeing that Cremona had rebelled, and
400
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
3
1310 A.D. being encouraged by the Florentines and the Bolognese
with monies and large promises, drave out the Ghibel
lines from Brescia, and altogether rebelled against the
Emperor, and prepared to make war against him.
1310 A.D.
1311 A.D.
13II A.D.
§ 12.-How there was great scarcity in Florence, and
concerning other events.
In the said year 1310, from December to the following
May, there was the greatest scarcity in Florence, for a
bushel of grain cost half a golden florin, and was all
mixed with buck-wheat. And the arts and trade had
never been worse in Florence than during this time, and
the expenses of the commonwealth were very great, and
there was much ill-will and fear concerning the coming
of the Emperor. At that time, at the end of February,
the Donati slew M. Betto Brunelleschi, and a little while
after the said Donati and their kinsfolk and friends
assembled at San Salvi and disinterred M. Corso Donati,
and made great lamentation, and held a service as if he
were only just dead, showing that by the death of M.
Betto vengeance had been done, and that he had been
the counsellor of M. Corso's death, wherefore all the
city was as it were moved to tumult.
§ 13.-How the relics of St. Barnabas came to Florence.
§ 14.-How the Emperor besieged Cremona, and his
people took Vicenza.
In the said year, the 12th day of the month of April,
the Emperor was besieging Cremona with an host, and
he sent the bishop of Geneva, his cousin, with 300
horsemen from beyond the mountains, and with the
·
BOOK IX. §§ 12-15
401
Terra.
force of M. Cane della Scala of Verona, and suddenly Par. xvii.
took the city of Vicenza from the Paduans, and they Epistola x.
76-93.
which were of Padua in the fortress, through fear, with- Quest. de
out defending themselves, abandoned the fortress, the Acqua et
which loss caused great dismay to the Paduans, and to
all their allies; for the which thing, a little while after,
the Paduans were reconciled to the Emperor, and gave
him the lordship of Padua, and 100,000 golden florins in
divers payments, and they received his vicar. The said
bishop of Geneva went afterwards to Venice, and craved
aid for the Emperor of the Venetians. The Venetians
did him great honour, and gave him to buy precious
stones for his crown 1,000 pounds of Venetian grossi;
and in Venice from these monies and with others was
made the crown, and the imperial throne, very rich and
magnificent, the throne of silver gilt, and the crown
with many precious stones.
§ 24.-Cf.
Inf. i. 100-
111. Purg.
xxxiii. 40-
45.
§ 15.-How the Emperor took the city of Cremona.
In 1311, on the 20th of April, the Emperor being with 1311 A.D.
his army at Cremona, the city being much straitened,
forasmuch as they were ill-provided by reason of their
sudden rebellion, they surrendered the city to the
Emperor's mercy, through the negotiations of the arch-
bishop of Ravenna; and he received them and pardoned
them, and caused the walls and all the fortresses of the
city to be destroyed, and laid a heavy fine upon them.
And when he had taken Cremona, immediately he went
with his army against the city of Brescia on the 14th
day of May, and there he found himself with larger
forces, and more numerous and better cavaliers than he
had ever had, for of a truth there were there more than
6,000 good horsemen; 4,000 and more Germans, and
DD
402
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1311 A.D.
1311 A.D. Frenchmen, and Burgundians, and Italians, both gentle
and simple; for after he had taken Milan and then
Cremona, many great lords of Germany and of France
came into his service, some for pay, and many for love.
And verily if he had abandoned the enterprise of the
siege of Brescia, and had come into Tuscany, he would
have quietly secured Bologna, Florence, and Lucca and
Siena, and afterwards Rome, and the Kingdom of Apulia,
and all the lands against him, forasmuch as they were
not furnished nor provided, and the minds of the people
were much at variance, forasmuch as the said Emperor
was held to be the most just and benign sovereign. It
pleased God that he should abide at Brescia, the which
siege cost him much both in people and in power, by
reason of the great destruction both by death and
pestilence, as hereafter I shall make mention.
I3II A.D.
§ 16.-How the Florentines, by reason of the Emperor's
coming, recalled from banishment all the Guelfs.
In the said year, on the 26th day of April, the
Florentines having heard how Vicenza and Cremona
had surrendered to the Emperor, and how he was going
to the siege of Brescia, in order to strengthen themselves
put forth express decree and ordinance, and recalled
from banishment all the Guelf citizens and country people
under what sentence soever they had been banished, on
their paying a certain small toll; and they made many
leagues both in the city and in the country, and with the
other Guelf cities of Tuscany.
§ 17.-How the Florentines, with all the Guelf cities of
Tuscany, made a league together against the Emperor.
In the said year 1311, on the 1st day of June, the
BOOK IX. §§ 16–20
403
·
-2
Florentines, the Bolognese, the Lucchese, the Sienese, 1311 A.D.
the Pistoians, and they of Volterra, and all the other
Guelf cities of Tuscany held a parliament, and con-
cluded a league together, and a union of knights, and
swore together to defend one another and oppose the
Emperor. And afterwards, on the 26th day of June, the
Florentines sent the king's marshal with 400 Catalan
soldiers which were in their pay, for the defence of
Bologna, and to oppose the Emperor if he should
advance from that quarter; and in like manner the
Sienese and Lucchese sent troops, and they abode
there many months in Bologna and in Romagna in
the service of King Robert.
:
§ 18.-How King Robert caused the Ghibellines of 1311 A.D.
Romagna to be taken by craft. § 19.-How the Pope's
marquis took Fano and Pesaro.
§ 20.-How the Emperor Henry took the city of Brescia
by siege.
vii.
In the said year 1311, the Emperor being with his 1311 A.D.
army before Brescia, there were many assaults made, Epistola
wherein much people died both within and without the
city, among which was slain in an assault, by an arrow
from a large crossbow, M. Waleran of Luxemburg,
brother in blood and marshal of the Emperor, and many
other barons, good knights; whence came great fear to
all the host. And encouraged by this, the Brescians
sallied forth ofttimes to attack the host, and in the
month of June some of them were routed and dis-
comfited, and forty of them were taken prisoners of the
chief of the city, and fully 200 slain, among which
prisoners was M. Tebaldo Brusciati, which was leader
404
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1311 A.D. of the people within the city, a man of great valour,
which had been a friend of the Emperor, and had re-
mained on his behalf in Brescia when the Guelfs had
been driven out: wherefore the Emperor caused him
to be drawn asunder by four horses as a traitor, and
many others he caused to be beheaded, whereby the
power of the Brescians was much enfeebled; but for all
that they within the city did not abandon the defence of
the city. In that siege the air was corrupted by the
stench of the horses and the long sojourn of the camp,
wherefore there arose much sickness both within and
without, and a great part of them from beyond the
mountains fell sick, and many great barons died there,
and some departed by reason of sickness, and afterwards
died thereof on the road. Among the others died there
the valiant M. Guy of Namûrs, brother of the count of
Flanders, which was leader of the Flemings at the defeat
of Courtray, a man of great worth and renown; for
which cause most part of the host counselled the Em-
peror that he should depart. He hearing much of the
needs within the city, alike from sickness and death, and
from lack of victuals, determined not to depart till he
should have taken the city. They of Brescia, as food
was failing them, by the hand of the cardinal of Fiesco
surrendered themselves to the mercy of the Emperor, on
the 16th day of September, in the said year. Who, when
he had gotten the city, caused all the walls and strong-
holds to be destroyed, and exacted a fine of 70,000
golden florins. Thus with great difficulty, after much
time, he gained the city by reason of their evil estate;
and 100 of the best men of the city, both magnates and
popolari, he sent into banishment, confining them within.
bounds in divers places. When he had departed from
1
BOOK IX. §§ 21-22
405
Brescia, with great loss and hurt, seeing that not a fourth 1311 A.D.
part of his people were left to him, and of these a great
part were sick, he held his parliament in Cremona.
There, by the influence and encouragement of the
Pisans and of the Ghibellines and Whites of Tuscany,
he determined to come to Genoa, and there re-establish
his state, and in Milan he left as vicar and captain M.
Matteo Visconti; and in Verona, M. Cane della Scala ;
and in Mantua, M. Passerino de' Bonaposi; and in
Parma, M. Ghiberto da Correggia; and all the other
cities of Lombardy in like manner he left under tyrants,
not being able to do otherwise, through his evil estate,
and from each one he received much money, and in-
vested them with the privileges of the said lordships.
§ 21.-How the Florentines and Lucchese strengthened 1311 A.D.
the frontiers by reason of the Emperor's coming.
§ 22.-How Pope Clement sent legates to crown the
Emperor Henry.
82.
In the year of Christ 1311, Pope Clement, at the 1311A.D.
request of the Emperor, not being able to come in person Par. xvii.
to Rome to crown him, by reason of the council which
had been summoned, sent the bishop of Ostia, Cardinal
da Prato, as legate, with power to act as if he had been
the Pope in person; and he was with him in Genoa in
the month of October; and the said Pope sent as legate
into Hungary Cardinal Gentile da Montefiore to crown
Carlo Rimberto, son that was of Charles Martel and
nephew of King Robert, as king over the realm of Hun-
gary, and to give him the aid and favour of the Church.
And this the said cardinal did, and abode long time in
Hungary, until the said Carlo had conquered almost all
406
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1311 A.D.
13II A.D.
1311 A.D.
the country, and he had crowned him in peace. And
on the return of the said cardinal to Italy, he received
commandment from the Pope to bring to him across the
mountains all the Church treasure which was in Rome
and in the other cities pertaining to the Holy See, and
this he brought as far as the city of Lucca. Beyond that
he could not bring it, neither by land nor by sea, because
the coasts of Genoa, both land and sea, were all in
commotion of war through the Guelf and Ghibelline.
parties, by reason of the Emperor's coming. He left it
in Lucca in the sacristy of San Friano, which treasure
was afterwards robbed by the Ghibellines, as hereafter
we shall make mention.
§ 23.-How Pope Clement summoned a council at
Vienne in Burgundy, and canonised S. Louis, son of King
Charles. § 24.-How the Emperor Henry came into the
city of Genoa. § 25.-How an imperial vicar came to
Arezzo.
§ 26.-How the ambassadors from the Emperor came
to Florence, and were driven thence.
In the said year, and month of October, there came
to Florence M. Pandolfo Savelli, of Rome, and other
clerks as ambassadors from the Emperor. When they
were come to Lastra, above Montughi, the priors of
Florence sent them word not to enter into Florence, but
to depart. The said ambassadors, not being willing to
depart, were robbed by Florentine highwaymen, with
the secret consent of the priors; and fleeing in peril of
their lives, they departed by the way of Mugello to
Arezzo, and afterwards from Arezzo summoned all the
nobles and lords and the commonwealths of Tuscany to
BOOK IX. §§ 23-32
407
prepare themselves to come to the Emperor's coronation
at Rome.
§ 27.-How the Florentines sent their troops to Luni- 1311 A.D.
giana to oppose the passage of the Emperor.
§ 28.-How the empress died in Genoa.
In the said year, in the month of November, there
died in Genoa the empress, wife of the Emperor, which
was held to be a holy and good woman, and was daugh-
ter of the duke of Brabant; and was buried in the Minor
Friars with great honour.
1311 A.D.
§ 29.- How the Emperor put the Florentines under the
ban of the Empire.
In the said year and month the Emperor issued a 1311 A.D.
proclamation from Genoa against the Florentines that,
if within forty days they did not send him twelve good
men with a plenipotentiary and full promise to obey
him, he would condemn their goods and persons to be
forfeit, wherever found. The commonwealth of Florence
did not send any messengers, but all the Florentine
merchants which were in Genoa received orders to de-
part thence, and this they did; and after that, all mer-
chandise which was found in Genoa in the name of the
Florentines was seized by the court of the Emperor.
§ 30.-Of the scandal which was in Florence among 1311 A.D.
the wool-workers. § 31.-How King Robert sent men to
Florence to oppose the Emperor.
§ 32.-How the city of Brescia rebelled against the`
Emperor.
1311 A.D.
J
→.
1
408
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
In the said year, in the end of December, the Guelfs
of Brescia re-entered the city to cause it to rebel against
the Emperor. Thither rode M. Cane della Scala with
his forces, and drave them out thence with great loss.
And in the said month of December M. Ghiberto da
Correggia, which was holding Parma, rebelled against
the lordship of the Emperor, as likewise did they of
Reggio; and the Florentines and the rest of the league.
of the Guelfs of Tuscany sent aid to them of man and
horse.
§ 33.--How there was great tumult in Florence by
reason of the death of M. Pazzino de Pazzi.
§ 34.-How the city of Cremona rebelled against the
Emperor.
In the said year 1311, on the 10th day of the said
month of January, the Cremonese rebelled against the
lordship of the Emperor, and drave out his people and
his vicar, and this was through the suggestion of the
Florentines, which still had their ambassador there to
treat of this, promising to the Cremonese much aid in
money and in people; but the promise was ill fulfilled
to them by the Florentines.
§ 35.-How the marshal of the Emperor came to Pisa,
and began war with the Florentines.
In the said year, on the 11th of January, Henry of
Namûrs, brother of Count Robert of Flanders, marshal
of the Emperor, came by sea to Pisa with but small
following, and two days after sallied forth from Pisa with
his men, and took station this side Pontadera, and all
the goods of the Florentines which were coming from
f
Į
BOOK IX. §§ 33-39
409
*.
:
Pisa he caused to be captured and taken back to Pisa; 1311 A.D.
whence the Florentines had great loss. For this cause
the Florentines sent foot and horse to Samminiato and
the frontier there.
$ 36.-How the Paduans rebelled against the lordship
of the Emperor.
In the said year, on the 15th of February, the Paduans,
with the help of the Florentines and of the Bolognese,
rebelled against the lordship of the Emperor, and drave
out his vicar and his followers; and tumultuously slew
M. Guglielmo Novello, their fellow-citizen and chief
leader of the Ghibelline party in Padua.
§ 37.-How the Emperor Henry came to the city of
Pisa. § 38.-How they of Spoleto were defeated by the
Perugians.
§ 39-Of the gathering together made by King Robert
and the league of Tuscany at Rome to oppose the coronation
of the Emperor Henry.
In the year 1312, in the month of April, when King 1312 A.D.
Robert heard of the preparation which the king of Ger-
many was making in Pisa, to come to Rome to be
crowned, he sent forward to Rome, at the request and
with the support of the Orsini, M. John, his brother,
with 600 Catalan and Apulian horsemen, and they came
to Rome the 16th day of April; and he sent to the
Florentines and Lucchese and Sienese, and to the other
cities of Tuscany which were in league with him, to send
their forces there; wherefore there went forth from
Florence on the 9th day of May, 1312, a troop of
200 horsemen of the best citizens, and the marshal of
King Robert which was in their pay, with 300 Catalan
i
410
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1312 A.D.
Cf. Par.
xvi. 42.
1312 A.D.
horse and 1,000 foot, very fine soldiers; and the royal
standard was borne by M. Berto di M. Pazzino dei
Pazzi, a valiant and wise young knight, which died at
Rome in the service of the king and of the common-
wealth of Florence. And from Lucca there went 300
horse and 1,000 foot, and of Sienese 200 horse and 600
foot, and many other cities of Tuscany and of the
Roman state sent men thither. Which all were in Rome
on the 21st day of May, 1312, to oppose the coronation
of the Emperor; and with the force of the said Orsini,
of Rome, and of their followers they took the Capitol,
and drave out thence by force M. Louis, of Savoy, the
senator; and they took the towers and fortresses at the
foot of the Capitol, above the market, and fortified
Hadrian's Castle, called S. Angelo, and the church and
palaces of S. Peter; and thus they had the lordship and
rule over more than the half of Rome, and that, too,
the most populous; and all the Transtiberine district.
The Colonnesi and their following, which took the side
of the Emperor, held the Lateran, Santa Maria Maggiore,
the Coliseum, Santa Maria Ritonda, the Milizie, and
Santa Savina; and thus each party was defended by
bars and bolts in great strongholds. And as the people
of Florence abode there, on S. John Baptist's Day, their
principal feast, they ran the races in Rome for their
cloth of crimson samite, as they were wont to do on
the said day in Florence.
§ 40.-How the Emperor Henry departed from Pisa
and came to Rome.
In the said year, on the 23rd day of April, the king
of Germany departed from Pisa with his people to the
number of 2,000 horse and more, and took the way of
*
3
,
BOOK IX. §§ 40–43
4II
vi. 107.
the Maremma, and then by the country of Siena, and 1312 A.D.
by that of Orvieto, without sojourning, and without any
hindrance he came to Viterbo, and had it without oppo-
sition, forasmuch as it pertained to the lordship of the
Colonnas. And as he passed through the territory of
Orvieto, the Filippeschi of Orvieto, with their following
of Ghibellines, began a strife within the city against the Cf. Purg.
Monaldeschi and the other Guelfs of Orvieto, to give the
city to the Emperor. The Guelfs, being strong and well-
armed, fought vigorously before the Ghibellines could
gain the aid of the Emperor's troops, and overcame
them, and drave them out of the city with many slain and
captured. Then the king of Germany abode many days.
at Viterbo, not being able to gain admittance by the
gate of S. Piero of Rome; and the Emilian Bridge over
the Tiber being fortified and guarded by the forces of
the Orsini, at last he departed from Viterbo, and stayed
at Monte Malo; and afterwards by the forces of his Cf. Par.
followers from without, and those of the Colonnesi and
their party within, he assailed the fortresses and strong-
holds of the Emilian Bridge, and by strength overcame
them, and thus he entered into Rome on the 7th day
of May, and came to Santa Savina to sojourn.
XV.
109-III.
§ 41.-How M. Galeasso Visconti of Milan took the 1312 A.D.
city of Piacenza. § 42.-How the Florentines drave away
the Pisans in discomfiture from Cerretello.
$43.-How Henry of Luxemburg was crowned Emperor
at Rome.
In the said year, whilst the king of the Romans abode 1312 A.D.
long time in Rome, till he might come by force to the
church of S. Peter to be crowned, his followers had
412
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1312 A.D. many battles with the opposing forces of King Robert
and the Tuscans, and overcame them by force and
regained the Capitol, and the fortresses above the mar-
ket, and the towers of S. Mark. And verily it seems
as if he would have been victorious in large measure in
the strife, save that on one day, the 26th day of May,
when in a great battle, the bishop of Liège, with many
barons of Germany, having forced the lines, was travers-
ing the city well-nigh to the bridge of S. Angelo, King
Robert's followers, with the Florentines, departed from
the Campo di Fiore by cross-ways, and attacked the
enemy in the flank, and pursued and broke them up ; and
more than 250 horsemen were either slain or taken pri-
soner, among which the said bishop of Liège was taken;
and whilst a knight was bringing him behind him
disarmed on his horse to M. John, brother of King
Robert, a Catalan, whose brother had been slain in
this pursuit, thrust at him in the back with his sword;
wherefore, when he came to the castle of S. Angelo,
in a short time he died; and this was a heavy loss,
forasmuch as he was a lord of great valour and of
great authority. By reason of the said loss and dis-
comfiture, King Robert's followers and their men in-
creased greatly in vigour and audacity, and those of the
king of Germany the contrary. When he perceived
that these conflicts did not make for his good, and that
he was losing his men and his honour, having first sent
to the Pope to ask that his cardinals might crown him
in whatever church of Rome might please him, he de-
termined to have himself crowned in S. John Lateran;
and there was he crowned by the bishop of Ostia,
Cardinal da Prato, and by M. Luca dal Fiesco, and
M. Arnaldo Guasconi, cardinals, the day of S. Peter in
·
!
:
BOOK IX. § 44
413
Vincola, the 1st of August, 1312, with great honour 1312 A.D.
from those people which were with him, and from those
Romans which were on his side. And the Emperor
Henry having been crowned, a few days after he departed
to Tivoli to sojourn there, and left Rome barricaded and
in evil state, and each party kept its streets and strong-
holds fortified and guarded. And when the coronation
was over, there departed of his barons, the duke of
Bavaria and his people, and other lords of Germany,
which had served him, so that he remained with but few
foreigners.
§ 44.-How the Emperor departed from Rome to go
into Tuscany,
Then the Emperor departed from Tivoli, and came 1312 A.D.
with his people to Todi, and was received honourably
by the inhabitants, and as their lord, forasmuch as they
took his part. The Florentines and the other Tuscans,
hearing that the Emperor had departed from Rome and
was taking his way towards Tuscany, straightway sent
for their troops which were at Rome, to the end they
might be stronger against his coming. And when the
said troops had returned, the Florentines and the other
cities of Tuscany garrisoned their fortresses with horsemen
and with soldiers, to resist the coming of the Emperor,
fearing greatly his forces, and confining more straitly the
Ghibellines and others which were suspected; and the
Florentines increased the number of their horsemen to
1,300, and of soldiers they had with the marshal and
with others 700, so that they had about 2,000 horsemen ;
and every other town and city of Tuscany in the league
of King Robert and of the Guelf party, had strengthened
itself with soldiers for fear of the Emperor.
414
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
!
1312 A.D.
§ 45.-How the Emperor came to the city of Arezzo,
and afterwards how he came towards the city of Florence.
In the said month of August, in 1312, the Emperor
departed from Todi and passed through the region of
Perugia, destroying and burning, and his people took by
force Castiglione of Chiusi on the lake, and from there
he came to Cortona, and then to Arezzo, and was
received by the Aretines with great honour. And in
Arezzo he assembled his army to come against the city
of Florence, and suddenly he departed from Arezzo and
entered into the territory of Florence on the 12th day
of September, and there was straightway surrendered to
him the fortress of Caposelvole upon the Ambra which
pertained to the Florentines. And then he pitched his
camp before the fortress of Montevarchi, which was well
furnished with soldiers, both horse and foot, and with
victuals; against it he ordered many assaults, and caused
the moats to be emptied of water, and filled up with
earth. They within the city, seeing that they were so
hotly assailed, and that the city had low walls, and that
the horsemen of the Emperor fighting on foot, and
mounting the walls on ladders, did not fear the arrows
nor the stones which were thrown down, were greatly
dismayed, and being sure that the Florentines would not
succour them, surrendered themselves on the third day
to the Emperor. And when he had taken Montevarchi,
without delay he came with his host to the fortress of
Sangiovanni, which in like manner surrendered itself to
him, and he took there seventy Catalan horsemen, in the
service of the Florentines: and thus without hindrance
he came to the village of Fegghine
•
BOOK IX. §§ 45–46
415
§ 46.-How the Florentines were well-nigh discomfited
at the fortress of Ancisa by the army of the Emperor.
When the Florentines heard that the Emperor had 1312 A.D.
departed from Arezzo, immediately the people and horse-
men of Florence, without awaiting other aid, rode to
the fortress of Ancisa upon the Arno, and they were
about 1,800 horse and many foot, and at Ancisa they
encamped to hold the pass against the Emperor. And
when he heard this, he came with his army to the plain
of Ancisa upon the island of Arno which is called Il
Mezzule, and challenged the Florentines to battle. The
Florentines, knowing themselves to be in number of
their horsemen not much superior to those of the Em-
peror, and being without a captain, did not desire to try
the fortune of battle, believing that they could hinder
the Emperor by reason of the difficult pass, so that he
could not get through to Florence. The Emperor seeing
that the Florentines were not willing to fight, by counsel
of the wise men of war, refugees from Florence, took
the way of the hill above Ancisa, and by narrow and
difficult passes came by the fortress and to the territory
of Florence. The host of the Florentines perceiving his
movements, and fearing lest he should come to the city
of Florence, some part of them with the king's marshal
and his troops departed from Ancisa, to be before him
in the way.
The count of Savoy, and M. Henry of
Flanders, which were come before to take the pass,
vigorously attacked them which were at the frontier under
Montelfi, and with the advantage which they had of the
hill, they put them to flight and discomfiture, and some
pursued them as far as the village of Ancisa. The
rout of the Florentines was more through the dismay
caused by the sudden assault, than by loss of men; for
416
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
t
1312 A.D.
1312 A. D.
F
among them all there were not twenty-five horsemen
slain, and less than one hundred footmen; and well-nigh
all the foreigners which came in pursuit of them as far
as the village were slain. Nevertheless, the followers of
the Emperor remained victorious in the combat, and the
Florentines were filled with fear; and the Emperor spent
that night two miles this side of Ancisa on the way to
Florence. The Florentines remained in the fortress of
Ancisa, as it were besieged and with but little provision
of victuals, so that, if the Emperor had been constant to
the siege, the Florentines which were at Ancisa would
have been well-nigh all slain or taken. But as it pleased
God, the Emperor resolved that night to go direct to the
city of Florence, believing that he should take it without
opposition; and he left the host of the Florentines be-
hind at Ancisa, seeing that they were in a state of siege,
and in much fear, and in great disorder.
§ 47.-How the Emperor Henry encamped with his
host before the city of Florence.
And thus the day following, the 19th day of Septem-
ber, 1312, the Emperor came with his host to the city of
Florence, his followers setting fire to everything they
came across; and thus he crossed the river Arno, over
against where the Mensola enters it, and abode at
the monastery of Santo Salvi, with perhaps 1,000 horse-
The rest of his followers remained in Valdarno,
and part at Todi, which came to him afterwards; and
as they came through the region of Perugia, they were
assailed by the Perugians, and defended themselves
against them, and passed on with loss and shame
to the Perugians. And the Emperor came thither so
suddenly that the most part of the Florentines could not
men.
BOOK IX. § 47
417
:
..
believe that he was there in person; and they were so 1312 A.D.
dismayed and fearful about their horsemen which were
left at Ancisa well-nigh discomfited, that if the Em-
peror and his followers, upon their sudden coming had
advanced to the gates, they would have found them
open and ill-guarded; and it is thought by most that the
city would have been taken. The Florentines, however,
beholding the burning of the houses along the way,
called the people to arms by sound of bell, and with the
standards of their companies they came to the piazza of
the Priors, and the bishop of Florence armed himself,
with the horses belonging to the clergy, and hastened to
defend the Porta Santo Ambrogio and the moats; and all
the people on foot were with him; and they barred the
gates, and ordered the standard-bearers and their people,
at their posts along the moats, to guard the city by day
and by night. And within the city on that side they
pitched a camp with pavilions, tents, and booths, to the
intent the guard might be stronger, and made palisades.
along the moats of all kinds of wood, with portcullises,
in a very short time. And thus abode the Florentines in
great fear for two days, for their horsemen and their army
were returning from Ancisa by divers ways by the vale of
Robbiano, and from Santa Maria in Pianeta a Monte-
buoni [Impruneta] in the night season. When they came
to Florence, the city was reassured; and the Lucchese sent
thither in aid and defence of the city 600 horse and 3,000
foot, and the Sienese 600 horse and 2,000 foot, and they
of Pistoia 100 horse and 500 foot, and they of Prato 50
horse and 400 foot, and they of Volterra 100 horse and
300 foot, and Colle and Sangimignagno and Samminiato
each 50 horse and 200 foot, the Bolognese 400 horse
and 1,000 foot; from Romagna there came, what with
E E
+13
418
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
*
Rimini and Ravenna and Faenza and Cesena and the
other Guelf cities, 300 horse and 1,500 foot, and from
Agobbio 100 horse, and from the city of Castello 50 horse.
From Perugia there came no aid, by reason of the war
which they had with Todi and Spoleto. And thus within
eight days of the siege being declared by the Emperor,
the Florentines with their allies were more than 4,000
horse, and foot without number. The Emperor had
1,800 horsemen, whereof 800 were foreigners and 1,000
Italians, from Rome, from the March, from the Duchy,
from Arezzo, and from Romagna, and from the Counts
Guidi, and them of Santafiore, and the Florentine refu-
gees; and much people on foot, forasmuch as the country
people of the region which he was occupying, all followed
his camp. And that year was the most fertile and fruit-
ful in all food which had been for thirty years past.
The Emperor abode at the siege until the last day of
the month of October, laying the whole country waste
towards the eastern side, and did great hurt to the
Florentines without any attack upon the city, being in
hopes of gaining it by agreement; and even if he had
attacked it, it was so well furnished with horsemen, that
there would have been two or more defending the city
for every one without, and of foot four to one; and the
Florentines were in such good heart that the most part
went about unarmed, and they kept all the other gates
open, save the one on that side; and the merchandise
came in and went out as if there had been no war.
As to the Florentines sallying forth to battle, either by
reason of cowardice or of prudence in war, or because
they had no leader, they would in no wise trust to the
fortune of the combat, albeit they had greatly the advan-
tage, had they but had a good captain, and been more
Mчou
1312 A.D.
Purg. vi.
III.
BOOK IX. § 48
419
*
united among themselves. Certainly they rode out to 1312 A.D.
Cerretello, whither the Pisans had marched with their
army, and they forced them to withdraw from it again,
as though defeated, in the month of October. The
Emperor lay sick many days at San Salvi, and perceiving
that he could not gain the city by agreement, and that
the Florentines would not give battle, he departed, not
yet recovered. [And whilst he was still at San Salvi,
the count of Savoy was discoursing with the abbot and
certain monks of that place, concerning the Emperor,
how he had heard from his astrologers or by some other
revelation, that he was to conquer as far as to the world's
end; then said the abbot smiling: "The prophecy is
fulfilled, for hard by where you are dwelling, there is
a road which has no exit, which is called the World's
End"; wherefore the count and the other barons which
heard this were confounded in their vain hope: and
for this reason, wise men ought not to put faith in any
prophecy or sayings of astrologers, for they are lies and
have a double meaning.]
§ 48.-How the Emperor abandoned the siege, and de-
parted from San Salvi, and came to San Casciano, and
then to Poggibonizzi.
The Emperor with his host departed on the night 1312 A.D.
following All Saints, and having burnt his camp, he
passed the Arno by the way which he came, and en-
camped on the plain of Ema, three miles from the city.
On his going the Florentines did not sally forth from
the city by night, but they sounded the bells and all
men stood to arms; and for this cause, as was afterwards
known, the followers of the Emperor were in great
trepidation about their departure, lest they should be
420
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1312 A.D.
attacked by night either in front or in rear by the
Florentines. The morning following, a part of the
Florentines went to the hill of Santa Margherita above
the camp of the Emperor, and by way of skirmishes they
made many assaults upon them, in the which they had
the worse; and having tarried there three days in shame,
he departed and came with his host to the village of
San Casciano, eight miles from the city; wherefore the
Florentines caused a trench to be dug round the in-
crease of the sesto of Oltrarno outside the ancient walls,
on the first of December, 1312. And the Emperor
being at San Casciano, the Pisans came thither to his
aid with full 500 horse and 3,000 foot, and 1,000 archers
of Genoa, and they arrived the 20th day of November.
At San Casciano he abode until the 6th day of January,
without making any attack upon the Florentines save
incursions, and laying waste, and burning houses in the
region; and he took many strongholds of the country;
nor did the Florentines therefore sally forth to battle,
save in incursions and skirmishes, wherein now one
party and now the other suffered loss, not worthy of
much mention, save that at one encounter, at Cerbaia
in the Val di Pesa our troops were routed by the Ger-
mans, and one of the Spini was there slain, and one of
the Bostichi, and one of the Guadagni, because of their
boldness at that place; for they were of a company of
volunteers, with a captain, their banner bearing a red
stripe on a green field, and they called themselves the
Cavaliers of the Stripe, of the most famous young men
But
of Florence, and they did many feats of arms.
during this time, the Florentines parted from a great
number of their allies and let them go; and the Em-
peror himself had not many followers; and by reason
BOOK IX. § 49
421
of his long sojourn and by the discomfort of the cold, 1312 A.D.
there began in the camp at San Casciano to be great
sickness and mortality among the people, which greatly
infected the country, and reached as far as to Flor-
ence ; for the which cause the Emperor departed with
his host from San Casciano and came to Poggibonizzi,
and took the strongholds of Barberino and of San
Donato in Poggio, and many other fortresses; at Poggi-
bonizzi he restored the fortress upon the hill, as of
old it was wont to be, and gave it the name of the
Imperial Fortress. There he abode until the 6th day
of March, and during that sojourn he was in great need
of provision, and suffered much want, he and all his
host, forasmuch as the Sienese on the one side, and the
Florentines on the other, between them had closed the
roads, and 300 soldiers of King Robert were in Colle
di Valdelsa, and harassed them continually; and 200
of the Emperor's horsemen, as they were returning from
Casole, were defeated by the king's horsemen which
were in Colle, on the 14th day of February, 1312. And
on the other side, the marshal with the soldiers of
Florence, harassed him in Sangimignagno, so that the
state of the Emperor was much diminished, and there
scarce remained to him 1,000 horse, forasmuch as M.
Robert of Flanders had departed with his followers, and
the Florentines fought with him on the hill at Castel-
fiorentino, and a great part of his men were slain or
taken, and he fled with a few, albeit he had held the
field well, and had given them which attacked him
much to do, which were four to his one, and were
much shamed thereby.
§ 49.-How the Emperor departed from Poggibonizzi
422
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1313 A.D.
and returned to Pisa, and issued many bans against the
Florentines.
Thus the Emperor perceived himself to be brought
low in men and in victuals, and also in money, so that
nought was left to him to spend, save only that am-
bassadors from King Frederick of Sicily, which landed
at Pisa, and came to him to Poggibonizzi to make a
league with him against King Robert, gave him 20,000
golden pistoles. When he had paid his debts with
these, he departed from Poggibonizzi, and without halt-
ing came to Pisa, on the 9th day of March, 1312, in
very evil plight, both he and his followers; but the
Emperor Henry had this supreme virtue in him, that
never in adversity was he as one cast down, nor in
prosperity was he vainglorious. When the Emperor
had returned to Pisa he proclaimed a great and weighty
sentence against the Florentines, taking from them all
jurisdiction and honours, disqualifying all the judges
and notaries, and condemning the commonwealth of
Florence to pay 100,000 marks of silver; and many
citizens, both magnates and popolani who were in the
government of Florence, he condemned in their money,
and persons, and goods; and the Florentines were not
to coin money in gold or in silver; and he granted to
M. Ubizzino Spinoli of Genoa and to the marquis
of Montferrat, the privilege of coining florins counter-
feited after the impression of those of the Florentines;
the which thing, by wise men, was charged against him
as a great fault and sin, for however indignant and
wrathful he might be against the Florentines, he ought
never to have granted a privilege to coin false florins.
§ 50.-How the Emperor condemned King Robert.
BOOK IX. §§ 50-51
423
:
Against King Robert he likewise proclaimed a heavy 1313 A.D.
sentence, declaring his realm of Apulia and the county
of Provence to be forfeit, and himself and his heirs to be
condemned in their persons as traitors against the Em-
pire; which sentence was afterwards declared null and
void by Pope John XXII. And while the Emperor was
in Pisa, M. Henry of Flanders, his marshal, rode to
Versilia and Lunigiana with 800 horse and 6,000 foot,
and took Pietrasanta by force on the 28th day of March,
1313. The Lucchese, which were at Camaiore with the
forces of the Florentines, did not venture to oppose him,
but returned to Lucca ; and Serrezzano, which was held
by the Lucchese, surrendered to the Marquises Mali-
spini, who held with the Emperor.
§ 51.-How the Emperor made ready to enter into the
Kingdom against King Robert, and departed from Pisa.
This done, the Emperor took counsel not to encounter 1313 A.D.
the Florentines and the other Tuscans (whereby he had
little bettered his state, but rather made it worse), but
to bring matters to a head, and to march against
King Robert with all his force and take the Kingdom
from him; and if he had done this, it was believed that
he would have been master of all Italy; and certainly
this would have come to pass, if God had not averted
it, as we shall make mention. He made a league with
King Frederick, who held the island of Sicily, and with
the Genoese, and ordained that each one, on the day
named, should put to sea with a large fleet of armed
galleys; he sent into Germany and into Lombardy for
fresh troops, and made the like demands on all his sub-
jects, and on the Ghibellines of Italy. During this sojourn
in Pisa, he collected much money, and without sleeping,
424
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1313 A.D.
caused his marshal continually to make war against Lucca
and Samminiato, though he made but little progress. In
the summer of 1313, which he passed in Pisa, after his
forces were come to him, he numbered more than 2,500
foreign horsemen, for the most part Germans, and of
Italians fully 1,500 horsemen. The Genoese armed at
his request seventy galleys, whereof M. Lamba d' Oria
was admiral, and he came with the said navy to the
port of Pisa, and parleyed with the Emperor; afterwards
he departed towards the kingdom to the island of
Ponzo. King Frederick armed fifty galleys, and on the
day named, the 5th of August, 1313, the Emperor de-
parted from Pisa; and the same day it came to pass that
King Frederick departed from Messina with his army,
and with 1,000 horse, encamped in Calabria, and took
the city of Reggio, and many other cities.
§ 52.-How the Emperor Henry died at Bonconvento,
in the country of Siena.
When the Emperor had departed from Pisa he crossed
the Elsa, and attacked Castelfiorentino, and could not
take it; he went on through Poggibonizzi and Colle, as
far as Siena alongside the gates. In Siena there were
many folk of war, and certain Florentine horsemen
sallied forth from the Cammollia Gate to skirmish, and
were worsted and driven back into the city; and Siena
was in great fear; and the Emperor passed by the city
and encamped at Montaperti upon the Arbia; there he
began to be sick, albeit his sickness had made itself felt
even from his departure from Pisa; but because he would
not fail to depart on the day named, he set forth on
his journey. Then he went to the plain of Filetta, to
bathe in the baths of Macereto, and from there he went
¿
:
BOOK IX. §§ 52-53
425
to the village of Bonconvento, twelve miles beyond 1313 A.D.
Siena. There he grew rapidly worse, and, as it pleased
God, he passed from this life on the day of S. Bartholo-
mew, the 24th day of August, 1313.
§ 53-Relates how, when the Emperor was dead, his
host was divided, and the barons carried his body to the
city of Pisa.
When the Emperor Henry was dead, his host, and
the Pisans, and all his friends were in great grief thereat,
and the Florentines, Sienese and Lucchese and they of
their league rejoiced greatly. And when he was dead,
straightway the Aretines and the other Ghibellines
from the March and from Romagna departed from the
host at Bonconvento, wherein were great numbers of
people, both on horse and on foot. His barons and the
Pisan cavalry, with their followers, without delay passed
through the Maremma with his body, and brought it
to Pisa; there, with great sorrow and also with great
honour, they buried it in their cathedral. This was the
end of the Emperor Henry. And let not the reader
marvel, that his story has been continued by us without
recounting other things and events in Italy and in other
provinces and realms; for two reasons, one, because all
Christians and also Greeks and Saracens were intent
upon his doings and fortunes, and therefore but few
notable things came to pass in any other place; the other,
that by reason of the divers and manifold great fortunes
which he met withal in the short time that he lived, it is
verily believed by the wise, that if death had not come so
early to a lord of such valour and of such great under-
takings as he was, he would have conquered the Kingdom,
and taken it from King Robert, who had made but little
426
CHRONICLE OF VİLLANİ
1313 A.D. preparation for its defence. Rather was it said by many,
that King Robert would not have awaited him, but
would have gone by sea to Provence; and after he had
conquered the Kingdom as he purposed, it would have
been very easy for him to conquer all Italy and many of
the other provinces.
Par. xxx.
133-138.
3
§ 54.-How Frederick, the said king of Sicily, came by
sea to the city of Pisa. § 55.-How the Count Filippone
of Pavia was defeated at Piacenza.
§ 56.-How the Florentines gave the lordship of Flor-
ence to King Robert for five years.
In the said year 1313, whilst the Emperor was yet
alive, the Florentines finding themselves in evil case,
alike from the forces of the Emperor and of their own
exiles, and also having dissensions among themselves
from the factions which had arisen as to the filling of
the magistracies, they gave themselves to King Robert
for five years, and then afterwards they renewed it for
three, and thus for eight years King Robert had the
lordship over them, sending them a vicar every six
months, and the first was M. Giacomo di Cantelmo of
Provence, who came to Florence in the month of June,
1313.
And the Lucchese and the Pistoians and the
men of Prato did the like, in giving the lordship to
King Robert. And of a surety this was the salvation
of the Florentines, for by reason of the great divisions
among the Guelfs, if there had not been this device of
the lordship of King Robert they would have been torn
to pieces and destroyed by each other, and one side or
the other cast out.
*
BOOK IX. §§ 54-59
427
§ 57.-How the Spinoli were expelled from Genoa. 1313 A.D.
§ 58.-How Uguccione da Faggiuola, lord of Pisa, made
great war against the Lucchese, so that they restored the
Ghibelline refugees to Lucca under enforced terms of peace.
$ 59. Of the death of Pope Clement.
XXX. 142-
Epist. v.
10: 167,
168.
In the year 1314, on the 20th day of April, Pope 1314 A.D.
Clement died; he was on his way to Bordeaux, in
Gascony, and when he had passed the Rhone at Ro-
quemaure, in Provence, he fell sick and died. This was
a man very greedy of money, and a simoniac, which Inf. xix.
sold in his court every benefice for money, and was
82-87.
Par. xvii.
licentious; for it was openly said that he had as mistress 82, xxvii.
the countess of Perigord, a most beautiful lady, daughter 58-60,
of the count of Foix. And he bequeathed to his 148.
nephews and family immense and boundless treasure;
and it was said that while the said Pope was yet alive,
one of his nephews, a cardinal, died, whom he greatly
loved; and he constrained a great master of necromancy
to tell him what had become of his nephew's soul. The
said master having wrought his arts, caused a chaplain of
the Pope, a very courageous man, to be conducted by
the demons, which had him to hell, and showed him
visibly a palace wherein was a bed of glowing fire, and
thereon was the soul of the said nephew which was dead,
and they said to him that for his simony he was thus
judged. And he saw in his vision another palace being
raised over against the first, which they told him was
being prepared for Pope Clement. And the said chaplain
brought back these tidings to the Pope, which was never
afterwards glad, and he lived but a short time longer;
and when he was dead, and his body had been left for
the night in a church with many lights, his coffin caught
428
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1314. A.D. fire and was burnt, and his body from the middle down-
wards.
Joannes de
Virgillo.
Carmen v.
28.
Par. xix.
118-120.
•
§ 60.-How Uguccione da Faggiuola with the Pisans.
took the city of Lucca and stole the treasure of the Church.
§ 61.-How M. Peter, brother of King Robert, came to
Florence as lord. § 62.-How King Robert went with
a great armament against Sicily, and besieged the city of
Trapali.
§ 63.-How the Paduans were discomfited at Vicenza
by M. Cane della Scala.
In the said year 1314, on the 18th day of September,
the Paduans went in full force to Vicenza, and took the
suburbs, and besieged the city; but M. Cane, lord of
Verona, suddenly came to Vicenza, and with a few
followers fought against the Paduans; and they being in
disorder, trusting in themselves too much after having
taken the suburbs, were discomfited, and many of them
were slain and taken prisoner.
§ 64.-How the Florentines made peace with the Are-
tines. § 65.-How a comet appeared in the heavens.
§ 66. Of the death of Philip, king of France, and of
his sons.
K
In the said year 1314, in the month of November,
the King Philip, king of France, which had reigned
twenty-nine years, died by an ill-adventure; for, being at
a chase, a wild boar ran between the legs of the horse
whereupon he was riding, and caused him to fall, and
shortly after he died. He was one of the most comely
men in the world, and of the tallest in person, and well
BOOK IX. § 60-66
429
:
I
?
109, 110.
proportioned in every limb; he was a wise man in him- 1314 A.D.
self, and good, after layman's fashion, but by reason of
pleasure-seeking, especially in the chase, he did not devote Purg. vii.
his
powers to ruling his realm, but rather allowed them to
be played upon by others, so that he was generally swayed
by ill counsel, to which he lent a too ready credence ;
whence many perils came to his realm. He left three
sons, Louis, king of Navarre; Philip, count of Poitou;
and Charles, Count de la Marche. All these sons one
after another in a short while became kings of France,
one succeeding on the death of another. And a little
while before King Philip, their father, died, there fell
upon them great and shameful misfortune, for the wives
of all three were found to be faithless; and each one of
the husbands was among the most beauteous Christians
in the world. The wife of King Louis was daughter of the
duke of Burgundy. Louis, when he was king of France,
caused her to be strangled with a towel, and then took
to wife Queen Clemence, daughter, that was, of Charles Cf. Par.
Martel, the son of Charles II., king of Apulia. The wives
of the second and third sons were sisters, daughters of
the count of Burgundy, and heiresses of the countess of
Artois. Philip, count of Poitou, on his wife's denial of
the charge, and because he loved her much, took her
again as being good and beautiful; Charles, Count de la
Marche, never would take his wife back, but kept her in
prison. This misfortune, it was said, befell them as a
miracle by reason of the sin which prevailed in that
house of taking their kinswomen to wife, not regarding
degrees, or perchance because of the sin committed by
their father in taking Pope Boniface, as the bishop of
Sion prophesied, as we have before narrated.
ix. I.
430
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1314 A.D.
1315 A.D.
§ 67.-Of the election which was made in Germany of
two Emperors, one the duke of Bavaria, and the other
the duke of Austria. § 68.-How Uguccione, lord of
Pisa, made great war against the neighbouring places.
§ 69.-How King Louis of France was crowned, and led
an army against the Flemings, but gained nothing.
§ 70.-How Uguccione, lord of Lucca and of Pisa, laid
siege to the castle of Montecatini.
In the said year, Uguccione da Faggiuola, with his
forces of German troops, being lord of all Pisa and of
Lucca, having triumphed throughout all Tuscany, brought
his host and laid siege to Montecatini, in Valdinievole,
which was held by the Florentines after the loss of
Lucca ; and, albeit it was well furnished with good men,
yet by means of the siege works it was greatly straitened,
and in sore want of provisions. The Florentines sent
into the Kingdom for M. Philip of Taranto, brother
to King Robert, to oppose the fury of Uguccione,
and of the Pisans, and of the Germans; and he came
to Florence on the 11th of July with 500 horsemen
in the pay of the Florentines, and with his son Charles,
against the will of King Robert, who knew his brother
to be more headstrong than wise, and also not very
fortunate in battle, but rather the contrary; and if the
Florentines had been willing to tarry longer, King
Robert would have sent to Florence his son, the duke,
with more order and more preparation, and a better
following: but the haste of the Florentines, and the
device of hostile fortune, made them desire only the
prince, whence came to them thereafter much harm and
loss of renown,
→
BOOK IX. § 67–71
43I
§ 71.-How, when the prince of Taranto was come to 1315 A.D.
Florence, the Florentines sallied forth with their army to
succour Montecatini, and were defeated by Uguccione della
Faggiuola.
When the prince of Taranto and his son were come Joannes de
Virgilio.
to Florence, Uguccione, with all his forces from Pisa Carmen
and from Lucca, and those of the bishop of Arezzo, and v. 27.
of the counts of Santafiore, and of all the Ghibellines of
Tuscany and the exiles of Florence, with aid of the
Lombards, under M. Maffeo Visconti and his sons, to
the number of 2,500 and more horse, and a great number
of foot, came to besiege the stronghold of Montecatini.
The Florentines, in order to succour it, assembled a
great host, and since they invited all their friends, there
were there Bolognese, Sienese, men of Perugia and of
the city of Castello, of Agobbio, and of Romagna, and
of Pistoia, of Volterra, and of Prato, and of all the other
Guelf and friendly cities of Tuscany, to the number, with
the followers of the prince and of M. Piero, of 3,200
horse and a very great number of foot; and they de-
parted from Florence on the 6th day of August. And
when the said host of the Florentines and of the prince
was come to Valdinievole, over against that of Uguccione,
many days they abode face to face with the torrent of
the Nievole between them, and many assaults and
skirmishes took place. The Florentines, with many
captains and but little order, held their enemies for
nought; Uguccione and his people held theirs in great
fear, and for this cause they kept strict guard and wise
generalship. Uguccione, receiving tidings that the
Guelfs of the territory six miles around Lucca, at the
instigation of the Florentines, were marching upon
Lucca, and had already routed the escort and taken
432
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1315 A.D. possession of the road whereby provisions were brought
to his army, took counsel to withdraw from the siege;
and by night he gathered his troops and burned his out-
works, and came with his followers in battle array to the
neutral ground on the plain commanded by both the
two hosts, with the intention, if the prince and his host
did not stretch out to intercept him, to march through
and make for Pisa; and if they desired to fight, he
would have the advantage of the field, and would risk
the chances of battle. The prince and the Florentines
and their host, perceiving this, when day broke left the
camp, and moved their tents and baggage; and the
prince being ill with ague, they showed but little fore-
sight, nor kept good order in the troops, by reason of
the sudden and unexpected breaking up of the camp,
but they confronted the enemy, thinking to turn them to
flight. Uguccione, perceiving that he could not avoid
the battle, caused the outposts of the plain to be assailed
(to wit, the Sienese and them of Colle and others,) by
his forefighters, about 150 horse, whereof were captains
with the imperial pennon, M. Giovanni Giacotti Male-
spini, a rebel against Florence, and Uguccione's son;
and the Sienese and men of Colle were without resist-
ance broken up and driven back as far as the troop of
M. Piero, which was with the Florentine horse. There
the said forefighters were checked and well-nigh all cut
off and slain, and the said M. Giovanni was left there
dead, and Uguccione's son, and their company; and the
imperial pennon was cut down, with many good and
brave folk.
72.—More about the said battle and defeat of the
Florentines and of the prince.
BOOK IX. § 72
433
When the attack was begun, and Uguccione perceived 1315 A.D.
how sorry a figure was made by the Sienese and the
men of Colle when they fled by reason of the assault of
his forefighters, he straightway caused the German troop
to strike in, which were 800 horse and more; and they
furiously attacked the camp and the said ill-ordered
host, whereof by reason of the sudden movement a great
part of the horse was not fully armed, and the foot so
ill ordered, that when the Germans attacked them in
flank, the javelin men let their missiles fall upon our own
horse, and then took to flight. And this, among others
was one great cause of the rout of the Florentine host,
forasmuch as the said German troop pricking forward
turned them to flight with little resistance save from the
troop of M. Piero and of the Florentines, which endured
long, but in the end were discomfited. In this battle
there died M. Piero, brother of King Robert, and his
body was never found; and M. Carlo, son of the prince,
died there, and Count Charles of Battifolle, and M.
Caroccio, and M. Brasco of Aragon, constables of the
Florentines, men of great valour; and of Florence were
left on the field some from well-nigh all the great houses
and many magnates of the people, to the number of
114 cavaliers, between slain and prisoners; and, in like
manner, of the best of Siena and Perugia and Bologna,
and the other cities of Tuscany and of Romagna; in
which battle there were slain 2,000 men in all, of horse
and foot, and there were 1,500 prisoners. The prince
fled with all the rest of his followers, some towards Pistoia
and some towards Fucecchio and some by the Cerbaia;
wherefore, since numbers were lost in the marshes of the
Guisciana, many of the aforesaid slain were drowned with-
out stroke of sword. This lamentable discomfiture was
F F
434
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1315 A.D.
1316 A.D.
1317 A.D.
Par. xxvii.
58.
Epistola
viii.
:
on the day of the beheading of S. John, the 29th day of
August, 1315. After the said discomfiture, the stronghold
of Montecatini surrendered to Uguccione, and the strong-
hold of Montesommano, which the Florentines held;
and they which were within were allowed to go out safe
and sound under conditions.
§ 73-How Vinci and Cerretoguidi rebelled against
the Florentines. § 74.-How King Robert sent Count
Novello into Florence as captain. § 75.-How Uguccione
beheaded Banduccio Bonconti and his son, magnates of
Pisa. § 76.—How the Florentines were divided into
factions among themselves, and elected a Bargello. § 77.-
How a part of the walls of Florence was built, and how
bad coins were struck. § 78.--How Uguccione da Fag-
giola was expelled from the lordship of Pisa and of Lucca,
and how Castruccio at first had the lordship of Lucca.
$79.-How the count of Battifolle was vicar in Florence,
and expelled the Bargello and changed the state of Flor-
ence. § 80.-Tells of a great famine and mortality
beyond the mountains.
§ 81. Of the election of Pope John XXII.
John XXII., born in Cahors, of base lineage, occu-
pied the papal chair for 18 years 2 months and 26 days.
He was elected on the 7th day of August, 1316, in
Avignon by the cardinals, after a vacancy of two years,
and after great discord among themselves, forasmuch as
the Gascon cardinals, which were a large part of the
college, desired the election of one of themselves, and
the Italian and French and Provençal cardinals would
not consent thereto, so much had they endured from the
Gascon Pope. After long dispute, both one party and
*
BOOK IX. §§ 73-81
435
the other entrusted their votes to this John, as to a 1317 A.D.
mediator, the Gascons believing that he would elect the
cardinal of Bésiers, which was of their nation, or Cardinal
Pelagrù. John, with the consent of the other Italians
and Provençals, and by the device of Cardinal Napoleone
Orsini, head of the faction against the Gascons, gave the
chair to himself, electing himself Pope after the manner
ordained according to the Decretals. This man was a
poor clerk, and his father was a cobbler, and he was
brought up by the bishop of Arles, chancellor to King
Charles II.; and by reason of his goodness and industry
he came into favour with King Charles, who caused him
to be educated at his charges, and then the king made
him bishop of Frejus; and on the death of his master, the
archbishop of Arles, to wit M. Piero da Ferriera, the chan-
cellor, King Robert made him chancellor in his stead;
and afterwards, of his care and sagacity, he sent letters
as from King Robert to Pope Clement recommending
himself, whereof the king, it was said, knew nothing at
all, by reason of which letters he, the said bishop
of Frejus, was promoted to be bishop of Avignon, and
afterwards cardinal by reason of his wit and industry;
wherefore King Robert, before he was made cardinal,
was wroth with him, and took away the seal from him,
forasmuch as he had sealed the said letters in his
own favour to the said Pope Clement without his
knowledge. This Pope John was crowned in Avignon
on S. Mary's Day, the 8th day of September, 1316.
Afterwards he was a great friend to King Robert, and he
to him; and by his means he did great things, as here-
after shall be narrated. This Pope caused the Seventh
Book of the Decretals to be completed which Pope
Clement had begun, and restored to honour the Festival
436
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
ཆོས
1317 A.D. of Easter and of the Sacrament of the Body of Christ,
with great indulgences and pardons to whosoever should
celebrate the sacred offices for each hour, and he gave a
general pardon of forty days to all Christians for every
time that they made reverence when the priest repeated
the name of Jesus Christ; this he did afterwards in the
year 1318.
§ 82.-How King Robert and the Florentines made
peace with the Pisans and Lucchese. § 83.-How the
Florentines recalled the bad money and issued the good
money of the "new Guelf" mintage. § 84.-How King
Robert sent his fleet to Sicily and did great damage.
§ 85.-How Ferrara rebelled against the Church.
§ 86.-How Uguccione da Faggiuola sought to re-enter
Pisa, and what came of it in Pisa, and of the Marquis
Spinetta.
In the said year 1317, in the month of August,
Uguccione da Faggiuola, with aid from M. Cane of
Verona, came suddenly with 'much people, both horse
and foot, into Lunigiana, supported by forces and letters
of the Marquis Spinetta, who purposed to come to Pisa
on the strength of certain negotiations which he had
conducted in the city with men of his faction; which plot
was discovered, and there was an outcry of the people,
whereof Coscetto dal Colle of Pisa made himself the
leader; and by the counsel of Count Gaddo they
rushed in fury to the house of the Lanfranchi, which
were in league with Uguccione, and slew four of the
chief of the house; and others, together with their fol-
lowers, they banished and set under bounds. When
Uguccione perceived that he could not carry out his
BOOK IX. §§ 82-87
437
enterprise, he returned into Lombardy to Verona. Cast- 1317 A.D.
ruccio, lord of Lucca, and Uguccione's enemy, made
a league with Count Gaddo and with the Pisans, and
with aid of horsemen from them, he went with his host
against the Marquis Spinetti, which had given Uguccione
free passage, and took from him Fosdinuovo, a very
strong castle, and Veruca and Buosi, and drave him
from all his towns; and the said Spinetti fled with his
family to M. Cane della Scala at Verona.
§ 87.-How the Ghibelline party left Genoa.
This was in the said year 1317, on the 15th day of
September. The city of Genoa was under popular
government, but the Grimaldi and the Fiescadori and
their Guelf party were stronger than the d'Orias and
their Ghibellines; on the one hand because King
Robert favoured the Guelfs, and on the other hand
because the Spinoli, which were of the Ghibelline
party, were enemies of the d'Orias; and some of the
house of the Grimaldi outside Genoa, by reason of
enmity against the d'Orias, reinstated the Spinoli in
Genoa, under pretence that they would abide under
their command and that of the commonwealth. When
they of the house of d'Oria and their friends perceived
this, they feared greatly to be betrayed by the Guelfs
and by the Grimaldi; and the city was all in arms and
uproar; and the d'Orias not finding themselves powerful,
by reason of the opposition of the Guelfs, and also of
the Ghibelline Spinoli their enemies, concealed them-
selves and their friends, and showed no force of arms;
by the which thing the Guelfs were encouraged and took
up arms, and chose as captains of Genoa, M. Carlo dal
Fiesco and M. Guasparre Grimaldi, on the 10th day of
438
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
7
Mis
}
1317 A.D. November, 1317. And when the Spinoli which were
returned to Genoa saw that the city was come altogether
to the Guelf party, and knew that this was through the
care and industry of King Robert, straightway they
agreed with them of the house of d’Oria and with their
Ghibelline friends, and departed from the city without
being driven away, whence afterwards ensued great
scandal and war, as hereafter will be told, forasmuch as
the said two houses of the d'Orias and the Spinoli were
the most powerful families of Italy on the side of the
Ghibellines and the empire.
1318 A.D.
§ 88.-How the Ghibellines of Lombardy besieged
Cremona.
§ 89.-How M. Cane delia Scala led an army against
the Paduans, and took many castles from them.
In the said year, in the month of December, the said
M. Cane with his forces led his host against the Paduans,
and took Monselici and Esti and a great part of their
castles, and brought them so low that the following
February, not being able to oppose him, they made
peace according to M. Cane's pleasure, and promised to
restore the Ghibellines to Padua ; and this they did.
§ 90.-How the exiles from Genoa with the force of the
Ghibellines of Lombardy besieged Genoa.
In the year 1318, when they of the houses of d'Oria
and of Spinola with their following were in banishment
from Genoa, and by reason of their power maintained
themselves on the Riviera of Genoa on their estates,
they sent ambassadors into Lombardy and made a
treaty and league with M. Maffeo Visconti, captain of
BOOK IX. §§ 88-92
439
*
Lombard Cf.
Milan, and with his sons and with all the
league which were Imperial and Ghibelline. For the
which thing M. Marco Visconti, son of the said Maffeo,
came from Lombardy with a great army of soldiers,
Germans and Lombards, on horse and on foot, and with
the said exiles from Genoa laid siege to the said city
on the side of Co' di Fare and of the suburbs; and
this was on the 25th day of March, 1318; and a few
days after they of the house of d'Oria, with the aid
of the others, led another army against the city of
Albingano, on the Riviera of Genoa, and this they took,
under conditions, in a few days. Afterwards, while the
said host was still at Genoa, M. Edoardo d'Oria made a
compact with the Abao [chief magistrate] of the people
of Saona, and entered into the said city of Saona by night
secretly, and straightway, with the aid of the Ghibellines
of the city (for the greater part thereof were of the Im-
perial party), caused the said city to rebel against the
commonwealth of Genoa in the month of April; for
the which thing the forces of the exiles from Genoa in-
Cf.
creased greatly, so that well-nigh all the Western Riviera Purg. iv.
25.
was under their lordship, save the strongholds of Monaco Purg. iii.
and Ventimiglia and the city of Noli; and in the Eastern 49.
Riviera they held Lerici.
§ 91.-How the Ghibellines of Lombardy took Cre-
mona.
$92.- How the exiles from Genoa took the suburbs oj
Prea.
In the said year, at the end of May, the said exiles
had besieged the city of Co' di Fare for two months,
and it was bravely held by them within by means
Convito iv.
20: 38-41.
1318 A.D.
1
A
:
A
V
3
1318 A.D.
Joannes de
Virgilio.
Carmen
v. 29.
1
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
440
of a cunning device of ropes which kept the tower
in communication with a vessel in the port of Genoa,
and by this means they were supplied and provisioned
in spite of all the host; wherefore the said exiles took
counsel how they might dig and cut away the ground
under the said tower. They within, fearing that it
might fall, surrendered it on condition that their lives
should be spared, and some said for money; and
when they had returned into Genoa, they were con-
demned to death, and were cast down from a height.
While the refugees were busied with the said siege, they
continually attacked the suburbs of Prea, which are
without the Oxen Gate; and fighting manfully, they took
the place on the 25th day of June in the said year,
whereby they advanced greatly, and the inhabitants of
Genoa lost in like measure; for the host without in-
creased, and gathered in the suburbs, and took the
mountain of Peraldo and of S. Bernardo above Genoa,
and surrounded the city; and above Bisagno they
pitched another camp, so that the city was all besieged
by land, and by sea it suffered great persecution from
the galleys of Saona, and from the exiles, which had the
lordship over the sea.
§ 93.-How King Robert came by sea to succour Genoa.
In the said year 1318, the Guelf party being thus
besieged in Genoa by sea and by land, they sent their
ambassadors to Naples to King Robert, who had been
the cause of the whole disturbance in Genoa, that he
should succour them and aid them without delay; and
if he did not do this, they could not hold out, so strait-
ened were they by the siege and by want of victuals. For
the which thing King Robert straightway raised a great
BOOK IX. §§ 93-94
441
-.
fleet of forty-seven transport vessels and twenty-five light 1318 a.d.
galleys, and many other boats and craft laden with pro-
visions; and he in person, with the prince of Taranto,
and with M. John, prince of the Morea, his brothers,
and with other barons and with horsemen to the number
of 1,200, departed from Naples on the 10th day of
July, and came by sea, and entered into Genoa on the
21st day of July, 1318, and was honourably received
by the citizens as their lord, and heartened the city,
which could scarce hold out for lack of victuals. Im-
mediately when the king was come to Genoa, the exiles
broke up the camp which they had in Bisagno, and
withdrew to the mountains of San Bernardo and of
Peraldo, and to the suburbs of Prea towards the west.
$94.-How the Genoese gave the lordship of Genoa to
King Robert.
In the said year, on the 27th day of July, the cap-
tains of Genoa and the Abao of the people, and the
Podestà, in full parliament, renounced their jurisdic-
tion and lordship, and with the consent of the people
gave the lordship and care of the city and of the
Riviera to Pope John and to King Robert for ten years,
according to the constitutions of Genoa; and King
Robert took it for the Pope and for himself, as one
who had long desired it, thinking when he should have
got the lordship of Genoa quietly in his hands, to be
able to recover the island of Sicily, and overcome all his
enemies; and for this purpose he had been seeking for
a long time to stir up revolution in the city, and to drive
thence the Spinoli and the d'Orias, forasmuch as oft-
times whilst they were lords of Genoa, they had opposed
King Robert and King Charles, his father, and had helped
442
CHRONICLE OF VİLLANI
1318 A.D.
*
them of Aragon which held the island of Sicily, as before
we have made mention.
$ 95. Of the active war which the exiles of Genoa
with the Lombards made against King Robert.
The host without Genoa was not weakened by reason
of King Robert's coming, but was largely increased by
the aid of the lords of Lombardy, which held with the
Imperial party; and they renewed their league with the
emperor of Constantinople, and with King Frederick of
Sicily, and with the marquis of Monferrat, and with
Castruccio, lord of Lucca, and also secretly with the
Pisans. And whilst they were at the siege, they were
continually making strong and fierce assaults upon the
city, hurling things against it from many engines, and
attacking it in many places by day and by night—being
men of great vigour-in such wise that King Robert with
all his forces could gain nothing against them in any
part. Rather by digging underground they undermined
a great piece of the wall of Porta Santa Agnesa, and
caused it to fall, and some of them entered by force into
the city. Wherefore the king in person armed himselt
with all his followers, and they met one another with
great vigour upon the ruined walls with swords in hand,
but the great barons and knights of the king drove back
their enemies with great loss both to one side and to the
other, and they rebuilt the walls with great labour in a
short time, working both day and night. The king and
his followers being thus besieged and attacked in Genoa,
sent for aid into Tuscany, and received it from many
quarters from the Florentines, 100 horse and 500 foot,
all with lilies for their device, and the same number
from Bologna, and likewise from Romagna, and from
BOOK IX. §§ 95-97
443
Cf.
Purg. xiii.
152.
many other places, and they went to Genoa by sea by 1318 A.D.
the way of Talamone; so that when his allies were come
to him, the king was supported in Genoa on the first
day of November of the said year by more than 2,500
horse, and by footmen without number. Without were
more than 1,500 horse, and the captain of the host was
M. Marco Visconti of Milan, and they held the hill
fortresses round about in such wise that the king could
not go afield; and thus abode the said hosts in close
war and skirmishes, hurling and shooting at one another
all the said summer, and also the winter, forasmuch as
neither one side nor the other could get the advantage.
And thus abiding, M. Marco Visconti was so presump-
tuous as to request King Robert to fight with him in
single combat, and whichever was victorious should be
lord, which put the king into great scorn.
§ 96.-How in the city of Siena there was a conspiracy,
and uproar, and great changes followed thereupon.
§ 97.-How King Robert's followers discomfited the
exiles from Genoa at the village of Sesto, and how they
departed from the siege of the city.
In the said year 1318, after that King Robert had been
besieged in Genoa for more than six months, as already
narrated, he bethought him that he could not crush his
enemies without unless he could land his army between
the suburbs and Saona; and he raised a fleet of seventy
galleys and transport vessels, and assembled 850 horse,
and of foot full 15,000; and together with them were
some Florentines and other Tuscans, and Bolognese
and Romagnese; and they departed from Genoa on the
4th day of February, to bring the said people into the
444
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1318 A.D. country around Sesto. And when the exiles and those
without heard this, straightway they sent thither of their
people on horse and on foot in great numbers to dispute
the shore with King Robert's host, to the end the king's
people might not come to land. They arrived on the
5th day of February, and with great travail, pushing
empty casks before them, they fought hand to hand
with the enemy, the chief of them being Florentines and
other Tuscans, which first descended from the galleys
under the protection of the bowmen of the galleys which
were on shore; and by force of arms they landed, and
broke up and discomfited the forces of the exiles upon
the shore of Sesto, and many thereof were slain and
taken prisoners; and they which escaped fled into the
suburbs and to Saona, and the night following all the
host which were in the suburbs and in the mountains
of Paraldo and of San Bernardo departed and went
towards Lombardy, and left all their baggage without
having been pursued, forasmuch as the king would not
that his people should follow after them because of the
dangers of those mountains. Afterwards they of the
city of Genoa recovered the suburbs of Prea and Co' di
Fare and all the forts outside the city.
1319 A.D.
§ 98.-How King Robert departed from Genoa and
went to the papal court in Provence.
§ 99.-How the exiles from Genoa with the Lombards
returned to the siege of Genoa.
In the said year 1319, when the exiles from Genoa
heard of the departure of King Robert, they equipped
in Saona twenty-eight galleys, whereof M. Conrad d'Oria
was admiral, and they sent into Lombardy for aid, and
BOOK IX. §§ 98-106
445
4-
assembled 1,000 and more horse, whereof the greater 1319 A.D.
part were Germans, and a great number of common
folk; and on the 27th day of July of the said year they
returned with their army to Genoa, and set up their
camp in Ponzevera, and on the 3rd day of August follow-
ing they drew nigh to the city, attacking the suburbs in
many places by land from the side of Bisagno; and the
said galleys entered the port and strongly attacked the
city, but gained nothing. And on the 7th day of August
following there was a great battle in the plain of Bisagno
between the exiles and those within the city, with great
loss both to the one side and to the other, without either
party having the honour of the victory, for those without
retreated to the hill, and those within returned into the
city; and afterwards they fought continually by day and
by night against the city by sea and by land.
§ 100.-How M. Cane della Scala took the suburbs of
Padua.
In the said year 1319, in August, M. Cane della Scala,
with the exiles from Padua, whom the Paduans would
not restore to the city according to the compact made
by M. Cane, came with an army against Padua, with
2,000 horse and 10,000 foot, and took the suburbs, and
set up there three camps in order the better to besiege it.
§ 101.-How the Guelfs of Lombardy retook Cremona.
§ 102.-How M. Ugo dal Balzo was routed at Ales-
sandria. § 103.- How the refugees from Genda retook
the suburbs of Genoa. § 104-How the Ghibellines took
Spoleto. § 105.-How the king of Tunis recovered his
lordship. § 106.-How Castruccio, lord of Lucca, broke 1325 A.D.
peace with the Florentines, and began war against them
446
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
Party
1320 A.D.
·
.
•
again. § 107.-How folk of the refugees from Genoa
were routed at Lerici. § 108.-How the Genoese took
Bingane. § 109.-How the Pope and the Church invited
M. Philip of Valois to come into Lombardy. § 110.-
How M. Philip of Valois returned into France with
shame, having gained nothing. § 111.-How Castruccio
marched upon the Genoese Riviera. § 112.-How Fred-
erick of Sicily sent his fleet of galleys to besiege Genoa.
§ 113.-How King Robert equipped his fleet of galleys to
oppose that of the Sicilians, and what it accomplished.
§ 114. Of the same. § 115.-How the Florentines
forced Castruccio to return from the siege of Genoa.
§ 116.-Of the assaults which the exiles from Genoa
and the Sicilians made upon the city, wherein they were
worsted. § 117.-How the exiles from Genoa laid waste
Chiaveri. § 118.-How the exiles from Genoa took
Noli, and did divers acts of war. § 119.-How the
king of Spain's brother was routed by the Saracens of
Granada. § 120.-How the brothers of the Hospital
defeated the Turks with their fleet at Rhodes.
§ 121.-How M. Cane della Scala being at the siege
of Padua, was defeated by the Paduans and by the count
of Görtz.
In the said year 1320, M. Cane della Scala, lord of
Verona, had besieged the city of Padua with all his forces.
continually for more than a year, and having taken from
that city well-nigh all its territory and strongholds, and
having defeated them many times, had so crushed the
city that it could hold out no longer, forasmuch as he
had surrounded it entirely with ramparts occupied by
his men, so that no provisions could enter therein. The
said Paduans, well-nigh despairing of any escape, turned
10
BOOK IX. §§ 107–126
447
4
to the duke of Austria, king elect of the Romans, which 1320 A.D.
sent to their succour the count of Görtz and the lord
of Gualfe, with 500 steel-capped horsemen, and they sud-
denly, and as it were in secret, entered into Padua with
these their followers. The said M. Cane, by reason of
his great confidence and pride in his victories, and the
great number of horse and of foot which were in his
army, cared little for the Paduans, and by reason of the
long siege, being too secure, had his troops in ill order.
It came to pass that on the 25th day of August, 1320,
the said count of Görtz, with his Friolese and Germans,
and with the Paduans, sallied forth suddenly from the
city, and vigorously assailed the host. M. Cane, with
some of his ill-ordered horse, thinking to beat them back,
gave battle, and by the count of Görtz and the Paduans
was discomfited and unhorsed and wounded, and scarce
came off with his life by the help of his followers, and
escaped on a horse to Monselice; and his host was all
routed, and many of his followers were slain or en
prisoners, and all their belongings lost; and us by
want of foresight the good fortune of this victorious
tyrant was changed to bad. At the said siege of Padua
died Uguccione della Faggiuola in the citadel, of his
hurt, being come to the aid of M. Cane. This was the
other great tyrant, which so persecuted the Florentines
and Lucchese, as before we made mention.
§ 122.-How the count Gaddo, lord of Pisa, died;
and how the count Nieri was made lord thereof. § 123.
How peace was made by the king of France with the
Flemings. § 124. How there was great dissension
amongst them of the house of Flanders. § 125.—How
the Ghibellines were expelled from Rieti. § 126.-How
*
મા
448
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1320 A.D.
1321 A.D.
there was a great enrolling of armies by two emperors
elect of Germany. § 127.-How the Marquis Spinetta.
allied himself with the Florentines against Castruccio, but
it turned out to the shame of the Florentines. § 128.-
How the offices were changed in Florence. § 129.-How
the Marquis Cavalcabd, with the league of Tuscany, was
routed in Lombardy. § 130.-How M. Galeasso of
Milan had the city of Cremona. § 131.-How there
was an eclipse of the sun, and the king of France died.
§ 132.-How the Bolognese expelled from Bologna Romeo
de' Peppoli, the rich man, and his followers. § 133-
How the emperor of Constantinople had war with his
sons. § 134.-How Frederick of Sicily was excommuni-
cated, and how he had his son crowned over the kingdom.
§ 135.-How the Florentines sent to Frioli for horsemen.
mg
§ 136.-Concerning the poet Dante Alighieri of Flor-
ence.
In the said year 1321, in the month of July, Dante
Alighieri, of Florence, died in the city of Ravenna, in
Romagna, having returned from an embassy to Venice
in the service of the lords of Polenta, with whom he
was living; and in Ravenna, before the door of the
chief church, he was buried with great honour, in the
garb of a poet and of a great philosopher. He died
in exile from the commonwealth of Florence, at the age
of about fifty-six years. This Dante was a citizen of an
honourable and ancient family in Florence, of the Porta
San Piero, and our neighbour; and his exile from Flor-
ence was by reason that when M. Charles of Valois, of
the House of France, came to Florence in the year 1301
and banished the White party, as has been afore men-
tioned at its due time, the said Dante was among the
•
BOOK IX. §§ 127–136
449
chief governors of our city, and pertained to that party,
albeit he was a Guelf; and, therefore, for no other fault
he was driven out and banished from Florence with the
said White party; and he went to study at Bologna, and
afterwards at Paris, and in many parts of the world.
This man was a great scholar in almost every branch
of learning, albeit he was a layman; he was a great
poet and philosopher, and a perfect rhetorician alike
in prose and verse, a very noble orator in public
speaking, supreme in rhyme, with the most polished
and beautiful style which in our language ever was up Inf. i. 87.
to his time and beyond it. In his youth he wrote
the book of The New Life, of Love; and afterwards,
when he was in exile, he wrote about twenty very ex-
cellent poems, treating of moral questions and of love;
and he wrote three noble letters among others; one he
sent to the government of Florence complaining of his
undeserved exile; the second he sent to the Emperor Epistola
Henry when he was besieging Brescia, reproving him
for his delay, almost in a prophetic strain; the third viii.
to the Italian cardinals, at the time of the vacancy after
the death of Pope Clement, praying them to unite in
the election of an Italian Pope; all these in Latin in
a lofty style, and with excellent purport and authorities,
and much commended by men of wisdom and insight.
And he wrote the Comedy, wherein, in polished verse,
and with great and subtle questions, moral, natural, as-
trological, philosophical, and theological, with new and
beautiful illustrations, comparisons, and poetry, he dealt
and treated in 100 chapters or songs, of the existence
and condition of Hell, Purgatory and Paradise as loftily
as it were possible to treat of them, as in his said trea-
tise may be seen and understood by whoso has subtle
vii.
G G
450
CHRONICLE OF VILLANI
1321 A.D.
intellect.
It is true that he in this Comedy delighted
to denounce and to cry out after the manner of poets,
perhaps in certain places more than was fitting; but
He wrote
may be his exile was the cause of this.
also The Monarchy, in which he treated of the office
of Pope and of Emperor. [And he began a com-
mentary upon fourteen of his afore-named moral poems
in the vulgar tongue which, in consequence of his death,
is only completed as to three of them; the which com-
mentary, judging by what can be seen of it, was turn-
ing out a lofty, beautiful, subtle, and very great work,
adorned by lofty style and fine philosophical and as-
trological reasonings. Also he wrote 'a little book
entitled, De Vulgari Eloquentia, of which he promises
to write four books, but of these only two exist, per-
haps on account of his untimely death; and here, in
strong and ornate Latin and with beautiful reasonings,
he reproves all the vernaculars of Italy.] This Dante,
because of his knowledge, was somewhat haughty and
reserved and disdainful, and after the fashion of a philo-
sopher, careless of graces and not easy in his converse
with laymen; but because of the lofty virtues and
knowledge and worth of so great a citizen, it seems
fitting to confer lasting memory upon him in this our
chronicle, although, indeed, his noble works, left to us
in writing, are the true testimony to him, and are an
honourable report to our city.
END OF THE SELECTIONS FROM BOOK IX.
}
Grato e lontan digiuno
Tratto leggendo nel magno volume
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*
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•
INDEX
Abati (family), 125.
Bocca degli, 180.
Acre, 295-298.
Acquasparta, Cardinal, 328, 331.
Adimari (family), 81, 125.
Tegghiaio Aldobrandi degli,
176, 185.
Adrian I., Pope, 52.
V., Pope, 259.
Æneas, 6, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15,
16.
Alberighi (family), 80.
Albert, king of the Romans,
255, 317.
Alexander III., Pope, 102-106.
IV., Pope, 158.
Alibrando, bishop of Florence,
37.
Alighieri, Dante, 449–450.
Amidei (family), 121–122, 124.
Anagna (town), 347-350.
Anchises, 10-13.
Antenor of Troy, 9, 10.
Antenora, 10.
Antony, Caius, 18-20.
Apulia, 48-53, 85, 86, 90, 127,
128, 130-132, 151, 152,
154-158, 187, 192, 195, and
passim.
452
3.
Arbia (river), 177.
Ardinghi (family), 80, 125.
Arezzo, 286-292.
Arius, 39.
Arno, passim.
Arrigucci (family), 80, 124.
Arthur, king of Britain, 48.
Ascanius, 10, 12, 16.
Atlas, 4, 5, 6, 7.
Augustus, Octavianus, 17, 31-33.
Babel, 2, 3.
Babylon, 3, 4.
Bardi, 123.
Barucci (family), 124.
Bella, della (family), 71, 82, 125.
Giano, 301, 309–312.
Benedict XI., Pope, 352, 356,
369-370.
Benivento (battle), 209–217.
Berenger, Count Raymond, 195-
197.
Berti, Bellincione, 62, 80, 120.
Bianco, Cardinal, 184.
Blacks, party of, 322-331, 357-
359, 361-362, and passim.
Bonatti, Guido (astrologer), 273.
Bondelmonti (family), 99, 124.
Bondelmonte dei, 121, 122.
C
#
INDEX
453
Boniface VIII., Pope, 305-308,
315-318, 320, 326, 344–352,
sqq.
Bostichi (family), 82, 124.
Brunelleschi (family), 124.
Cæsar, Julius, 17, 23-29, 32.
Calvoli, Folcieri da, 339–340.
Camilla, 16.
Campaldino (battle), 286–291.
Cancellieri of Pistoia, 322-323.
Caponsacchi, 81, 125.
Carraia (bridge), 76, 126, 246,
360-361.
Carthage, 12.
Catellini (family), 81.
Catiline, 18-22.
Cavalcanti, 124.
Guido Cavalcante dei, 224,
331.
Celestine V., Pope, 304-306.
Cepperano, pass of, 206–207.
Cerchi (family), 62, 80, 324.
Vieri dei, 288, 324–326.
Charles I. of Anjou, king of
Sicily and Apulia, 192–195,
199, 200-217, 225, 228–
242, 249-251, 268, 274-
276.
- II., 200, 276, 284-285, 315-
316.
Martel (son of Charles II.),
276, 316.
of Valois, 332-339, 385–387.
Martel, 48-49.
dag
the Great, 51-56, 59-60, 65-
66.
Chiaramontesi (family), 124.
Clement V., Pope, 369-375,
Colonnesi, 103-104, 261, 317-
318.
386-390, 427.
Colle di Valdelsa (battle), 243-
245.
Conrad, son of Frederick II.,
129, 131, 133, 139, 154-
156.
I., Emperor, 78, 79.
Conradino, 156-158, 187, 192, .
228-242.
Constance, Empress, 89-90, 92,
113.
Constantine, Emperor, 38-39.
Constantinople, 38-39.
Creusa, wife of Eneas, 10, II.
Dardanus (founder of Troy), 6,
7, 8, 9, 18.
Desiderius, king of the Lom-
bards, 51, 52.
Dido, 12, 13.
Dolcino, Frate, 375–376.
Dominic, St., 96, 114, 115.
Donati (family), 81, 121, 125,
K
324.
Corso, 279, 288-289, 309,
324, 329-331, 335-337,
353-354, 382-386, 400.
Edward I. of England, 247,
251-254.
Elisei (family), 81–125.
Enzo, bastard son of Frederick
II., 129, 131.
Europe, 4-5.
Ezzelino of Romano, 167-168.
Faggiuola, Uguccione da, 383,
430-434, 436-437.
Fiesole, 2, 4-8, 18-28, 47, 60-
61, 71-73, 98.
Fifanti (family), 82, 124.
Filippi (family), 82.
Fiorinus, 22-25, 27, 29.
•
sku
454
INDEX
1
Firenzuola (city), 151.
Florence (city), 27-30, 75-78,
and passim.
Foraboschi (family), 82, 124.
Forlì (battle), 272–274.
Francis, St., 96, 114–115.
Frederick I., Barbarossa, Em-
—
M
peror, 101-108, 110-111.
- II., Emperor, 83, 90-92,
113, 118-119, 126-141,
146-148, 151–152.
bastard son of Frederick
II., 129, 131, 143-144.
of Aragon, king of Sicily,
315-317, 424.
Galli (family), 82, 124.
Gangalandi (family), 71, 82,
I24.
Gemignano, St., 44.
Gherardeschi, Ugolino dei, 280-
284.
Ghibellines, 122, 123, 141-146,
153, 154, 282, and passim.
of Florence, 123-125, 164,
165, 169, 170, 173, 220-
224, 263, and passim.
of Siena, 173, 174.
Giandonati (family), 71, 82, 124.
Gianfigliazzi (family), 124.
Giordano, Count, 173, 174, 177,
182-183, 185, 206-207,
215.
Giuochi (family), 80, 125.
Gregory IX., Pope, 131, 132.
X., Pope, 252, 255 sq7.
Gualandi of Pisa (family), 280.
Gualdrada, wife of Count Guido,
62, 120.
Gualterotti (family), 82, 124.
Guelf, duke of Suabia, 93, 94.
I
Guelfs, 122, 123, 141-146, 152–
154, 402-403, and passim.
of Florence, 123-125, 187,
188, 189, 201, 263, and
passim.
Guidi, Counts, 62, 80, 82, 116–
117, 119-121, 124.
Guido Guerra, 120, 176, 205, 212.
Guido Novello, 120, 182-
183, 185, 202–203, 220–224,
243, 244.
Henry, earl of Cornwall, 251
sqq.
of Spain, 233-240, 242.
son of Frederick II., 129,
131, 133.
III. of England, 252.
- VII. of Suabia, Emperor,
83, 90-91, 112-113.
Hospitallers, Order of, 381.
Hugh Capet, 71.
Marquis, 70-71, 82.
Importuni (family), 82.
Infangati (family), 82, 124.
Innocent IV., Pope, 134-136,
139.
Italus, 6, 7.
James of Aragon, 315–317.
Japhet, 3, 4, 8.
John XXI., Pope, 259.
XXII., Pope, 434-435.
Lamberti (family), 81, 124.
Mosca dei, 122.
Landolo, Roderigo di, 218, 222.
Lanfranchi of Pisa (family), 280.
Latini, Brunetto, 169, 312-313.
Latinus, king of Italy, 14-16.
די
C.
1.
-
INDEX
455
Lavinia, daughter of Latinus, Pallas, son of Evander, 15.
Pazzi (family), 41, 125.
15-16.
Leo III., Pope, 54, 55, 59–60.
Lombardo, Marco, 281–282.
Lombards, 48-54.
Louis IX. of France, 192-193,
246 sqq.
Lyons, Council at, 135–137.
Malavolti, Catalano dei, 218,
222.
Malespini (family), 124.
Manfred, son of Frederick II.,
129, 131, 151-152, 154-
160, 169-170, 173, 187,
190, 191-195, 202-217.
Mars (god), 7, 33, 40, 41, 46,
61, 122, 123, 327.
(planet), 75.
Matilda, Countess, 83, 92-95,
96.
Miniato, St., 35-37.
Montaperti (battle), 177-180.
Montefeltro, Guido di, 263,
272-273, 283, 318.
Bonconte di, 290,
Montemurlo (castle), 116-117.
Montfort, Guy of, 253-254.
Simon of, 252–254.
C
Mozzi (family), 123.
Nerbona, Amerigo di, 285 sqq.•
Nerli (family), 71, 123.
Nicholas III., Pope, 260-263.
IV., Pope, 285.
Nimrod, 3.
Nineveh, 4.
Ninus, 4.
Otho III., Emperor, 69, 70.
IV., Emperor, 120-121, 127.
:
i
Peruzzi (family), 82.
Philip III. of France, 249-254,
277-279.
- IV., the Fair, 278, 344-
350, 377-381, 386–389.
Pigli (family), 81, 124.
Pisa, 280-284.
Ponte Vecchio, 61, 63, 109, 122.
Prato, Cardinal da, 356-359,
364, 370-374, 388-390.
Pressa, della (family), 80.
Pulci (family), 71, 82, 124.
S
C
Robert, duke of Apulia, 85.
Guiscard, 83, 85-89.
- king of Sicily and Apulia,
276, 390-391, 395–396,
409, 423, 426, 441–444.
Roger I., king of Sicily, 88,
89.
- II., king of Sicily, 89.
Rome, 7, 16, 17, 29, 43, 54, 55,
etc.
Romeo (pilgrim), 195–197.
Rubaconte (bridge), 140.
Rudolf, king of the Romans,
255, 262, 298.
Sacchetti (family), 82, 124.
Saladin, 107.
Salvani, Provenzano, of Siena,
175, 243-245.
Saracens, 247-251, 295–298.
Saturn, 14, 15.
Scala, Cane della, 401, 405,
428, 438, 445, 446-447.
Semiramis, 4.
Sicanus, 6, 7.
Sicily, 7, 12, 13, 86, 89, 90, 92,
127, 128, 130-132, 151,
456
INDEX
152, 154-158, 187, 192-
195.
Sicily, Rebellion of, 267-268,
285, and passim.
Siena, 171, 172, 177-179, 243-
245, and passim.
Sismondi of Pisa (family), 280.
Sizii (family), 80, 124.
Soldanieri (family), 81, 124.
Susinana, Maghinardo da, 298–
299.
Sylvester, Pope, 38–40.
Tagliacozzo (battle), 233–240.
Tancred I., king of Sicily, 89–
91.
— II., 112–113.
Telofre, king of the Lombards,
49-51.
Templars, Order of, 377-381.
Torre, Guidetto della, 342-343,
398-399.
Totila, king of the Goths, I,
43-46.
Trinita Santa (bridge), 160,
246.
Trojans, 2, 11, 14, 18.
Tunis, 247-251.
Turnus, 15.
Ubaldini, Cardinal Ottaviano
degli, 184.
- Ruggeri degli (Archbishop of
Pisa), 280–282.
Uberti (family), 82, 109, 124,
141, 142, 149, 319.
Farinata degli, 170, 174,
178, 186, 224.
Ughi (family), 81.
Urban IV., Pope, 190-192.
Valleri, Alardo di, 234, 237-
239.
Verde (river), 217.
Vigne, Piero dalle, 133, 136,
139.
Virgil, 6-7, 9, 12-13.
Visconti, Maffeo, 342-344, 397,
398-399.
Marco, 443.
- Nino di Gallura dei, 280.
Visdomini (family), 80, 125.
Whites, party of, 322-331,
339-342, 357-359, 361-
362, etc.
William I., king of Sicily, 89-
90, 105-107.
—
:
1
1
INDEX TO DANTE REFERENCES
The figures within brackets () refer to the pages of this work: all
other figures refer to cantos, books, or lines in Dante's works.
■
DIVINA COMMEDIA.
INFERNO.
73-75, (10), 87, (449), 100-
III, (401), 107, (15), 108,
(16).
ii. 13-15, (13), 13, (16), 13–27,
(13).
iii. 58-60, (304), 59, 60, (305).
iv. 95, 96, (32), 122, (10), 124,
(15), 125, 126, (15).
v. 52–60, (4), 61, 62, (12).
vi. 36, (360), 69, (306), 79,
(176), 80, (81).
x. 13-15, (96), 32, (170), 48,
(181), 48, (144), 49, 50,
(158), 51, (225), 58-69,
(224, 331), 79–81, (359),
83, 84, (186), 85-87, (180),
91-93, (186), IIO-III,
(224, 331), 119, (127, 128),
120, (184, 227).
xii. 109, 110, (168), 112, (377),
118-120, (252), 120, (254).
xiii. 31-108, (133), 55–78, (136),
59, 68, 75, (127), 120, 121,
(280), 143-150, (40), 146–
150, (61).
xiv. 94-96, (14).
xv. 23-120, (169, 312), 61-63,
(5), 61–78, (75), 67, (45),
73-78, (30, 62), 119-120,
(312).
xvi. 34-39, (121, 212), 37, (62,
80, 120), 40-42, (176).
xvii. 59, 60, (124), 62, 63, (124),
100-107, (184).
xviii. 28-33, (320), 55-57,
(377).
xix. 17-20, (40), 52-57, (306,
457
350), 52-84, (261), 69-87,
(260), 76-81, (306), 81,
(262), 82-87, (374, 427),
98, 99, (261), 99, (199),
115-117, (38).
xx. (184), 118, (273).
xxiii. 66, (127), 103-108, (218),
105-107, (118), 107, 108,
(29).
!
|
*
458
xxiv. 143, (333).
XXV. 1-3, (130).
xxvii. 44, (273), 49-51, (287,
INDEX TO DANTE REFERENCES
299), 67, (263), 67-111,
(318), 67-129, (290), 70,
85-111, (306), 76–78, (272),
89, (294), 94, 95, (38),
100-107, (184), 104, 105,
(304).
xxviii. 13, 14, (83), 16, (206,
214), 17, 18, (234, 237),
55-60, (375), 103–111, (81,
122).
ii. 98, 99, (320).
iii. 49, (439), 107, (159), 112–
113, (89), 116, (315, 316),
118-119, (215), 121, (133,
151, 156, 158), 124-132,
(216).
iv. 25, (439).
v. 73-78, (377), 75, (10), 88-
129, (290).
vi. 97, (317), 97–117, 103-105,
(255), 103-105, (298), 107,
(411), 111, (185, 418).
ix. 30, (32).
x. 80, (32).
vii. 91-96, (255), 105, 109,
(278), 112, 114-116, 125,
129, (269), 113, 124, 128-
129, (199, 275), 113, 124,
126, (200), 128, (193), 115–
120, (315, 316), 130–132,
(252), 132, (377), 133–136,
(88, 204), 136, (294).
viii. 53, (280).
xxx. 13-15, (9), 73–78, (121),
98, (9), 113, 114, (9), 148,
(185).
PURGATORIO.
xxxi. 12–18, (3), 40, 41, (163),
46-81, (3).
xxxii. 40-60, (166), 56, 57,
(125), 62, (48), 78-111,
(180), 88, (9, 10), 115, 116,
(204), 121-123, (81), 122,
(273).
xxxiii. I-90, (283), 31-33,
(280).
xi. 97-99, (224), 109-114, 120-
123, (245), 109-142, (175),
137, (199).
xii. 34-36, (3), 61–63, (9), 100–
105, (37), 102, (140), 104–
105, (80), 105, (140).
xiii. 115-119, (244), 152, (443).
xiv. 43-45, (121), 118–119,
(287), 58–66, (339).
xvi. 46, (281), 65-78, (62),
115-117, (128), 117, (127).
xvii. 34-39, (15, 16).
xviii. 119-120, (101, 103).
xix. 98-145, (259), 100-102,
(134).
xx. 49-60, (71), 53, (50), 61-
63, (199), 68, (241), 67–69,
(192, 199), 70-78, (334),
79–81, (377), 79–84, (276),
86-90, (307).
xxiv. 20-24, (279), 82, (288,
324), 81-87, (385).
xxxii. 148-160, (344).
xxxiii. 119, (83), 40-45, (401).
INDEX TO DANTE REFERENCES
459
<
1
PARADISO.
106-107, (288), 109-120,
(89, 113), 112- 120, (90)
118-120, (83, 127), 119,
(101).
vi. 1-3, (38), 3, (16), 32, (32).
35-36, (15), 40-42, (16),
53-54, (27), 73-81, (31),
79-81, (17), 94, (55), 94–,
96, (52), 100, (32), 127–
142, (195).
viii. 9, (12), 31, 49–72, (276),
49-75, 55, (316), 64-66,
(294), 75, (267), 76–84,
(276, 391), 82, 83, (276).
ix. 1, (276), 25-30 (168), 97–
98, (12), 136–142, (307).
xi. 35-123, (96), 43-117, 118–
123, (114), 53, (132).
xii. 31-111, (96), 46–105, (114),
90, (307), 124, (328), 134–
135, (259).
xv. 25-30, (13), 97-98, (82),
97-99, 101-105, 112-113,
(167), 109-111, (411), 110-
III, (53), 112-114, (80),
112, (62, 120), 115, (82,
123, 143), 115-116, (81),
124-126, (30), 126, (5),
134-135, (40), 137–138,
(80).
xvi. 25, (40), 40-42, (81), 42,
(40, 292, 410), 47, (40), 50,
(160), 56, (189), 62-63,
(115, 116), 64, (117, 119),
65, (80, 125, 288), 66, (99,
124, 143), 88, (81), 89, (80,
82), 92, (83), 93, (80, 81,
82, 124, 125, 143), 94-96,
(125, 288), 94-99, (80, 120),
97-99, (64), 100, (80), 101,
(80, 125, 142), 103, (81,
124), 104, (80, 82, 124, 125,
142), 105, (80, 82, 124),
106-107, (81), 108, (80,
124, 142), 109-110, (82),
109-111, (124), 112-114,
(80, 125, 142), 115-120,
(81), 115-117, (125, 142),
121-122, (81, 363), 118–
123, (154), 121, (125, 142),
123, (63, 82, 124), 124-126,
(64, 82), 127–132, (71, 82),
127, (82, 124, 142), 128,
(122, 124), 130-131, (125),
131-132, (81, 301), 133,
(82, 124), 135, (124), 136–
144, (82, 121), 136-138,
(122), 136–139, (124), 140–
144, (143), 145-146, (40,
61), 145-147, (122), 151–
154, (154).
xvii. 49-51, (307), 76–93, (401),
82, (393, 405, 427).
xviii. 43, (53), 48, (83), 133-
136, (161), 118–136, (307).
xix. 101-102, (31), 121-123,
(353), 130-135, (316), 131–
132, (12).
xx. 8, 31-32, (32), 55-57, (38),
62, (89), 61–63, (316).
xxi. 25-27, (14).
xxii. 16-18, (191), 145-146,
(14).
xxvi. 124-126, (3).
xxvii. 22–27, (307), 41, (305),
58-60, (427).
XXX. 133-138, (393, 426), 133-
141, (394), 142–148, (427),
148, (307).
xxxi. 104-108, (320).
1
460
INDEX TO DANTE REFERENCES
xii. 35-36, (12).
ii. (35).
iii. 96-104, (225).
xxiv. 18–19, (225).
XXV. 111-113, (225).
BOOK II.
iv. 171-174, (75).
xv. (35).
BOOK IV.
CANZONI.
VITA NUOVA.
Canzone iii. 21, iii. 37-44,
(127), 37-42, (255).
v. 16–79, (31), 16–29, (17), 48,
BOOK I.
i. 1, 12, 21 sqq., (159).
vi. 7, 49-61, (3).
vii. (3).
CONVITO.
BOOK II.
iii. (10), 102-108, (12), 108-
117, (16).
ix. 22 sqq., (4), 99–105, (17).
xi. 23, (32).
xii. (17).
}
xxxi. 21-24, (225).
xxxiii. 2-4, (225).
xli. 34-52, (195).
Sonnet xxxiii. 1, (225).
x. 18, 19, (48), 50, 63, (132).
xi. 20, (132).
!
(10), 80-97, (16), 172–176,
(19).
DE MONARCHIA.
vi. 180-190, (316).
x. 6-12, (127).
xi. 125-127, (204), 126, (294).
xiv. 131-154, (9).
xx. 38-41, (82, 124, 439).
xxvi. 59-70, (12).
x. (38).
xi. (55).
DE VULGARI ELOQUIO.
BOOK III.
xii. 20-35, (127), 15-38, (316),
38, (377).
xiii. 31, (132), 36, (225).
BOOK II.
vi. 42-44, (377), 68. 69, (225).
xii. 16-17, 62-63, (225).
J
INDEX TO DANTE REFERENCES
461
1
i. (357), i.-iii. (120).
ii. (121).
xxiv. (401).
EPISTOLÆ.
v. (393, 394).
vi. (393,397), 5; 126-135, (127),
127-135, (146), 135-136,
(101, 103), 137, (101).
vii. (393, 403, 449), 3; 64-73,
(17).
viii. (434, 449).
x. (401).
QUÆSTIA DE AQUA ET TERRA.
JOHANNES DE Virgilio.
Carmen
v. 26 (396-425).
v. 27 (431, 432).
v. 28 (428).
v. 29 (440 sqq.).
Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London.
1.
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