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TRANSLITERATION AND A BB REVIATIONS THE System of transliteration adopted in Iranian words is that of Bartholomae's Lexicon, except that I substitute the Greek x for he rather misleading a (kh). This applies only to words in italics which are represented with exactness. A less strict transliteratio, s adopted when Iranian words occur in continuous English text rinted in the same Roman type. A note may be added as to the robable pronunciation. The vowels have the “ Italian " valve . is the Sanskrit ā (as in Sofa), a the French an ; ā the sound i, an. Spirant X and y are heard in German doch, Tage (dialectic and 8 in our bath and bathe; p is our ng ; Ś Ž as in sure an agº, j as in church and judge; x" may be heard in the Welsh veen, nd t is probably a th sound. For more exact defini - tudent will go to the grammars. Most of the abbreviations will explain themselves. few that are less obvious :— s = Yasna. Dar(ius), X t = Yasht. (axerxes).) d = Vendidad. NR = Inscriptions isp = Vispered. Rustam. ºr = Nirangistan. Air W b = Altiram W = Westergaard (fragments). (Bartholor 3d or Bund = Bundahish. Brugmann Gr, SZS =Selections of Zad-sparam. der ver VIkh = Minokhired. der in 3 Yt = Bahman Yasht. chen. lS = Shāyast-lä-Shāyast. EB = Encyc (d = Sad-dar. ERPP = Ea )/ = Dinkart. of Pers 3h = Behistan Inscription. ERE = Has 'ers = Persepolis Inscription of Reli Grundri (Kings' names precede – xviii EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Kuhn's Grundriss der iran- ischen Philologie. IF or Idg. Forsch. = Indogerman- ische Forschungen. Le Z(end) A(vesta), by Darme- Steter. LAv = Later Avestan. O.P., M.P., N.P. = Old, Middle, New Persian. O(rmazd et) A(hriman), by Dar- mesteter. PSBA = Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archae- ology. RHR = Revue de l’Histoire des Religions. Rapp i = ZDMG xix. ii. = ZDMG xx. (1865 f.). SBE = Sacred Books of the East ThDZ = Theologische Literatur zeitung. ZDMG = Journal of the German Oriental Society; WZKM= of the Vienna do. ; JAOS = of the American do. Zor(oastrische) St(udien), Windischmann. 1–89 49–14(. b # A . . .. ». t 1, Ä. s “creted by the true this is im* - P.233, sion und cor. Heénic Socie Psia " Our- ºese lated Mupo for w So the we t F 2SOTu- W. ad of the line. P. 363, n. : tra P. 388, l. 3 from P. 390, n. , end ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA P. xviii. To abbreviations add KAT* = Die Keilinschriften und das alte Testament (Schrader): ed.” by Winckler and Zimmern. P. 186, n. ”. Däta must be passive, in which case it means Amshaspands," or “ by Spenta Mainyu " J* * - - - * * ºf Tacture ITY EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM LECTURE I THE SOURCES Oh that my words were now written Oh that they were inscribed in a book! That with an iron pen and lead They were graven in the rock for ever ! The Book of Job. THE subject of which I am to treat in these Lectures is one that has in our own country attracted far less attention than it deserves. In the study of the oldest Iranian languages, literatures, and religions we have produced a very few great experts; but we have left it to our cousins in Germany and in the United States to build up a school. It is a highly regrettable state of things, for the Avesta and its religion form a subject of extraordinary interest alike for the philo- logist and for the student of theology. The very name of the hall in which these lectures are being delivered in London reminds Englishmen of their Parsi fellow-subjects in India. Sir Cowasſee Jehangier, by whose munificence this hall was added to the Imperial Institute, was typical of a small commun- ity in Bombay whose influence and importance is altogether out of proportion to its numbers. We shall find as we study the beginnings of Parsism that l 2 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the religion explains the outstanding excellences of the Parsi people. We shall understand why their fathers long ago preferred death or exile to apostasy. For their great founder Zarathushtra—Zoroaster, as Greeks and Romans called him—must count among the loftiest minds of human history. Of him alone among the prophets of the Gentiles—unless we may enhance Zarathushtra's glory by setting Socrates at his side—we may declare with confidence that he had nothing to say of God that even Christian thought could deem unworthy. There is indeed the pro- foundest truth in the beautiful familiar story which makes the heirs of Zarathushtra's teaching first among men of foreign tongues to offer homage to the infant Christ. They were worthy of the privilege, for they professed a faith that gave them least to unlearn when welcoming the Teacher who should gather together all the scattered fragments of Truth and “mould them into one immortal feature of loveliness and perfection.” The history of a great religion through some three thousand years is too large a subject for a course like this, and I am obviously compelled to limit the field I shall attempt to occupy. My title announces “early Zoroastrianism as my subject, and by this I mean in general the period ending with Alexander the Great. I shall overstep this limit only for spedial reasons which will appear when the occasion arises; and I shall make no pretence of being exhausti even up to the limit I have named. I am mainly concerned with the origins of the religion, and with the lines on which it diverged in later times from Jits first model. Zarathushtra himself and the Gathas THE SOURCES 3 will accordingly take a primary place in my scheme. I am the less tempted to aim at completeness because my friend Prof. Williams Jackson of Columbia University, who has already written the most authori- tative description of Zoroastrianism we possess, in the pages of Geiger-Kuhn's monumental Grundriss der iranischen Philologie, is preparing for English- reading people a treatise which would immediately antiquate my own. I shall try to examine with some fullness a few of the most important aspects of the religion. For the groundwork which has to be pre- sumed, even in the study of a subject that enters into the reading of very few educated people, perhaps I may refer to a little “Cambridge Manual” of my own—Early Religious Poetry of Persia—in which I have tried to give a non-technical account of Avestan literature and religion, and have sketched theories which will be the subject of full investiga- tion here. Before I turn to some necessary preliminary questions bearing on the sources of our knowledge, I should say a few words as to the features which make the earliest period of the history of Parsism the most interesting and important for our study. Some reasons are indeed too obvious to dwell on. In what are sometimes called the “founded" religions the person and teaching of the founder always claim our first attention, and Zarathushtra, dim figure though he is, forms no exception to the rule. Then we remind ourselves that it is in the earliest period that Parsism began most effectively to influence the outside world; while comparatively little was added to its store of ideas in any after time. Moreover, a 4. EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the greatest problems of religious history in Parsism lie within the period I have described. The strange uncertainty which attaches to Zarathushtra's date and country, and the attempts of highly distinguished scholars to relegate him to mythology, will give us plenty to discuss. And our first essays in systematic definition will show us that Parsism is by no means homogeneous. It shows clear signs of a syncretism of sundry very distinct elements, and the work of resolution will prove a valuable exercise in scientific sifting of evidence. I need not occupy time with any description of the sources, which may be sought in detail in various well-known books, and compendiously in my own little manual mentioned above. I shall only attempt in this Lecture to call attention to some points of importance for my purpose, and to discuss certain vital problems. First among our sources we take those which come to us in Iranian languages. A definition of terms should be interpolated here. Iran is the native form of the folk-name which is familiar to us in derivatives of the Indian drya.' I shall use the term Aryan throughout in its proper sense, as the name given to themselves by the 1 The possibility that this name is ultimately identical with one which appears at the other end of the Indo-European area in the Keltic Ariovistus, etc., with cognates like the Greek áptortos, has been often urged, especially by Fick, who sought to prove that it was the prehistoric name of the undivided Indo-European family. We should then recognise Erin and Iran as kin. But, like so many other obvious word-equations, this is not as easy as it looks, though I cannot regard it as impossible. Bartholomae (ZAir Wb 118) gives us some necessary cautions about the uncertainty that besets the etymology of folk-names. (See Kretschmer, Einleitung, 130 f.) THE SOURCES 5 easternmost branch of the Indo-European family, which at the dawn of history is found already estab- lished across the border of Asia. According to the view now generally held, this means a presumption that the Aryan folk migrated south-east in prehistoric times from a district somewhere in central or northern Europe, where a more or less homogeneous people spoke with some dialectic variations a language which comparative philology has been busy reconstructing." The Aryans proper were still one people at a relatively recent period. E. Meyer places their Urheimat in the steppes north of the Black Sea and the Caspian, whence they migrated through South Russia to Turan (Turkestan), the Oxus and Jaxartes. In Eastern Iran they divided. According to Winckler's view of the inferences to be drawn from the inscriptions he discovered at Boghaz-keui, the unity was still intact within the second millennium B.C. Winckler recognises the undivided Aryans in the Harri of his inscriptions, and accordingly the chief 1 Since this book was completed, I have contributed an essay on some points in Iranian ethnography to the volume dedicated to Prof. William Ridgeway on his sixtieth birthday (Cambridge, 1913). On evidence drawn mainly from technical linguistic affinities, I have ventured the conjecture that the migration was considerably later than I thought when I wrote the sentences of this page. I make the founders of the Aryan culture—or rather the speakers of the language in which it expressed itself—to have been a German tribe which made a very rapid trek across Russia, past the north end of the Caspian, into the country north of the Panjāb, into which before very long the bulk of the invading tribe passed on. In the period of these hypothetical movements the Indo-European dialects had not yet become mutually unintelligible. I may recall here that Prof. Hirt (Die Indogermanen, p. 22) places th9 first migrations as late as 1600–1800 B.C. 6 RARLY ZOROASTRIANISM gods of the proto-Aryan pantheon in Mitra, Varuna, Indra, and the Năsatyau (the Twins) who figure in the treaty between King Subbiliuliuma and Mattiuarza son of Tušratta of Mitanni. In Prof. Söderblom's edition of Tiele's Compendium der Religionsgeschichte, p. 219 f., the inscription is claimed as confirming the belief that the Hittites, to whom the Boghaz-keui monuments clearly belong, were of Aryan origin: the names “depend perhaps on a branch of the Aryans slowly pushing their way from the Baltic coasts to their new home in the East.” A suggestion that the connexion is rather with India is worked out elsewhere in these Lectures (p. 26); and we may put with it Prof. Jackson's hint that we should be very cautious about drawing conclusions from Boghaz-keui until our information is fuller. “The mention may be merely a direct reference to Indian deities without having any immediate connexion with Iran.” The locality is altogether outside Iran, and only Iranian peculiarities of language could force us to accept so early an Iranian migration west. And the names answer only to Indian phonology or that of the undivided Aryans. Prof. Winckler would recognise this Aryan community in Armenia in the fourteenth century, to which the inscriptions belong. Prof. Eduard Meyer accordingly claimed Boghaz- keui as marking “the first entrance of the Aryans into history.” Prof. Winckler is content to take the names as evidence that for some reason which we cannot define the deities in question had special significance for the states affected by this treaty. He infers, however, that the undivided Aryans were 1 In ERE iv. 620. THE SOURCES 7 under Babylonian influence and practised Babylonian writing." On this subject of early Babylonian influences upon Aryan peoples I have said enough elsewhere (p. 236 ft.). Here I would only observe that we know nothing about the movements of Indian or Iranian tribes in the second millennium, and could postulate an ebb from India to the north-west without compromising anything that is really estab- lished.” The Aryan character of Mitanni names is conjectured on very limited evidence, and may, I think, be quite possibly unsound. But if it is to be accepted, it probably means no more than that the chieftains were Aryan, the people whom they con- quered being indigenous. We must postpone speculation upon the innumer- able possibilities of this discovery till Winckler can follow it further. It is enough to observe here that the Indian branch moved off to the Panjāb only when a very distinctive language, civilisation, and religion had been evolved out of the inherited forms the immigrant Aryans had brought with them across the steppes. The comparative method enables us to reconstruct this “Aryan period’” with a considerable degree of precision. With the results of such reconstruction e shall be very much occupied later on. There was a time when the legitimacy of this whole method was fliercely contested by a school which insisted on the infallibility of the native Iranian traditional interpreta- 1 See Orientalische Literaturzeitung for July 1910. * See a later passage in this Lecture, p. 25 f. 3 Die arische Periode is the title of a monograph by Fr. Spiegel, he great Iranian pioneer. It was published in 1887, and of course 1|leeds checking by later research. 8 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM tion of the Avesta; while the comparative school retaliated with an equally thoroughgoing contempt. Reconciliation has long been established between the rival methods by the recognition that both are indispensable, and a knowledge of the religion of the Veda is acknowledged to be an essential tool of our science just as much as that of the expositions handed down to us by the Parsi guardians of the Avesta. Having thus recognised the claim of prehistoric sources, we come to what must of course be the primary source of our knowledge of Zoroastrianism. The meaning of the name Avesta need not detain us, nor the romantic story of its discovery by Anquetil Duperron and the distressingly wrong- headed scepticism with which the magnificent achievement was rewarded. These controversies, like those that raged later between rival schools of interpretation, have only a historical interest for us to-day. The great majority of scholars would sa nearly as much of the controversy to which I propose to devote the major part of this lecture. But the denial of the antiquity of the Gathas and the historical reality of Zarathushtra is so fundamental that I am. bound to deal with the question, the more so as the: negative view is enshrined in the Introduction to th 1 Geldner approves the suggestion of Andreas, that Avistă comes from upastā, the “foundation text,” of which the Zand (Zend, is the (Pahlavi or Middle Persian) translation and commenta This suits the facts very well, but we cannot say more. I shal discard the incorrect term “Zend-Avesta " for the book, and (though less willingly) the conveniently brief term “Zend” for the language, using regularly Gathas and Later Avesta for the º Gathic and Later Avestan for the other. It seems best to retair the familiar “Vendidad,” even if it is a misreading for Widévdát. 9 ( THE SOURCES 9 English translation of the Avesta in Sacred Books of the East, a work which English readers may be pardoned for regarding as infallible. It is now nearly twenty years since James Darmesteter' startled the world of scholarship with his daring paradox, according to which the Gathas must be regarded as owing their most central con- ceptions to Philo of Alexandria, or to a school of thought of which Philo is the leading exponent. The theory, as Prof. Mills has well reminded us,” involves a revolutionary change from its author's earlier beliefs, as represented, for instance, in the first edition of his English Avesta. And within a year or so of its appearance the great Orientalist died, after crowding into his brief span a marvellous output, conditioned by the consciousness that for him the night was soon coming, wherein no man can work. It is due to his fame to remember that he never had before him the all but unanimous judgement of his fellow-students, in the light of which he might well have reverted to his earlier opinions. I need not, I think, go into detail, since with one notable exception the theory has never attracted any Iranian scholar of the first rank. But since nearly every page of these Lectures would be radically affected if we were no longer allowed to regard the Gathas as by far the oldest part of the Avesta, and centuries older than Philo, I must set forth the main grounds on which ortho- doxy repels with confidence the new scepticism, as 1 Le Zend-Avesta (Paris, 1893), introduction to vol. iii.; and SBE iv. pp. xxxi-lxix. See a convenient list of criticisms in Bousset, Judentum, 547 n. * Zarathushtra, Philo, the Achaemenids, and Israel (1905-6), p. 10. 10 EARLY ZORO ASTRIANISM represented in Darmesteter's latest work, and to a modified extent in Prof. Franz Cumont's famous book on Mithraism. The sum of Darmesteter's case against the antiquity of the Gathas is really concentrated in the assertion that Philo's A6-yos 6eſos is the original of the Amshaspand “Good Thought.” Incidentally, of course, this carries with it the lateness of all passages in the Later Avesta which name this or the other Amshaspands. Darmesteter does not tell us why Philo or the school to which he belonged may not have derived the conception from Iranian sources, if either party is to be convicted of borrowing. More- over, his admission that only one other of Philo's six Aóyot or övváuets can be compared with a member of the Zoroastrian hexad (the Amesha Spenta), is fatal to any close connexion between the two systems. The central equation itself is by no means axiomatic. “Good Thought” is at any rate no translation of Aóyos 6eſos, and the functions of the two have only superficial identity. As we see below (p. 98), the Ameshas have features of proto-Aryan antiquity, and their non-appearance in Achaemenian religion can be accounted for on a very different theory. When Darmesteter says (p. lxvii), “A Magus of the old days . . . would not have spoken of the earth as Spenta Armaiti,” he seems to have overlooked the evidence that Aramati was genius of the earth in India, and therefore presumably in Aryan times.” It 1 Wohi Manah, also “Best (vahistom) Thought,” or “Thy (9mom) Thought” in addressing Ahura Mazdāh. * Unless Carnoy is right in denying the truth of Sāyana's state- ments (on Rigveda, vii. 36° and viii. 42%); see Muséon, n.s., xiii. THE SOURCES II is very easy to grant much of what Darmesteter urges as to foreign elements in the later parts of the Parsi sacred literature, though few scholars would now care to regard Judaism as a source of such. Cumont, in the first chapter of his great work, urges the fundamental differences between Achaemenian religion and the Avesta, which in this case will include not only the Vendidad but the Gathas. But this, as we see elsewhere, only means that Zara- thushtra himself had not kept a secure hold in the kingdom of Darius, nor the Magi yet gained one among the Persian nobility. We may remove the Gathas from the sphere of Cyrus and Darius in space as well as in time; and we may give what date we please to Zarathushtra, and yet allow that the full effects of his teaching were not yet seen in Persia at the period where history opens. Darmesteter's account of the transmission of the Avesta, based on the Parsi tradition, undeniably pre- disposes the reader to infer that an accurate repro- duction of a really ancient scripture was impossible. Tradition told how the twenty-one Nasks were lost in the invasion of Alexander; how the Parthian king Valkhash (= Vologeses I., a contemporary of Nero, according to Darmesteter) ordered the scattered remnants to be collected ; and how the founder of the Sassanian dynasty, Ardashir, and his successor Shāhpūhr, completed the canon two centuries later. A prior; there seems every reason to suppose that the ultimate resultant would have but little of the 133 ml. I do not think Carnoy adequately accounts for the genesis of the Indian commentator's gloss, the coincidence of which with the Avesta gives a very strong presumption of its originality. 19 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM authentic and ancient about it, and a great deal of heterogeneous Sassanian thought. But when we have to give chapter and verse for a claim that this has really happened, it is astonishing how little can be produced. In particular we have a test, that of metre, which by itself suffices to demonstrate the originality of the Gathas and of large portions of the Later Avesta. Darmesteter frankly admits that the Gathas were written in a dead language, if his date is to hold. Let us try to realise what this involves. There is, of course, no antecedent impossibility in such composition. All of us who have written Greek and Latin verse in our undergraduate days know that composition in a dead language is possible enough, granted very careful study of accurately preserved models, and of scientific grammars. Such work as that which charms us in Walter Headlam's Book of Greek Perse proves that it can be done supremely well. But where were the models, and the grammars ? Sanskrit has been written for ages since it ceased to be a living language—thanks to Pānini, and the pre- servation of an immense literature. Have the very names of Pānini's Iranian comrades perished ? And what about existing Gathic verses on which the priests of the first century modelled their own so cleverly 2 We are to suppose that the innovating Neoplatonist Magi used this ancient literature to help them, and then committed it to the care of the sacred fire, lest their new-fangled Amshaspands should be found out. It hardly seems probable. Darmesteter's earth rests on an elephant, which stands on a tortoise. And the tortoise ? Oh, n'importe / But this is only the beginning of the difficulties in THE SOURCES 13 which the hypothesis is involved. These marvellous men of the first century A.D. had two dead languages to wrestle with, not one alone ! If the coins of the Scythian kings Kanishka and Huvishka (78–130 A.D.) prove by the legends 2aopmoap (Shahrévar) for Khshathra Vairya, and the like, that Gathic Avestan was dead, they prove equally that the Avestan of the Yashts was supplanted by Pahlavi. At the very least we must assume that the poets of the Yashts lived in another province, where a different literature in another dead language was preserved, and a second remarkably accurate grammatical tradition. Or per- haps, while we are for postulating miracles, we may heighten the one instead of devising a second. Our grammarians,the peers of their famous Indian brethren, were able to preserve both dialects and keep them well differentiated; they were the guardians of two literatures, one of which has vanished wholly in favour of the forged Gathas, and the other has left an un- certain quantity of fragments behind, mingled with the new imitations. This, too, seems hardly probable. We come then to the special test anticipated above. The Gathas are confessedly in metre, and so are large portions of the Yashts and later Yasna. The metrik of Gathas and Yashts is very different, and the one metre that governs all the verse of the Later Avesta is identic in principle with the gloka of the later, classical Sanskrit, but more primitive, inasmuch as no sense of quantity has yet affected the prosody." ! I had better quote what I have written in ERPP 24 f., in a chapter devoted to Avestan verse terms:— “We have noted that from first to last Avestan verse shows no sign of dependence on quantity. Long and short syllables are 14 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Gathic metre is equally primitive in this respect, but is more varied and original in its terms. But the most instructive feature of Gathic prosody is the fact that a multitude of forms refuse to scan as they stand in the MSS. correctly spelt after the standards of a later day. Thus in the early stanzas of the first Gatha we find X’ī0ré, A7"maitis, väurðimaidi, where the metre demands three, four, and five syllables respectively. Etymology and comparison with Vedic enable us to read huvâ0ré, Aramaitis, våvarðimaïdi, which suit the entirely indifferent, and the student of prosody has only to count and not to weigh. Now the verse of the Veda has manifestly passed into a new and more developed stage, in which (as Prof. Arnold puts it) “preferences arise for long and short syllables and for groups of these, at certain points in the verse.’ Nor is this the only mark of development on the Indian side. The rules of vowel- combination which in the Rigveda (according to Whitney) cause a vowel-ending to coalesce with a vowel initial in the next word about seven times for every one in which hiatus is left, mark a great change from the conditions found in the Avesta, where this ‘sandhi’ is relatively rare. This all means that the Rigveda belongs to a very much more advanced stage of literary evolution than any part of the Avesta, although the latest Avestan poetry must be centuries later in date than the latest hymns of the Rigveda. Indian literary development was clearly a hothouse plant. The Vedic poets belonged to a regular craft, like Pindar; and the bardic families had no doubt been elaborating the lines of their models for genera- tions before our oldest extant hymn was composed. In Persia, on the other hand, it was well-nigh two thousand years before poets arose who cared much for literary form. We may not therefore argue that the more primitive system of Gathic verse gives the Hymns of Zarathushtra higher antiquity than the oldest Indian poetry with its abundant marks of literary development. But when we set this mark of primitive simplicity by the side of the evidence from language, which makes us recognise Gathic to lie at least as near as Vedic to the parent Aryan, we feel it increasingly difficult to acquiesce in the traditional date for the Prophet, if the Vedic poets are not to be brought down out of the second millennium B. c.” THE SOURCES 15 metrical requirements. Geldner's early work, Über die Metrik des jungeren Avesta (Tübingen, 1877), proved the existence of similarly hidden metre in all the verse parts of Yashts, later Yasna, and Vendidad. In these, however, the verse is perpetually interrupted by prose, which usually betrays its unoriginal character by internal evidence as well as by its failure to scan. It is clear, therefore, that the secret of Later Avestan prosody was lost when the interpolations were made. The Gathas were much better preserved, and the verse form is relatively less often interrupted by misspelling, and practically never by interpolation. They were doubtless kept from injury by constant repetition with traditional music : if the music was wanting in the recitations of the Later Avesta, the wholesale accretions of prose glosses is accounted for. Having thus explained how the Gathas came to be preserved in a form which enables modern science to restore their metre with ease and certainty, we may go on to observe how minutely accurate is their language according to the tests of modern philology. Gathic inflexions are found to answer with uniform exactitude to those of Vedic Sanskrit, or to differ in perfectly explicable ways, the Gathic type being often more primitive. The 1st sing. act, pres. vaxšyā is older than Vedic -āmi, the dat. sing. Ahurāi than the Vedic asurāya. That first-century compositions, written in a dead language which only the priests knew, could have been made proof against the microscopic tests of twentieth-century science is unlikely enough." It is equally unlikely that men * This statement does not involve a claim that the Gathas are impeccable in grammar. The recurrent use of instrumental case 16 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM with only religious interests in view would have taken the trouble to cultivate linguistic accuracy. They had a public far less critical than that on which Chatterton palmed off his Rowley Poems. The verisimilitude of the Gathic picture of Zara- thushtra, his friends and his foes, is the subject of comment elsewhere. It is hard to see how anyone could make it into an elaborate myth. Too crabbed and allusive to be invented, too natural and at times even trivial to bear any allegorical meaning, the fragments of biography discoverable in the Gathas attach themselves without a suggestion of difficulty to a real man, doing a great work among many ad- versaries, but triumphant at last in the establishment of a pure and practical religion. The Zarathushtra of the later Avesta rarely suggests the possibility of anything but myth. But to make the Reformer into a legend on the strength of the absurdities that gathered round his name is as reasonable as to make the Cyropaedia a pretext for doubting the existence of Cyrus, or the Apocryphal Gospels a triumphant vindication of the universal scepticism of Robertson for nominative may perhaps be assumed to have some syntactical ground, though it is hard to find one. But occasional lapses like the agreement of instr. and locative in Ys 3118 (as Prof. Jackson notes) may be the exceptions that prove the rule. 1 The mention of Mr J. M. Robertson reminds me that the historicity of Zarathushtra goes the same way as that of every other notable figure of religious origins in his Pagan Christs—“Menu [sic!], Lycurgus, Numa, Moses” (op. cit.”, 238), with of course Buddha and Jesus of Nazareth. It is ill arguing with a polymath who can set Prof. Rhys Davids right about Buddhism, and all the Iranists about Parsism—except, by the way, Geldner and Bartholomae, of whom he does not seem to have heard | The cool confidence with which he declares the Gathas inconsistent with the reality of Zarathushtra's THE SOURCES 17 and Drews. The Zarathushtra of the Gathas is historical, and in my judgement he himself is speak- ing there, wholly or nearly so." And here, as I have indicated, I am only echoing all the most recent criticism. Geldner and Bartholomae are emphatic on the subject, and Prof. Jackson endorses what I have written here. (He notes incidentally that “when Zarathushtra speaks in the third person, he is simply anticipating by a millennium and a half all other Persian poets.”) If this claim is allowed, we see the last possibility vanish of dating the poems late enough to be influenced by Platonism, for we certainly can find no room for him in any fºrt of Iran that could feel Greek influence ºt the centuries of Achaemenian and Arsacide rule. The only live question as to the age of the in- concerns our choice between the traditional date and a higher antiquity. Since a large proportion pf the Gathic verses distinctly profess to come from Zara- thushtra himself, and parts which do not so profess show every sign of contemporary date, we may treat the antiquity of the Prophet and that of the Gathas together: there is no discoverable argument for dis- trusting the overwhelming impression that the hymns person will only induce those who have really studied the Gathas to discount other dicta in this work of biassed and unscientific learning —“pre-philological,” as Dr F. C. Conybeare well called it in his severe review (Literary Guide and Rationalist Review, Dec. 1912). 1 Prof. Söderblom says (La Vie Future, 245), “C'est au vii" siècle que l’on peut placer, au plus tard, Zarathuštra et peut-être les Gāthas Qui sont pourtant, selon toute vraisemblance, considérablement postérieures au prophète.” It seems to me that there are many passages in the Gathas which become unintelligible if we separate them from the Founder's own circle. 2 18 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM make upon our minds when the mythological microbe has been removed. For an earlier date——to quote only writers later than Prof. Jackson's classical dis- sertation"—stand Profs. Geldner and Bartholomae. The former says *:— If, then, the gåthäs reach back to the time of Zoroaster, and he himself, according to the most probable estimate, lived as early as the fourteenth century B.C., the oldest component parts of the Avesta are hardly inferior in age to the oldest Vedic hymns. And Prof. Bartholomae writes (Air Wb 1675, s.v. Zarabuštra):— While I hold fast to Zarathushtra's historical character, I regard it as hopeless to determine precisely the period of his appearance. According to the native chronology (see West, SBE xlvii., p. xxviii), Zarathushtra's birth falls in the year 660 B.C., and Jackson (Zoroaster, 174) regards this as essentially reliable: “The period ... just before the Achaemenian power (is) the approximate date of Zoroaster's life.” I believe we shall have to begin decidedly further back; and I estimate Jackson's investigation as Tiele does in Geschichte der Religion in Altertum,” ii. 275 and 430. Bartholomae's ipse dia'it in rejecting Jackson's argument will carry much weight, but I hardly think that the reasons he actually states are very weighty. The general criticism of Jackson's Zoroaster, that it * See his Zoroaster, pp. 150 ft., where ancient views of the date of Zarathushtra are summed up, and the case presented for the date that stands in the Parsi tradition, viz. 660–583 B.C. His argument is endorsed by Justi, Casartelli, and West. * Enc. Brit.”, xxi. 246. But in xxviii. 1041 he quotes E. Meyer's date, viz. 1000 B.C., and adds: “This, in its turn, may be too high, but, in any case, Zoroaster belongs to a prehistoric era.” The volumes of the new edition boast their simultaneousness, but here an exercise in higher criticism se ms to detect a time interval and a change of view. THE SOURCES 19 sets down a mass of matter, probable and improbable, without attempting to sift it, may or may not be justified: for my part, I have never read the book as suggesting that Prof. Jackson accepts all or any of the non-Gathic stories he collects. But in any case it cannot apply to a dissertation in which the author does most elaborately sift and discuss the credibility of the various elements in the tradition. Nor does it seem to me that the native chronology stands con- demned because in Yt 13” the holy Saëna is credited with a hundred pupils, and the chronology further makes him born on the centenary of the Religion, to die on its bicentenary. We might take something off all these centuries and yet hold that other elements in the system are approximately sound. I say this, though myself frankly unconvinced that the tradi- tional date of Zarathushtra is early enough. I do not feel that we can dogmatise, but I cannot help rather accentuating Prof. Jackson's own admission that we could do with a longer time allowance. I will just state the desiderata, and leave the case, as I #ar it must be left, with the traditional date as a minimum antiquity and a desire for a few more generations. To begin with, we seem to need time to bring Gathic nearer in date to the Veda. The closeness of Gathic and Vedic is extremely marked, and, as already observed, the Gathic is in many respects the more primitive. Vedic metre is decidedly more advanced than Gathic, as we saw just now." Now of course * See p. 14. In connection with Aryan Metrik it is interesting to note the Gathic vaf, “sing praise,” which properly means “weave" (cf. fiat!ºpôós). The development of meaning implies a rather long poetical tradition, well established before the Aryan tribes divided. 20 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM we can argue that a poetical school might develop in two generations what ten generations might not produce in a kindred people with a less decided taste. And since the Iranians remained within the area occupied by the united Aryan people," we can plead that they would naturally change in language less rapidly than the tribes which migrated into the new environment of India. Further, it may well be argued that we cannot date the Vedic poetry safely within a good many centuries, though expert Opinion seems generally to assume that its earlier developments at least lie well beyond the limits of the first millennium B.C. But when we have allowed for all these considera- tions, a feeling remains that we have not removed an a priori probability that a very few centuries at most should separate the two literatures, and that therefore we must put the Gathas as early as we can. Next comes the problem of fitting in the Gatha Haptanghaiti. It is in prose, but this must not weigh with us; for the prose, being uniform, was doubtless due to deliberate choice, and not to the disappearance of Gathic ars metrica. But while it is in the Gathic dialect, and must apparently come from an age when the dialect was still a living idiom, its range of ideas differs startlingly from that of the verse Gathas. The most characteristic conceptions of Zarathushtra are thrust out by those of the old Aryan nature- worship. Apart from Ys 42, which Prof. Mills treats as an appendix (probably enough), the name of Zarathushtra does not appear; and if we give up our claim that the Amesha Spenta were in some sense his special creation, we might put this Gatha before the I See ERPP, 31 f. THE SOURCES 21 Prophet's time. It is, however, highly unlikely that prose should appear so early, and we seem compelled to allow the lapse of time enough to account for the gap that separates these compositions from the Gathas proper. Include Ys 42 (or its second stanza, which alone mentions Zarathushtra), and we are in a com- munity that worships the Prophet but ignores the spirit of his teaching: omit it, and we see the Mazdayasnian folk as oblivious of him as the royal author of the Behistan Inscription. Either alternative demands an adequate interval of time, unless perhaps place will serve, and the seven chapters may come from a district untouched as yet by the Reform. This involves (1) that the dialect of the postulated district was identical, or had been assimilated to the Gathic in transmission, and (2) that the Ameshas are older than the Reform and independent of it. This question we must discuss separately. Under this heading, then, again we have a problem of which the easiest and simplest solution comes by way of an enlarged time limit, though the argument admits of alterna- tives. We look at the case for the tradition, and once more we are left indecisively balancing probabilities. Thirdly, we need time most of all for the immense development that lies between Gathas and Yashts. As in the Gatha Haptanghaiti, there has been here a most marked return to the Aryan religion as it was before the Reform, and in thought as in metre the Yashts lie closer to Indian models than anything in the Gathas. There is also here the decidedly later form of the language. It may very possibly (see p. 23 f.) be connected with geographical separation. But here there is also the certainty of later date, which has 22 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM produced inter alia the apotheosis of Zarathushtra. Unless we are minded to excise all references to the Founder as belonging to another age—though on the verse test many of them must be as old as any other part of the Yashts—we have to grant a considerable period for the growth of this total revolution in the conception of Zarathushtra and the religion. And if we ask how late we may put the earliest Yashts, we are met with a chorus of vetoes when we try to get past Alexander. Are two and a half centuries long enough to account for all these developments I cannot pronounce the emphatic No. But I think the considerations here advanced may make us disposed to hear the counsel for the tradition and then bring in a verdict of Not Proven. On the subject of the date of the Yashts it is necessary to say a little more, since their date more or less affects the antiquity of the Gathas. I am on this matter in complete agreement with my friend Prof. Jackson, who places the Yashts in the period just before Alexander. Notices of Zarathushtra's successor Saëna influence his decision, and the re- markable coincidence of the Anahita Yasht with the records of Artaxerxes Mnemon and his encouragement of her cult. As we shall see in Lecture II., the accounts we possess of the religious conditions of the later Achaemenian period suit the contents of the Yashts very closely. That the two centuries allowed by this date give room for the Gathas is to me, as I have said, increasingly hard to believe, when the two gaps have to be allowed for – between the verse Gathas and the Haptanghaiti, and between this and the Yashts. THE SOURCES 23 There are, however, one or two other indications of date in the Later Avesta which should be examined, the more so as they affect the fundamental inquiry as to the districts from which we may assume the various parts of the Avesta to have come. I have sought further the help of my friend Mr E. W. Maunder of Greenwich Observatory, as to the data provided by the Tishtrya Yasht." He now raises a difficulty affecting the latitude. The four “Regent” stars, guarding the four quarters of the sky, seem to be identifiable as Sirius (Tištrya), the Great Bear (Hapto-iringa), Vega (Panant), and Fomalhaut (Satavaésa), the first two being quite certain and the last two most probable. These stars would all be above the horizon together, and not far from it for 1 See note in ERPP, 132: it will be convenient to quote it:— “On this point, where the authorities differ considerably, and there is no evidence how far the opinions expressed are supported by experts in a field very far away from that of the Zendist, I have thought it well to consult my friend the Rev. R. Killip, F.R.A.S., who has kindly secured for me a further opinion from Mr E. W. Maunder of Greenwich Observatory. Mr Maunder, assuming the latitude 38° N. (about that of Merv) and the epoch of 400 b.c., says that at the moment of Sirius' rising (E.S.E.), Fomalhaut was setting (S.W. by S.), Vega being 18° high (N.W. by W.) and the Great Bear wholly visible, with m on the meridian, sub-polar. * Reviewing the whole problem, the most symmetrical solution would obviously be to take the four as Sirius, Fomalhaut, Vega, and Charles' Wain. All four would be close to the horizon, and would be 90° apart, the figure being a little slewed round with regard to the meridian.” Mr Maunder discusses some other stars, and makes some interesting suggestions as to the possibility of using the legend for determining the date—a tempting line, but beyond our limits here. The stars I have given are the same as those for which Geiger decides (Civilisation of the Eastern Iranians, i. 141), but he puts Satavaésa in the West, wrongly interpreting the Pahlavi evi- dénce (Bartholomae).” See Bd 27 (SBE, v. 12). 24 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the latitude 38° N. and the epoch 400 B.C. They lie about 90° apart, and when Sirius is rising they would guard respectively the East, North, West and South." But Mr Maunder now notes that it seems “very unlikely that even in the clear air of the Iranian plateau two stars would attract attention at the moment when both were on the horizon, and one of them [Fomalhaut] was setting; and even if they were noticed they would only be seen together for a few moments.” “If we take latitude 30°, then Sirius, Fomalhaut, and Vega, and the seven stars of the Great Bear, would be visible together at the rising of Sirius from about 300 B.C. to 800 B.C. They would all be above the horizon together for a considerably longer period, but either Fomalhaut or the star at the tip of the Bear's tail would be getting too near the horizon to make it likely that it would be actually observed.” So far we are being led to seek the Yasht country in Arachosia, which would suit very well, especially as it enables us to locate the Gathas in the north, in Bactria, and the Yashts half way towards India: their closer relation to the Vedas is noted elsewhere. But there are more serious difficulties to come. The Yasht seems to point unmistakably to the period of the heliacal rising of Sirius, the time when after seventy days' invisibility he first emerges victorious and shines in the morning before the rising of the Sun. But Mr Maunder notes that “when Sirius rises heliacally the other stars practically disappear. The dawn would overcome all the fainter stars.” Further, for latitude 30° and 400 B.C., the heliacal 1 More exactly, S.E., N.E., N.W., and S.W. THE SOURCES 25 rising of Sirius was about July 13: it is some three weeks later now. “But on the Iranian plateau, anywhere you like to take from the Gulf of Oman to the Caspian Sea, or further north to Merv, July is one of the driest months of the year. It is, indeed, the beginning of the rainless season. The rains of the whole region between the Persian Gulf and Turkestan are winter rains beginning in November.” It seems clear that these facts knock a very serious hole in our interpretation of the Yasht and drive us to find its meaning in a very different quarter. And here my astronomer helpers are ready with a suggestion which is little less than sensational. “Reading the Tir Yasht again, my wife and I are greatly impressed, and the impression has grown with every reading, that it is practically, in mythological guise, a description of the breaking of the south- west monsoon. But this is Indian, and does not spread to Persia. If, therefore, Tištar means the heliacal rising of Sirius, it would suit very well meteorologically for the breaking of the monsoon in the regions round Delhi, Ajmir, Jaipur, and that district.” Did then the Tishtrya myth originate in India : If it did, Mr Maunder's information further helps us. “If we could go as far south as 25 degrees, then the four chieftains would all be visible together at the rising of Sirius from about 900 B.C. as far back as I have gone, which is about 1800 B.C.” Now, suppose the myth is really Indian, and arose well back in the second millennium. We are very short of straw for our bricks, but I cannot resist a tentative effort, even if the brick is doomed to crumble under criticism. 26 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Might the Tishtrya myth be one relic of a prehistoric migration out of India backwards to the north-west, of which the Indian gods at Boghaz-keui (p. 5) mark the limit 2 I see no a priori reason why there should not have been an ebb of the tide: some tribes after trying India for a generation or two might well strike back for some reason or other. If something of this kind happened, we have an additional stimulus for the primitive Aryan religious conditions observable in the Yashts, and for other features in which we see them markedly nearer Indian conditions than the much older Gathas." Before I leave this astronomical speculation I may mention that Mrs Maunder has been examining the date of the original form of the Bundahish * and * For a perhaps rather daring speculation as to the prehistoric movements of the Aryan-speaking tribes, I may refer to my essay referred to above (p. 5, note). Here I have examined the linguistic affinity of Sanskrit with the West Indo-European languages. The whole mass of the satom languages cuts off Sanskrit from them; and yet they agree in the preservation of a distinction between bh dhgh and b d g, which the satom groups confused. Certain other affinities suggest that a Germanic tribe migrated very rapidly from the West, perhaps in the middle of the second millennium, before the Indo-European dialects were very much differentiated, and imposed their language on a satom folk in Bactria or the neighbourhood. When the Indian section pushed southwards, the language of the Gathic people left behind was gradually assimilated to the Iranian around. The reader is asked not to judge the theory from this summary ! * In The Observatory, October 1912. In the two following months Mrs Maunder pursues the subject, and I am very sorry that I cannot stay to summarise her argument, which students of the Parsi classics ought to read. But I must mention that she and Mr Maunder, who reinforces her argument in a letter to me, try to prove that Tištrya in the Yasht means not Sirius but the Sun. Their strongest proof is that in the Bundahish account of the conflict with Apaosha, THE SOURCES 27 arguing for the middle of the first century A.D. I must not stay to comment on this interesting conclusion, which only indirectly concerns “Early Zoroastrianism.” But as I must quote the Bundahish often, on the as- sumption that it contains much fairly early matter, it is worth chronicling that an acute specialist in another field of research sees reason to place it at this rela- tively early epoch. With this let us pass on to another possible chronological datum of a different kind. The nineteenth Yasht, as Darmesteter observes, “would serve as a short history of the Iranian monarchy, an abridged Shāh Nāmeh.” If so, we can hardly help attaching significance of some kind to its silences. The royal succession comes down to Vishtaspa, and passes on immediately to Saoshyant (who in the Yashts is a purely supernatural figure), to appear in the future at the Frashokereti. It seems fair to argue that the Yasht could hardly have omitted the great names of Cyrus and Darius, if it was composed in Persia several centuries after their time. But here as usual the argumentum e silentio admits of a good many alternatives. A section in honour of Tishtrya is said to be “in Cancer,” which of course no orthodox Dogstar could be. I should have to assume that the Bundahish source was a little “mixed '' in its astronomy, unless Mrs Maunder's hint can be used that “Sirius rose heliacally at Delhi when the Sun was in Cancer, in the month Tir, and the breaking of the monsoon was in suspense.” That Greek writers [late, with the doubtful exception of Archilochus] confuse the Dogstar and the Sun suggests to Mr Maunder that the brightest of the stars was regarded as his representative. But Greek evidence, at anyrate, seems to make the star name come first. In the Excursus (p. 435 f.) I suggest that Tira was distinct from Tištrya and used to represent the planet Mercury. The clear statement of Plutarch (below, p. 402) shows that Sirius was very prominent in the Magian system. 28 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Darius and his successors might even have been suppressed under the Arsacides, more philhellene than the Greeks themselves; or other causes might be invoked to explain a loss which was so painfully easy in centuries in which it is the survival and not the disappearance of Avestan texts that moves our wonder. Or, again, geographical separation may be the key to our problem. We can hardly study the long lists of manifestly genuine but utterly unknown names in Yt 13 without asking whether the scene of all this mysterious literature may not lie in some part of Iran which has never entered the stream of history. Here again, then, we are making bricks without straw. A terminus a quo seems to be presented with considerable probability in Yt 13", on which I may repeat what I wrote recently in ERPP, p. 141 f. “In l.” we read how the Fravashis cause a man to be born who is a master in assemblies and skilled in sacred lore, so that he ‘comes away from debate ’ a victor over “Gaotoma.” Now Gotama, which answers exactly to this, is a Vedic proper name, and Bartholomae is satisfied with recognising an other- wise unknown unbeliever. Geldner (in 1877) took it as a common noun. But the temptation to see here Gautama the Buddha is extremely strong. Darmesteter says that Buddhism had established a footing in Western Iran as early as the second century B.C. Prof. Cowell used to point out that pragma, the cognate of the word rendered “debate ’ just now, was a prominent word in Buddhism." On the same 1 But it must be noted that fraśna appears in Yt 5*, where the wizard Axtya asks 99 questions of the holy Yöišta, which he answers: the wizard is an Iranian Sphinx, but rather resembles this “Gaotema.” THE SOURCES 29 side is a concise and telling argument in Prof. Jackson's Zoroaster, p. 177 f. Accepting this view, first suggested by Haug, we are, in Darmesteter's opinion, brought down to the age of the Arsacid dynasty; but there hardly seems adequate reason for rejecting the possibility that isolated missionaries of Buddhism might have been found in Iran many generations earlier, and Prof. Jackson gives a good argument for this earlier date drawn from the Yasht itself. One might even hazard the suggestion that the mistake by which the name of Gautama is trans- ferred to a man who preached Gautama's gospel, may be due to the very fact that the preaching was thus isolated, that Buddhism was still almost unknown.” Prof. Jackson (l.c.) points out that in l.” of the same Yasht mention is made of Saëna, whose date is on the traditional chronology 531–431 B.C. (see above, p. 19), and who “might therefore have been a contemporary with Buddha.” “In the case of Gaotoma as of Saëna,” Prof. Jackson proceeds, “the Yasht may be alluding to one who is born after Zarathushtra, and may be hurling anathemas against an opposing and heretical religion (and that religion Buddhism) which began to flourish about the same time as the Yasht may have been written.” One witness from antiquity should be mentioned before we leave the subject, especially as it might seem to tell in favour of the Sassanian date of the Avesta. In the latter half of the third century A.D. the philosopher Porphyry writes thus—the original may be seen in Jackson's Zoroaster, p. 243 — Yourself, Porphyrius, have written several criticisms upon the book of Zoroaster, showing it to be a recent forgery 30. EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM concocted by partisans of the sect [of the Gnostics, apparently] with a view to commending doctrines they have set themselves to propagate as if they came from the ancient Zoroaster. Now of course these words would be completely justified if, as Darmesteter asserted, the part of the Sassanian king Ardashir (211–241 A.D.) and his high priest Tansar in gathering the Avestan texts was that of composition rather than collection. And it is no part of our case to deny that Tansar busied himself in both ways. Porphyry is not likely to have secured first-hand witness of what happened at the court of the Persian king; and there would be little difficulty in making out a plausible case for a wholesale forgery of Zoroastrian texts in the fervour of the revival. But the philosopher's language suits much better some Gnostic work, an anticipation of Manichean teaching which used the hoary name of the Iranian Prophet after the familiar manner of pseudepigraphic literature. Vishtaspa's name was notoriously thus employed. I need not further argue that even if Porphyry was accurately recalling the literary activity of the newly established Sassanians, which began not long before he was born, our case for the antiquity of the Gathas is not affected. One more argument bearing on the date of the Gathas remains to be mentioned. Prof. Eduard Meyer, with Geldner's approval, urges from the appearance of Mazdaka as a proper name in Media as early as 715 B.C. that “the Zoroastrian religion must even then have been predominant in Media” (Geldner in Enc. Brit.). But, as Prof. Jackson notes, the name in question may come from mazdāh just as well THE SOURCES 31 as Mazdāh: even in the Gathas the word is not invariably a proper name. But there is a far stronger piece of evidence than the name Mazdaka could supply, even if we allowed that it is a theophoric appellation. Prof. Hommel's discovery of the divine name Assara Mazāš in an Assyrian inscription of the reign of Assur-bani-pal' involves an antiquity for the name Ahura Mazdah higher than any scholar could venture to assign to Zarathushtra, whose claim to the authorship of this characteristic title must, I fear, be abandoned. The inscription itself is rather later than the date of the name Mazdaka, but the archaic form of Ahura Mazdah’s name takes us back at least into the second millennium, and some way back. To the phonetic indications described elsewhere * may be added the fact that Assara Mazāś is followed by the seven good spirits of heaven (Igigi) and the seven evil spirits of earth (A nummaki). This means that the deity has been pretty thoroughly assimilated to Semitic conditions, as we shall see when we come to discuss the bearing of these facts on the problem of the Amshaspands. Phonetic and historical evidence therefore converge on the deduction that the name Ahura Mazdāh, in an earlier form, was in existence long before Zarathushtra. Asura - Ahura being already a generic name for the highest deities, we have to postulate the addition of a cult epithet “the Wise,” attached to one great deity”; some would say * See Proceedings of the Society for Biblical Archaeology, 1899, p. 132. I have to thank Dr C. H. W. Johns for the reference, the importance of which has been largely overlooked. * See the detached note below, p. 422 f. * I may mention here a daring conjecture of my friend Prof. H. M. Chadwick. Starting from the fact that the Semitists seem 32 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Varuna, who in the Veda forms a pair with Mitra, as Ahura and Mithra do in the Yasht addressed to the latter. Probably this took place in a very limited circle, so that long after on the Behistan Rock Ahura Mazdah could be called “god of the Aryans,” that is, presumably the nobles of Aryan race living among a people largely or mainly of a different stock, indigenous to the country. I pass on from what might seem to be a digression, were it not that candour seems to demand the examination of an argument which proves to con- tribute nothing reliable towards the evidence for the antiquity of the Gathas. We shall not need it, I venture to urge, after weighing the considerations already brought forward. The position of Cumont must be sketched before we leave the Avesta. One sentence will, however, suffice for our present purpose. “A fact which cannot to-day be contested,” he says,” “is that Avestan Zoroastrianism, whatever its antiquity, was not practised by all the inhabitants of ancient Iran.” He emphasises the contrasts between the Avestan ritual and the cultus of the Achaemenian kings, points out that Mithraism is nearer to their religion than is the teaching of the Avesta, and observes that not the Amshaspands but Mithra and Anahita first appeared as sharers of Auramazda's throne and made an impression on the Graeco-Roman very doubtful about the meaning and etymology of the great god Asshur, he suggests that it may have been simply Asura adapted. Hommel's discovery would encourage the possibility, one would think; but the Semitists must be left to deal with the suggestion. If accepted, we have fresh arguments for a cultus of this Aryan deity long before Zarathushtra. * Teacles et Monuments, p. 4, THE SOURCES 33 world. All this we shall have to meet later on, but it may be said at once that geographical separation will account for it quite as well as a theory that makes the Amshaspands late. This, however, is Darmesteter's position, not Cumont's, for the latter is at pains to show (see below, p. 104 f., 430 f.) that all six of them supplied names for the Cappadocian Calendar some centuries B.C. If, apart from this exception and the evidence of the Later Avesta, the Amshaspands are invisible until the first century, it is only because the Reform was slow in making its way among the people of Western Iran, if indeed it ever did so, until the Sassanian era : it seems to have remained in the West the religion of the more intel- lectual classes—which is extremely natural. And when we find Cumont feeling strongly the difficulty of postulating early date for poems so recondite and abstract as the Gathas, is it not enough to reply that a great religious genius is always far beyond his age 3" With the Avesta we must class the mass of the * To these notes on Prof. Cumont's position I might append one on a point made by him in a Congress paper reported in RHR xxxvi. 261. He calls the Avesta the work of a closed reforming caste not anterior to the Sassanides—which for its present form we admit. He goes on to say that the texts do not allow us to decide whether there was a rudimentary Avesta in Achaemenian and Arsacide ages. Basil and Eznik say the Magi had no books, while Pausanias attributes some to them. Are we to regard Basil and Eznik as better witnesses than Hermippus 2 (The remark of Dr S. Reinach in the discussion, that the frequent comparison of Magi and Druids proves the former to have had no book, strikes me as curiously inconclusive.) After all, if Magi in certain districts did not use a sacred book, it agrees with all we expect to find from other indications: elsewhere we know they had such. Prof. Cumont indicated that a reconciliation of the data was possible. 3 34 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM later Pahlavi literature, of which The Sacred Books of the East contains a very important selection. Since these all fall in a late period, a millennium or more after the date we have fixed for our limit, they can of course only be used incidentally. That they can be used at all is due to the evident fact that they contain a large though indeterminate amount of Avestan matter otherwise lost—some of it decidedly early, as we saw above, p. 26 f. The extreme difficulty of determining the date of the late prose contained in the Avesta itself, which includes the bulk of the Vendidad, is of course even exceeded by the problem that meets us when we try to speculate on the antiquity of Avestan fragments contained in Pahlavi books, or in passages written in Pahlavi which claim to be paraphrased from lost Avestan matter. The grammatical chaos which pre- vails so often in prose parts of the Avesta, or in what appear to be interpolations of prose inserted in the older verse, demonstrates that the later Avestan dialect was dead when these belated efforts at com- position were made. They may therefore very well be due to the Sassanian editors themselves, to whom in any case we owe the collection and preservation of our Avesta. But unless on any point we happen to have datable Greek witness, we are left to conjecture when we try to determine the antiquity of elements for which Pahlavi writers are our only Iranian authority. The old Persian Inscriptions, and especially those on the great Behistan Rock, are a tempting subject for digression, but I must keep to relevant matter, which in this case goes very little beyond bare mention. The interpretation of the inscriptional THE SOURCES 35 data affecting religion will come before us in the second Lecture. The far-reaching consequences of the colossal achievement by which the men of the early nineteenth century read the secret of Darius are apparent to all students of cuneiform-written languages to-day. The task of decipherment seems to be finally accomplished now ; and the would-be gleaner at Behistan, equipped as he must be with the faculties of the Alpine climber as well as of the scholar, has little prospect of new discoveries. There is something specially fascinating about the one piece of modern writing which Prof. Williams Jackson dis- covered on the face of the Rock below the records of Darius. The habit of courting immortality by cutting names on rock or building or tree is attested in papyrus letters from ancient Egypt and in too frequent irritations of modern experience. But for one indulgence of this kind the sternest censor will feel nothing but sympathy. “With an iron pen graven in the rock for ever,” may be read below the cuneiform H. C. RAWLINSON, 1844; and those who can best appreciate one of the most splendid triumphs of the brain of man will be readiest to allow that name its right to stand there. Upon the rest of our Iranian sources we need not dwell, for they will come up when wanted for special purposes. The newly discovered treasures of Turfan lie far outside our period, but that they are eminently relevant will be speedily realised by anyone who reads the supplement, one quarter the size of the original book, which Bartholomae has added to his Dictionary. Much later still is Firdausi’s Shah Nameh, but we 36 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM shall find frequently that its stores of ancient Iranian saga and folklore will help us in our study of the origins of Zoroastrianism. Finally we come to the Greek and Latin writers, who afford us evidence of the utmost importance because of the precision with which we can generally date their information. Before Anquetil Duperron brought the Avesta to Europe, the classical sources were naturally almost the only evidence upon which historians of Persian religion could rely. Thomas Hyde's great book, which indirectly stimulated Anquetil's fine ambition, was published more than two centuries ago, but remains a valuable tool to-day because of its treatment of material accessible before Avesta or Inscriptions were known. A few of the most im- portant loci classici will be found translated and annotated below." The limitations of these foreign testimonies were easily allowed for, and I think experience gives the inquirer a higher sense of their value. This is especially the case with our oldest witness, Herodotus, to whom alone I need refer in this context. I leave to historians very cheerfully the duty of estimating the general reliability of the “Father of History”; but I must bear my testimony to his character as a source for the delineation of the popular religion of Persia in the fifth century. Thirty years ago Prof. Sayce brought out an edition of the first three books which in many ways seemed intended to be an up-to-date reissue of the ancient tract De Malignitate Herodoti. I am not qualified to express 1 Herodotus, i. 131–140 (p. 391 ff.); Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, 46 f. (p. 399 ft.); Strabo, xv. 3, 13 ff. (p. 407 ff.); Diogenes Laertius, Proacm. ad init. (p. 410 ft.). THE SOURCES 37 an opinion as to the bulk of the Professor's strictures, which range over a large proportion of the field ap- propriated by one of the most encylopaedic Orientalists of our time. But in the corner of that field in which I have tried to work I have found that a generation of research has antiquated not the ancient historian but his modern annotator. Some of the grounds of this opinion will, I hope, make themselves apparent in the later pages of this volume." Our survey needs only to be completed by a bare reference to epigraphic sources to which reference will occasionally be made. A rescript of Darius comes to us in Greek, and a long inscription from King Antiochus of Commagene (first century B.C.).” Coins of the Indo-Scythian kings, in Greek letters, afford some important indirect evidence that we shall have to weigh. And there are the monuments of Mithraism, scattered all over Europe, which will be borne in mind during Sundry parts of our inquiry, although we shall shortly realise that their direct connexion with the subject is but small. I have by no means exhausted the list of sources which we shall have to study, but I have said enough to prepare for the investigations that will follow. * I need hardly say that I do not suggest the indiscriminate acceptance of Persian material in Herodotus. He could make Darius, for instance, talk Greek in more senses than one (e.g. iii. 72). But the line is generally easy to draw. 2 The text of the “Gadatas” inscription of Darius may be seen with Dittenberger's notes in his Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 1–4 (No. 2). Those on the monument of Antiochus of Commagene are in the same great epigraphist's Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, 591 ff. (Nos. 383–401). The religious importance of the Antiochus inscriptions is discussed below, p. 106 f. LECTURE II BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA The Persian—zealous to reject Altar and image, and the inclusive walls And roofs of temples built by human hands— To loftiest heights ascending, from their tops, With myrtle-wreathed tiara on his brow, Presented sacrifice to moon and stars, And to the winds and mother elements, And the whole circle of the heavens, for him A sensitive existence, and a God, With lifted hands invoked, and songs of praise. WoRDsworth, The Evcursion, book iv. WE are not ready yet to study the personality and the work of the thinker and prophet whose name gives us our subject. It is never possible to under- stand a religious reform without first understanding that which was reformed. So I must prepare the way further for Zarathushtra by investigating the beliefs and practices of the people to whom he came. It in- volves anticipating some subjects the proper place for which will come later on, but I must repeat my assump- tion that the foundations and framework of the Zoro- astrian system are known. I am not, as I said before, . attempting a complete exposition of Zoroastrianism as it stands, but inquiring into its origin, growth, and essential character; and for this purpose the order I am adopting seems least open to practical disadvantage. 38 BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 39 There are, as I read the history, two main strands in the rope, apart from that which Zarathushtra himself supplies. One of these will form the subject of inquiry when we have examined the history and teaching of the Prophet himself; for it seems fairly certain that it was outside his own knowledge, though in existence before his time. The work of the Magi, as we shall see, was to build on Zarathushtra's foundation a superstructure which (to put it very moderately) was not in all respects after Zarathushtra's style. The question before us now is the religious position of the people to whom he came. What were the beliefs which he inherited, which he had to accept, to adapt, or to reject : Our evidence for this inquiry will be of very varied character. We examine by the comparative method the prehistoric conditions of the Aryan-speaking tribes before their division into Indian and Iranian as indicated in Lecture I. We pursue our researches into the period of the Achaemenian kings in Persia, and from their monu- ments and the works of the Greek historians, especially Herodotus, we try to picture the religion of the court and of the people. The first question which should be settled is that concerning the religion of the early Achaemenian kings. The debate on this famous problem is perhaps not likely to be closed with any decisiveness, the data being curiously ambiguous. I cannot present the material here, but it is really unnecessary, as it has been done so well by experts who (for once) do not require us to go outside English. Indeed, there is a penny pamphlet by Bishop Casartelli which supplies all the quotations that are really germane to the 40 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM subject, with the comments of a scholar who carries the utmost weight." Of a more technical character is the very full discussion by Prof. Williams Jackson and Dr L. H. Gray.” Dr Gray gives us a careful summary in his excellent article on the Achaemenians.” With researches of outstanding importance available for every reader, I may content myself with merely stating my own view and offering a few comments. We begin with Cyrus. His position might seem to be removed from the range of discussion by the summary dictum of Prof. Eduard Meyer that “it cannot be doubted by any unprejudiced mind that Cyrus was a Zoroastrian.” It will be seen from his words quoted below that this is mainly an inference from the Zoroastrianism of Darius, which Meyer asserts is patent from every word of his Inscription. The specialists are by no means so clear about Darius, and in the case of Cyrus it is hardly too much to say that the “prejudice” which Meyer's dictum implies in any who question it seems to have afflicted them with distressing uniformity. Dr L. H. Gray remarks that “there is no evidence whatever to show that he was a Zoroastrian.” Dr Casartelli records the doubt whether Cyrus was an “Auramazdean’ like Darius, since— The Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions of that famous conqueror portray him rather as a polytheist, inasmuch as he proclaims himself to the Babylonians the servant and 1 The Religion of the Great Kings (Catholic Truth Society). * Journal of the American Oriental Society, xxi. (1901), p. 164-184. 8 ERE, i. 69-72 (1908). 4 Enc. Brit., xxi. 205: cf. Gesch. d. Ali., iii. 21 (“. . . wird, wer die Sachlage besonnen überlegt, nicht bezweifeln; sonst misste die Religion bei Darius als Neuerung auftreten’). BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 41 the worshipper of the Assyrio-Babylonian gods. . . . This —it may at least be supposed—was done in order to please his new subjects, and to gain the favour of the powerful sacerdotal body. That Meyer's ipse dia.it in itself would be accepted more readily than almost anyone's is undeniable, and in questioning it here I am rather denying than yield- ing to a “prejudice.” We have nothing whatever from Cyrus's own hand which could possibly bear on the question, except the '“Cylinder Inscription ” with its profession of loyalty to Marduk, and the rescript in Ezra (1**) where he declares that Yahweh is God. I do not draw the conclusion that Cyrus was a polytheist, for Darius, the fervent wor- shipper of Mazdah, makes the like concessions to his foreign subjects; but they will hardly be claimed as evidence that he really adored only the deity who is not mentioned Of course, in the absence of Old Persian inscriptions from him,” the silence about Mazdah is intelligible enough. But it will not do for us to compensate for the silence by a mere “doubt- less,” which is all too often the cloak for a total absence of evidence. We have in fact only two sources of information to eke out Meyer's not very conclusive argument about the improbability that Darius was an innovator. We turn naturally to the Cylinder for what it may give us, which certainly is very little indeed.” The one conspicuous point we 1 The Murghab inscription (“I am Cyrus the King, the Achaemenian") will not help us—even if it were quite certain that it does not belong to Cyrus the Younger, who might be Xšāyaffiya in the same sense as Darius's ancestors had the title. 2 C. J. Ball, Light from the East, p. 224 f., translates the inscription. A microscopic criticism might note that Cyrus is 42 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM observe is the relation in which the great king stands to Marduk of Babylon. The theory of local divinities could not be more emphatically stated. Marduk is angry because Nabonidus, anxious to make Marduk supreme, had removed the shrines and images of the local deities to Babylon, which was his own locality. They in turn are angry at being removed away from their own place. So Cyrus, restoring all to their homes, and establishing Marduk as lord in Babylon, supreme because Babylon itself had such primacy, enjoys the favour of all the gods alike. Dr Gray seeks for material in the Cyropaedia of Xenophon, and very acutely points out" that its subtle coincidences with our Iranian evidence make its testimony much less negligible than it is usually supposed to be. I think he makes a strong case, but that he has omitted to show how Xenophon bridged the gulf of a century and a half between Cyrus and his own Persian travels. When, on the strength of Xenophon's evidence, which Dr Gray thinks the most reliable we have, the religion of Cyrus is inferred to be nearest to that set forth in the Later Avesta, we note the proof as striking and helpful, but for the religion of Artaxerxes Mnemon rather than that of Cyrus. If we regard Cyrus as probably a Mazdean —not a Zoroastrian, however—it will be because Ahura Mazdah was “god of the Aryans” (p. 32), and Cyrus belonged to an eminently Aryan clan. If it again and again “King of the Four Regions” (N., S., E., W.), which is an obvious contrast to the Seven Karşvars of the Later Avestan. But of course Cyrus (or his Babylonian secretary) uses the idioms as well as the language of Babylon. 1 ERE, i. 70. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 43 was possible to be a Mazdean without ever having heard of Zarathushtra, we have nothing left as proof, and next to nothing amounting to a presumption, that Cyrus had come in contact with the Reform. His creed was more probably the popular Iranian nature- worship described so accurately by Herodotus in the locus classicus we shall be taking up presently. In many particulars its elemental worship would agree sufficiently with Babylonian and Elamite; and “the God of heaven” in the Ezra rescript suits his own religious phraseology perfectly, especially if his chief god was Diyauš, the sky." Since he and his ances- tors ruled in a country which was not Iranian, we naturally expect to find non-Aryan traits in any account of him and his ideas. One solitary scrap of evidence in favour of Cyrus's connexion with Zoroastrianism I am bound to present before I leave him, and I believe the point—valeat quantum /–is new. He called his daughter Atossa, which is identified with the Avestan Hutaosá. This was the name of Vishtaspa's queen ; and of course the name of Vishtaspa himself, Zarathushtra's royal patron, was perpetuated in the Achaemenian family, in Hystaspes the father of Darius. I do not think the double coincidence can be accidental. How much does it prove 2 We will return to this when we come to Darius, from whom we are detained for a moment by the intervention of Cambyses. It seems almost grotesque to discuss the religion of one whom only the accident of birth and time rescued from segregation as a criminal lunatic. But maniac though he was, we should expect him to be restrained by 1 On this see below, pp. 60 f., 391 f. 44 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM superstition; and it is therefore significant that he had no fear of the wrath of the sacred element when he burnt the corpse of Amasis." This fact may be put with similar notes from the life of Xerxes, and with the well-known argument from the burial of the Achaemenian kings, to show that the Magi had not yet come upon the scene: for all this see p. 215 f. The other fact about Cambyses' religion is the Egyptian text, quoted by Dr Gray, which shows him worshipping the goddess Neit at Sais, as Darius did after him. He acted presumably from a very real fear of the possible consequences of offending the local gods in foreign countries, where omne ignotum pro magnifico probably counted more heavily than the politic motives which preponderated with statesmen like Cyrus and Darius. Before we pass on to consider the religion of Darius, a man for whom religion was obviously a very real experience, we may look into some questions concerning the Achaemenians in general. I quoted just now what seems to be Prof. E. Meyer's one reason for regarding Cyrus as a Zoroastrian—his unwillingness to make Darius an innovator. It is important, therefore, to notice considerations leading us to postulate a rather marked difference between the two branches of the Haxâmanišiya clan. Cyrus was king in Elam, while Darius expressly claims that his ancestors were “royal” from Achaemenes down, and possessed “this kingdom which Gaumāta the Magian took from Cambyses . . . both Persia and Media and the other provinces” (Bh i. 12). Media at any rate was not ruled by Achaemenians before Cyrus; but Persia 1 Herodotus, iii. 16. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 45 may well have been. Cyrus reigned over a people among whom Aryans were at best a small minority," but his own Aryan descent” is emphatically endorsed by the statement of Darius that he was “of our family” (Bh i. 10), that is, the Achaemenian. Accord- ing to the Assyrian inscription of Cyrus, he was son of “King Cambyses of the city Ansan,” who was son of Cyrus, son of Teispes, both also Kings of Ansan. This makes Hystaspes, Darius's father, third cousin to Cyrus, Teispes (Caispiš) being a common ancestor. If we are to take Darius literally, we can make him “ ninth '' in royalty by counting the royal line of Ansan from Achaemenes to Cyrus, fifth in succession, and then adding the (younger ?) branch Ariaramnes, Arsames, Hystaspes, Darius. The difficulty is that neither Hystaspes nor his father and grandfather are ever called kings. If they exercised any kind of royalty, it must have been in some other province, such as Parthia, where Hystaspes wins a victory for Darius in Bh ii. 16. It may be noticed that Darius * Compare E. Meyer's statement (Enc. Brit.”, xxi. 203) that the kings of the Mitanni on the Euphrates bore Iranian names, but ruled over people speaking non-Iranian language. Meyer, by the way, makes the Medes Iranian: they reached W. Iran before 900 B.C. * The names Küruš and Kambújiya are of disputed etymology, but there is no reason whatever to doubt their being Aryan. I do not think there has been any suggestion more attractive than that made long ago by Spiegel (Alipers. Keilinsch.*, 96) that they attach them- selves to Skt. Kuru and Kamboja, originally Aryan heroes of fable, whose names were naturally revived in a royal house, Spiegel thinks that the myths about Cyrus may have originated in confusion between the historical and the mythical heroes. (Kamboja is a geographical name, and so is Kuru often : hence their appearance in Iranian similarly to-day as Kur and Kamoj.) 46 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM does not say his ancestors were “Great Kings” like himself, or the ancestors of Cyrus in the latter's inscription above referred to (quoted from Spiegel, op. cit. 84). A more local sovranty will satisfy his words. - Suppose, then, that Darius's branch of the family were chieftains in Parthia, where Hystaspes is found after his son had won the supreme throne. We remember, of course, that Herodotus tells us that he was ſtrapyos in Persia. If we had to choose between Herodotus and the Behistan record, the Greek historian must naturally yield. But there is no real difficulty, for when Darius was once on the throne his satraps could be moved very easily, and he would naturally wish to have his father nearer to his own court. But when it was a matter of quelling a serious rebellion, probably among the subject population, there would be obvious advantages in sending Hystaspes to a country over which he and his ancestors had ruled. On this conjecture, then, Parthia becomes an earlier settlement of the conquering Aryan invaders, from which a prince of the Achaemenian house, Cyrus's ancestor, went on to conquer Elam. Now Parthia is exactly the district in which we should expect to find the earliest traces of Zoro- astrianism proper. Lying east of “Zoroastrian Ragha,” on the way towards Bactria, it suits equally well both the possible theories of Zarathushtra's sphere of teaching. He or his successors must have preached to the Parthians as soon as the Religion began to extend beyond its original home, whichever of the two centres may claim it. And this brings us to the remarkable coincidence noted above, in the recurrence BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 47 of the names of Vishtaspa and his queen Hutaosa in the father of Darius and the daughter of Cyrus. Antiquity even tended to confuse the two royal Vishtaspas, which may be taken as a slight indication that the name was not common. The repetition of this very significant name in the family of a monarch whose Zoroastrian faith is attested by many lines of evidence, as we shall show, is by itself suggestive. But of course, if Vishtaspa's name is significant for Darius's branch of the Achaemenians, Hutaosa's must be equally significant for that of Cyrus. The names must at least prove, I think, that the memory of the great king was kept alive in both branches of the family; nor is it unlikely that it was cherished on religious as well as on secular grounds. But when we remember how quickly after Zarathushtra's time all but the most superficial features of his teaching were practically lost, and only rediscovered in an esoteric circle by the preservation of the Gathas in worship—a subject which will come before us in Lecture III.--we realise that to prove Cyrus a Zoroastrian in any effective sense demands evidence that his ancestors had maintained the traditional lore in a country where the religion of the people was wholly alien in spirit, and in the face of a powerful tendency, observable in all the metrical Later Avesta itself, to fall back upon the old Iranian nature-worship. As a great champion of Mazdah- worship Vishtaspa might well be commemorated in Cyrus's family; but there is complete absence of proof that for Cyrus his name signified more than this, which we have seen to be on other grounds very probable. 48 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM This brings us to ask what tests we should apply to determine the presence of elements due to Zarathush- tra's Reform. We saw in the last Lecture that the worship of Ahura Mazdah must be abandoned for this purpose, however reluctantly, since there is conclusive reason to believe that he was adored in a tribe which could contribute to the Assyrian pantheon centuries before the earliest possible epoch for Zarathushtra's mission. The sacrifice of this test is a most serious complication in our problem, and may even preclude the possibility of any really decisive solution. But in the case of Darius we have really strong evidence to support the conclusion of Prof. Geldner that “Darius and his successors were without doubt devoted adher- ents of Zoroastrianism.” Meyer's difficulty as to a religious innovation is met by E. W. West's proof that Darius probably reformed the Calendar in a Zoroastrian direction; see SBE, xlvii. pp. xliii-xlvii. That Darius was a fervent worshipper of Auramazda may not prove Zarathushtra's influence, but it is of course consistent with it. But what of his failure to mention Zarathushtra himself, Angra Mainyu, and the Amesha Spenta ? The first omission is intelligible enough, if the Prophet was a figure of the distant past, but not yet elevated (by Magian theology) into a supernatural being. Taking the Gathas as generally representative of Darius's religion, we might fairly say that the omission is no stranger than that of Paul's name would be in a historical rescript by some pious medieval king, perpetually ascribing his triumphs to the grace of “God and Our Lady,” but silent about the Apostles, to whose writings he would of course 1 Enc. Brit., s.v. “Zoroaster.” BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 49 attribute the whole of his religious belief." As to the absence of Angra Mainyu, the usual answer is probably sufficient, that the spirit of Zarathushtra's doctrine is adequately reproduced by the frequent mention of “the Lie” (drauga), which appears in the Avesta as draoga, and (in a different flexion) as Druj. Now, as we shall see later on, it is actually not true that Angra Mainyu was Zarathushtra's name for the Evil Spirit. The combination only occurs once in the Gathas (Ys 45*, see pp. 135 f., 370), and it is there no more a proper name than is the corresponding English when Milton calls Satan “Enemy of God and man.” The name for the Evil Spirit in the Gathas is nearly twenty times Druj, “the Lie.” I point out (below, p. 136) that the Later Avestan transference of this casual appellation, which thus became a proper name, is really the work of the Magi, and very possibly de- pends upon an association of the two words “enemy” and “liar,” which actually occurs in Darius's inscrip- tion. That being so, we can see that the king's language is most remarkably in accord with the ! My parallel does not convince Dr Casartelli, who writes (May 4, 1913): “Don’t you think the omission of Z.'s name in the Royal Inscription a much more extraordinary one than that of Paul (or Peter for the matter of that) in a medieval text P Would it not be nearer to the entire omission of the name of Buddha in Asoka's Inscriptions, or of Mohammed in Islamitic ones?” I must naturally lay some weight on my doctrine that in Darius's day the more abstruse features of Zarathushtra's teaching—such as his personal relation to his followers at the Last Day—had been dimmed by time. And the practical apotheosis of the Prophet, which seems necessary for Dr Casartelli's comparisons, was on my theory entirely the work of the Magi, and later than Darius. Nor is Zarathushtra's absence more remarkable than it is in the Haptanghaiti, if we take the one occurrence as a later addition. 4. 50 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Gathas, since every form of evil reduces itself to this one term. Every rebel chief “lies,” not merely when like Gaumata he personates a member of the royal house, but when he simply leads the native population in an effort to shake off the Achaemenian yoke. The objection accordingly turns to a positive argument in favour of Darius's acceptance of Zarathushtra's theology. * The one really serious omission having thus ex- plained itself, we need not trouble very much over the absence of the Amshaspands from Darius's great Inscription. We shall be seeing later on (p. 431 f.) that the Parsi Calendar is traced on strong evidence to Darius, and that the present names of the months therein bear very strong marks of his hand. If this is true, these most characteristic of Zarathushtra's concepts were exceedingly familiar to Darius, and their absence from State documents needs no elaborate explanation. But indeed there are not wanting fairly close parallels to ideas included within this innermost circle of Zarathushtra's thought. Thus the recurrent vašná Auramazdāha (forty-one times in Darius's in- scriptions), “by grace or will of Auramazda,” differs little from Vohu Manah in such passages as Y's 33°, vohú ux$yå manaohā . . . taniſm, “bless my body by the Good Mind.” When Darius says (Bh i. 5) Auramazda xSaô"am manā fråbara, “Auramazda gave me the kingdom,” he means a kingdom of this world ; but the two worlds were in the Persian mind so closely parallel that the XSaô'a of Auramazda would be a necessary corollary to that of his earthly vieegerent. Then we might say that śiyātiš, “wel- fare,” which in the recurrent formula Auramazda BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 5] “made for man,” is not far away from Haurvatat, the Amesha. That the conception of Truth was supreme in Persian ethics needs no proof; and Asha included this as its primary element, as Plutarch's rendering 'AX}6eta illustrates, and the fact that Asha is the avtºtexvos of the Druj. So if the Amesha were not formally present, the ideas which lay behind them as divine attributes were not far away. We may add the recently restored arātūm in Bh. iv. 13, conjectured by Foy and then read by Jackson on the Rock: this is an abstract word (for arştatüm), “up- rightness,” almost exactly identical with the Avestan yazata, closely akin to the Amesha in châacter, Arštát (= aršta-tät), to which it answers like iuventa to iuventas in Latin. Less significant, but not quite negligible, is the occurrence in the Inscription of one Avestan fiend, that of Drought (Dušīyārā, Av. Dużyāiryā, qs. *ēva opia). Dr Gray notes also the mention of the other great affliction of the agri- culturist, the nomad “horde” (O.P. haină, Av. haënä), associated with Drought in both texts. * The negative argument for Darius’s Zoroastrian position may be noted before we begin to face the arguments con. Darius is of course no monotheist" in the strict sense of the word—any more than the pre-prophetic Israelites, who regarded Yahweh as supreme, but believed the gods of the nations to be regnant powers in their own lands. Darius acknow- ledges occasionally the help of Auramazda “and the other gods that exist” (uta aniyā bagāha tyaiyhantiy)," or A. M. hadā viðaibiš or viðibiš bagaibiš,” “with all the gods” or “with the clan gods”: which of the two 1 Bh 412 al. 2 Dar. Pers, d3. 59 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM readings must be taken we cannot determine finally. The meaning of baga comes out well in the Persepolis inscription of Artaxerxes III. (Ochus), where we find mām Auramazdā utú Méra baga pătuv, “may A. M. and the baga Mithra protect me.” Now Auramazda is maðišta bagānām,” “greatest of bagas,” and in the oft- repeated creed of Darius and his successors” he is expressly baga wazarka, just as Darius himself is x$āyabiya wazarka. But it looks as if even in the days of Artaxerxes III. the godhead of Auramazda was so high above that of the “other gods” that he and Mithra would never be called bagāha conjointly, any more than the “Great King” would have shared the title X&tiyabiya with the inferior kings who are implied in the title x&ſiyabiya XSãyabiyānām. We have therefore a subordination of other divinities as emphatic as in the Gathas themselves; and the 6eos 6eſov is the same as in Zarathushtra's preaching. So near an approach to monotheism we can hardly trace to coincidence; and, in spite of many difficulties, it seems best to regard Zarathushtra as the ultimate author of the creed which so obviously comes from Darius's heart of hearts on the columns of triumphant exultation at Behistan. So we may turn to the difficulties. These are forcibly put by Dr Gray, in his summary of the evidence from non-Iranian texts (op. cit. p. 180, and the more recent article in ERE, i. 69–73). Darius speaks (Bh i. 14) of the “places of worship” (äyadanä) which he restored after Gaumata the Magian had destroyed * Bartholomae (Air Wb, 292 f.) points out the parallel magištå wagatangm in Yt 1719. * See p. 122 below. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 53 them. Here the Babylonian and the New Susian versions alike render “houses of the gods.” Dr Gray is “inclined to consider äyadanā as including not only the fire-altars of the ancient Persians, but the fanes of nations subject to the sway of Darius.” This tolerance, he says, was not “in harmony with Zoro- astrian teaching”: it was a “politic course,” “like that of Cyrus when he not only sent back the captive gods from Kutu, but also built them their temples anew (Cylinder Inscr. 32), or when he restored the Temple at Jerusalem.” (It may be noted in passing that Prof. Hommel" takes a very different view of this action of the Magus. According to him, Gaumata, being a Magian, and therefore a Mede, shared the Persian horror of temples and destroyed them as an act of fanaticism : Darius restored them out of respect for the popular beliefs. Hommel thinks Darius was the first to introduce Avestan religion into the Persian kingdom, with certain concessions to popular feeling. Why I entirely dissociate the Magi from the Aryan population I have explained in Lecture VI.) Similarly — to return to Dr Gray—“Cambyses re- paired the desecrated temple of Neit at Sais, and with a spirit quite as alien to that of the Zoroastrian reform.” Dr Gray quotes next—after an argument in favour of “all the gods” rather than “clan gods” (see above), on evidence drawn from the versions— the well-known Gadatas inscription of Darius.” In this rescript, preserved for us in an Ionic Greek form on a stone some five centuries after Darius, the king 1 Geographie (in Iwan Müller's Handbuch d. klass. Altertumsmissen- schaft), p. 201. - 2 See p. 37: he cites ll.”. 54 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM sharply chides a satrap for violating the sanctity of a precinct of Apollo, &yvoſov čudºv Tpoyövov eis Töv 6eóv [v]oºv, §s IIéparals eitre [Tâa jaſy] &Tpéke[i]aſy]. Dittenberger, whose supplements are printed here, understands the “ancestors” to be his predecessors Cyrus and Cambyses. Darius tells Gadatas' that he was mis- representing him to Apollo's worshippers—thv Štěp 6eſov wov Štá0eaty & pavićets. Here Dr Gray finds an almost “polytheistic” tone. But in an inscription found between Tralles and Magnesia, concerning (surely 2) a Greek god whose oracles, like those of Delphi, had been valued by Persian kings, we must expect to meet with language adapted to Greek conditions. Finally, Dr Gray quotes an Egyptian inscription in which Darius calls himself son of the goddess Neit, to whose special favour he owes his victory. These quotations, we may readily concede, show that Darius was no fanatic. His religious position was remarkably like that of King David, whose passionate devotion to Yahweh proved perfectly consistent with a conviction that leaving Yahweh’s land involved entering the service of “other gods” (I Sam. 26"); or, again, that of Elisha, who seems to have acquiesced in Naaman's belief that he could only raise an altar to Yahweh on soil brought from Palestine. In foreign lands, therefore, the king must propitiate the gods of the soil, just as the Assyrians provided for the return of a native priest to teach “the manner of the god of the land ” to their colonists whom they had planted in Samaria (2 Kings 17* f.). According to ancient ideas there was quite as much real belief as there was “political shrewdness” in * Who was surely not a “Greek,” as Dr Gray calls him. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 55 the action of Darius, Cyrus, and Cambyses towards foreign deities. Even Jews were practising a much more remarkable tolerance, as the new Aramaic papyri from Elephantine have shown us lately. Moreover, in any case we have no reason to credit Darius with the whole creed of the Gathas. He was probably further removed from Zarathushtra's day than was the Gatha Haptanghaiti; but he is a better Zoroastrian than the authors of those prayers, on any showing, and less of a polytheist. One point of interest made by Dr Gray seems to tell distinctly against his general thesis. He tells us that whereas the Old Persian inscriptions, like the Avesta, have the word “Lie" only in the singular, and in this are supported by the New Susian version, the Babylonian version “uses the plural of the corre- sponding parsu ‘Lie’ in the two passages in which the word occurs,” especially Bh i. 10, “the Lie became rife in the land.” He infers very naturally that “the usage would seem to bespeak personifica- tion among the Persians, but not among the Baby- lonians”—who were thus, in fact, no Zoroastrians like the former. To the objections raised by Dr Gray—with de- cidedly less emphasis, if I understand him rightly, in his newest article (in ERE, i.)—may be added one from Bishop Casartelli's pamphlet. Dr Casartelli presses the argument from the silence of Behistan as to Zarathushtra himself and Angra Mainyu, and declares himself unsatisfied with any of the “several ingenious solutions” which have been proposed for the problem of the differences between Behistan and * [Yt] 24” is noted as no real exception, being late. 56 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the Avesta. The resemblances which I have tried to bring out seem to me so striking that I feel bound to add to the tale of attempted solutions, and cherish the fond hope that my learned friend may find it a less “rash theory” than its predecessors. He has a further difficulty in the silence of the Avesta about the Achaemenian kings, and the substitution of other great dynasties, Peshdadian and Kayanian, which are unknown to history. Can we meet this by urging (1) that the Avestan country is far away from those which enter the range of external history, and (2) that if (for instance) Achaemenian kings were praised in the Farvardin Yasht, there was no guarantee that the philhellene Arsacides would encourage the sur- vival of those sections 2 The harmless prehistoric monarchs had the best chance of this immortality. After much hesitation, therefore, and I frankly confess not a few pendulum swings from one side to the other, I give my vote Aye when the question is put whether Zarathushtra comes into Darius's spiritual ancestry. I have given away, in deference to Hommel's inscription, the one evidence that would be absolutely decisive—Zarathushtra's authorship of the cult title Mazdāh. But though the other arguments could be countered severally with good replies, I think the balance turns in favour of the affirmative, and I accept it with the modifications already given. Finally, we have to ask what were the religious beliefs of Xerxes. The inquiry may be suspended here, since we have nothing whatever to discuss in the history of Artaxerxes Longimanus or Darius II., except the popular religion as observed by Herodotus in his travels during this period. Xerxes is almost BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 57 as grievous a stumbling-block to defenders of the hereditary principle in absolute monarchy as Cambyses himself, and he lacks the excuse of insanity. Religion meant much less to him than to his great father, and we should naturally expect to find in his ideas an eclipse of the ethical theology of the Gathas and Darius, and a recrudescence of the popular Aryan superstitions. Herodotus (vii. 114) has a very in- structive story, which (pace Dr Gray) I find entirely credible. Coming to a place called Nine Ways, the Magi buried alive nine boys and girls of the place. (The Magi at least are the subject of the preceding sentence, and it seems most natural to understand Herodotus to implicate them here—of course wrongly —as the agents of the king's superstition.) The historian goes on to observe— “To bury alive is a Persian custom, for I learn that Amestris, the wife of Xerxes, when she grew old, buried fourteen children of distinguished Persians, endeavouring to propitiate on her own account the god who is said to dwell beneath the earth.” " There are many other evidences that the Magi had not yet begun to push their propaganda against burial, and the idea that the Earth-spirit would be offended never entered, it is plain, minds wholly impervious to more important considerations. There are two or three instructive (and very horrible) pages in Prof. Jackson's Persia Past and Present (pp. 271–3), deal- ing with the barbarous punishments still inflicted in Persia. One of these, the plastering up of the victim in gypsum, with face exposed, and leaving him to die as a pillar by the roadside, is in principle not unlike 1 The significance of this extremely interesting appellation will be considered in Lecture IV. (p. 128 f.). 58 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM what Herodotus describes as IIepauków long ago. And, as Prof. Jackson's informant observed in reporting another horror, Irān hamín ast, “Persia is always the same”! Perhaps the well-known humanity of Russian manners will effect the needed change in the un- willing pupill Two other hints are extracted by Dr Gray from the seventh book of Herodotus. Xerxes on arriving at the Hellespont sacrificed 1000 cows (800s x\ias), Tm 'A6nvain Th IAtáðu, while the Magi poured libations to the heroes: it is added that a panic fell on the host because these things had been done at night." Dr Gray re- stricts his citation to the point about the “1000 oxen [sic],” and the correspondence with Yt 5” (etc.), where the sacrifice to Anahita is 100 male horses, 1000 oxen (or cows), and 10,000 sheep. The suggestion that this is an early notice of the Anahita cult is very interest- ing, but the concomitants are unexplained, and we cannot be sure that the notice, like the regular appear- ance of the Magi, is not an anachronism transferred from a later time. Still, there is no serious difficulty in believing that the cult had already begun to make its way.” It is further stated that Xerxes poured a libation into the sea and prayed to the rising sun (vii. 54). I see no necessity to bring in Mithra here, as Dr Gray does: the Sun was a yazata on his own 1 This was a rather definite lapse into the dačvayasna : see the note below (p. 129) on nocturnal sacrificing of cattle as condemned in the Gathas. If the notice of Herodotus (vii. 43) is sound, we must suppose that the spirit of the Reform had in this respect pene- trated the soldiery. But I should hardly care to trust the detail: it is enough to assume that Herodotus had heard of the existence of orthodox objections to sacrifices by night. * See on this subject, p. 238 f. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 59 account from of old. The libation probably agrees only by accident with Magian doctrine (p. 216 below). It was hardly Persian, for Aryan worship only con- cerned the waters that nurtured plant life. But the sea had given Xerxes trouble before, and propitia- tion would be politic now, even if it belonged to the Daevas. Dr Gray finally cites vii. 40, where the chariot of Xerxes follows “the sacred chariot of Zeus,” drawn by eight white horses, whose driver went on foot, “for no man ascends this throne.” I am myself inclined to recognise here, not Mazdah, to whom the symbolism is not specially appropriate, but the popular Sky-god to whom we shall be turning our attention presently. The general impression made by these notices is that if the religion of Darius suggests the Gathas of Zarathushtra, that of his son has its affinities in the “Sevén-chapter Gatha" which marked the relapse into the old nature-worship. Everything we know of Xerxes makes us feel that it would suit him better. Let us turn now to the popular religion of Persia, as described for us with convincing and detailed’ accuracy by Herodotus. The locus classicus is trans- lated and annotated in the appendices, and I need only call attention to a few outstanding features. First let me call attention to its omissions. Without over-pressing the argumentum ea silentio, we can assert positively enough that Herodotus never met with the name of Angra Mainyu, nor heard of the Prophet Zarathushtra. I have been explaining away Darius's silence about the Prophet, and noting that the absence of Angra does not need to be explained. But it really passes all probability that a writer like 60 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Herodotus should omit so interesting a figure as Zoroaster's if he ever heard of it. I think his silence must at least mean that his knowledge came from strata wholly untouched by Zarathushtra's teaching. So abstract and esoteric a doctrine was never likely to win popularity; and if it was really known to Darius, the extent to which it spread beyond the royal circle must have been limited to a very few of its easiest conceptions. It was the Magi who popularised it by refraction, as we shall see. Ahura Mazdah himself is described on the Susian version of the Behistan Inscription as “god of the Aryans,” and this probably gives us the estimate of the people in general. The “Aryans’ in this context may well be simply the nobles, who had taken up the new cult, while the mass of their kin of lower rank continued to worship the old elemental daivās, with the Sky-god at their head. It will be remembered that the 'Apt' avtot were only one of the six tribes of the Medes in Halt. i. 101: there may have been other Aryans among these Median tribes, and the Persian ariyazantava would not be identical with the Median in their beliefs, if a new religion had made its way into Persia first. In the description which the historian gives of the Persian religion the central feature is the worship of the kūk\os oºpavo9 upon mountain-tops. I have tried to prove in my note on the passage (p. 391–3) that “Zeus” here is not the Greek divine name transferred to the chief deity of another country—as we have Zeus Oromazdes in Commagene and Zeus Ammon in Egypt, but the old South Indo-European deity of the Sky, the Indian Dyauh, whose name in Old Persian, especially in the accusative, genitive, and locative cases, BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 61 would sound to a Greek very much like the name of his own Zeus. It is more than doubtful whether an elemental character can be assigned to Ahura Mazdah, even in the pre-Reformation age. It is true that Prof. Cumont claims for him in the Avesta itself “traces of his original character . . . as the god of the bright sky.” But against this we may set Dr Hans Reichelt's comment” On Yt 13°: “Ahura Mazdah is the Varuna of Aryan times, the god of the night-heaven.” And for this it may be pleaded that in the Later Avesta the old Aryan pair survives as Miffra Ahura,” a dvandva compound like the Vedic Miträ(u) Parumã(w): unless, then, we assert inde- pendent origin, we must make Ahura = Varuna, as the Asura kat' ééox'ív. So scholars have largely agreed to read it: Geldner's words may be cited as typical— In one Asura, whose Aryan original was Varuna, [Zarathushtra] concentrated the whole of the divine character, and conferred upon it the epithet of the “ Wise.” 4 (But we cannot still hold the doctrine that the Reformer invented the name Mazdah.) If this is right, Ahura would necessarily be the night sky, if a Sky-god at all, for Mithra's prior claim on the light is certain. But really the evidence for Ahura's ele- mental character is exceedingly weak at best, unless we are prepared to assert the same whenever a deity is said to be robed with stars or clothed with light. * In Roscher, Lew. Myth., iii. 105°. I owe the reference to my friend Mr A. B. Cook. * “The sky which Mazdah wears as a star-spangled robe" (Avesta Reader, 115; cf. 110). See p. 280 below. 8 Ys 111, Yi 10118, 145. * Enc. Brit.!!, sub voce. 62 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM It must be admitted, however, that the old Sky-god of the Aryans has left his traces in Iran abundantly enough, if only in deities who have stolen their thunder from its rightful lord. Here Mithra is emphatically the most conspicuous. I shall return immediately to his past, and deal with his ultimate future in Lecture IV. ; but I must first note this connexion with the sky, which, however explained, is unmistakable in the Yashts and kindred texts. In this regard, since too many scholars have been in a hurry to antedate the ultimate identification of Mithra with the Sun, I should emphasise the fact, properly insisted on by Tiele," that he belongs to the night as well as the day. Tiele notes that in the Yashts he is “unsleeping,” as in the Rigveda, and has myriad eyes. Since, however, The Night has a thousand eyes, And the Day but one; Yet the light of the bright world dies With the dying Sun, the divinity of the bright sky is very naturally linked more and more with the greater light.” How the transition was made from Light to Sun is explained * Religionsgesch, 242 f. * In proof of this important claim, Tiele refers to Yt 1093 ff., where after sunset Mithra goes forth with his club, touching both ends of the earth and surveying everything between earth and sky —this last a touch in keeping with his character as peatrns, lord of the middle region. Darmesteter (SBE, xxiii. 143) assumes that Mithra as the Sun has to retrace his steps during the night, quoting a Hindu belief that the Sun had a bright face and a dark one, turning the latter to the earth on its nightly journey back to the east. But this would not suit the idea of his watchful survey: the sky as illuminated by moon and stars gives us a preferable interpretation. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 63 by no less an authority than Prof. Cumont, whose pro- prietary rights in Mithraism everyone acknowledges. In his fascinating lectures on Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism," he tells us that the “learned theology of the Chaldaeans imposed itself on primitive Mazdeism,” and that “Ahura Mazda was assimilated to Bel, Anāhita to Ishtar, and Mithra to Shamash the god of the Sun. That is why in the Roman Mysteries Mithra was commonly called Sol invictus, though he was really distinct from the Sun.” When, however, the most has been made of the elemental features of Mithra, we are brought back to the ethical side as distinctly more conspicuous in Parsism, recalling the same dual character in the Roman Jupiter as Dius Fidius.” Prof. A. Meillet has even put in an elaborate plea" for regarding the ethical as Mithra's original function in the Aryan period. Both the branches of Aryan possess a common noun, miträ-miðra-, meaning in Sanskrit “friendship’’ (neut.) or “friend’ (masc.), and in Avestan “compact.” They even coincide in possess- ing a compound, Skt. mitradruh, “injuring a friend, treacherous,” Av. miðrö-druff, “breaking a compact” (also “trying to deceive Mithra"). Meillet regards this word as the original, and the Aryan divine name as derived from it. There are, he says, no elemental traits in the one Vedic hymn (Rv. iii. 59) addressed to Mitra. The transference of this ethical deity to the elemental sphere is due to the natural thought that * Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain,” p. 217. * On this compare Warde Fowler, Religious Experience of the Roman People, 130 and 142. * Journal Asiatique, 1897, ii. 143 ff. 64 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Light is the guardian of good faith : lying and treachery always love the darkness. The very ancient Roman deity Fides will be on the same plane; and as the Roman abstract deities have a strong claim to be regarded as uralt, we might urge this feature of that very conservative religion as a point in Meillet's favour, when joined with the similar mixing of ethical and elemental ideas in Dius Fidius. Dr Fowler's quotation from Varro (“quidam negant sub tecto hunc deiurare oportere”) is very suggestive in this connexion. Prof. Meillet recognises that Mithra's twin, the Indian Varuna, must be treated on similar lines if his theory is to have a chance. Now, of course, Varuna has the most strongly ethical functions of all the gods in the Indian pantheon ; and the difficulty of making him distinctively elemental is well illustrated by the differences of the pandits in finding his proper sphere. I wonder whether he would ever have been so generally assumed to be the Sky if it had not been for the supposed necessity of identifying his name with the Greek Oipavós | Meillet boldly proposes a connexion with Skt vrata, “ordinance,” Av. urvata, urvaiti, “contract,” urvaba, “friend.” The coincidence is very striking, and I am more than half convinced. My only hesitation concerns Meillet's insistence that the elemental deity is evolved out of the ethical one. Is it not just as probable that there has been a fusion of two originally independent conceptions, just as the two figures of Iuppiter and Fides met in Dius Fidius Ž I am encouraged in this suspicion by the silence of Prof. Brugmann, whose almost papal authority we all acknowledge in the sphere of comparative philology. He has a careful BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 65 account of the origin of the common noun miträ- miðra-," but does not seem to deal anywhere with the name of the god, which, I infer, he regards as a distinct word. Now the two strains in the history of Mithra in Iran are remarkably distinct, and I am disposed to think that in attempting to unite them, whether on Meillet’s lines or on those of the orthodox, we are sacrificing a valuable aid towards the solution of one of our most difficult problems. The possibility of foreign influence in the building up of what we call Mithraism is admitted for the later stages. Ought we to antedate it by several centuries, and suggest that as a god of the firmament, wealths in a physical sense between heaven and earth, Mithra is essentially Semitic 2 I was almost inclined to withdraw or to pass by in silence what I feared was a too venture- Some suggestion” that the remarkably similar Assyrian * Grundriss”, II. i. 346. The etymological material, skilfully mar- shalled by Meillet, may be conveniently seen in Walde, Lal. etym. Wörterbuch”, 488 f. Etymology at any rate makes it certain that the Aryan common noun is primitive in form and meaning. The root me; (“austauschen, verkehren”—Brugmann) is attested by Skt mayaſe, “barter”; Lat. com-munis; Gothic ga-mains (Ger. gemein), and many other words: Brugmann makes the Aryan noun originally “freund- licher Verkehr.” Meillet would like to recognise the interrelation of a second root, shown best in Lithuanian: we need not follow this up. 2 ERPP, 37. The Assyrian word was supplied to me by one whom I must now (alas !) call my late colleague, Prof. Hope W. Hogg. Note that in an Assyrian inscription from the library of Assurbanipal, quoted in Zimmern, KAT", 486, the name of Mithra is spelt Mi-it-ra. This proves the name current in Assyria from at least the seventh century. It involves, however, the sharp differ- entiation between the divine name and the Assyrian for “rain" in one particular, the t being of different quality (Hebrew in and to respectively). Of course the name of Mithra would naturally be reimported in an altered form from a foreign language. 5 66 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM metru, “rain,” was somehow concerned. But the reading of Meillet's paper has started me on a fresh clue, and I pursue my former line a little beyond the point to which I took it. Does not the existence of this Assyrian word for “rain" fit in singularly well with the curious partnership between Mithra and Anahita which appears at the very beginning of the worship of this goddess in Iranian lands? Our earliest notice of her (Herodotus, i. 131) expressly asserts her Semitic origin, which is supported on evidence drawn from many quarters: see pp. 238, 394. I have commented on the instructive mistake of Herodotus, who describes the cult of Anahita under the name Mitpa. Now if one member of this inseparable pair represented the waters above, and the other the rivers and springs below, we have an obvious reason for the association. We really ought to have some reason supplied by those who suggest that an Aryan Light-god was selected for adaptation as partner for a water-sprite in process of being fused with the West Asiatic Mother-goddess. On my theory we postulate Rain and River as a divine pair associated in some Semitic district. The former would easily develop a connexion with the firmament: compare Genesis (1*), where we read of the solid canopy through which, when the sluices were opened, the rain came down. At this point we may conceive contact between Semitic and Aryan, with the almost identical names to prompt a new idea—that the sky is the all-seeing witness which guarantees good faith in contracts of man with man. In the purely Iranian religion this never passed beyond an attribute applied to the ethical deity Mithra. By “purely Iranian’” I BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 67 mean here that strain of Avestan religion which was independent of Zarathushtra, and probably developed in a country into which his Reform did not penetrate. The Tenth Yasht is addressed to a Mithra whom Zarathushtra might not have disdained to acknow- ledge. But, as we shall see, in his own country he seems to have been in contact with a Mithra cult that he could not countenance in any way. That was, if I am divining rightly, an elemental worship essentially akin to that which by further syncretism issued at last in the great system of Mithraism, a religion so totally distinct from that of the Avesta that we shall naturally leave it on one side except where it supplies a few scattered hints for our purpose. It is perhaps significant that Zarathushtra can use the common noun mióra with a religious meaning: “his vow and his ties of faith ” (Ys 46%) actually adds the very word (urvāiti) with which Meillet identifies the root of Varuna. This is in welcome accord with the supposition that in the Gathic period mióra and Mitra were still consciously distinct words. It is time to pass on, and we have still some points of special interest to bring out from the great passage in Herodotus. His statement that the Persians used neither images nor shrines nor altars is supported by good evidence from various quarters. Genuine Parsism was, indeed, without images to the last. Porphyry' was true to the spirit of earlier Mazdeism and Iranian nature-worship, as well as the syncretic Parsism of his day, in his statement that “the body of Oromazdes is like light and his soul like truth.” * Quoted, p. 391 below. 68 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM When Clement of Alexandria would convict the Persians of idolatry, he quotes Deinon" for the statement that they “sacrificed in the open air, accounting fire and water the only images of gods.” It was only after many courses of years that Artaxerxes II. taught them to worship the image of Anahita. There were earlier apparent exceptions to the rule, in the figures of Ahura Mazdah sculptured on the Behistan Rock and elsewhere, but the Parsis have claimed that these represent only the Fravashi. The winged solar disk, an importation from Egypt, is a further exception; and at a later period we have the highly syncretic cultus of Cappadocia, as de- scribed by Strabo,” in which images of “Omanus" were carried in procession. Geldner has acutely compared Vd 19°, where a similar use of an image is very strongly suggested for Wohumanah, who is usually identified with Strabo's Omanus. But, after all, these deviations are on much the same footing as the Bethel Calf when set against the Second Commandment: the general spirit of the religion is unmistakable.” For a surface inconsistency as to shrines between Herodotus and Behistan, I may refer to my note below, p. 391. Altars, such as Greeks would recognise, were certainly absent. The sacrifice is very primitive in its character, consisting of flesh laid on a carpet of tender grass, to which the deity is invited to come down, the messenger being the sacred Fire. This * Protrept., v. $65. For Deinon see the locus in Diogenes Laertius, and note thereon, below, p. 415. * See the passage below, p. 409, and further notes on p. 101 f. * See further, p. 96, and Söderblom, Fravashis, 68. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 69 has a close link with the Veda, where the grass carpet has a name which in the ritual of the Avesta has been modified to suit a Magian cult instrument, as we shall see later (p. 190). Many features of popular Persian religion I may leave to Herodotus as reproduced below, with com- ments linking his record with our other information. It remains to make a few general remarks on its character, and add some notes on features which do not come out conspicuously in his account. The comparison of native Iranian religion with the earlier forms, depicted with masterly analysis by Prof. Otto Schrader in his monograph on Indo- European Religion," shows how much of the primeval inheritance the Iranians retained—much more, it would seem, than the Indo-Aryans. I have just discussed the chief example of the Sondergötter, or “special gods,” whom Schrader regards as con- spicuous in the primitive religion. Mithra, as god of Contracts, is by no means the only survival of this very ancient type. There is the genius of Victory, whom the Greeks as well as the Romans adored. Prof. Bartholomae renders Urtraham-varo 6rajan “assault-repelling, victorious,” which implies that the Indian demon Vrtra was a creature of imaginative etymology, belonging to a period when the true meaning of vrtra was lost. The Later Avestan Verethraghna was simply the old Sondergott of war. It would perhaps be right to bring into this class the great Avestan Fire-spirit, who shares with the Earth (Aramaiti) the privilege of keeping under Zarathushtra the prominence he enjoyed in 1 “Aryan Religion " in ERE, ii. 11–57. 70 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the unreformed Iranian religion. It would have been natural to include Fire with the Nature gods, as we certainly should do with the Indian Agni. But, as Prof. E. Lehmann points out," the Indian tribes radically modified their inheritance in this matter when they migrated into a sub-tropical climate. Fire became for them the consumer of the sacrifice, which he bore up to the “heavenly ones”; and with a new function he received a new name, Agni, cognate with the Romans' ignis and the Lithuanian ugnis Szwenta, “holy fire.” But in Aryan days, as in Herodotus (i. 132) and the Avesta, the sacrifice was not burnt at all, but the gods were invited to come down and partake on the spot. The sacred fire was called Atar, the house fire, with which name we compare the Latin atrium, the room that contained the hearth. Northern tribes continued to regard this institution as under the patronage of a specially important Sonder- gott : ‘Eatia and Vesta are obvious witnesses, and Atar is of their company. With the migra- tion southwards the hearth fire necessarily disap- peared. It is suggestive to compare the change of the old word tepos, which connoted grateful warmth in Italy, and perhaps gave the Scyths in their inhospitable country a goddess Tabiti.” In India tapas is “penance”! Lehmann shows how Atar was the great purifier who illuminated the night, kept off bitter cold and wild beasts, and destroyed noxious and devilish powers generally. The myth of Atar's victory over the serpent Aši Dahāka is * In Saussaye's Handbuch, p. 183. * But see Hirt, Die Indogermanen, ii. 587. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 71 characteristically Iranian, and goes back to the old nomadic life when the tribes were ranging over the steppes. But indeed it goes back further still, if we may compare with Lehmann such Germanic myths as Loki's binding by Thor. With the Sonder- götter we may also set two other very different conceptions, or sets of conceptions. On the one side is Soma-Haoma, the drink of immortality, sug- gested to us at this point by the remarkable omission of Herodotus, who says that the Persians used “no libation ” at their sacrifice. Against this negative we have the strongest evidence that the Sondergott of the sacred intoxicant exercised his power in Aryan days. Tiele would solve the problem by making the cultus late, arising first in a district lying between India and Iran, and spreading N.W. and S.E. The theory breaks down on conclusive evidence that Haoma was known and banned by Zarathushtra himself. In Vedic India. Soma was, like the Avestan Haoma diºraoša (“Averter of death"), a drink of im- mortality, and was closely connected with the moon. The crescent in the tropical evening descends the sky with the horns pointing up to the zenith, suggesting to primitive fancy a cup that was being filled by the gods of the firmament with a draught of silver hue, to be quaffed at the banquet when the day was done. Soma was prepared by crushing the stalk of a plant, not yet identified, which, when fermented, produced a drink strongly alcoholic in character. This feature survives in the Gathas, for Zarathushtra sternly ignores the name of the divine drink, and makes unmistakable allusions to the evil * Religionsgesch., ii. 234. 72 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM results of such a cult. Orgiastic nocturnal sacri- fices," held perhaps in honour of Mithra, Slayer of the Bull, and under the inspiration of Haoma, were among the grievances of quiet Mazdayasnian agriculturists against the Daevayasnian nomads. “When wilt thou smite the pollution of this in- toxicant 2" says the Prophet (Ys 48"); and though the Magian guardians of his hymns took care that Haoma should not be named, we can hardly doubt that he was meant. Indeed, there is one place (Ys 32") where his standing epithet diſraoša gives us an unambiguous reference: the enemies of the Religion promote a slaying of cattle “that it may kindle the Averter of Death to help us.” A similar connexion between Haoma and the syncretic figure of Mithra, the Slayer of the Bull, might be recognised in the notice preserved by Ctesias,” that the Persian king used to get drunk on the one day of the year when they sacrificed to Mithra. In the period of the Yashts, which seems to have been the age of the kings, Haoma reappears in all his glory. The most elaborate and best pre- served of all the hymns is dedicated to him, the only one which still retains its verse character through- out. But we gather that the Iranian Bacchus has in the interval signed the pledge. There is no sug- 1. It is possible that these orgies included other elements. Dr Tisdall suggests (Mythic Christs and the True, p. 12) that the con- fusion in Herodotus between Mithra and Anahita may point to ritual immorality in Mithra-worship, resembling what the historian knew of in the cult of Ishtar. * Hence Vohumanah significantly supplants Mithra as lord of cattle. * And Douris: see Cumont, Teates, ii. 10. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 73 gestion of alcohol, and Haoma is a magical, mystical drink which to all appearance is harmless enough, whether it bestowed immortality or no. I am inclined to suggest that the plant used for this purpose failed the people as they migrated west- ward out of the land where Zarathushtra preached and taught his Gathas. Later substitutes lacked the very element that made Haoma hateful to the Prophet and attractive to the reveller. And in another part of Iran the failure of the original plant might well cause the disappearance of the whole ritual, and make the Persian sacrifice lose the “libation” which in Aryan times was its necessary accompaniment. The fact that Xerxes poured a libation into the sea, as noted above, may be re- membered as showing that Herodotus is not quite consistent. And there are one or two theophoric names, with Hauma as first element, which we must not overlook. Haumadata occurs as a Persian name in the Aramaic papyri of Elephantine, at the date 459 B.C." The Scythians of Haumavarka (?) are named on the Behistan Rock, but of course their prov- enance removes them from Persian surroundings. Last in this class of deities we may note those which were destined to be adapted by Zarathushtra for use in his abstract system. The comparison with Roman religion, at which we have hinted already, prepares us to believe in the primitive antiquity of shadowy powers that might well seem to us too advanced for an early period in the development of thought. But it seems undeniable that Rta-Aşa is I According to Prof. E. Meyer, Der Papyrusfund von Elephantine, . 28. 74 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM an Aryan conception, the principle of order, conceived as under the guardianship of the highest gods." Nor was this the only Amshaspand which Zarathushtra thus adapted. The connexion of his xSaôra, “Dominion,” with metals may be built on a pre- existing Sondergott as well as on the idea of the eschatological ordeal; see p. 98. Aramaiti, the Earth, and Haurvatat and Ameretat, in their con- nexion with Water and Plants, belong to the type of Nature powers. We come into a different sphere when we turn from these abstract divinities, presiding over special provinces of human life, to the * Deivös of Indo- European religion, the “Heavenly Ones,” who came to their most conspicuous development in the Olympians of Greek fancy. The great pair, Heaven and Earth, were presumably at their head, and the other Nature powers named in the list of Herodotus are also unmistakably of Aryan antiquity. But I need not go into any detail on this subject here, for the most important points connected with the Indian devás and Avestan dačvá will claim very special attention later on. Schrader's remark that the “Heavenly Ones” were less concerned with the guardianship of morality than the Ancestor-spirits —to whom we return in Lecture VIII.”—will prepare * Cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. ii. Prof. Oldenberg would credit Babylon with this conception : see Religion des Veda, 195 fl., where he gives a full account of the Indian picture of Rta. The close- ness of Vedic and Later Avestan is well seen in the identity (noted by Darmesteter) of the Vedic Khā plasya and asahá xà (Ys 104). * For a specially important ancestor-spirit, Yama-Yima, who is also linked with the Heavenly Ones, see the discussion of the Iranian Fall-story, p. 148 f. - BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 75 us for the strange fate which they met in the Reform of Zarathushtra. We come, finally, to the climax of our problem of reconstruction when we ask in what period the old Iranian religion and the Zarathushtrian Reform met in the Persian world as a whole, as distinguished from the private belief of a king like Darius and his own caste of Achaemenian “Aryans.” The first appearance of such critical names as those of Zarathushtra, the Amshaspands, and Ahriman will be the indications for which we must be looking. Their absence, as we have seen, need not necessarily outweigh other evidence when a strong case has been made. But of course their positive presence is decisive. For chronological purposes we must depend upon the inscriptions and the Greek writers, the date of the Avesta being transferred from the category of evidence into that of the quod erat demonstrandum. Herodotus, therefore, must be the starting-point of our inquiry. I assume for this purpose that he really travelled in countries where he could collect first-hand information about both Persians and Magi. This fact seems to me warranted by the accuracy of his information, which stands all the tests we are able to impose. . I need not say I should not claim infallibility for him. Even twentieth-century travellers make mistakes; and Herodotus could make a curious blunder about the Persian language," and by his confusion of Mithra and Anahita provide us with information such as other writers' accuracy cannot always rival. But his knowledge is too detailed and recondite to be obtained without 1 See the note below on Herod. i. 139, p. 398. 76 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM observation. He must, I think, therefore have travelled beyond Babylon. I need not venture more precise definitions, but may note that the late Prof. Strachan" included Susa. The period of these travels, about the middle of the fifth century, falls some seventy years after the failure of the Magi in their bid for temporal power. The Magophonia” still kept the memory of their failure alive, but they had long won compensation. Herodotus found them in undisputed possession of the priesthood; and we are free to infer that they were already at work upon that fusion of the three main elements in Avestan religion which we shall find well advanced during the next century. But Herodotus is perfectly aware of the differences between Magian and Persian. The priestly caste preserved their own separate identity, as they were bound to do if they would retain the reverence of their fellow-Medes. Indeed, a certain aloofness was effective even for the achieve- ment of their first object, the attaining of an exclusive hold upon the office of zaotar or úðravan among the Persians. But this is anticipating the special subject of Lecture VI., and we must return to our chronology. Herodotus is silent as to the crucial names'Qpouárðms, 'Apetuávios, and Zopoda Tpms. The meaning of his silence I have discussed elsewhere; but it clearly presses us to look carefully for the period when the silence is broken. The question is rather technical, and is dis- cussed accordingly in a special note below (p. 422 f.), but the results may be collected here. We find that * The Sivth Book of Herodotus, p. xiii. * Herod. iii. 79 : see p. 186 f. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 77 when these names begin to appear in Greek writers, their form proves beyond doubt that they came from Old Persian, and not direct from the Gathas or the Later Avesta. There has therefore been adaptation, and it proves to be more considerable than has some- times been assumed. When we ask for the name of the earliest Greek writer to report these central Avestan titles, we find one a whole century before any other, Xanthus the Lydian, a contemporary of Herodotus, who is credited with a mention of Zoroaster as having lived 6000 years before Xerxes." The fragment in which this statement is made bears marks of authenticity, and a Lydian had information near at hand in his own country. No native Greek mentions Zoroaster till the middle of the fourth cen- tury. Deinon, whose son Cleitarchus accompanied Alexander and wrote his annals, explained “in the fifth book of his Histories " that Zopoda Tpms meant &a Tpo6/Tns.” From about the same date comes the witness of the pseudo-Platonic dialogue Alkibiades I., where we read of “Zoroaster son of Oromasdes.” Aristotle, in the lost work IIept pixoa opias, is said by Diogenes” to have mentioned the two Principles, “Zeus or Oromazdes " and “Hades or Areimanios.” We see then that the Greeks knew of Zoroaster and the deity he preached at the end of the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon (404–358 B.C.), and knew of Ahriman a little later. Now at this point we are reminded that the king just named was an innovator in religion. Berosus * See the note on Diogenes Laertius, below, p. 415. * Ibid. See also p. 210 f * See p. 415. 78 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM tells us ' that he set up images of Anahita ; and if his testimony is questioned as dating a century after Mnemon, there is the fact that the king's two inscriptions support the statement. In that from Susa he says,” “By the grace of Auramazda, Anahita, and Mithra I built this palace. May Auramazda, Anahita, and Mithra protect me!” And in the British Museum inscription from Hamadan we find the words, “Let Auramazda, Anahita, and Mithra [protect] me,” curiously spelt, in the Old Persian text. The triad never appears in the earlier Achaemenian Inscriptions, and it is very significant, as noted elsewhere (p. 239), that of the two new- comers the goddess stands first. How far does this take us? Practically, I think, to a conclusion that a religion much like that of the Yashts was established in the Persian court and among the people in the first half of the fourth century. Anahita had fairly arrived, and her images were familiar, before the fifth Yasht could be com- posed. Zarathushtra's name was venerated as that of a divine sage supposed to have lived millennia before. The Magi (see p. 135 f.) had taken out of the Gathas his epithet for the spirit of evil; and the metrical Yashts could be composed much as we have them, with but little that we could call really Zoroastrian. The religion was practically the unre- formed Iranian polytheism, with the Reformer's name retained to atone for the absence of his spirit. What new elements there were came not from him, but from Semitic sources, or through the powerful influence of 1 Ap. Clem. Alex, Protr., v. § 65. See p. 68. 2 In the Susianian version ; the Old Persian is defective. BEFORE ZARATHUSHTRA 79 the Magian priesthood, already at work. The day of their complete triumph was not yet. How they effected a further syncretism, introducing much that differed widely from Zarathushtra, and even from the Iranian religion on which he built, is another story, to which we must devote a separate Lecture. When we come to this, we shall find that, though another five centuries have passed, the Magian priests pre- served the old remarkably well, and did not only establish the new. LECTURE III THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM They said unto him, Who art thou ? He said, I am a Voice. Gospel of John. THAT Zarathushtra is a historical character, who was already ancient when the Greeks first heard his name, has been briefly stated in the preceding Lectures. In returning to the subject rather more fully, I cannot do better than quote the excellent summary of Prof. Geldner, which comes to us with authority from one of the two or three greatest living experts." The Gathas alone claim to be authentic utterances of Zoroaster, his actual expressions in presence of the assem- bled congregation. They are the last genuine survivals of the doctrinal discourses with which—as the promulgator of a new religion—he appeared at the court of King Vishtāspa. The person of the Zoroaster whom we meet with in these hymns differs toto calo from the Zoroaster of the younger Avesta. He is the exact opposite of the miraculous personage of later legend—a mere man, standing always on the solid ground of reality, whose only arms are trust in his God and the protection of his powerful allies. At times his position is precarious enough. He whom we hear in the Gathas has had to face not merely all forms of out- ward opposition and the unbelief and lukewarmness of 1 Enc. Brit.", xxviii. 1040. 80 THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 81 adherents, but also the inward misgivings of his own heart as to the truth and final victory of his cause. At one time hope, at another despondency; now assured confidence, now doubt and despair ; here a firm faith in the speedy coming of the Kingdom of Heaven, there the thought of taking refuge by flight—such is the range of the emotions which find their immediate expression in these hymns. And the whole breathes such a genuine originality, all is psycho- logically so accurate and just, the earliest beginnings of the new religious movement, the childhood of a new community of faith, are reflected so naturally in them all, that it is impossible for a moment to think of a later period of composition by a priesthood whom we know to have been devoid of any historical sense and incapable of reconstructing the spiritual conditions under which Zoroaster lived. It is needless to elaborate the estimate sketched in this paragraph, which must, I think, command the assent of all really careful and unbiassed readers of the Gathas. I will only fill in the outline a little in two parts of the picture. The proper names of the Gathas supply us with evidence which the mythical theory will find it hard to rebut. Zarathushtra him- self is a problem for the mythologist to start with. " By various manipulations the name has been tortured into conformity with meanings more or less appropri- ate for legend ; ' and if the motive be supplied we might conceive popular etymology at work in a dialect more or less remote from that in which the name originated. But apart from such—and surely the burden of proof must rest on those who insist on deserting the natural for the recondite,_no one could doubt that like his father-in-law Fraša-uštra 1 One of the most ingenious may be seen in F. Müller's paper, WZKM, 1892, p. 264. 6 82 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the Prophet was named from ustra,” the camel, just as his patron Pišta-aspa and his son-in-law Jāma-aspa from aspa, the horse: compare Prêa aspés (Fraśāspa) in Herodotus. The case is strengthened by the similarity of the other names in the primitive circle. The clan name Spitama” is not quite clear, but it is most naturally derived from spita (Skt guitra, O.E. hwit), “white,” which does not lend itself to sugges- tions of myth. Zarathushtra's parents, Pourushaspa (“with greyhorses”) and Dughdhova (“who has milked cows”), are not named in the Gathas, but the Later Avesta did not invent these very prosaic names.” The Gathic Hvogva, the clan name of the brothers Fra- shaoshtra and Jamaspa, and of Zarathushtra's wife Hvovi, means “having fine oxen.” These names all suggest very clearly the pastoral community in which they arose. The Prophet's cousin Maidyāīmáoha (“(born) at mid-month”) has a name of a different stamp, but no less unhopeful for the theorist out myth-hunting. Zarathushtra's children are equally suggestive in a complementary way. His son Išat- västra (not Gathic), “ desiring pastures,” represents one very prominent side of Zarathushtra's ideal. His daughter Pourucistã, whose nuptial ode is Ys 53, is * See Air Wb, 1676, where zarant, “old” (Skt.jarant, yºpov), is (I think rightly) taken as supplying the first part. We may imagine his parents commemorating in the name a camel they had ridden for many years. (See also Zum Air Wb, 240, for the latest misdirected ingenuity in this field.) * Cf. Stritápas in Ctesias, 2-trapévms (an Eastern Iranian). * Thomas Hyde (Historia, p. 312) equates Dughdhova with Dodo, and favours us with a plate whereby we may recognise the bird. Mythologists might make capital out of this: I cheerfully present them with the hint. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 83 named “very thoughtful” by a father who regarded thought as great riches, and did not grudge it to a daughter. The whole series 'evidences a very real and lifelike situation. I will only further repeat (from Bartholomae) a Gathic verse which crystallises particularly well “the reality of the conditions under which the Gathas arose ’’:— The Kavi's wanton did not please Zarathushtra Spitama at the Winter Gate, in that he stayed him from taking refuge with him, and when there came to him also Zara- thushtra's two steeds shivering with cold (Ys 51*). Zarathushtra, travelling in the bitter cold of a Persian winter, had been turned away from shelter by the servant of a Kavi, or daevayasna chief, whom he fiercely calls by an opprobrious name. This little picture from homely experience may be commended as a promising exercise to the pupils of Jensen for interpretation in terms of astral mythology. The reader who is not yet satisfied as to the hopelessness of the quest of legend in the Gathas may look at Ys 29", 31°, 44*, and many other stanzas in the transla- tions of the appendix below, with the note on the first of them. The crucial question of the date of Zarathushtra has been discussed already in the first Lecture. The question of the sphere of his ministry is equally important and closely linked with it. I need not repeat here the argument of Prof. Williams Jackson," by which he seeks to prove that Zarathushtra was born in Ådarbaiján, in Western Iran, but that there is at least a good case for supposing him to have preached in Bactria. Prof. Jackson gives impartial ! Zoroaster, p. 205–225. 84 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM summaries of the argument for Media and that for Bactria. The former (p. 224) includes some pleas which disappear automatically if there is anything in my doctrine of the Magian stratum in the Avesta. Western elements will, on my reading, be introduced by Median Magi, who need have had nothing at all to do with the pure Zarathushtrian propaganda of generations earlier. I am not impressed with the oft-repeated conjecture that the Median king Phraortes was the first to introduce Zoroastrianism as the national religion of Media. That his name really means “confessor’ is only one among several possi- bilities ; and if it does, we must not overlook the fact that Herodotus, to whom we owe our knowledge of this king's existence, tells us that his grandfather, a person in private life, had the same name." I had occasion at the end of Lecture II. to sketch some of the considerations which weigh with me in my conviction that I must go forth boldly from Prof. Jackson's cautiously neutral position, and seek the first home of Parsism in Eastern Iran. Before developing this further, I should like to quote Prof. Bartholomae, with whose judgement on this impor- tant matter I am glad to find myself in accord. He says (in Air Wb, 1675):- The assertion that Zarathushtra was born in the West of Iran is by no means inconsistent with the fact that all de- cisive passages of the Avesta (especially Pt 19% f.) point to the East, the neighbourhood of Lake Hāmān. We can suppose that the Reformer left his home because he found no sympathy there, or was even driven to leave it. We may also thus interpret the strong emphasis he laid on 1 See below, p. 269. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 85 agriculture. The West of Iran undoubtedly took a higher position in agriculture than in the East, where complete settlement was still far off. Zarathushtra must accordingly have set himself to transplant to the scene of his active work the blessing of the well-ordered conditions prevailing in the home of his birth. It is thus quite conceivable that Vishtaspa as a wise ruler gave his special favour and support to the exiled preacher just because of these efforts of his. That Bactria was a perfectly possible field for Zarathushtra's preaching is suggested by some in- ferences from a report we possess of a mission of Tchang K'ien to the north of the Oxus in 128 B.C. The envoy found in Ta-yuan (Khorassan) and Ta-hia (Bactria) two classes of population, nomads and “un- warlike.” Of the latter he says that they can make themselves understood from Ferghana to Parthia with difference of dialect. The men have deep blue eyes. and large beards and whiskers. They are astute traders. In Ta-hia there is no supreme ruler, each city and town electing its own chief. They pay great deference to their women, the husbands being guided by them in their decisions." This last point recalls the Germans of Tacitus, as does the description of their physique. Have we here the traces of the northern immigration ? I am very much afraid we cannot credit the earliest Indo-European immigrants into Asia with being “unwarlike,” but they may have attained to this more civilised state after a few genera- tions of settled life. The nomads on this view will be aboriginal. However this may be, the agricultural population, dwelling among nomads, reflects the features of the Gathas sufficiently well. The local 1 I summarise from Mr W. W. Tarn's paper, “Notes on Hellenism in Bactria and India,” Journ. of Hellenic Studies, xxii. 268–293. 86 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM autonomy answers to the familiar Avestan institution of zantupaiti and vispaiti: Vishtaspa himself need not have been a ruler of the Western autocratic style. In addition to Bartholomae's quotation, where good Pahlavi tradition recognises the Hamun swamp in Saistan, we have the fact that Airyama Vašjah is mentioned with X"dirigam (Chorasmia) and Suyda (Sogdiana) as the last link of a chain extending from S.E. to N.E." With the statement quoted above from Mr Tarn's paper, that in the second century B.C. the Bactrians could make themselves understood as far as Parthia, we may compare Strabo's remark (p. 724) that the name of Ariana extends as far as to include Bactrians and Sogdians, who are “nearly identical in speech”: on this see further p. 233 f There are sundry arguments on points of detail which might be elaborated here, but I only wish to dwell now on some general considerations. An asser- tion more often made than proved is that the Avesta owes much to Babylonian ideas. I have to confess that I cannot discover what these ideas may be.” A few isolated possibilities, clearly late in origin, may be collected ; but, speaking generally, the Avesta is remarkably free from influences of the kind, and when we go back to the Gathas there is literally nothing to suggest it. Now, when we remember how widespread the dominion of Babylon was in matters of thought, we can hardly doubt that only a distant and rather primitive country could have been free from its influ- ence. Note, for instance, the striking absence of star- 1 Reichelt, Avesta Reader, p. 97, citing Yt 10*, Vd 11 f., and the cunei- form inscr. Dar. Pers. e”, NRaº (D. 5*, 6% in Bartholomae's notation). * See this discussed more fully in Lecture VII. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 87 lore in the Gathas, and its strict limitation in the later Avesta. Prof. Cumont's recent American lectures bring out impressively how powerful was the astrology of Babylon. How did Parsism escape all real trace of its influence 2 This consideration reinforces what I said above about the slowness with which real Zara- thushtrian conceptions found their way to the West. We shall see that the Amshaspands are the most distinctive feature of Zarathushtra's own thought. That they can hardly be traced outside the Avesta till the first century A.D. is an obvious fact, even though we can get scraps of evidence for them in earlier days, enough to establish a presumption that they were already in being." But if we had nothing but this evidence to rely upon, it would go hard with us in our effort to prove the historicity of Zara- thushtra's person and the antiquity of his Gathas. The real answer to the sceptic's question, “Where were the Amshaspands during the last five centuries B.C. 2” is “ In Eastern Iran, outside the world we know.” The religious abstractions of Zarathushtra were in any case far too difficult for the popular mind. They attracted thoughtful aristocrats, and chiefs who felt the economic advantages of the extremely sane and practical lore of husbandry with which they seemed so strangely linked. But outside the court we may be quite sure the Iranian people went on with their old nature-worship as before, even as they were certainly doing when the Father of History travelled in Aryan lands. And when at last the esoteric teach- ing of the great prophet and thinker found its public, it was through the interpretation of ritualist Magi, * See below, p. 104 f. 88 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM faithful to some, but by no means all, of the doctrines they had brought “from far,” as the Haptanghaiti significantly hints." The Amshaspands are just the element most likely to fall into the background until the Magi had fully developed their angelology, and adapted the conceptions of the Prophet whom they claimed as one of themselves, to fit their own elaborated dualism. I do not think we need more explanation of this silence about the most conspicuous, but least popular, element in the theology of the Gathas. I have discussed elsewhere (p. 39 ft.) the problem of the religion of the Achaemenians, and have argued for the conjecture that Vishtaspa the father of Darius was deliberately named after the king whose favour gave Zarathushtra his long-sought success. That Vishtaspa's queen Hutaosa was also commemorated in the Achaemenian family, in Atossa the daughter of Cyrus, is the only piece of evidence I know in support of the claim that Cyrus was in any sense a Zoroastrian. It seems to me that both names show simply the existence of a pronounced connexion with the ancient royal house in which Zarathushtra found shelter. That connexion need not in either case be religious. It is possible enough that Achaemenes (Haxïmaniš) was the founder of a new dynasty of Aryans in the very country where Vishtaspa ruled, and that the interval was occupied by Turanian chiefs, 1 Ys 42%: ağaurungmcă paiti.ajaffrom yagamaide yū yeyam dirät aşö’īšū dahyungm, “and the coming again of the priests we adore, who go from far to them that seek Right in the lands.” The Later Avesta distinguishes priests on home and on foreign service: see Air Wb, 681, 865. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 89 who seized power under conditions vividly portrayed in the legends: we remember that Zarathushtra him- self was slain (according to Firdausi) in the Turanian invasion at the storming of Balkh." To other indica- tions that Vishtaspa's country was in Eastern Iran, I might add the fact already noted in Lecture II. (p. 45), that Darius's father was in Parthia when a rebellion broke out. I have conjectured that he was “King,” like Cyrus at Murghab, but not “King of kings,” succeeding to a satrapy carved out of a petty monarchy which had perhaps been established in Parthia since the Achaemenian dynasty arose. The other branch of the family, from which Cyrus sprang, may have estab- ished themselves in a different part of Eastern Iran. When they extended their power westward, or actually migrated to Ansan, driven out possibly by the same forces which we have postulated for the fall of the old Kayanian dynasty, we naturally cannot tell. I do not, of course, claim this reconstruction as anything more than conjectural, but I think it meets the facts. It suits, moreover, the linguistic phenomena. In dia- lect and in thought, taken together, the Gatha Hap- tanghaiti stands nearest of Iranian documents to the Veda. Gathic was on my view the language of a district lying half way between Parthia and the Indus, now Saistan. Saistan is described as a country of fertile soil, well fitted therefore for either tilling or grazing, and suited to the pursuits which are preached so earnestly in the Gathas. Here the Bundahish finds Lake Kasaoya, in which the seed of Zarathushtra was preserved under the guardianship of myriads of Fravashis till the time of Saoshyant's conception. 1 See Jackson, Zoroaster, 130. 90 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Somewhere in this triangular district, with Parthia, Bactria, and Drangiana as its apices, we may suppose that Vishtaspa reigned and Zarathushtra won his converts. The latitude 30° N. has already been noted as suiting some astronomical conditions (p. 24): it is about the most northerly at which the four Regent stars could all be observed ruling four quarters of the sky when their leader, Sirius, rose. This would probably mean that we should find two districts, fairly separated from one another, but both near the same parallel, to account for the difference between Gathic and Later Avestan dialect. The latter would presumably be located on the western side of our suggested area, so as to be a step towards the occupa- tion of Media which comes before us in historic times. The totally unknown names which fill the roll of de- parted saints in Yt 13, and the absence of historical monarchs in the royal records of Yt 19, help us to realise that it was not in the Avestan period that the Religion fairly occupied the lands we know from history. I have tried to prove elsewhere (p. 77) that the first half of the fourth century marks the most distinctive epoch in the westward spread of the syncretic religion which absorbed the teaching of Zarathushtra. Since I make no pretence to completeness, and aim only at examining a series of important problems which are vital to a real understanding of the religion, I need not apologise for spending more space on the question of the birthplace of the faith than upon the personal history of the Reformer. It is little enough that we can gather from the Gathas as to Zara- thushtra's life and work, and the later legends are THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 91 mostly negligible," except in so far as their absurdity throws up in relief the entire credibility of the story which underlies the Gathas. One of these legends I will just mention because of its literary association. In my Early Religious Poetry of Persia (p. 51–54) I sketched the possibility that in the most famous of his shorter poems Virgil used the story that Zoro- aster laughed when he was born. When, then, Virgil calls on his wondrous child, Incipe, parue puer, risu cognoscere matrem, he means “rival the storied Sage of the East.” I may repeat part of my argument in support of this thesis: Assuming that this means “to greet thy mother with a smile”—and the alternative “by her smile” forces the Latin intolerably — we have at once a difficulty which seems to have escaped the commentators. The whole point of the passage is that the child is new-born—indeed, if Prof. Conway is right,” not even that. And when did a new-born child laugh or even smile at anybody ? Is not the poet here, as in so much of this mysterious poem, using Eastern imagery P “Risisse eodem die quo genitus esset unum hominem accepimus Zoroastrem,” says Pliny (HN, vii. 15), a century after the Eclogue was written. Virgil's Child should share that unique distinction. Indeed, the remaining lines of the poem will gain point if we assume that Virgil, so diligent a reader of Greek literature, knew what Greek writers had told of Zoroaster generations before, his receiving laws in direct converse with the Deity. Virgil's conclusion, Incipe, parue puer: qui non risere parenti [or parentis], nec deus hunc mensa, deanec dignata cubiliest, 1 These are of course accessible in Jackson's Zoroaster. 2 Vergil's Messianic Eclogue (London, 1907), p. 13 ff. Note Mr Warde Fowler's interesting citation from Suetonius in the same book (p. 71), showing that Virgil himself was believed at birth to have abstained from crying. 92 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM is in its first element well satisfied by this allusion, assum- ing the classical embellishment that the divinity not only instructed but feasted the sage. To bring in the second point involves the assumption that the West had received another very prominent element in the Zoroaster-legend: that we have no evidence of this may be frankly confessed, but its absence is entirely natural. In the Yashts we read of Zarathushtra's wife Hvovi, a member of a noble family at Vishtaspa's court. Two brothers of this family are named with their patronymic in the Gathas as conspicuous among Zarathushtra's disciples and helpers. . . . On this wholly natural basis later legend built a marvellous superstructure. Unfortunately we cannot fix the period, or tell whether there was authority for it in ancient Avestan texts. Ac- cording to this story, Zarathushtra has no children by Hvovi in the natural order, but they are to become the parents of three sons who shall be born as the Regeneration draws near ; the last of them [being] Saoshyant. . . . It is obvious that Hvovi might just as well be a goddess bride outright, and Virgil may very easily have heard the story in this form, which assimilates it to myths of Greece long familiar to him. I need add nothing to my exposition, except my gratification that I have convinced my colleague Prof. Conway, who has peculiar claims on our attention in questions affecting Virgil’s “Messianic Eclogue.” Another legend, that Zoroaster met his “double" or Fravashi walking in a garden,” is interesting because of Shelley's use of it: see p. 254. But as we should never think of accepting more than a very small percentage of the legends as worthy of serious in- vestigation, we may pass on. It will be more profit- 1 My colleague Prof. Herford tells me that Shelley was well read in the history of non-Christian religions, which had been made easily accessible by the French encyclopaedists. Apart from this hint I have no information for identifying Shelley's source. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 93 able to study the self-portraiture in the Gathas, dim and scanty though it is, as presented in the translation below. No reader even of these crabbed and obscure texts can fail to realise the sacred ambition of their author, his determined fight against tremendous difficulties, and his unquenchable hope of ultimate triumph, in a world to come if not here below. We turn to the characterising of Zarathushtra's theology, apart from the two special sides of it which are to occupy us in Lectures IV. and V. I begin with his conception of God. It was shown in Lecture I. that the special cultus of the “Wise’’ Asura must have been in existence ages before the traditional date of Zarathushtra, and long before any date that we can with probability assign him." The “Wise Lord” was the special deity of the “Aryans,” by whom we must in the Susianian version of the Behistan Inscription, which records the fact, under- stand the highest social caste, including perhaps all who were really descended from the immigrants from Europe, as distinguished from aboriginal populations that spoke Aryan language. The 'Apt' avToi of Herodotus will represent the same caste. Now, Zarathushtra could not belong to two of the six Median tribes, and the explicit evidence that Ahura Mazdah was “god of the Aryans" is reason enough for believing that he was himself an ariyazantu, and not the Magus that much later ages assumed him to be. For those, therefore, among whom Zarathushtra grew up, Ahura Mazdah was the “clan god” (p. 51) of their caste, as superior to the gods of other castes as the Aryan was to the Magus or the Budian, but ! See above, p. 31 f., and the more technical discussion, p. 422 f. 94 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM only “greatest of gods” after all. It would seem that Zarathushtra's first step was to rise from this higher polytheism to monotheism, from a god who was greatest of gods to a god who stood alone. I am assuming for the present that Zarathushtra's religion really was monotheistic, postponing the clear- ing up of some indications which appear to deny this. It is natural to ask whether we can guess any of the forces that worked towards monotheism in Zara- thushtra's mind. Judging that mind solely from the Gathas, we find its distinguishing note to be the remarkable combination of abstractness and practical sense. In the world of thought Zarathushtra lives among qualities and attributes and principles which are as real to him as anything he can see, but never seem to need personification. But the ideal never obscures the real for him, and his communion with shadowy spiritual essences leaves him free to come down to cows and pastures without any sense of in- congruity. Taking this as a clue, we see at once how the elevation of the god of his caste would effect itself in his mind. His own caste was agricultural, and there were nomad castes from which they were receiving per- petual injury. The fact would stimulate a lively hatred towards the gods of their oppressors. And the national emphasis on Truth would produce in such a mind the speculative inference that Truth must be One, the two qualities of the Prophet's thought converging thus on one great inference to which he was almost the earliest of mankind to leap. The God who takes his place thus at the centre of the Reformer's religion had lost, if he ever possessed, * So magišta bagāmām on the Inscriptions. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 95 all real traits of an elemental deity. On this I need not repeat what I said in Lecture II. That Mazdah's connexion with Varuna is but slight, as Prof. Jackson declares," may be set beside the doubt whether Varuna himself was originally elemental. When Darius in his great credal formula glorifies Mazdah as creator of heaven and earth,” any primitive identification with the bright or dark sky must clearly have been long forgotten. And if there are traces in the Avesta of physical attributes which need explaining as survivals, we have only to remember that the dačvayasna avowedly set the Sky-god in the centre, and that plentiful elements from that cultus remained in the thought even of strict Zoroastrians in the period when syncretism was advanced or complete. When Angra Mainyu was thought of as Ötö yńv,” Ahura Mazdah was naturally established in the sky without any recollection of a primitive connexion. Whether these survivals, then, are real or accidental, matters very little: it is more important to gather up the moral and spiritual characteristics of the God so pictured. He is Creator of all things, as Ys 44 brings out in great fullness, and Darius's creed in brief. Darkness as well as light is his work (Ys 44°), and upon him the whole course of things depends. He knows all things—men's secret sins (Ys 81*), and events of the distant future (Ys 33°). He has “absolute sovranty " (Ys 81*), though, as we shall 1 Grundriss, ii. p. 633. * With which we may compare the cult-title Dağuş, “Creator,” which gave a name to the tenth month in the calendar, early adopted in Cappadocia: see p. 434. It is a regular title of Mazdah in the Later Avesta. * See below, p. 128 f. 96 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM see later, the presence of the evil power limits that sovranty during a fixed period of time. And with absolute power and boundless wisdom he has com- plete freedom from any stain of unworthiness or evil This is quite consistent with the use of not a little anthropomorphic phraseology, which is never allowed to include what would in any sense mar the dignity of the conception of God or associate grotesque in- congruities with the reverence due to him. There is, I think, no anthropomorphism in the Gathas to which we could not find an adequate parallel in the Old Testament. To understand Zarathushtra's doctrine of God we must carefully study the Amshaspands," to give them the Pahlavi title as most convenient. It is very important to notice that the title, though old as the Gatha Haptanghaiti, is not found in the Gathas proper at all. Bartholomae is right in urging that the collection of them into one body is “not Gathic,” and results in the “obliteration of the special char- acter” of the six divinities included. The segregation of the Six under a collective name is a work of later theology. It is true that there are many verses in the Gathas where most of them are named, and one or two where they all six appear, and in the usual order, in a verse that looks very much like a catechism answer.” But there is a very marked difference in * In its oldest form (Gathic dialect) spontà amośā or in reverse order, each occurring once in Gatha Haptanghaiti. On the meaning of sponta, see below, p. 144 f. 2 Ys 471; see ERPP, 108 f. I ought to reserve the point of order as far as the first two are concerned. In the Gathas, though not in the Later Avesta, Asha seems to lead. All the Six appear also in Ys 45", in marked dependence on Ahura. See the note there. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 97 the prominence of the members of the hexad. A rough enumeration of the occurrences of the words in the Gathas—discounted by the difficulty of allow- ing for places where the names may have no reference to the Amshaspands—shows that Aša appears ten to fifteen times as often as Haurvatāt and Amaratät, fully three times as often as XSaffra, and four times as often as Aramaiti. Asha and Vohu Manah are obviously far more important than the others. And it is not easy to draw a sharp line between the least conspicuous Amshaspands and other spirits of the same general class. Sraoša, “obedience,” is named almost as often as Haurvatat in the Gathas; and Gäuš wrvan, “Ox-Soul,” Gäuš tašam, “Ox-Creator,” and Atar, “Fire,” have a conspicuous place. Barthol- Omae calls them all Ahuras, and they seem to be alike marked with the distinctive feature of Zara- thushtra's spirit-world. That is, as I take it, the Ahuras are not really separate from Mazdah or sub- ordinate to him : they seem to be essentially part of his own being, attributes of the Divine endowed with a vague measure of separate existence for the purpose of bringing out the truth for which they severally stand. When the very name of Good Thought can be replaced by “Thy Thought” in addressing Mazdah, it is clear that Vohu Manah cannot be detached from Mazdah except as far as Spenta Mainyu, his “Holy Spirit,” may be ; and if this is true of one of the two greatest Amshaspands, it may fairly be presumed of the rest. When in later times Aramaiti was called Mazdah's daughter, and Atar his son, it was really the materialised expression of the same fact. What I have said carries with it, if true, the sacri- 7 98 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM fice of any close connexion between the Amshaspands and similar figures of Vedic or of Babylonian myth- ology. In an early work, Ormazd et Ahriman (1877), Darmesteter tried to demonstrate the existence of a link between the Amshaspands and the Adityah of India, whose name “infinite ones” resembled the “immortals” of the Avesta. I can see no objection in principle to our allowing the Adityas influence upon the process of collecting the Hexad into a special class: nor should I protest with any energy if an Aryan title were held to lie behind the name by which in the Haptanghaiti the heavenly collegium was distinguished. Indeed, I think it likely that Zarathushtra intentionally took up Aryan mythus where it compromised no principle." That Aramaiti is clearly the genius of the Earth in the Gathas is noted elsewhere, and that the connexion between XSaôra and Metals forms the basis of the eschatological idea of the ayah xSusta (p. 157 f.): that Haurvatāt and Amaratāt are Water and Plants is still more patent. One might almost suggest that Zarathushtra took out of the popular religion the animistic idea of the fravaši possessed by every creation of Ahura, and drew from it what suited him. More seductive is the suggestion that the Amsha- spands are connected with the Babylonian planet world. There is the fact that Assara Mazāš in the Assyrian inscription already referred to is associated with the “seven Igigi.” Now we have undeniably seven Amshaspands in later stages of Parsism. In Yt 13* f. we have their sevenfold unity insisted on with * Some good points in this direction are made by Prof. Carnoy in his article on Aramaiti in Le Muséon, n.s., xiii. 127 ff. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 99 emphasis, and their common relation to one Father, the Creator Ahura Mazdah. We must suppose Sraosha to be the seventh.” Sometimes when the seven are named, Ahura himself is included. It is noteworthy that in Tobit the “seven spirits” are expressly dissociated from God as subordinate. The trait may go back to the Magian original and answer to Assara Mazaš and the seven Igigi. This fixing of the Amshaspands as seven has parallels in the history of the Ådityas, as Darmesteter showed. Whether it came into Parsism by way of Babylonian astrolatry, or represents the survival of an Aryan cultus to which Zarathushtra's system has been accommodated by the methods of Procrustes, we need not stay to inquire, for we are concerned with Zarathushtra's own concepts alone. And here we must resolutely put aside presuppositions drawn from later Parsism, and realise that Zarathushtra cannot be proved by any valid evidence to have created a Hexad, far less a Heptad, to have given them a collective name, or to have depended on either Aryan or Babylonian hints for the invention of abstract ideas strikingly in keeping with his own characteristic thought. We may notice further, in studying the Amsha- spands in the Gathas, that there is the same absence of stereotyped forms which we shall observe later in the crucial case of the evil spirit's name. In the Later Avesta “Right” is regularly Wahišta ; “Dominion’ is Pairya, “desirable"; * “Piety” is Sponta; and “Good 1 So Ys 5712 : Sraosha “returns to the assembly of the Am. Sp.” * “Who ought to be chosen, i.e. by free will of man’’ (Casartelli). It is not Gathic, but Ys 43*, 51% show it in the context of XSaôra. IOO EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Thought” is a fixed combination. But in the Gathas vohu (“good") goes with xSaôra (Ys 31*) as well as manah, and “Good Thought” may take the superlative vahišta or the possessive “Thy,” while Aramaiti usually does without an epithet, or has “good" like her comrades, only five times claiming the “holy” that later became a fixed part of her name. This goes with the obvious fact that the words asa, manah, and XSaôra, and even amaratät, can be used without reference to the technical meaning, while often we are left with no decisive criterion by which to decide between the small initial and the capital in our translation. It is all characteristic of the early stage of development in which we find these floating abstractions, still perfectly fresh and free. We must clearly leave plenty of time for the appellations to become stereotyped. Those who believe that the Indo-Scythian coin-legend Shahrevar in the first century A.D. had been developed out of xSabra vairya in a generation or two are pressing probabilities very far indeed - Strabo has in a well-known passage described the cult of Omanus (or Omanes) in Cappadocia. The description is cited in full below (p. 409). Omanus is associated with Anaïtis," and we are told that an image of him is taken in procession. Strabo had seen this cult himself. In another passage (p. 512) he says that Persian generals built a large barrow in commemoration of a great slaughter of Sacae, “and set up the shrine of Anaïtis and the gods who share ^ 2 * a y .ſ. V as 3 Af Z © * Taira 8 €v roſs rºs’Avattušos kai too 'Quávov vevóptotal rotºrov 8& \ / V / * * Af a º * kai o mRoi eioruv, Kai éðavov too 'Quávov Top Teijet. Tatra pºèv obv ºpe's e g 3. aw 2 3 * e / A w \ 3 * €opakapºev, 6. K6 LVOL 8 EV TOLLS wo-toptats Aéyétat KOLU, TOL épééñs. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 103 names of old Aryan gods—Verethraghna, Tishtrya (or perhaps Tira—see p. 435 f.), Mithra, etc.—attest the syncretism of the Avesta as already complete. But here comes in Prof. Cumont's argument from the Cappadocian Calendar. In a short note appended to a quotation from Moses of Chorene (Teates, ii. 6) he calls attention to the fact that the Cappadocian months bore Avestan names “scarcely altered,” as may be seen undeniably from the names as restored from a medley of late Greek MSS. in Cumont's first volume (Teates, i. 132). The discovery is indeed an old one, going back to Henri Estienne's Thesaurus; and the great names of Benfey and Lagarde are connected with the working out of the Persian equivalents. In Cumont's note (ii. 6) we read that “certain indications appear to show that the adoption of the Persian Calendarin Cappadocia took place about 400 B.C.”—during the Achaemenian period, anyhow, though it is “very difficult to determine more pre- cisely the date at which they began to use in Asia Minor these foreign names of the months.” In a separate note at the end of this book I attempt some discussion of the case which Prof. Cumont thus accepts as proved—for the argument is only presented by references to other literature, and here I will assume its truth. It will be noticed at once that all six Amshaspands are in the list, which is sufficient proof that if the great Belgian savant is quoted in support of Darmesteter's paradoxical dating of the Gathas, it can only be for an attenuated fragment of the same. For of course Darmesteter's case rests on the assertion that the Amshaspands are ultimately due to Philo; and here is Cumont declaring that they 102 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Vendidad is not likely to contain ritual matter that is older than Strabo ; and under the guidance of Magian ideas a worship very different from the old Aryan imageless cult, and still more different from the spiritual religion of Zarathushtra, would easily develop with the name as the only link. We are familiar enough with this kind of process in the history of religion. Those who question the identity of Omanus and Vohumanah should at any rate be ready with an alternative explanation, when Strabo definitely says he and “Anadatus” were Persian ðaiuoves." The recognition of Ameretat in the corrupt name that follows must of course be left open. I am not disposed to make use of Strabo's evidence as proof that the Amshaspands were popular divinities in Cappadocia in the first century. A scholar whose scepticism is robust enough to make him postulate Gathas composed in a dead language under the in- spiration of Philo will not be troubled greatly with an argument drawn from the identification of Omanus, nor will he recognise the necessity of providing an alternative. I only point out here that Strabo's witness is perfectly congruous on the orthodox theory, and actually gains in reasonableness when we put Zarathushtra's date further back still. It is, more- over, supported by the nearly contemporary witness of the coins of Kanishka and Huvishka. There we have Khshathra and perhaps Asha, with the form stereo- typed and developed into Middle Persian dialect; while the presence of the disguised form of the name of Vishtaspa's father Aurvat-aspa testifies to the permanence of the Zarathushtrian tradition, and the * See note 1 on p. 101. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM I05 accompanied by two others (Fire and the Creator) who would suit the Zoroastrian and the pre-reforma- tion creed equally, and four who belong distinctly to the older Aryan faith. But the alien Anahita is absent, replaced seemingly by Apäm Napât, who stands next to Mithra : the Anahita Yasht is called Abán, by a survival of this name. Since after West's investigation we have reason to believe that Darius reformed the Calendar in a Zoroastrian direction, we might recognise that great king's acuteness in thus scattering the new names among the old. But we may be sure they never became popular with the meaning which Zarathushtra attached to them. It is safe to believe that “Desirable Dominion " meant for Persian nobles very much what “Empire’ means to-day for the Jingo, and “Best Right” something not far away from “Might.” Nor must we forget that the old Sondergötter of whom Zarathushtra availed himself, using very new and recondite inter- pretations of their significance, were ready to come out into the light. Aramaiti was still the Earth and Vohu Manah cattle. It is quite possible that the “images of Omanus” seen by Strabo in Cappadocia were very much like the Golden Calves. To this extent the names of the Amshaspands may well have been preserved in Magian syncretism, and propagated by the Persian grandees who set up their luxurious state in south-eastern Asia Minor and in Armenia. New names of months might be adopted by the common people, but they did not necessarily under- stand them any better than a modern cockney understands that July and August commemorate amous Romans of the past. And even so the I04 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM not only existed but had been exported to Cappadocia nearly four centuries before Philo was born To enlarge further on Darmesteter's unlucky theory is, however, not my purpose here. How does Cumont's date for the adoption of the Persian Calendar in Cappadocia square with the evidence we have traced, showing that the Amshaspands were almost unknown in Western Iran until a period generations later than this 2 The first observation we make is that the date (which would bear bringing down towards the middle of the fourth century if we see other reasons) is in the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon. Now, as we see elsewhere (p. 77 f.), this king was the promoter of a new religious syncretism. If Darius I. attaches himself to Zarathushtra, and Xerxes represents mostly a relapse into Aryan nature- worship, Artaxerxes II. is emphatically the patron of the Magian movement. He is the first Achaemenian of whom we can say that the Later Avesta fairly represents his religion. Now the mere repetition of the deities of the Persian-Cappadocian Calendar is enough to show what has happened to the Amsha- spands meanwhile. They are, in order of their months, the Fravashis, Asha Vahishta, Haurvatat, Tishtrya(?),” Ameretat, Khshathra Vairya, Mithra, Apäm Napât, Atar, Dathush (the Creator), Vohu Manah, Spenta Armaiti. The names are in their later form with epithets fixed and an integral part of the title. They are altogether out of order: note that the inseparable pair, Haurvatat and Ameretat, is divided, and the cult epithet of Mazdah occurs in the name of the tenth month. Then we find the six Zoroastrian angels * Tir: see below, p. 435 f. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM I05 accompanied by two others (Fire and the Creator) who would suit the Zoroastrian and the pre-reforma- tion creed equally, and four who belong distinctly to the older Aryan faith. But the alien Anahita is absent, replaced seemingly by Apäm Napât, who stands next to Mithra : the Anahita Yasht is called Abán, by a survival of this name. Since after West's investigation we have reason to believe that Darius reformed the Calendar in a Zoroastrian direction, we might recognise that great king's acuteness in thus scattering the new names among the old. But we may be sure they never became popular with the meaning which Zarathushtra attached to them. It is safe to believe that “Desirable Dominion" meant for Persian nobles very much what “Empire’ means to-day for the Jingo, and “Best Right” something not far away from “Might.” Nor must we forget that the old Sondergötter of whom Zarathushtra availed himself, using very new and recondite inter- pretations of their significance, were ready to come out into the light. Aramaiti was still the Earth and Vohu Manah cattle. It is quite possible that the “images of Omanus’ seen by Strabo in Cappadocia were very much like the Golden Calves. To this extent the names of the Amshaspands may well have been preserved in Magian syncretism, and propagated by the Persian grandees who set up their luxurious state in South-eastern Asia Minor and in Armenia. New names of months might be adopted by the common people, but they did not necessarily under- stand them any better than a modern cockney understands that July and August commemorate amous Romans of the past. And even so the 106 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Amshaspands won very narrow recognition. It is not far from Cappadocia to Commagene. How much of their lore, or their very names, did Persian propa- gandists take to that country : For this we of course interrogate a royal witness, in the well-known inscription of Antiochus I., of whom we hear first in 69 B.C. Dittenberger's descrip- tion of the monument" tells us of lions and eagles sculptured on the smoothed eastern and western sides, with five human figures seated on thrones—Zeus Oromasdes in the middle, Mithra and Artagnes (Parabrayna) on the right, Commagene and King Antiochus [their Fravashis j on the left. There are other figures, much damaged; and we are told that Antiochus portrayed his ancestors, claiming descent on the father's side from the great Darius, and on the mother's from Alexander (!). This is an appropriate symbol of the syncretism he shows in his profession of faith, for such the inscription is mainly intended to be. He begins with the declaration that religion is the most abiding of all good things and the greatest joy, and he traces to it all his fortune and success. The phrase he uses here supplies a reason for referring to his witness at this point. “All through my life,” he says, “I showed to all men that I regarded Holiness (Thy ÓatóTnTa) as a most trusted warden of my kingdom and an incomparable delight(Tépylºv &uium Tov).” Later on he says, “All that is holy is a light burden (koºpov p'yov), but heavy are the woes that follow impiety (&oré8eta).” Can we say that he means Asha : We cannot pronounce dogmatically on the question : the mention would be appropriate enough, but no * Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selecta, i. 591 f. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 107 Greek scholar, ignorant of Asha's existence, would suspect any foreign allusion in the words. And the Persian elements in the King's creed are clear enough. He says that he has set up his monument “as near as might be to the heavenly thrones (otpaviov dyxiata 6póvov),” “for that the body of my outward form (uopºpſis), having lived in happiness unto old age, having sent my God-loved soul to the heavenly thrones of Zeus Oromasdes, shall sleep unto endless time.” This last phrase has the suggestion of Zervan Akarana; but there is a closer equivalent later on (v.* f.), where he speaks of “men whom endless time (xpóvos ūrepos—in the former passage aidºv) shall set in the (royal) succession of this land in their own lot of life.” There is a quasi-personal tone about the title which would suit the identification very well. A few lines later Antiochus points to the images: “Where- fore, as thou seest, I have set up these god-befitting images of Zeus Oromasdes and Apollo Mithras (who is) the Sun (and) Hermes,' and Artagnes” (who is) Herakles (and) Ares, and of my all-nurturing country Commagene.” He then turns to remark that he had set up his own image in their company and in the same stone, “preserving a just counterfeit (uſumua 1 An identification which is suggestive for the view taken of Mithra in that age and place. Dittenberger quotes Cumont, and remarks that Mithra and Hermes were alike livXotropºrot, and that the planet which the Persians assigned to Mithra the Greeks gave partly to Apollo and partly to Hermes. How far this suits the solar character of Mithra, by this time pretty generally established, I need not stay to ask. There is obviously not a little confusion here between Greek and Persian ideas. * Dittenberger observes that the Greeks gave the planet Mars (in Persian Verethraghna) to Herakles or Ares. I08 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM ðikatov) of the immortal thought (ppoviris) which ofttimes stood visibly by me as a kindly helper in my kingly endeavours.” These remarkable words point distinctly to the Fravashi, and to the belief that it sometimes became visible as a man’s “double.”” The Fravashis, then, Mithra, Verethraghna, probably Zervan Akarana, and the “heroes” (who for Antiochus would be the “gods of the royal house” recognised in Achaemenian religion”), together of course with Ahura Mazdah, are the divinities to whom Antiochus offers such whole-hearted allegiance. There is no real Zoroastrianism here, but a religion not far from Mithraism as we know it a little later, with the unreformed Iranian nature-worship still only slightly contaminated with elements drawn from Semitic or other alien sources: it is significant that there is no mention of Anahita. In such a pantheon there was no room for Asha, and the tentative question with which this paragraph opened receives a negative answer. Antiochus owes much more to Hellas than to Zarathushtra, whose teaching had not yet established itself so far west. The negative results which meet us when we try to trace the Amshaspands in the West, except in the Cappadocian Calendar and in rather doubtful forms like Strabo's Omanus and Anadatus, must not sur- prise us too much. These conceptions belong to the most esoteric side of Zarathushtra's lore, and there is * † ToMAákus époi tapáorrarts Émighavās eis 80%9etav ćyövov Baoruxuków eipevils éopâto. * See Lecture VIII. * See p. 274. Probably the same are meant when he distinguishes 6eoí and Saipºoves. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 109 really nothing strange in their absence even where a true Zarathushtrian doctrine has been absorbed. It is most probable that until the Magi popularised them in their own way, after an adaptation which preserved little beyond the name and the traditional association with departments—fire, cattle, metals, earth, water, and plants—they were never heard of except in cultured circles. We may perhaps trace them in the nomenclature of Persian royal and aristocratic families. Thus Artaxerxes—answering to an Avestan *Aša'xsaffra, “one whose kingdom is according to Right”—combines two of the Amshaspand names, and the first of them has its meaning very much on the lines of Gathic thought: the frequency of Persian names in Arta is very suggestive. In the inscription on the grave of Darius, Weissbach restores the word [P]aumaniša, and suggests connexion with the words which in the Avestan appear as vohu manah." Unfortunately the inscription is too frag- mentary for us to get any connected sense. We cannot therefore be positive that we have a proper name derived from “Good Thought,” or even a case of the name Good Thought itself. If we may trust the conjecture, we cannot miss the significance of the fact that the two words of the Gathas are fused into one, here and in Strabo's Cappadocian cult and (in the analogous case of the third Amshaspand) on the Indo-Scythian coins. This is, of course, obvious 1 Die Keilinschriften am Grabe Darius Hystaspis, p. 40. The Aryan noun manas had in Old Persian (cf. Haxâmaniš) passed into the -is declension. Weissbach notes the parallel in Sanskrit (vasu and manas), and makes it a derivative from a word for “wisdom '': he ignores the Amshaspand. I 10 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM with the name Auramazda, and when Greek evidence is taken, with 'Apetuávios, 'Aguodafos, and other names." Söderblom has tried to discount this evidence by urging that the Gathas separate existing unities in the manner of learned poetry. But his parallel Iovem patrem from Plautus does not impress me—Plautus is not a hopeful source for learned archaism And surely it is far more probable that free and non- technical designations, not yet crystallised into proper names, were in after generations compressed into set terms. Insistence on the Eastern origin of Zarathushtra's Reform, the esoteric character of the Amshaspands in their earliest conception, and the length of time (as evidenced by development of language) during which a drastic adaptation has been working, will remove all the difficulty which has been felt as to the absence of these spirits from extra-Avestan sources until a late period. On the Amshaspands in detail I have had something to say already, and shall have to add more.” The primacy among them belongs to Aša, even as late as the Haptanghaiti. Plutarch accurately translates 'AA#6eta, for the fact that Druj, the Lie, is the antithesis of Asha from the first makes this the most outstanding feature. I have used “Right” as the word that covers best the very varying use of the name, which from Aryan times * denotes the right order of the world, things as the Creator meant them to be. If Philo really was thinking of the Amsha- * See on this subject the Excursus, p. 422 f. * See p. 293–300. * Skt rta does not quite answer, for its Avestan equivalent is arota; but there are parallels for this difference in Abstufung. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 1 11 spands in his curious allegorising of the Cities of Refuge, and if Darmesteter rightly attaches A6-yos 6eſos to Vohumanah—whether as origin, or (as we should emphatically assert) as derivative or parallel,- we can only say that the comparison is not very happy, and that the Greek Logos comes quite as near to Asha as to Vohumanah in the Gathic system. Indeed, Darmesteter's identification would be a positive hindrance for his own theory, since the chief of his Avvæuets is distinctly second in the Gathas and only attains primacy in the Later Avesta. But the Powers of Philo have so little in common with the Amshaspands, after the Logos has been taken out, that we need only make a general reference. The priority of Asha over Vohumanah in the Gathas is not at all explicit. It may perhaps rest on the idea that Asha is more inclusive, representing Mazdah's action, creation, and law, and not only the “Thought" that inspires it. But Pohumamah—eivota in Plutarch— is comprehensive enough. He is the Thought of God, and of every good man, and we shall see later (p. 171) that he is the very paradise that awaits all who conform to the will of God. He comes very near Mazdah’s “Spirit,” for once (Ys 33") we actu- ally find “Good Spirit” replacing “Good Thought.” Xšaôra (ejvoutw) represents Dominion as an essential attribute of God. At the end of Ys 33 we find Zarathushtra bringing Obedience and Dominion to Mazdah. The Prophet who teaches men to obey, and the “man of Asha " who spends’ his life in accumu- lating good words, thoughts, and deeds, are alike engaged in “bringing Mazdah the Dominion "; for the ultimate triumph of Mazdah over the Lie will be 112 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM achieved by the preponderance of good works over evil at the great Reckoning. Khshathra represents accordingly the “far-off divine Event,” but also its anticipations in time. He does not attain to the great Triad, Ahura Mazdah, Asha, Vohu Manah, which outshines all other conceptions in the Gathas;" but he stands out well above the other Ahuras. Armaiti–so the name is spelt in our MSS., but the scansion shows that it was tetrasyllabic, like its Sanskrit equivalent aramati — retains her Aryan connexion with the sacred earth.” I have ventured to suggest (ERPP, p. 63) that her very name may arise from a popular etymology of Aryan antiquity, so that she began as “Mother Earth’ and took on her the idea of “right-thinking, piety,” by confusion with another combination.” Plutarch calls her aroqta, but of course it will be remembered that Wisdom is a very practical virtue in Parsism from the first. So the connexion with the beneficent." Earth was easy to maintain. A further characteristic of Aramaiti should be 1 See, for example, Ys 339, 30°, and 29, with my notes. * See on this p. 10 f. There is a very full study of Aramaiti by Prof. Carnoy in Muséon, n.s., xiii. 127 ff. * I ought perhaps to repeat my suggestion here for convenience. Since épa (Špače, “earthwards”) is an old word for Earth, ară matā is a possible name (in nom.) for “Mother Earth,” which may have been confused in the Aryan period with the word for “right thinking,” the antitheses of which are found in Avestan (Gathic pairimaiti, Ys 32°, “perversity,” and tarāmaiti, Ys 33°, “heresy”). “Arā disappeared in Aryan—the adjective prlhivi, “broad,” ejected its accompanying noun in the earliest period of Skt. But our earth sulvives to witness it, conflate perhaps with a distinct name Nerthus, the earth-deity in Tacitus. * Spanta, see p. 145 f. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 113 noted here. In my note on the Gathic verse, Ys 45°, I have defended the rendering which makes Ahura Mazdah “the Father of the active Good Thought, - and his daughter is Piety.” That relationship be- comes fixed in the Later Avesta, where also Atar is Mazdah’s “son.” Gunkel' brings Aramaiti thus into comparison with Athena as daughter of Zeus, Ishtar- Siduri, goddess of Wisdom, daughter of Anu, Sin, or Bel, with the Gnostic Sophia and the Wisdom of Proverbs. I mention it mainly by way of calling attention to the very trifling anthropomorphism in- volved by the Gathic phrase, which does not really go beyond Wordsworth's Stern Daughter of the Voice of God, O Duty The use of the figure in Later Parsism is markedly more literal. Some special questions arise as to the origin and functions of the inseparable pair who in later Parsism were assigned the last places in the Hexad: we have already seen that in the Gathas the line is not drawn. . “Welfare and Immortality’ are not so much attri- butes as gifts of Mazdah, sharing with Aramaiti the difference which thus sets them apart from the first three. It might almost be suggested that symmetry had something to do with the fixing of the Hexad ; and if, as we suggest, the Magi were really responsible for it, the assumption would be quite in character. Late descriptions of the Amshaspands represent them sitting three on each side of Ahura at “heaven's high council-table.” On one side are the three whose names are of neuter gender, regarded later as male; * Religionsgeschichtliche Verständnis des N.T., 26. 8 114 EARLY ZOHOASTRIANISM on the other three abstractions with feminine names, naturally treated as goddesses. The distinction of sex is, as Diogenes saw,” altogether foreign to genuine Parsism, as is proved by the very fact that asom, vohú mamö and XSaôrom are neuter nouns. But there happens to be also a real distinction of nature, in that half these spirits represent what Mazdah is and the other half what he gives. It is, however, more than doubtful whether Zarathushtra himself would have allowed the distinction, any more than he would have sanctioned the rigid limitation of the number. He puts Sraoša side by side with XSabra, as we saw above; and Aramaiti in one place (Ys 31*) forms a close pair with Aši, “Recompense,” the two names appearing idiomatically in the dual as the last two Amshaspands constantly do. There is no real reason to suppose that a difference of kind was conceived. Putting aside, therefore, as irrelevant for primitive Parsism the question whether Welfare and Immortality should exclude other like spirits from the last places in a closed circle, we notice two points about their history. That they represent Water and Plants appears in the Gathas (Ys 517), and we can see that Zarathushtra is preserving and adapting an old Aryan myth of the water of youth and the food of immortality. Prof. Jackson notes” that they are the heavenly counter- parts of “strength and abiding ” (toviši utayātī, Ps 517). Now Water and Plants are the special care of other genii, notably Anāhita and the Fravashis. I am inclined to think that the twin Amshaspands were intended to supersede the latter, who were very popular among the people to whom Zarathushtra * Proam. 6; see below, p. 413 f. * Grundriss, ii. 638. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 115 preached, and that the unmistakably foreign Anahita came in from the other side to poach on their pre- serves at a later time. But these may not have been the only ancient divinities for whom Haurvatat and Ameretat were substitutes or rivals. The strongly marked twin-like character of the pair suggests that they may have replaced the Aryan Dioscuri, whose epithet Nāsatyā (of unknown meaning) survives on apparently Aryan ground at Boghaz-keui, and in the Later Avestan form many centuries later as the demon Niphaibya." Their functions do not strikingly recall the vivid figures of the Indian Açvins, except that they are physicians and deliverers, who stave off disease and danger. But all we know from other Indo-European mythology of the prominence of Dioscuric worship makes us expect to find in Parsism traces of a cultus once universal, and exceedingly prominent in the kindred Indian pantheon.” * The complete loss of all consciousness of original meaning, com- bined with the lateness of the Avestan texts (Vd. 109 1948) which name this featureless demon in company with lndra and Saurva, make it at least possible that it has been reimported, and represents anti-Hindu polemic (cf. the Indian gods Indra and Çarva). Similar late polemic is probably to be found in the reference (Yt 13%) to the heretic Gaotoma, who is best taken, I think, as Gautama the Buddha : See on this p. 28 f. Bartholomae does not give his reasons (Air Wb, 481) for regarding this as improbable. The Bundahish (2819) assigns “discontent” to Nāohaibya as his function, and has in the same passage provinces for Indra and Saurva, equally unoriginal, to all seeming. - * To complete the analogy, Castor and Polydeuces must have a sister Helena, as the Açvinau have Açvini. Aramaiti would natur- ally fill this place. But I fear this is all too speculative. On the whole question of Twin-cultus see Dr J. Rendel Harris's works, The Cult of the Heavenly Twins and The Dioscuri in Christian Legend. 116 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Zarathushtra's solution of the problem of Evil, and his doctrine of the Future, I shall deal with at greater length in the next two Lectures; and a few details of the Gathic system may be left to be annotated in connexion with the translation that appears in the Appendix. One subject only I shall take up here before leaving the Gathas. How are we to classify Zarathushtra as between the two great categories into which men of religion naturally fall ? Was he Prophet and Teacher, or was he Priest ? Is the religion of the Gathas practical and ethical, or sacerdotal 2 Now there is one passage in the Gathas where the preacher does call himself by the old Aryan name gaotar (Skt hotar), “priest.” In Ys 33° (cited Yt 47) we read: I who as priest would learn through Aša the straight paths, would learn by the Best Spirit how to practise husbandry. In the Later Avesta the zaotar is a chief priest whose special duty is chanting the Gathas. This is obviously the successor of the priest who in Iranian worship stood before the Fire chanting a 6eoyovin or Yasht, in the classical description of Herodotus." By the time of the historian's travels, the Magi had made them- selves indispensable for this function; but there is no reason whatever for postulating a sacerdotal caste in Aryan times or in the days of Zarathushtra, as there was apparently in the Late Avestan period. The ū6ravand * or “Fire-priests’ do not appear at all in the Gathas, and there is a hint in the Haptanghaiti * See below, p. 395. * The name of course is Aryan. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 117 that they came from abroad." They are of course the Túpatóot of Strabo. The one suggestion of a caste connected with religion in the Gathas is the appear- ance of three classes (see Ys 32' and note), airyaman, X"aétu, and v2rozāna, which Bartholomae makes out to be severally priests, nobles, and husbandmen. In the Later Avesta we have a fourfold division—diffravan, raðaðStar (“charioteer”), västrya fºuyant (“herds- man”), hiſiti (“artisan"): the name for “caste” was pistra (Ys 1917), which meant “colour,” like the Indian varna, and suggests the presence of distinct races. The six tribes of the Medes (Herod. i. 101) are a parallel. Now we can hardly understand the Gathas on the assumption that Zarathushtra himself belonged to a separate and higher priestly caste. His enthusiasm for husbandry would make us put him with the lowest of the three, if we were free to choose. The question really is what functions we are to assign to the airyaman. The word is Aryan. In the Rig- veda (Macdonell, Pedic Mythology, 45) Aryaman is named a hundred times and has the dignity of an Aditya ; but he is “destitute of individual character- istics,” and nearly always named with Mitra and Varuna. Prof. Macdonell says that in less than a dozen places the word means “comrade,” much as Mitra means “friend,” and this is apparently its meaning in the Gathas. Is there anything to prevent the “brotherhood’ in question from being simply the fellowship of teacher and disciples who amid much detraction (Ys 33°) strive to spread their message through the community ? The very fact * See p. 88. On priestly families in Indo-European times, see Schrader, in ERE, ii. 42 f. 118 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM that the other two castes are the same in Gathas and Later Avesta—for the “nobles " and the “charioteers ” are obviously the same—makes it more striking that the place of the ſióravan is taken in the Gathas by a class the name of which at any rate carries no sort of priestly function. That Zarathushtra is teacher and prophet is written large over every page of the Gathas. He is perpetually striving to persuade men of the truth of a great message, obedience to which will bring them everlasting life. He has a revelation, a mystery, which he offers to “him who knows”: it is an esoteric doctrine which bigoted partisans of the old dačvayasna will not receive. Men have their free choice, though Aramaiti pleads with the wavering soul. He who has brought the message will be men's judge at the last, for he has given them a word of Truth and they spurn it at their peril. There is no room for sacerdotal functions as a really integral part of such a man's gospel; and of ritual or spells we hear as little as we expect to hear, after studying the life and work of religious reformers in other parts of the world. Ritual has its place, but it is not in the first fresh dawn of a religion that is going to live." I have not by any means exhausted the topics that may be, or even ought to be, discussed in a lecture upon the Prophet of Iran. But my limits do not permit of any attempt at completeness, and I have * That Zarathushtra was afterwards assumed to be a Magus, and that his name, with a superlative suffix (garaffuströtama) became a term for “high priest,” I regard as irrelevant. I have given reasons elsewhere (esp. p. 197 f.) for believing that the Magi adapted his system long after his day and claimed his name. This is ob- viously natural, and it is just the sort of question on which the assertions of later generations count for very little. See also p. 411. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM I 19 still to sketch the main lines of the Counter-reforma- tions which are to be recognised as underlying the Later Avesta, as I have already tried to prove. The very possibility of such counter-reformation depends on the disappearance, very soon after the Prophet's death, of that passionate conviction which made him incapable of countenancing any concession to rival inferior creeds. Prof. Eduard Meyer' remarks on the accommodating character of Mazdeism, which could adopt foreign deities by the simple device of making them servants of Ahura Mazdah. He mentions Aramaic inscriptions in Cappadocia which show Bel recognising Din Mazdayasniš as his sister and wife. This accommodating temper, utterly foreign to the enthusiasm of Zarathushtra, must have been the national bent, to which the people reverted easily when the fiery personality was withdrawn. It was, however, this very power of adaptation which made it possible for the religion—even if only in forms widely differing from the original — to spread beyond the bounds of its early home. There was no nationalism connected with it, no suggestion that Ahura Mazdah was still what he had been at first, the “god of the Aryans” alone. Great Persian magnates who had estates in Armenia and Cappadocia took their religion into these districts. The inscription of Antiochus of Commagene shows with what energy many of these propagandists carried the faith.” But it was not the highly abstract and profound teaching of the Founder that went forth conquering and to conquer. 1 Enc. Brit.", s.v. “Persia” (210A). * The foregoing remarks are largely drawn from some excellent observations of E. Meyer, in Gesch. d. Alt., iii. 128. 190 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM In the absence of enthusiasm for his deeper doctrines, never really understood, it was easy to keep his names and forms, and deny his spirit, unconsciously enough. Hence the two successive movements, one of mere relapse, the other of drastic innovation, which created the Later Avesta and transformed Zarathushtra's religion till it would have been hardly recognised by him. The mischief was only partially undone by the Sassanian reformers, who could not revive the Prophet's spirit for the multitude of clouds that had arisen to hide him. The earliest among these movements is seen in the Gatha Haptanghaiti. Its identity of dialect shows that we cannot separate it far in period or in place from the Gathas proper. Its extraordinary difference in religious standpoint, with the fact that it is in prose, might point to its coming from a community distinct from that which received and preserved the Gathas themselves. It was not a community consciously alien from the Reform, for we actually find Zarathushtra installed as an object of worship." If the passage where this appears is an original part of the text—and of course in a prose composition we have no resources for proving this—we naturally pre- sume that we have to do with a period a generation or two after Zarathushtra's death, and a social stratum separated from the literary and presumably aristocratic traditions in which the verse Gathas arose. In such a community it was inevitable that the old Aryan nature-worship should remain almost unaltered. The 1 Ys 42%, “we adore Mazdah and Zarathushtra.” This answers to Later Avestan passages like Yt 13%, where Zarathushtra is wor- shipped with 2a06ra and barosman. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 121 already ancient cult of “the Wise Ahura,” the special divinity of the aristocracy," had been adopted by their feudal retainers; and the Prophet who had been so effectively patronised by the court was duly honoured as yagata, though perhaps the fact that he is named but once” illustrates the relatively small importance that he had attained in the popular esteem. We naturally compare with this the oft-discussed absence of Zarathushtra's name from the Inscriptions. The most characteristic creations of Zarathushtra, the Amshaspands, are before us, and they are collected into a definite community and distinguished by a corporate name. But, as we have seen, this is only an apparent conformity, which may very well cover a real return to an old Aryan use. Asha, whose name is conspicuously Aryan, is far the most prominent among the individual Amshaspands, of whom only the first four are named at all : whether Ox-Soul and Ox-Creator and Fire are meant to be included among the “Lords” we have no means of knowing. They are worshipped manifestly, as are the Waters, Fravashis, and Haoma. The Waters receive their old Aryan name of “wives” of the deity, being linked with the sacred Earth.” An interesting contact with the Inscriptions may be seen in Ys 37, where it is said of Ahura Mazdah that he made the Cattle and the Right, made the Waters and the good Plants, made the Light and the Earth and all that is good. The words have a ring decidedly like that of the 1 See above, pp. 32, 60. * Wolff would make him implied in Ys 359. 8 Ys 381. 122 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM recurrent * of Darius to the “great god Auramazda,” who made this earth, who made yon heaven, who made man, who made welfare for man, who set up Darius as king, one king of many, one lord of many." Zarathushtra had after all left behind him the em- phasis that he most desired—the uniqueness of the Creator as the central feature of the faith. Darius preserved his system more perfectly than the framers of the Haptanghaiti, who compromised monotheism seriously, and never even named the powers of evil which came so prominently into the Gathas and the records of Behistan. The characteristics of the Haptanghaiti are repro- duced and emphasised in the older Yashts. Here the Aryan “Heavenly Ones” are back again in their original place, only formally subordinated to the supremacy of Ahura Mazdah. And even the supremacy itself seems grievously affected when Mazdah himself is said to have sacrificed to the yazata whose praises occupy the hymn, and im- plored his or her help. Anthropomorphism is complete. The Amshaspands, who in the Haptang- haiti were already male and female,” are definitely the children of Ahura,” just as the Waters were his wives. The details of this revived Aryan cultus will prompt some comments elsewhere.” Here it 1 Dar. NR al, al. * Ys 39%, “die guten (Götter) und guten (Göttinnen),” as Wolff has it—the original has simply bonos bonasque. We must remember that the Gathic names are neuter and feminine respectively, and the latter accordingly no more represent female spirits than the former represent males: see above, p. 113 f. 3 Y! 1382. * See p. 271 f. THE PROPHET AND THE REFORM 123 must suffice to note how the atmosphere of the Vedas is brought back, not in the Gathas, which come so near to the Vedic in language, but in the verse Yashts, whose very metre approximates to those of Indian poets more closely than the measures found in the Gathas." The last stage in the syncretism is, on our theory, connected with the Magian name. It is not always possible to assign a given feature of later Parsism to the one side or the other of the reaction, but the general lines are clear enough. We are not yet ready for the analysis of Magian dualism, nor for that of the ritual which so largely depended upon it. Here I will only recall my remark that until the Sassanian revival the West only knew as much of real Zoroastrianism as the Magi chose to transmit. Having once decisively claimed the Prophet as one of themselves, the Magi followed on to make truly their own as much of his system as they were capable of apprehending. They preserved the Gathas and the Yashts, and composed the ritual parts of the Avesta. They do not seem to have learnt how to imitate the verse which they trans- mitted so well, and all their own additions seem to have been in prose. Our most notable Greek re- presentations of Parsism, especially that in Plutarch, are of Magianism essentially. Zarathushtra's doctrine was kept in the East, just as his own vitality was fabled to have been kept in the waters of the eastern lake, till the time came for Saoshyant to be born. * On the whole subject of Avestan verse, see the chapter in ERPP: it has not seemed sufficiently relevant to my present purpose for me to repeat its substance here. • 124 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Even so the full system of the Prophet was known after the Sassanian age. But by that time the world was no longer ready to listen. Zarathushtra did not come “in the fullness of the time"—he came too early, and too late as well ! LECTURE IV ZARATHUSHTRA's DOCTRINE OF EVIL Fravarāne Mazdayasno Zaraguštriš Vidačvo Ahuraikačo. “I declare myself a Mazdah-worshipper, a Zoroastrian, an enemy of the Daëvas, holding Ahura's Law.”—OLDEST ZoroastFIAN CREED. FROM Zarathushtra's doctrine of God we pass on to his doctrine of Evil, which is an essential part of it, and the most conspicuous of his contributions to religious thought. I call it essential because it involves a limitation of God's omnipotence, even though it be only during a definite period of time. In his admirable article on Iranian Dualism in the latest volume of Dr Hastings' Encyclopaedia," Dr Casartelli very justly says that our calling the Parsi solution of the problem of Evil “dualistic" is mainly a matter of terms. He would himself retain the term on the ground that the Parsi Evil Spirit is independent, and can create. I had rejected it, since it seemed to me inconsistent with an optimist outlook on the future. Whatever view Parsism has taken as to the past history of the evil principle, it has always declared that its future is utter and final destruction. If we restrict ourselves to the origin of evil and its development during human history past and future, we may use the term 1 ERE, v. 111 f. 125 126 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM dualism fairly enough, in Dr Casartelli's sense, for until the Frašūkorati there is a power independent of God which God cannot destroy, sharing his peculiarly divine prerogative of creation. But this Lecture is primarily concerned with Zarathushtra's doctrine of evil, and here I can see no evidence whatever to justify the imputation of dualism. We have already realised that Parsism as we have it must be distinguished in many important respects from the teaching of its Founder, as far as we have this in the Gathas. When we come to discuss Magianism we shall find that nothing is more characteristic of that system of thought than the “tendency towards . . . bilateral symmetry,” as Dr Casartelli puts it: whether it is Iranian or not we will consider later on. I want to lay all possible stress on the importance of de- lineating Zarathushtra's doctrine of evil from the Gathas, and the Gathas alone. We shall find that unless we think ourselves justified in reading back from the Later Avesta and the Pahlavi classics, we have really no proof that the Founder himself originated many of the most conspicuous elements in Parsi dualism. He shares with his successors the confidence that “Good will be the final goal of ill.” But the very name of Ahriman is due to a later application of an incidental epithet occurring once in the Gathas. The creative privilege of “the Lie,” her independence of Mazdah, the co-eternity in the past of the “Bad Spirit” with the “Holy Spirit,” and other crucial notions which later theology developed, cannot be proved from the Gathas. I do not feel at all sure that the Prophet himself, if con- ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 127 fronted with accurately drawn pictures of the Evil Spirit, gathered from the New Testament and the Later Avesta respectively, might not have pointed to the first as in some important points nearer to his own view, except for the absence of any opening for regarding Good and Evil as “twins.” The rather unprofitable question as to originality is raised about Zarathushtra, as about all other great religious teachers. To judge from the language of Some theorists in our midst, no new religious idea ever was invented: they were all implicit somehow in protoplasm at the creation, if such an archaic term may be used for brevity. I am not careful to defend the Priorität of Zarathushtra or of yet greater teachers, for the higher originality is generally found in one who can re-mint old gold and “make it current coin.” I am content to accept the fact that before Zarathushtra began his own thinking he was familiar enough with the idea of a stream of tendency, not ourselves, making for unrighteous- ness. Iranian folk-religion, like most others, had plenty of hurtful spirits; and if Zarathushtra found the source of all evil in a spiritual power working havoc in the world and in the heart of man, he was only systematising a philosophy the germs of which were easily found. But in laying down man's duty in the face of this evil power he may claim credit as the pioneer of a most momentous revolution. In every other religion, outside Israel, there were demons to be propitiated by any device that terror could conceive. Zarathushtra from the first bade men “resist the devil.” The Magi, as Plutarch tells us (p. 399 f. below), invoked “Hades and 128 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Darkness” in a sunless place, with (haoma-)libations and the blood of a wolf. Mithraists dedicated offer- ings DEO ARIMANIO. But none dared to interpo- late such an element in the Avesta. The faithful Zoroastrian has never had anything to do with Ahriman but to fight him and destroy his creation. It was a veritable emancipation for devil-ridden souls, ever cringing with fear before powers of darkness possessing vague but intensely real capacity for mischief. We may return for a moment to the subject just referred to, and ask whether we may postulate the existence in unreformed Iranian religion of a con- ception of a god of darkness, capable of suggesting to Zarathushtra some lines for his portraiture, while no less supplying elements against which he would protest with all his power. Between Herodotus, Plutarch, and the Anahita Yasht I think we can answer the question in the affirmative. Plutarch, as we have seen, credits the Magi with an apotropaic ritual carried on in a sunless place and addressed to Hades and Darkness. The Magi in his time were priests of a very syncretistic religion, and such rites suited their antitheses entirely, whether they got the hint from an Aryan infernal power, or from the Babylonian Nergal, or from a devil of their own. That the last of these alternatives may be rejected is proved, I think, by a remarkable story in Herodotus (vii. 114). Amestris, wife of Xerxes, as we noted in Lecture II., buried alive fourteen * Persian children of high rank, to propitiate tº into yiv Xeyouévº elva 6eg. This we compare at once with the mention of Hades * On fourteen, cf. Frazer, Golden Bough9, v. i. 32. ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 129 in Plutarch and elsewhere as the nearest Greek equivalent of Ahriman. Since, as we saw (p. 57), this could not possibly have been done by Magi, we naturally assume that it was Iranian, and that Xerxes and his wife, as might be expected, reverted to usages abhorred by the Prophet, whose doctrine the really religious Darius followed in the main. The Mithraic sacrifice will also derive from this chthonian rite, which has parallels enough in Indo-European religion. Now the Avesta itself gives indications of the ex- istence of this heresy. In the Gathas even (Ys 31*) we read of a teacher of evil who declares “the Ox and the Sun the worst things to behold with the eyes,” who perverts the pious and desolates the pastures. Bartholomae sees here an allusion to nocturnal orgies of dačvayasna, associated with slaughter of cattle. The Mithraic taurobolium naturally suggests itself, though Prof. Cumont regards this as late in origin: " might it not after all have been based upon a really ancient usage 2 Then in Yt 5” we have a very curious reference to “libations” brought by “dačva-worshipping Liars ” (druantò daevayasnánhó) to Anāhita after sunset, which Anāhita declares will be received by Daëvas and not by her. Darmesteter compares Pºd 7”, where we read of a “forbidden libation offered in the twilight”;” also Nārangistán 48, condemning a libation to the Good Waters (the predecessors of 1 See his Teates, i. 334, n. 9. He regards it as ancient, but not in Mithraism. But he mentions (p. 335) the immolation of the mythic Ox, which might well suggest it. 2 Darmesteter renders “in the dead of the night,” which suits his own parallels badly. I correct from Wolff. 9 130 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Anāhita) after sunset or before sunrise. All this I think is a heretical ritual, originating in Iran, and surviving in Mithraism, in the superstitions of Xerxes and others whose Zoroastrian Orthodoxy was but skin- deep, and in practices adopted by the Magi, as con- genial to their system. They threw it off later, when in the Sassanian revival a healthier doctrine came to the front, more directly dependent on the esoteric lore of Zarathushtra, as preserved by this same caste, which had in greater or less degree countenanced a less desirable practice. - There were not wanting other evil divinities in the Iranian world to which Zarathushtra came. As usual, they presided over special departments. There was “Bad Season " (Dużyāirya, O.P. Dušīyār, dušyārīy in the Manichaean MS. from Turfan), who brought the farmer all he dreaded most. There was “Wrath” (aëšma, cf. oiwa, ira), drunken rage, unless indeed he is a personification due to Zarathushtra himself, which is perhaps more likely. The serpent (aži, cf. Skt ahi, Gk. Éxis) might have been developed; but the latent possibilities were left very much as were those of the figure in the third chapter of Genesis. A general name for dangerous spirits was also available in biliti, Skt. bhāta, “ghost”—the word which Darmesteter during a temporary eclipse of the philological faculty wanted to compare with Buddha." There were probably many more to choose from, and the fact enhances the significance of the choice that was made. The Supremacy of Truth among the virtues was as conspicuous for the settled agri- 1 See SBE, iv.” 209 n. Perhaps we need only accuse Darmesteter of taking rather too seriously an etymology out of the Bundahish. ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 131 culturists of Eastern Iran as for Darius and his Persians in the West; and Zarathushtra was following the strongest element in the national character when he concentrated all evil into the figure of Falsehood, Druj, the antagonist of Aša, “Truth" or “Right.” , It is hardly realised as it should be that for Zara- thushtra himself, as studied in his own Hymns, “the Lie" is beyond all comparison the name for the spirit of evil. Dragvant, answering well to the phrase in the Apocalypse, “whosoever loveth and maketh a Lie,” is the perpetual term for those who take the devil's side in human life. So conspicuous is this in the Gathas that I feel strongly inclined to make its very similar conspicuousness in Darius's Inscription a balancing argument in determining the great king's religion. For him as for Zarathushtra the Lie sums up all evil. A rebel against his royal authority —which was after all only that of a de facto monarch —“ lies" by the mere act of rebellion, when there is admittedly no imposture about it. A spirit of dis- loyalty in a province is described by the same com- prehensive noun. The Old Persian word is one that appears in the Avesta, though not commonly, being the same word as druj, but in a different declension." One other possible ancestor of Zarathushtra's arch- devil may be noticed on a suggestion of Tiele- 1 The cognate druh in Sanskrit retains hardly any trace of the meaning “perfidious,” being generalised into “injurious,” or (as a noun) “fiend” (fem.). The German Betrug and the derivatives Traum, dream, make the meaning “deceive ’’ probable for the earliest stage; and the Iranian meaning is unambiguous. We must, however, note Prof. Schrader's reminder (Reallev., p. 27) that the Old Norse draugr, Old English dredg, support the suggestion of “malignant spirit” as primary. 132 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Söderblom, p. 374, where Ahriman's (Later Avestan) epithet pouru-mahrka, “full of death,” is regarded as perhaps a survival from an old god of death, dwelling underground. This will naturally be the “Hades” with whom Plutarch equates Areimanios, the “god said to dwell under the earth,” to whom the wife of Xerxes offered victims buried alive. (See p. 128 f.) He must belong to the unreformed Aryan religion: the Magi could not allow him to inhabit the sacred earth. In one very remarkable passage of the Gathas Zarathushtra propounds his doctrine of the origin of evil. The thirtieth Yasna has the appearance of being a Lehrgedicht, a concentration into verse form of the Prophet's central doctrines for the purpose of retention in the memory. The third stanza of this Gatha is so crucial that I must quote it exactly, with the thankful preface that for once there is no serious divergence between our authorities as to its translation.” 3. Now the two primal Spirits, who revealed themselves in vision (?) as Twins, are what is Better and what is Bad in thought and word and action. And between these two the wise once chose aright, the foolish not so. 4. And when these twain spirits came together in the beginning, they established Life and Not-life, and that at the last the Worst Existence shall be to the liars (dragvatam), but the Best Thought to him that follows Right (asaomâ). A Pahlavi treatise declares that Ormazd and 1 In ERPP, 93, I recorded Geldner's dissonance. But in his last writing on the subject (Lesebuch, 324) he accepts “Twins” for yāmā, which enables us to treat it as certain : its importance is manifest. That he still differs as to x"afna (“nach ihrem eigenen Wort”) matters less. ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 133 Ahriman were once brothers in one womb." The doctrine was specially associated with the sect of the Zervanites, who found the necessary parent in the concept of “Boundless Time.” There is nothing to prove that Zarathushtra wasted on metaphysics time which he needed for practical teaching; and he may be safely assumed to have meant only that Good and Evil were co-eternal in the past, or arose together “in the beginning ” (pouruyé, cf. Skt pårva, “former’ or “first "). Evil is thus the antithesis, the counter- action of Good. Plutarch's description of the Evil Power creating &vritexvot to the creations of the Good (p. 401 below), though primarily Magian in 1 See Dinkart, ix. 304 (SBE, xxxvii. 242), where the saying is attributed to the demon Aresh, and expressly repudiated by the Avestan Warştmánsar Nask, according to the record of the Pahlavi. West refers to the Pahlavi on Ys 30%, and compares the statement of the Armenian Eznik (Haug, Essays, p. 13). * On the Zervanites see Söderblom, La Vie Future, p. 248. The subject lies far beyond our limits, for the date of the triumph of the sect is in the fifth century A.D. But the statement of Berosus that “Zerovanus” was an ancient king proves, as Bréal notes, the idea current as early as the fourth century B.C. Its presence in Mithraism also attests its antiquity. But Cumont observes (Teates, 20) that the Avestan traces of it are small. And in Zād-sparam's Selections (SBE, v. 160) we have it expressly stated that in aid of the celestial sphere [Aſharmazd] produced the creature Time (zórvān). This statement agrees with the spirit of the Avestan theology. Mithraism might make Kronos (i.e. Zervan) supreme ; but for the true Avestan system, whether Zarathushtrian or Magian, Ahura must be first. It may be noted that long ere Zervan secured his temporary exaltation he had changed his original character. In Mithraism he was Kpévos, presumably a misunderstanding of Xpóvos, to which he no longer answered. And in late Greek writers he appears as Túxm, which agrees with the strong fatalism that marked the heresy. See Dr L. H. Gray's article on “Fate" (Iranian) in ERE, v. 792. 134 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM origin, is quite in accordance with the original con- ception of Zarathushtra. The doctrine that evil is essentially negative may certainly claim him as a first promulgator; but we must take the epithet as connoting the utmost activity. The evil spirit is simply the opposite of the good in every one of his functions, fighting against him and his followers perpetually, and striving only to ruin every creation. The name “druj-having ” (dragvant) is given to him in the stanza following those I have quoted, thus attaching him to the Druj in the same way as wicked men; and he is said to have chosen the doing of what is worst, just as the Holiest Spirit chose Right (Asha), truth and perfection. It would follow reasonably from this that the evil spirit is the spirit of “the Lie,” regarded as the primary evil power, and that in the same analogy the “Holy” or “Holiest Spirit” is the spirit of Ahura Mazdah. This last point, however, is not quite certain." It seems best to accept the view * Bartholomae's note (Air Wb, 1139) should be cited: “They were conceived of as twins, who, remaining in everlasting strife with one another, created all that exists. The relation of the good (holy) spirit to Ahura Mazdah seems not quite clear. It appears that Zarathushtra's teaching is not devised on pure dualistic lines, but that it elevates over the two primeval and equipotent spirits of the strict dualism the divinity of Ahura Mazdah. In this way the holy spirit, where he is set in relation to Ahura Mazdah, becomes a ministering and intermediary spirit of Ahura Mazdah, like Asha, Vohu Manah, and the rest; and as a new antithesis there arises Ahura Mazdah and Angra Mainyu.” There is an excellent state- ment on the subject by Geiger, cited with approval by Prof. Jackson in the Grundriss, ii. 648. I have given it in English in ERPP, 66 f. See also Casartelli's Magdayasnian Religion under the Sassanids (Bombay, 1899), pp. 1–71 : this work is most important for the period following that to which these Lectures are restricted. ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 135 excellently expressed by Geldner in Enc. Brit.” xxviii. 1041: “The Wise Lord . . . is the primeval spiritual being, the All-father, who was existent before ever the world arose. . . . His guiding spirit is the Holy Spirit, which wills the good : yet it is not free, but restricted, in this temporal epoch, by its antagonist and own twin brother, the Evil Spirit. . . . In the Gathas the Good Spirit of Mazdah and the Evil Spirit are the two great opposing forces in the world, and Ormazd him- self is to a certain extent placed above them both. Later the Holy Spirit is made directly equivalent to Ormazd.” Once in the Gathas we find an epithet used for the “Bad Spirit” which, though to all appearance merely casual, was destined to have a long history. In Ys 45° Zarathushtra declares: I will tell of the two spirits in the beginning of the world, the holier of whom spake thus to the hostile : “Neither our thoughts, nor our doctrines, nor our pur- poses, nor our convictions, nor our words, nor our works, nor our selves, nor our souls agree together.” The word angra, rendered “hostile”—or etymologi- cally “fiend” — is not elsewhere applied to the Evil Spirit in the Gathas,' and it is used of human * Prof. Jackson (Grundriss, ii. 650) says that in the Gathas “the name of the evil spirit, mainyu, with the epithet angra, occurs only three or four times.” He gives as references Ys 45°, 44*, and as a general adjective 43", also dat, sing, fem. [or adverb) angrayå, 48". In 44*, Bartholomae is right, I think, in making angro a human enemy : see however p. 137 m. The other two occurrences of the adjective could not possibly apply to Ahriman, so that the total is reduced to one after all. Reference should be made to Prof. Jackson’s article “ Ahriman '' in ERE, i. 237. 136 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM enemies or evil men : clearly it has not begun to be a title in any sense. There would be quite as much reason for isolating Akö Mainyuš as Zara- thushtra's name for him, for “the Bad Spirit” also occurs once (Ys 32°–q.v.), and there is another place (Ys 30°, quoted above) where “the Bad” (neuter) stands in apposition. It seems extremely probable that Zarathushtra's successors took up this casual epithet and created the proper name of the Iranian evil spirit. Their choice may have been partly deter- mined by a collocation found on Darius's Inscrip- tion, probably reflecting there an association already fixed. Darius tells us” that Mazdah blessed and advanced him “because I was not an enemy nor a deceiver” (maiy arika naiy draujana åham). The first word (= ahri-ka) is identical with the Gathic angra (Aryan *asrā), with an adjective suffix added; the second is derived from the name of the arch- fiend, Drauga, “the Lie.” If we are right in regarding Darius as the first really Zoroastrian king, we may take this passage as evidence that the two words were already related in the vocabulary of religion. Darius, perhaps, cannot be said to have used a phrase which we should translate “because I was not a follower of Ahriman and the Druj”; but he does not fall far short. When once the title was appropriated, it became a fixed and permanent name, entirely ousting the Druj from place of power, so that in the Later Avesta she becomes only an ordinary fiend. This crystal- lising process seems to me very clearly the work of the Magi, who needed a title that could claim 1 Bh 413. ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 137 Zarathushtra's authority for a devil very different in many respects from his concept." But we must keep for the present to Zarathushtra himself, and see how he marshalled the hosts that ranged themselves for the great conflict, on the side of Right and of Wrong. He emphasises from the first that it was a matter of free choice. The stanza quoted above (Ys 30°), which tells us of the Twin Spirits, closes with the statement that the understanding chose the one and those void of understanding the other. These adjectives (hudānhö, duždānhö) are used of the heavenly and infernal spirits as well as of men, but the latter are no doubt intended here. The antithesis of wisdom and folly is wholly ethical, as in the Sapiential Books of the Old Testament. After stating that those men who would please Ahura made the wise choice, the poet goes on to say that the Dačva chose “the Worst Thought" after taking counsel together, for infatuation came upon them. There is a clear remembrance here that the Daëva were once divine spirits, whose deliberate choice trans- * Dr Casartelli writes to me thus (May 30, 1913):—“As regards Angro-M. in the Gāthās, I am much impressed by Ys 441°, with its curious Apro-Angro, and its jeu de mots. As I take it, I read : * Quis Sanctus [inter illos] quibuscum loquor, quisve scelestus P Ad quem ſadhaeret] Impius [Spiritus]? Vel ille-ne Malus [Spiritus ipse est] qui, mihi infensus, Tuas benedictiones impetit? Quomodo ille non-[sit]? Ipse ſenim] mala cogitat [to keep the word- play, we should have to substitute “spirat']’—i.e., is not my opponent, who attacks thy teaching, ‘the very devil himself,’ as we might say P The play on Ahrö [Mainyus P] and ahrö mainyeté seems to suggest itself. The difference between angrö and anrö requires more elucidation. I fancy there is a good deal behind it all.” 138 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM ferred them to the world of evil. One passage in Ys 32 may be specially recalled, to show how fresh and keen was the feeling that connected the Daëvas with their nomadic worshippers, true ancestors of the savage Kurds of to-day. Zara- thushtra (1.**) fiercely attacks them as “seed of Bad Thought, of the Lie, and of Arrogance,” and their followers are as bad. They have “long been known by [their] deeds in the seventh Karşvar of the earth,” the habitable abode of men : For ye have brought it to pass that men who do the worst things shall be called “beloved of the Daëvas.” An old Vedic compound, devăjusta (Gathic daevö- zušta), is here suggestive of the manner in which the old gods fell from their high estate. It was the term used by these robber hordes of themselves as they commended their raids to heaven for the success they asked of their patrons there. No wonder their victims charged upon these divinities the wrongs their votaries inflicted. The Daëva are of course by their name the Indo- European *deivös, known by this title from east to furthest west of our speech area." A recent sensa- tional discovery shows us the names of their chiefs, as worshipped by Aryans of some kind as far north as Cappadocia in the fourteenth century B.C. I deal 1 Skt devă, Lat. deus and divos, Lith. devas, Old Icel. (pl.) tivar (cf. Tuesday), Old Ir. dia, etc. From a derivative adjective, with weakened root, which makes it equally derivable from *dyāus (Zeiſs Dies-piter, etc.), comes 870s, Lat. dius, Skt divyā. The unrelated 6eós (orig. meaning “ghost”) took on many of the functions of *deivos. It may be observed in passing that Šios aiffſip comes very near to Mithra. ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 139 with this matter elsewhere (p. 5–7); and here only observe that if the Mitanni inscription is surprisingly north of India, it is no less surprisingly west of Iran. We have no other Iranian evidence for Varuna ; and the footing of the demons Indra and Nüzhaitya (Năsatyau in Sanskrit, the “Heavenly Twins") in the Avesta is so late and uncertain that we suspected (p. 115) a reimportation, through anti-Hindu polemic, rather than survival. But the remaining name from Boghaz-keui is that of Mithra, and we do not need evidence that he was worshipped everywhere in Iran —except where Zarathushtra had his way ! That Mithra was in Aryan times the twin of Varuna has been already explained (p. 61); and I have noted the question whether this does not mean that Ahura is the Pollux of these Dioscuri in Iran, and Mithra the mortal Castor. The total eclipse of the latter in the Gathas and Achaemenian Inscriptions, until his sudden reappearance under Artaxerxes Mnemon, is no accident. Tiele rightly declares" that Zara- thushtra cannot have been unacquainted with him. With the suggestion that he was too warlike for the Prophet I quite agree; but I should not add “aristocratic,” for Mazdah himself decidedly claims this adjective, as we have seen (p. 60). The fact seems to be that Mithra had two sides, answering to the character of different classes of worshippers. On one side he was, as we saw (p. 63 f.), pre-eminently the god of Compacts, an exceedingly ethical deity of whom Zarathushtra need not have been ashamed. When the now dominant Magi restored him, wisely recognising the fact that the people had never given * Religionsgesch., 241. 140 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM up his cult, it was exclusively his nobler side that was preserved, as already pictured in the Yasht that bears his name. But Mithra was not only Dius Fidius. Whatever the origin of the duality, he was also on the way to the Sol Invictus of Mithraism, and in the character of a mighty warrior was adored by robber hordes who had no use for a god of good faith. It was in this capacity, I take it, that Zarathushtra knew him best. He was one of the divinities “for whose sake the Karapan and the Usij gave the cattle to violence.” No wonder, then, if Zarathushtra trans- ferred to his shadowy Asha the patronage of Truth and Justice which Mithra seemed to have abjured under an “infatuation,” to “rush off into violence ’’ and take the part of the evil power. We may also bring in, I think, the powerful attraction of monotheism upon the Prophet's mind. The great Ahura of Wisdom, who had been enthroned perhaps for generations in his own aristocratic clan, seemed to leave no room for a second, not to speak of an equal: all functions and attributes of deity met within his personality, and other “Lords” were only a part of himself. Mithra held too great a place in the popular theology to be reduced to a mere attribute of Mazdah. He must therefore go. In no Gatha that the priests have preserved for us is Mithra named or hinted at. If even a fairly definite allusion had occurred, like one or two stern references to the drunkenness which hurled the followers of another * Ys 4429. Karapan (akin to Skt kalpa, “rite ”) is a teacher or priest hostile to the Mazdayasna. Usij (Skt. upāj) seems to have meant nearly the same. Both names, associated inseparably with the deva-daeva cultus, have shared its degeneration. ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 141 daiva, Haoma, against Zarathushtra's long-suffering agriculturists, we may well doubt whether the hymn containing it would have kept its place in the yasna of a later day. But I cannot resist the con- clusion that Mithra does come under the Prophet's ban, as a member of the Iranian pantheon which he dethroned because it had proved itself ethically unequal to the demand his own conscience made upon the conception of God." In this way, we may suppose, the cleavage between Mazdayasna and daevayasma came into being. The Gathas are full of the signs of a great conflict. Chieftains and priests or teachers are named who vehemently flung themselves against the heresy that thus outraged the old gods. A time of failure and persecution leaves its record in the despairing cry of Ys 46. Neither high nor low will own the * I ought to point out that my view of Mithra in Zarathushtra's thought goes very little beyond that of our two leading German Iranists. Geldner says (Enc. Brit." xxviii. 104.1): “Other powers of light, such as Mitra the god of day (Iranian Mithra), survived unforgotten in popular belief till the later system incorporated them in the angelic body. The authentic doctrine of the Gāthās had no room either for the cult of Mithra or for that of the Haoma.” Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1185) says the same : “Ich nehme an, dass M. in der strenggaraöuštrischen Lehre als Gottheit nicht anerkannt war, ebenso wenig wie z. B. Haoma. Da aber der Glaube an M. im Volke zu fest wurzelte, waren die Priester späterhin genötigt, Seine Verehrung zuzulassen.” Mithra, then, did not belong to the Magdayasna : must he not fall to the daevayasna P Or are we to father on Zarathushtra the system described by Plutarch (p. 399, below), by which Mithra becomes an “intermediary” (uegºrms) between Light and Darkness, dwelling as it were in the Hamistakán limbo 2 I think my alternative is simpler, and its difficulty is re- duced by recognising a better and a baser side in the conception of Mithra. Imagine Zarathushtra assisting at a taurobolium ! 142 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Prophet, and the rulers of the land follow the Lie: he has but few cattle and few folk. But at last the tide turned with the conversion of Vishtaspa and his nobles, and Zarathushtra can concentrate on his missionary work among the misguided people who would not accept the Reform. His triumph within his own lifetime was probably limited to aristocratic circles, unless we may believe that he won over the farmers and graziers in whose interests he spoke so constantly. “The ruder dačva-cult [held] its ground among the uncivilised nomad tribes,” says Geldner ; and as the Yashts abundantly show, the divinities included in it were soon installed as angels in the Mazdayasna, under sanction of Zarathushtra's authority, and with nothing sacrificed except their collective name. So hard is it to reform a religion The gods of polytheism may be cast down to hell; but they need only change their designation to be back in heaven again, with a new colleague in the very Prophet who had protested so strenuously in his lifetime that God is One ! From the doctrine of spiritual powers that originate and perpetuate evil we turn in due course to ask what Zarathushtra understood evil to be. Naturally “the Lie" came first. False and degrading views of God, and of what God demands from man, were to his profound and yet intensely practical mind the darkest of sins, because of what they produced. A religion that made Truth its centre could not be content with requirements touching only the exter- nals of life. The triad of Thought, Word, Deed is perpetual in the Gathas, and holds its own through- out the history of Zoroastrianism. Darmesteter (OA ZARATHUSHTRA'S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 143 p. 8 ff.) insisted upon the close parallelism between the Avestan triad (humata, hīxta, hwarşta) and three Vedic terms (sumati, sükta, Sukrta), two of which are verbally identical" and all identical in literal meaning, “good thought, good word, good deed.” Now the Vedic words are, as Darmesteter goes on to show, purely ceremonial : they mean respectively prayer, hymn, and sacrifice. He argues that in the prehistoric Aryan their equivalents—which were, however, not brought into close relation outside the Iranian area— had a similar liturgical meaning and retained it in the Avesta. If it were not for the Gathas, this would be fairly plausible : it is at least not incongruous in the later Avesta. But the whole atmosphere of their author's thought seems alien to any such develop- ment. It is the association of the three that makes them so important, and this is admittedly Iranian, and may be safely set down to Zarathushtra, in whose use of the triad there is absolutely nothing to suggest that it has hardened into mere ritual. What are we to make of the antithetic triad of ill thoughts, ill words, ill deeds, or the neutral with no qualifica- tion (manah, vacah, śyaotºma) : We must follow the simple and obvious interpretation, and note that Zarathushtra made good and evil alike to be functions of the three parts of human life. Right thoughts of God and duty, right words to comrades in the faith, right actions, which meant mostly the zealous per- formance of a farmer's varied work—such were the virtues which were destined to give the follower of Asha a happy passage over the Bridge of Doom into * Though for this purpose it is not indifferent that sumati and humata are in distinct declensions. 144 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the House of Song. And even so the guilt of heresy, lying, or cruel words to the faithful, deeds of oppres- sion or lust or blood, weighted the scale against the soul at judgement. I have let fall a phrase the expansion of which belongs to my next Lecture; but there is an application of it which is in place here. What provision does Zarathushtra make for the annulling of sin 2 The answer appears to be that there is none, except the piling up of a credit balance of good thoughts, words, and actions. If a sinner turns from his evil way and does what is just and right, he shall save his soul alive—if he can crowd into the rest of his life merit enough to outweigh his sin.” And if a righteous man falls into evil ways, his future will depend on the time he spends in accumulating liabilities. Zarathushtra's practical mind was so concentrated on the supreme importance of securing right conduct that he did not discover the superior importance of character as the fount of conduct. But the fact that we can detect shortcomings in his system will not blind us to the immense step he took when he taught that God is pleased not by futile offerings but by practical benevolence and a life unspotted by the world. Zarathushtra's ideals in ethics and religion can be illustrated by an examination of the two adjectives which everywhere sum up all that is good. The epithet which belongs peculiarly to Mazdah and his associate spirits is sponta, usually rendered “holy,” 1 The similar procedure in Persian jurisprudence should be recalled: a man accused of a crime was (at least in theory) judged by his whole record, and if his merits outweighed his crime he was. acquitted. See Herodotus i. 137 (p. 397 below). ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 145 and often found in comparative and superlative degree (spanyah, spâništa). It is found in the Gathas applied to Mazdah himself, to his Spirit, to Aramaiti, and to pious men. In the Haptanghaiti first appears the specific title “holy immortals " (amośa sponta), which became the ordinary name of the Six Spirits of Mazdah. The exact connotation of sponta has been a subject of debate. Its historical identity with the Lithuanian Szveſitas, “holy,” cannot be questioned, nor the relation of them both to Gothic humsl, “sacrifice,” Old English hiſsel (Shakespeare's un- houseled). But there is believed to be some ground from Parsi tradition for regarding “beneficent” as nearer the meaning in the Avesta. It may have arisen from association with another verb meaning “to benefit,” which in its present stem sounds very much like it: there is actually a Gathic verse (Ys 51*, see p. 387) where we find sponto . . . ašom spânvat, “a holy man . . . advances Right.” Bartholomae, who stoutly defends “holy,” regards this as an intentional paronomasia. I should prefer to think of a popular etymology helping to colour the sense of the word. But, even apart from this, the tendency of thought was strong enough to make the idea of ritual holiness or purity pass quickly out of sight in favour of the practical and ethical connotation.” The antithesis of sponta is angra in the notable verse already quoted ; and Bartholomae, whom we find inventing a new word on occasion to improve an antithesis,” ought to * Sav, whence the future participle saośyant. * Dr Casartelli compares the development of a moral meaning in French sage, originally only “one who knows.” * See Ys 304, below (p. 349 f.). 10 146 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM appreciate our argument that “holier " and “hostile” are not sufficiently in the same plane. His objec- tion (Air Wb, 1621) largely rests on the assumption that we cannot accept the meaning “beneficent” for the Avestan word without cutting it off from its cognates in Lithuanian, Slavonic, and Germanic. I do not see that the consequence is necessary: we have only to suppose the connotation of an Iranian word for “holy” altered towards “beneficent,” partly by popular etymology, and partly by the practical bent of Zarathushtra's mind and teaching. I have already dealt with the central conception of Asha, “Right,” and therefore may only mention here the fact that a good man is pre-eminently described as ağavan, “one who has Asha.” The epithet is used of the heavenly world as well. The man after Zara- thushtra's heart is he who holds Truth in thought and word and deed, the man of right belief, right speech, and right action, in opposition to the “man of the Lie.” The title is on the same lines as those just suggested for “holiness.” For all the profundity of Zarathushtra's thinking—and it is perhaps mainly this which has made it hard for a few great scholars to put his date back as far as seems necessary—he was intensely alive to the practical realities of life; and there was a singular absence of the mystical element about his teaching. A little more of it might perhaps have helped his re- ligion to secure a much larger part in human history. A more conspicuous absence is that of asceticism, which cuts him off strikingly from spiritual kinship with India—where, by the way, we may well believe that our Aryan blood was not responsible for a phenomenon safely to be credited to the indigenous ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 147 population. Zarathushtra never dreamed of any merit in celibacy. One of his Gathas celebrates the wedding of his daughter, and he was himself married more than once. The Vendidad was quite in his spirit when it declared (4" f.) that the married is far above the celibate, the man with children above him who has none, the man who eats meat above him who fasts. We are told how the Sassanian king Yazdgard was indignant at the contrast between the sanity of Parsism and the morbid tendencies of a Christianity which had largely forgotten the Gospels." No speculative Gnosticism in Zarathushtra's dogmatics taught the inherent evil of matter. This is the more significant in that, as Prof. Söderblom well points out,” there is a strongly marked dualism of matter and spirit visible throughout the Avesta. In the Gathas we have “this life here of body and that of thought” (Ys 43°); and the antithesis continues through the whole series of Parsi scriptures. But we find that the division of the world between good and evil cuts right across the other division. In the Yashts we read of “spiritual and corporeal yazata "; and we find that “Azhi Dahāka is in the corporeal world the representative of Angra Mainyu who is by nature mainyava, ‘spiritual.’” So in the Vendidad (8”) we find the question asked: Who is absolutely a dačva 2 Who is before death a dačva 2 Who changes after death into a spiritual dačva f (The answer is the human being who has practised * See Darmesteter, SBE, iv.2 46 n. On the strong anti-ascetic tendency in all ages of Parsism see Prof. Söderblom's excellent article in ERE, ii. 105 f. * Les Fravashis, p. 60 f. * Söderblom, op. cit., 61 ; see references in his notes. I48 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM unnatural vice.) The contrast between this and the Greek dualism, with its tendency to make the two categories coincide, and the Judaic antithesis of the present and the future, is of great importance when we examine the relations between these independent systems of thought. Zarathushtra's position here is, of course, most important for his fixing of the rules of conduct, as we saw just now. Every creature of the Wise Lord was good, and nothing to be rejected: that alone was evil which was created by his foe. I have used the word “dualism,” though, as we saw above (p. 125 f.), it is not strictly applicable to Zarathushtra's Doctrine of Evil. The optimist out- look which assured men of the ultimate triumph of Good will be the chief subject of the next Lecture. #Meanwhile we have to go back to the beginning of things, and ask how Sin entered the world, bringing death and all our woe. One all too brief verse in the Gathas tells us of the Fall. It would seem that here Zarathushtra made use of an old Iranian folk-story, adapting it to his own doctrinal purpose, much as the author of the third chapter of Genesis is usually sup- posed to have done. In Ys 32° Zarathushtra says: To these sinners belonged, 'tis said, Yima also, son of Vivahvant, who, desiring to satisfy mortals, gave our people portions of beef to eat. Three stanzas before this the Daevas are said to have “defrauded men of good life and immortality.” Yima, the Indian Yama, seems to have been in the Aryan period the first man, though in the sagas of later Parsism he was apparently deprived of this primacy. His own name probably means “twin,” and he is a “son of the sky,” as twins often are in folk- ZARATHUSHTRA'S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 149 lore; for his father's name (“shining abroad") is clearly a cult-epithet of the bright sky. To render his subjects immortal he gave them to eat forbidden food, being deceived by the Daevas. Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1866) quotes Pahlavi tradition that Yima made them immortal during his reign by giving them flesh. If that is an independent form of an old Iranian story, Zarathushtra has significantly brought in a moral judgement against an act not reprobated in the myth that came to him. To snatch immortality before Mazdah's own good time was sin. This is a very striking developinent. It is noteworthy that Firdausi makes Yima's sin consist in his pretending to be a god. The connexion of this grasping at immortality with the eating G5 forbidden food suggests a reference to the belief that at the Regeneration Mithra is to make men immortal by giving them to eat the fat of the primeval Ox or Cow from whose slain body, according to the Aryan myths adopted by Mithraism, mankind was first created. The Gathic stanzas imply seemingly that the act was one of sinful presumption, inspired by the Daevas—and especially by Mithra himself, if my view of him is justified—and that the demons who tempted him to the act defrauded men of its expected consequence. The Later Avesta, which makes Yima's sin consist in yielding to lies, describes his punishment as the loss of the Kingly Glory. In its three forms—those of the priest, the warrior, and the labourer—it succes- sively fled from him (Yt 19° f.) in the form of a bird. When he saw the Glory vanish, Yima Khshaeta, noble shepherd, Bushed he round distraught, and smitten By his foes on earth he laid him. I 50 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM He became a wanderer on the face of the earth, and was at last sawn asunder by his wicked brother Spityura. The relations between this Fall-story and that in Genesis will occupy our attention later. It is unfortunate that we have so brief and obscure accounts of a doctrine which to all appearance had high ethical value." We must pass on to deal rather succinctly with the doctrine of evil found in the Later Avesta, and the ethics resulting from it. The purely Iranian stratum contributes relatively little. Prof. Otto Schrader well remarks” that the “Ifeawenly ones” of Indo- European religion had less to do with morality than the ancestor spirits. They were the Sondergötter of spheres far less concerned with human action than were the spirits of men's ancestors that always hovered within range. We are prepared to believe that the deva-dačva worship was on a lower plane morally than that of the asura-ahura, which originated in the ancestor cult; and, as we have seen, it is essentially the dačvayasma that inspires the Yashts, though the name has departed from the yazata who are honoured there. The one conspicuous exception to the rule is Mithra. The complex question of the origin and development of this great yazata is discussed else- where.” Here I will only point out that the higher ethical features of Mithra have been collected in the Mithra Yasht so as to present a divinity who might 1 There are some interesting notes in Darmesteter, LeZA, ii. 624. He cites the self-glorification of Yima in the Shahnameh, and he gives references for a Talmudic adaptation of the story for King Solomon. 2 ERE, ii., art. “Aryan Religion "-noted above, p. 74. 8 See p. 62–67. ZARATHUSHTRA’S DOCTRINE OF EVIL 151 be worshipped even by those who had to a large extent absorbed Zarathushtra's teaching. His ethical nobility may even have helped the return of his associates, none of whom, however, can be said to share it to any large extent. Mithra stands for Truth and compact- keeping between men. This in the Gathas is in the province of Asha ; but we can hardly wonder that so shadowy an abstraction was ousted by a splendid figure like Mithra, who satisfied the craving of humanity for a god that could come within man's sphere. The invincible, unsleeping divinity, whom none can outwit or escape, will crush the man who “breaks a compact” or “tries to deceive Mithra’’:— both these expressions meet in the original miðrö-druff, which we may spell with large or small initial as we please, since miðra is a “compact” as well as the god who protects it. This is an element quite in the Gathic spirit, heightening our suspicion that in the Mithra cult of the Avesta the Iranian priests—who were not yet the Magi—deliberately re-minted the gold there was in the old worship, in strong and intentional opposition to that crude and barbaric mythology which was afterwards to develop into Mithraism as we know it. But we must postpone speculation. It suffices here to note that the universal duty of Truth covers the very heretic—an ethical advance even on the Gathas. The hymn opens with a fine stanza which I may repeat here: – Spitama, break not the promise” Made with sinner, made with faithful Comrade in thy Law, for Mithra Stands for sinner, stands for faithful. 1 From ERPP, 137, where note other extracts from Yt 10. 2 Miðrom. 152 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM The contributions of the Magian stratum to the regulation of Parsi conduct are very abundant, but they cannot be said to add much of any value to the ethics of the Gathas, while they unmistakably do not a little to spoil their high ideal. As so often happens when the prophets of a religion give place to priests, the outward and ritual side of it is exaggerated till all perspective is lost. We have in the Vendidad passage after passage where sins are catalogued with their appropriate penalties, and we marvel at the triviality of those that get the hardest measure. It is a most deadly thing if a man who cuts his hair or nails does not properly dispose of the cuttings or parings." To kill a water-dog (otter) deserves ten thousand stripes, apparently repeated with two instruments, though the point is hardly of practical moment; and if the sinner survives he is to offer ten thousand libations, kill ten thousand land-frogs, and do sundry other acts of righteousness which would absorb quite a large proportion of his time. Offences against ritual and against moral purity are treated as of about equal seriousness. Against this we have the fact that, in however vague and onesided a way, the makers of the Vendidad did realise the possibility of repentance, atonement, and remission. Dastur Dhalla's account of the Parsi provision for expiation and atonement” shows clearly enough that the very idea of it does not belong to the “Early Zoroastrianism * with which I am concerned : it starts with the latest Avestan texts * A very interesting and primitive tabu, for which cf. J. G. Frazer, Golden Bough", i. 57, etc. These cuttings were capable of being used against their former owner so as to cause him grievous harm. 2 ERE, v. 664–6. ZARATHUSHTRA'S DOCTRINE OF EV and only becomes systematic in Sassanian Pars. As elsewhere stated (p. 144), the only remedy fo sins was overweighting them with merit. The Magian insistence on ritual purity included the stern denunciation of most forms of sexual vice, though we naturally take their emphasis on the next-of-kin marriage as a serious offset. They inculcated industry with excellent decisiveness. The demon of Sloth, called by the expressive name “Going-to-be,” is to be vigorously abjured when she keeps men abed in the morning. Cruelty to animals of Ahura's creation is denounced through a whole gamut of possible variations. Alms-giving to the faithful is a supremely great virtue, as Parsis have well shown in practice to this day. It is a pity that so many good things should be overweighted and pushed out of sight by tiresome and foolish ritual, sometimes nothing less than disgusting — that prayer should harden into mechanical repetition of formulae—that the Gathas themselves, still chanted in a dialect obsolete for ages, should have sunk into mere spells, the exact pro- nunciation of their words achieving what their author sought by pure life and diligence in an honourable calling. But, after all, it is the line on which all religions begin the downward way, and Parsism never lost the upward look and the striving for better things. * A hint of pardon in another life may be seen in Ys 514: see note there. * Bºšyasta, derived from the future participle of the verb “to be.” LECTURE V THE LAST THINGS Each man's work shall be made manifest; for the Day shall declare it, because it is revealed in Fire. And the Fire itself shall prove each man's work of what sort it is. PAUL. THE later stages of thought in Israel before the rise of Christianity were before all things characterised by the growth of apocalyptic. The line of distinction between apocalypse and prophecy is fairly definite. Prophecy is concerned with the will of God for the present and the immediate future. In apocalypse the future contemplated belongs to another order. This present world inspires too little hope for the kindling of high religious enthusiasm; and the faith of men who fervently believe in the omnipotence and the perfect justice of God comforts itself by the assurance of a theodicy beyond the veil that only death can draw aside. Israel’s, however, was not the earliest literature to develop apocalyptic. Without attempting to discuss any views as to the actual contact of two systems of thought and the influence of one upon the other, we may note the fact that centuries before the earliest Jewish writings of this kind Zarathushtra was expressing in difficult but quite unmistakable language the conceptions I have 154 THE LAST THINGs I 55 described. Pictorial representation of a future soon to be realised, though not in this world, supplied for him constantly the inspiration of his appeal to men that they should choose the Right and resist the Lie, for so it would be well with them when at last the justice of God won its final triumph. For thus we must begin, linking on the subject of this Lecture with the last. I showed that if Zara- thushtra's doctrine of evil is fairly called dualistic at all, it is only so for the present aeon : when time has run its appointed course the powers of darkness will be broken, and broken for ever. “The Kingdom will come, and the omnipotence of Right will be established, no more to be challenged. We should note, however, that the reward of righteousness is not put off wholly to the other side of death. There is a quaint stanza in which the Prophet asks Ahura whether in this life he will attain the reward, “ten mares, a stallion, and a camel,” besides Salvation and Immortality in the life to come. For, as he goes on to declare, a man who refuses to give a promised reward to one who has earned it will merit punishment here, as well as hereafter (Y& 44*). Similarly he promises (Ys 46”) a pair of cows in calf to him who deserves the Future Life. We may probably also interpret on the same line the declaration in Ys 34” that the reward of “the wisdom that exalts communities” shall be given by the Ahuras “to the bodily life” of the pastoral folk. But the grim facts of this world drove Zarathushtra to rely mainly on the Future, however wistfully he may pray for some earnest of that Future here and now. Nothing but a great theodicy, to come in God's good time, will adequately compensate 156 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the peaceful and pious herdsman for all that he has to suffer in the present from savage raids of dačva- yasna. We may take it as fairly clear that the line along which Zarathushtra came to his conception of a better world was that of a powerful conviction of the justice of God. With “Right” at the centre of his doctrine of the Divine, he could not be content with a world in which Wrong seemed for ever on the throne. God is “Lord ” and God is “Wise,” omnipotent and omniscient, and He can never be foiled at the last so that the Right Order succumbs to “the Lie.” Hence, with conditions of suffering and wrong all round him, Zarathushtra is impelled to moralise the conditions of another world, and teach that there the balance will be redressed, the righteous made happy at last, and the violent man finally destroyed. I must recur in my last Lecture to the importance of recognising the forces which seem to have led the Iranian Prophet to his picture of justice triumphant in another world—earliest of all teachers of mankind to bear this witness of God. For the present I must keep to the beaten track, and delineate the details of his eschatological system. The hope of the good man is concentrated essentially on the coming of the Kingdom (xãaôra), which like the other members of the great Hexad is a part of the very being of God. The epithet vairya, “to be desired,” which became a fixed element in the later name of this Amshaspand, crystallises appropriately the attitude of Zarathushtra and his faithful followers towards the great con- summation upon which all their longing was fixed. According to Prof. Jackson's highly probable con- THE LAST THINGS 157 2 jecture, the special association of the “Kingdom' with metals arose from the ayah xSusta, the flood of molten metal which is to be poured forth at the last. The righteous—so the later apocalyptists put it— would pass through the flood as through warm milk, but Ahriman and all who were “ of his portion "' would be consumed. It does not appear, however, that in Zarathushtra's own thought the annihilation of evil and evil beings was contemplated. For him the “House of the Lie" is to be the permanent abode of those who choose here to follow the Lie. It is only in later Parsism that, after the purifying flood has passed through the world, Hell itself will pass away, And leave her dolorous mansions to the peering day. Of course we might legitimately conjecture that here the later eschatology has borrowed from lost Gathas. Zarathushtra is not in the least bound to have been rigidly consistent—no eschatological system ever was or could be consistent and logical. He may very easily have portrayed at one time the wicked destroyed by the molten flood, and the dreary realm of Ahriman purified and added to the Good Creation ; and at another, without any real inconsistency, have declared that the punish- ment of sin would be eternal. In the nature of things both annihilation and eternal punishment would be symbols of profound truths on which the emphasis is laid successively without an attempt to reconcile them. And so would be the third con- ceivable hypothesis, that evil only was destroyed and evil beings saved as through fire. But how far the I Wisdom 224. See Bā 3020 (SBE, v. 126). 158 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Prophet himself wrestled with this problem we have no material for deciding." Before we turn to the future of the individual, we must deal with Zarathushtra's picture of the world as it shall be. The “Consummation * * of the Gathas involves a “Renovation of the World,” “ a divine event towards which the whole creation is moving. It is accomplished by the present labours of “those that will deliver,” the saośyantö." In the Gathas these are simply Zarathushtra himself and his fellow- workers, whom the Prophet's faith pictures as as- suredly leading on an immediate regeneration. The superb conviction with which he anticipates that very soon he himself will attend his faithful followers into the presence of God is characteristic of his whole 1. It is on these lines that I should deal with Prof. Söderblom's. argument (La Vie Future, p. 243), that the idea of the ayah XSusta, as an old Indo-European mythus paralleled in Norse and Greek saga, implies the purification and renewal of the world, so that there is no room for an endless hell. But, unless I am very much astray in my whole argument, Zarathushtra was little disposed to bind himself to ancient mythology. He took it over when it offered symbolism he could use, as we see from the case of the Bridge and the weigh- ing of souls. But he was always ready to give it a totally new meaning. It is thus that I understand the figure of Cinvant, as Zarathushtra's own addition to the old idea of the Bridge. Some- thing like this, I imagine, took place with the “Molten Metal.” Zarathushtra kept the idea, but there was no necessity for him to interpret the myth in any stereotyped fashion. He is so positive and so often insistent on the everlasting torment of the dragvato, that the mere fact of an earlier meaning for the ayah xSusta—taken up again in post-Zarathushtrian ages, as so often happens—proves little against it. I am half inclined to conjecture that the Metal was for him an ordeal, whereby the Separater did his work. * Yāh, with or without the epithet mag or magišta, “great(est).” 8 frašū-korati: the abstract is post-Gathic. For the verb cf. Ys 309. * Future participle of sav, “benefit”: cf. p. 145. THE LAST THINGS 159 tone in proclaiming future destiny. Violence and wrong may hold carnival around him now ; but never does his eye lose the vision of a new heaven and a new earth in which Right shall dwell for evermore. It only enhances the picture when we note the very human wistfulness with which he asks whether the men of Right will not win their victory before then (Ys 48%). In any case the time is not to be long. He hears Mazdah bid him speed his work, for soon the end is coming and the awards of Right will be dealt out to good men and evil (Ys 43*). Zarathushtra was not destined to see in this life the fulfilment of his great hope. We may digress for a moment to notice what happened to his doctrine generations after his death, when his glowing promises seemed to be mocked by the continuance of the present evil world. The successors of Zarathushtra did not abandon the conception of Saoshyant, nor detach him from the great teacher who had taught them to hope. The very name Saoshyant contained the idea of futurity; and in the true spirit of their founder they prepared themselves to wait for one who was yet to come. A mythical symbol was developed by which the future deliverer' was regarded as the 1 His name was Astvat-arata, “incarnate Right’: Bartholomae (Air Wb, 215) compares Ys 4310 astval asom hyāt. (It should be remembered that orota is really the same as ağa, being indeed closer to the Aryan original of the Vedic rta.) This forms a climax after his two precursors, “Increaser of Right” and “Increaser of Worship.” The name fell out of use ultimately in favour of the title saoyant. Cf. Söderblom, La Pie Future, 252: I prefer Bartholomae's interpretation, as restoring symmetry. As Söderblom himself says, the fact that his own rendering (“he who restores the body") is found in Yt 13” does not prove that it is right, 160 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Prophet's true seed, though only to be born ages after he passed away. But in essentials the eschat- ology was unchanged. From the rather vague and general pictures of a renovated world we turn to the much more precise promises and warnings which Zarathushtra has for the individual. The diligent and peaceful husband- man is to find comfort under oppression in the cer- tainty of a blessed future (Ys 28°); and even the “robber horde” may be converted to the religion by this message. He calls his gospel a manthra, an old Aryan word which had always had the suggestion of inspiration about it. Later ages, in India and Iran alike, saw it degenerate into a spell; but Zarathushtra knows no magic—he will only try to convince men by the reasonableness of a message which he knows to be from God. He seems to have taught—though the Gathic texts are far from explicit here—that the merits of the Ashavan were being faithfully recorded day by day, to be brought out at the Last Day. Bartholomae's statement of this teaching may be quoted (Air Wb, 702):- The victory of the world of Ahura over that of the Daevas is secured by the preponderance of good works over evil at the last account: the promised reward is secured for the individual by the preponderance of good in his own personal reckoning. Zarathushtra as “Overlord” (ahil) takes care that none of the faithful man's good works shall be lost, but entered in the account to his credit, and treasured up in Ahura’s “House.” As “Judge” (ratu) he accomplishes the final enfeebling of the world of the Druj, and the final dominion of Ahura Mazdah. He finds the same teaching in the Ahuna Wairya (Ys 27*), the great creed of Parsism, composed after THE LAST THINGS 161 Zarathushtra's day, but at so early a date that the key to its meaning seems to have been mostly lost. We may thus render it, after Bartholomae: - Even as he (Zarathushtra) is the Lord for us to choose, so is he the Judge, according to the Right, he that bringeth the life-works of Good Thought unto Mazdah, and (so) the Dominion unto Ahura, even he whom they made shepherd for the poor.” On this reading of the creed we see the Prophet marked out by Asha, the Right Order of things, to take command of this life, and then at the last to present before God the merits of his faithful followers: Vohu Manah has a practically collective significance, as often. This final work will bring the complete * See his elaborate defence of it in Zum Air Wb, 126–133, where he gives Geldner's translation and his own in parallel columns and discusses differences between them. Geldner's investigation (Studien, 1882, p. 144 f.) laid the foundation of an intelligible explanation of this profoundly difficult text. I should add that Dr Casartelli is not satisfied that the ahit is Zarathushtra and not Mazdah. * It will be advisable to quote Bartholomae's own words, as I have reproduced him rather freely : I add Geldner's version for comparison :- Bartholomae : Wie der beste Oberherr, so der (beste) Richter ist er (námlich Zaraffustra) gemäss dem heiligen Recht, der des guten Sinnes Lebenswerke dem Mazdāh Zubringt, und (so) die Obergewalt dem Ahura, er (Zaraffustra), den sie den Armen als Hirten bestellt haben. Geldmer : Wie er der auserwählte Regent, so wurde er von Aša selbst aus als Lehrer der Welt in den Werken des Vohumanó (der guten Gesinnung) bestellt für Mazda. Und die Herr- schaft gehört dem Ahura, der den Hilfsbedürftigen einen Hirten bestellte. II 162 EARLY ZOBOASTRIANISM victory over Evil, the coming of the Kingdom of God. In the light of this future climax of his work we are to contemplate his preparatory functions in earthly life as “shepherd of the poor,” the oppressed husbandmen whose virtues are at last to win Ahura Mazdāh's reward. Pahlavi books depict a treasure-house (ganj) where works of supererogation were stored for the benefit of those whose credit was inadequate. The idea makes the genuinely Iranian Hamistakán impossible —we are coming to this doctrine presently. It cannot be original, though the treasury in heaven, where merit is safely stored against the Judgement, is a thoroughly Gathic conception; compare Ys 43°, and the statement on p. 160. In close agreement with this lofty ethic is the thought on which the Gathas lay great stress, that the man's own Self (dačná) is the real determiner of his eternal destiny. The ego of the Liars will bring them to hell by their own actions; their soul and their ego will distress them (Ys 31°, 46"). It is very suggestive that Zarathushtra tacitly ignores the part of the human personality which popular belief would have chosen for guardian on the way to paradise. A genius like the Fravashi, which was, so to speak, good ea officio, was not good enough for him." The Self, which became fairer or fouler with every thought, word, or action of the man who owned it, was a fitter guardian angel or attendant fiend. The exquisite 1 The special discussion of the Fravashi doctrine below (Lecture VIII.) deals with the reason why these spirits were only associated with the righteous; see pp. 257–9. There is also a note on the relation between the two (?) words dačná. THE LAST THINGS 163 fragment of the Hadhokht Nask, generally known as Yasht 22, works out this idea entirely in the spirit of the Gathas." We have seen how two constituent elements” of human personality, the urvan and the dačná, fared at death. What about the body ? Among the Persians, it was buried, and covered with wax,” which implied a desire to preserve it, very different from the impli- cation of the Magian dakhma. According to the Later Avesta and the Pahlavi writers—to quote Prof. Jackson's summary *:— The physical constituents of the gač6ā which enter into combination at birth and go into dissolution at death are (1) tanu, or the entire body with its various anatomical portions; (2) ast, the bones or frame; (3) gaya or ustâna, life, vitality, which is lost at death (Vd 5°). Although the corporeal body is resolved into its elements at death, the form (kahrp, tanu) is once more renewed at the Resurrection (Yt 13%, Fragm. 4°); and the individual assumes the new body of the hereafter (Pahl. tană î pasin) at the rejuven- escence or renewal of the world (fraśākarati). The teaching of the Gathas on the resurrection of the body is deduced by Prof. Jackson from Ys 30', where Aramaiti, who presides over the earth, gives “continued life of their bodies, and inde- 1 A free verse paraphrase of this text, so far as it affects the passing of the righteous soul, will be found in my ERPP, at the end: sundry other features of Parsi eschatology are woven in. Bishop Casartelli has also put “Yt 22° into English verse, keep- ing closer to the text: see his Leaves from my Eastern Garden (Market Weighton, 1908). - 2 On the five spiritual constituents of man, found in the Yasht of the Fravashis, see below, p. 256 f. * On this statement see below, p. 202 f., and the note on Herodotus, i. 140, p. 398. 4 Grundriss, ii. 674. 164: EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM structibility.” Since the bodies sleep in her bosom, her bestowal of &p6apata upon them accords well with the character of a genius who cannot con- sistently be associated with corruption. If so, we see opposite deductions from the purity of Earth. The Magi refuse to pollute her with the touch of a dead body. Zarathushtra accounts her to be so charged with life that she gives renewal of life to the corpse that is within her. Only, he does not allow this life-giving power to the material earth, but to the exalted Spirit, a very part of the Creator's being, which watches over the earth He made." In this idea, accordingly, we find Zarathushtra making use of material drawn from the old nature- worship, and adapting it to spiritual use. A more conspicuous example of this practice is found at the next step in the journey of the disembodied soul. Cinvato paratu, the Bridge of the Separater, is mentioned three times in the Gathas,” and often in the Later Avesta, generally as one word, cinvat- poratu, as is natural when it has become a technical term. We have detailed descriptions of it in our later authorities, summarised thus by Bartholomae (Air Wb, 597):- 1 Prof. Söderblom's discussion (La Vie Future, 242) is prior to Prof. Jackson's treatment of the Gathic text, and must be modified in the light of it. He cites de Harlez for the view that even in Yt 19° resurrection is spiritual, and that Pahlavi theology first in- troduced the notion of a resurrectio carnis. He himself thinks that “the resurrection may well have formed part of the theology of the priests of the Gathas, though in the fragments of Gathic literature that have come down to us they had no occasion to speak of it.”— except once, as Prof. Jackson enables us to say, or even twice, as Ys 48" suggests (see note). 2 Ys 5118, 4610, 11. THE LAST THINGS 165 According to Middle Persian books, it goes from the foot of Harburz' on the north to its southern ridge. Underneath the middle of it, which rests on the “Mount of Judgement” (cikat i daitik), lies hell. For the righteous it appears to be 9 spears' or 27 arrows' length across, but for the godless man as narrow as a razor's edge, so that he falls into hell. [A number of references follow.] This picturesque fancy was borrowed by Islam: com- pare Byron's lines, Though on Al-Sirat's arch I stood, That topples o'er the fiery flood, With Paradise within my view, And all its Houris beckoning through. (But Zarathushtra's Paradise had no houris 1) There is no reason to question the antiquity of this de- scription of the Bridge, though it comes to us from late authorities. It is, indeed, likely enough that the germ of it was older even than the Aryan period. There was in Northern mythology a bridge, guarded by a maiden, which led to the home of the dead.” It may have owed its origin to the rainbow, or more probably to the Milky Way. However this may be, Zarathushtra evi- dently concerned himself little enough with the working out of the myth. We trace the hall- mark of his thought in the name, which represents the only part of the idea he cared to retain. As Söderblom acutely points out,” the test of the Bridge is not ethical: it comes down from a time 1 Modern Persian Alburg, a mythical mountain in the Avesta, Hară borozaiti. ? So Prof. H. M. Chadwick in a letter to me: he thinks there is affinity with cinvató porotu. See other parallels in Söderblom, Les Fravashis, 70 f. * Les Fravashis, 70, following de Harlez. 166 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM when vigour and agility which could get over a tight-rope without turning dizzy were qualities for admission into Paradise. Zarathushtra had no use for Blondins, any more than for houris, in his Paradise; and in retaining the Bridge from the popular belief he added a judgement which the soul had to undergo before passing over. Of course, this made the Bridge superfluous, but it also made it a harmless conception : * given the new ethical figure of the “Separater’’ (Cinvant), the Bridge to which he admitted might be retained. In Ys 32" we read how the righteous, whom the sinful com- munity will not have to rule over them, shall be “borne away from them to the dwelling of Good Thought.” This is the separation on which the Gathas insist so strongly. Who is the Cºnvant The answer seems to be supplied decisively by Ys 46” :— Where [in Paradise], O Jamaspa Hvogva, I will recount your wrongs . . . before him who shall separate (vicinaot) the wise and the unwise through Right, his prudent counsellor, even Mazdah Ahura. Minor differences between the translators here, re- ferred to in the note, do not affect the certain inference; and that God should be the Judge of all is what we should expect. But Mazdah is not alone at the Bridge, though his function there is supreme. Zarathushtra himself will be there: as he declares in the same hymn (Ys 46"), he will 1. Cf. Böklen, Pars. Esch, 26: “Sie ist offenbar ein mythologisches Stück, das die Gāthaverfasser tibernommen haben und das für sie nur insoweit Interesse hatte, als sich geistige Vorstellungen damit verknüpfen liess.” THE LAST THINGS 167 plead for his followers as their advocate and then accompany them as their guide. There is also Rashnu, the abstraction of Justice, called razišta, “most just,” in the Later Avesta, where he first appears as the yazata charged with the weighing of the merits and demerits of men before the Bridge. He is specially associated with Mithra and Sraosha, the latter of whom is a Gathic figure. Moreover, the fact that he has only a late and perfunctory Yasht addressed to him rather takes him out of the category of the Yazatas of the un- reformed Iranian religion—the Daevas in the older sense, as we saw above (p. 137 f.): his entirely abstract character goes the same way. Since his functions are very limited, and are only named in a few places in the Gathas, it is perhaps not strange that Sraosha, who stands essentially on the same footing, should appear frequently and Rashnu not at all. But it is equally possible that Rashnu is a later impersonation, conceived in the true spirit of Zarathushtra's system, but after the Gathic canon was closed." Putting Rashnu, then, aside, as at least unprov- able for the period of Zarathushtra, we should add a few points as to the function of the Prophet himself in the Judgement. I spoke of him just now as his followers’ “Advocate” before Mazdah (Ys 46"), and their “Guide” across the Bridge (ib."). But there is a suggestion of more exalted function yet. In Ys 34", at any rate according to the natural 1 Tiele (Religionsgesch., 210) would see Greek influence in the later triad of Judges—Mithra, Sraosha, and Rashnu. I greatly doubt it. 168 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM rendering of the existing text, Zarathushtra declares he “will give Immortality and Right and the Do- minion of Welfare" in Mazdah’s name: see the note there. And in the supremely sacred Ahuna Pairya formula, which cannot be much later than the Gathic period, we have seen that Zarathushtra is declared to be both ahī, and ratu, lord of men's belief and conduct here, and ultimate judge, to present the fruits of his religion before Mazdah. That he will be ratu-Mazdah being ahū–at the Resurrection is to be gathered also from Ys 33' and 31*, the latter of which passages is quite precise. It would seem that Zarathushtra regards himself as filling in the corporeal world the place that Mazdah fills in the spiritual, by virtue of his unquestioning conviction that Mazdah has inspired him to know the truth. His work in the world then is to produce a like conviction in the minds of other men, and by this to reform human life as a whole. As already stated, the ultimate victory of the Good—or in technical language the “Dominion of Ahura Mazdah" — depends on the final preponderance of good thoughts, words, and deeds over evil in the world as a whole. By persuading men to “Obedience,” accordingly, Zarathushtra “brings the Dominion to Mazdah.” If he judges men on their life record, it is as preacher of a revelation which they have accepted or rejected: “the word that I spoke,” he might say, “it shall judge him at the Last Day.” There is nothing in the least incongruous or self-assertive in the Prophet's claim, and certainly nothing to prompt any inference that sentences in which it is made could not have come from his own lips. THE LAST THINGS 169 It may be noted, by the way, that any difficulty which might have been felt as to the apparent coincidence of function between Mazdah and Zara- thushtra at the Judgement is discounted further by the appearance of other names yet. In Ys 43° Sraosha comes as angel of judgement—as in the Later Avesta— followed by treasure-laden Destiny (Aš), who shall render to men severally the destinies of the twofold award. So here, as in many other places, Mazdah's attributes, described as his fellow-Ahuras, perform a function belonging essentially to God in His unity of nature. This is of course sharply differentiated from the sense in which the human teacher acts as judge, as the stanza just cited will itself show when examined as a whole. Two or three other points may be referred to in connexion with the concept of Judgement. A strik- ing anthropomorphic phrase appears in Ys 34", where the separation of “faithful” and “hostile ” is made by “the pointings of the hand.” If Ys 43*(q.v.) refers to the same idea, the hand will be that of Mazdah. Reserving for the present some consequences of the central doctrine of the weighing of men's merits and demerits, we may take up the question of the in- dividual judgement, as contrasted with the general. In his review of Stave's book on the influence of Parsism on Judaism," Prof. Söderblom seems to doubt the emergence of this doctrine as early as the Gathic period. I cannot but feel that this goes rather too far. The figure of the Separater contains every- * Rev. de l'histoire des religions, xl. 266 ff. 170 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM thing essential in the later doctrine of judges who wait by the Bridge; and I should hold rather em- phatically that the Judgement is Zarathushtra's own addition to the eschatological picture. The weighing is no doubt an old Iranian idea. It coincides re- markably with the principle of Persian jurisprudence, whereby an accused man was supposed to be judged on his whole record, and a balance of merits might cancel the offence with which he was charged. And if we are right in recognising Hamistakán in two passages of the Gathas—on which see p. 174 f— it seems essential that we should accept the doctrine of judgement in this form as an integral part of Zarathushtra's own system. From the Bridge the soul of the good man passes into Paradise—according to the Later Avesta through the three heavens of good thought, good word, and good deed. The Gathic name Garð domāma means “House of Praise”: gard answers phonetically to the Sanskrit giras, genitive of gih, and there seems no reason for trying some other equation. Söderblom well compares the fine phrase in Psalm 22°. The name is kept up in the Later Avesta (garönmäna) and in Pahlavi, but its implication is nowhere brought out. If Söderblom's parallel from the Rgveda (x. 135') is more than accidental–songs and flute are heard in Yama's heaven”—we should suppose that Zarathushtra took over this name of heaven from * Söderblom (La Pie Future, 98) makes mān gairá in Ys 284 an equivalent. This is supported by the Pahlavi tradition and Neriosengh (see Mills, Gāthās, 8 f.); but it is difficult to get it out of the text. See the translation below (p. 345), and Air Wb, 514. * Girbhih pariskrtah shows in fact the same word. THE LAST THINGS 17] Aryan antiquity, and did not lay enough stress on it to give us any expansion of the idea. Whether this be so or not, he seems to have created terms of his own which were more in accord with his trend of thought." He likes to dwell on the word “best" (vahišta), which ultimately survived all other names for heaven: it may be read in the new Manichaean fragments from Turfan, and in Modern Persian still. The name of the Amshaspand P'ohſ, or Pahištom Manó describes the paradise where the Best Thought dwells.” It seems fair to claim that Zarathushtra anticipated Marlowe and Milton in the great doctrine that The mind is its own place, and in itself Can make a heaven of hell, a hell of heaven. Sometimes we find “the House of Good Thought” (Ys 30" al.), “the Kingdom of Good Thought.” (Ys 33°), “the Kingdom of blessings” (Ys 28°), “the Pasture of Good Thought” (Ys 33°), “the glorious heritage of Good Thought” (Ys 53°); and we are told in a fine sentence that the way to it is on “the road of Good Thought, built by Right, on which the Selves of the Future Deliverers shall go to the reward ” (Ys 34”). The language used is not quite free from metaphor. The poet longs to “see * Söderblom, following Darmesteter, would add one to the list which I do not venture to give except in a footnote. In Ys 4616, varodomgm was read by the Pahlavi glossator as a compound of varo and doma; and Darmesteter rendered duly “Dans la demeure des voeux comblés.” Bartholomae (Idg. Forsch., x. 10) says the Pahlavi is only an “etymologische Spielerei,” which the French savant has taken au grand sérieuw. He himself makes it an infinitive (Skt vardhman): Geldner renders “in seiner Herrlichkeit.” I confess I rather like the Spielerei, and sympathise with Söderblom. See La Vie Future, 99, and my note on Ys 46 l.c. 2 See below, p. 349, note on Ys 30°. 172 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Right and Good Thought, the throne of mightiest Ahura and the Obedience (srāošom) of Mazdah" (Ys 28°). But there clearly cannot be any approach to a spatial conception of the place where the Wise Lord is throned, when “Obedience to Mazdah " comes as its correlative in the next line. Perhaps the nearest approach to localising the Paradise is in Ys 30°– “the felicity that is with the heavenly lights, which through Right shall be beheld by him that wisely thinks.” But we need not stay to show that this involves no more real localising than when we speak of “heaven” as the abode of the blessed. The Later Avesta made more of this when it stereotyped the phrase anayra raocã, “the Lights without begin- ning.” Yet there too the commoner terms for heaven and hell are vahištö and acištö anhuš, “the Best,” “the Worst Existence.” The Gathic names for hell are of the same mintage. It is the House of the Lie (Druj), and of Worst Thought, the Home of the Daevas, the Worst Existence, and the like. Remorse is the sharpest of the pangs of hell: whoever went on the downward path, his own thoughts, along that rugged way, Pursued, like raging hounds, their father and their prey. But there are more symbols employed here. Hell is full of darkness, sad voices, stench, foul food, and cold. It would seem that the conception of it sprang from the privations of winter on the steppes during the migration southward, when the preciousness of the house-fire made Átar the very symbol of all that was best for man. For the Iranian, hell and the demons were always in the north. The idea of darkness is the distinguishing feature of the House THE I, AST THINGS 173 of the Lie. It is worked out in the later fancy which conceives the damned so close together that they seemed an indistinguishable mass; yet in the dark- ness each ever wails, “I am alone !” The symbolism of Fire was kept out of this eschatology for obvious reasons. It was left to the imagination of Milton to combine the symbols:— A dungeon horrible on all sides round As one great furnace flamed, yet from those flames No light, but rather darkness visible. The picture is quite in the spirit of the Gathas. The basis of the darkness motive was very likely Aryan. In the Rgveda (vii. 104°) hell is a place of darkness in the depths of the earth. We have seen already (p. 128 f.) how the evil spirit was imagined before Zarathushtra to dwell below as “the god underground,” in the phrase of Herodotus. The Prophet, then, is using again imagery made ready for him. But as usual he takes care to stamp it with his own hallmark, and make it clear that imagery is only meant to impress ideas that are wholly of the mind. If ideas of space are left intentionally vague, we soon find that those of time are defined with vivid clearness. There are three different phrases to indicate the duration of future reward and punish- ment. A typical passage is Ys 45'. He whose awards, whereof he ordains, men shall attain whoso are living or have been or shall be. In eternity (amorotaitº) shall the soul (urvâ) of the righteous be happy, in perpetuity (utayiſtā) the torments of the men of the Lie. All this doth Mazdah Ahura appoint by his Dominion. 174 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Here of course we might render “in immortality "; but in Ys 48% we read : That which was long since foretold shall be dealt out in eternity to demons and to men. Amaratät is capable therefore of meaning simply endless existence. The phrase yavôi vispäi, “to all time,” is unmistakable in Ys 46", where it is said of the Karapans and Kavis (pp. 140, 157): Their own soul and their own Self shall torment them when they come to the Bridge of the Separater. To all time will they be guests for the House of the Lie. The same phrase is used of the happiness of the righteous. In the light of these two expressions we can hardly doubt that daraga, “long,” means “eternal” in this connexiom. In Ys 30” “long punishment,” and 31” “the future long age of misery, of darkness, ill food, and crying of woe,” are as clearly endless as in 33° is the “long life” of him who treads “the straight ways unto Right, wherein Mazdah Ahura dwells.” Utayiliti, “perpetuity,” is another word used of both states: see Ys 45", just quoted, and 33°. The future of the righteous and of the wicked is accordingly marked out clearly enough, and the contrast is as that of noon and midnight. So reasonable and practical a thinker was not likely to overlook the fact that a large proportion of men will not easily fall into classes between which there is a great gulf fixed. Since provision was admittedly made for this in later Parsism, the presumption is in favour of the expectation that Zarathushtra would not omit to deal with it. And there are two Gathic passages where the recognition of the Limbo doctrine THE LAST THINGS 175 seems to suit the language and the context better than anything else. I quote them after Bartholomae, to whom belongs the credit of having first found the key: * According as it is with those laws that belong to the present life, so shall the Judge act with most just deed towards the man of the Lie and the man of the Right, and him whose false things and good things balance (Ys 33*: see notes on the passage, p. 358). Zarathushtra is himself the Ratu (Judge) here, though he does not expressly make the claim. Less certain, but with a high degree of probability, is the reference in Ys 48*: He who makes his thought now better now worse, and even so his Self by deed and word, who follows his own inclinations, desires, and choices, his place shall be separate according to thy judgement at the last. The “separate place ’’ here is made explicit in the Later Avestan misva gåtu, “place of the mixed.” It was said to extend Irom the earth to the stars– was this large allowance intended to suggest that 1 Prof. Bartholomae draws my attention to an oversight of mine in ERPP, 98, by which I assigned the Prioritiit to Roth. As a matter of fact, Roth's well-known paper in ZDMG, xxxvii. 223–9, was two years after that of Bartholomae in the same journal (1881), and was written to controvert the criticism of de Harlez. Söder- blom (La Vie Future, 126) thinks the Dasturs read too much into Ys 331, and that Zarathushtra thought as little of Hamistakán when he wrote it as Paul thought of Purgatory in I Cor. 315. Dr Casartelli also thinks the doctrine later (Magdayasnian Religion, p. 194 f). But neither he nor Söderblom had before him Bar- tholomae's treatment of hiſma-myāsaite as from hām (Skt sam, Greek ã–) and the root myas, “mix,” cognate with Skt migró, and ultimately with misceo and pºtyvypt: see Walde, Latein. elym. Wörterbuch?, 488. This brings in L. Av. misvan and Pahl. hamistakán to be etymological as well as semantic associates. 176 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM there would be a preponderance of souls that could not be classified as asavan or as dragvant 2 Souls in this limbo only suffered the changes of temperature due to the seasons, and the Regeneration would bring their dubious position to an end. Later speculations of this nature need not be described ; but one specimen might be noted, the case of Keresåspa. This hero might have been expected to go to Garðnmāna for his exploits in dragon-slaying, related in Yt 19* f. and elsewhere. But he was unfortunate enough to offend the Fire, by attempting cookery on what seemed an island but was really a sea-monster's back. The monster withdrew into the depths, Atar suffering extinction in the process; and “the manly-minded Keresåspa fled affrighted,” though the Pahlavi commentator assures us that he proved his manly-mindedness by keeping his wits under obviously trying circumstances. It seems a little hard that he should be condemned to limbo for an act so unintentionally disrespectful to the majesty of Fire. The story is worth repeating for the patent contrast it affords to the lines of Zara- thushtra's thought. His “middling souls” were, we may be sure, determined on more ethical principles; but the scanty indications of the Gathas are not enough to satisfy our curiosity further. It is interesting to compare Plato's treatment of the same problem in the mythus of the Phaedo, c. 62. Roth compares also a passage in the Koran (Sur. 7) where men of this kind abide on the ridge of the wall separating paradise and hell, content to escape the torments they see on the one side, but full of unquenchable longing for the joys visible on the THE LAST THINGS 177 other. Milton's Paradise of Fools, located on the outermost “sphere” of the Ptolemaic “world,” is another interesting literary parallel. Some other details in Zarathushtra's eschatology will emerge from the reading of the Gathas as given below. What has been said will suffice for a general picture of his system. Later accretions, consistent or incongruous, may be examined in Söderblom's great monograph, in Casartelli's authoritative account of Sassanian Parsism, and in Böklen's suggestive but too ingenious exposition of parallels between Parsi and Jewish eschatology. A few general observations must suffice here. Specifically Magian eschatology was probably limited to speculations as to a new heaven and a new earth. We have the authority of Theopompus for their belief in immortality, but even Theopompus is not nearly ancient enough to guarantee his evidence as applying to Magianism apart from the Iranian and the strictly Zarathushtrian elements which they assimilated. Of course, I must admit in my turn that to prove the absence of an individual eschatology in original Magianism lies outside the evidence. There is one obvious point of view from which Magianism would naturally come to a belief in immortality. Death is conspicuously the creation of Ahriman, one of whose standing epithets is pouru- mahrka, “many-slaying.” Even, then, if immortal- ity formed no part of the original doctrine of the Magi—and it seems to me improbable that it did belong to their system before they took up Zoro- astrianism—it would be commended to them by their tendency to make the world evenly divided between 19 178 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the two opposing powers. Light and darkness, health and sickness, knowledge and ignorance, love and hate —these were antitheses necessarily linked with the conception of Ormazd and Ahriman. Life and death could clearly not be omitted; and the certainly Magian notion of the Supremely polluting power of a corpse would tend to suggest that the good Spirit must annul that which was so conspicuously the triumph of his foe. This, however, only meant that the Magi accepted immortality, not that they inherited a doctrine based on the analogy of nature, like the unreformed Iranian religion, or like Zara- thushtra could contribute original and profound thought to the establishment of the far-reaching conception which was to influence so widely the religious thinking of men. The more character- istically Magian speculations—the flattened earth, the vanishing of shadows, the uniformity of speech, and the like—I have dealt with elsewhere. How far these Magian ideals contribute to the enhancement of happiness in the world that is to be, the reader may judge for himself. Meanwhile, among the Iranian peoples whose belief in a future life Zarathushtra had inherited and developed, the picturesque and mythical side of the doctrine naturally went on gathering new features. The hints of the Gathas were improved upon—if, indeed, we must not generally say that the Gathas have reduced to mere hints elements of mythus already existing, which in post-reformation days re- covered all their old exuberance. For example, the Gathas allude" to the nectar and ambrosia—if we * See Ys 34” and note (p. 363). THE LAST THINGS 179 may translate by familiar terms of another mythology —-on which the blessed are to feast in the House of Praise. It is there, as we should expect, a passing symbol, no more to be taken literally than the “fruit of the vine” which Jesus spoke of drinking in the Kingdom of God. In the Later Avesta there is more precision. The climax of the exquisite descrip- tion of the passage of the soul into the presence of Ahura in the Hadhokht Nask (“Yasht 22”) is the answer from the Throne to the question addressed to the newcomer by one who has arrived before him :— *How didst thou die, O righteous man P. How camest thou, righteous man, from homes stocked with cattle and where birds gather and pair (?), from the corporeal world into the spiritual, from the world of perils into that where perils are not How fell it that the long felicity has come to thee P "Then spake Ahura Mazdah : Ask him not of whom thou art asking, who has come on the awful, painful, distressful path where body and consciousness' part asunder. * Let them bring him food of springtide butter: this is the food of the youth * of good thoughts, good words, good deeds, good Self after death ; this the food for the woman whose good thoughts, good words, good deeds outweigh (the evil), docile, obedient to the authority,” after her death. This raoyna zaramaya is evidently the survival of an Aryan concept, seen in the Indian amrti and the Greek and other Indo-European mythologies. As * Astasca baobanhasca : cf. the five parts of man as described below, p. 256 f. * For the dačná has the form of eternal youth, fixed as that of fifteen years old. 8 Ratu. In the Later Avesta Bartholomae defines it as the spiritual superior assigned to every creature of Ahura, who has to make the decision in all questions, especially of religion. Some- times it keeps its older sense of Judge. See Air Wb, 1498. 180 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM we see elsewhere, the Aryan Sauma (Haoma) belongs to the same category. The antithetic “foul food,” as the most characteristic feature of hell, has met us already in the Gathas (p. 172), and meets us again in the obverse of Yasht 22 (l.”). There are many other things to be learnt from the gem of the Later Avesta from which this quotation comes. I must stay for only one, the registration of a clear sign-manual of Magian work in the exact and mechanical balancing of all its details. As the Yasht has come down to us, a large section of this hideous caricature is missing. Darmesteter (SBE, xxiii. 319 f.) supplies its substance from the Book of Ardà Viräf, the Pahlavi Dante. We should have liked to believe that something sealed the lips of that literary outrage-monger, when he set to the deliberate spoiling of the most beautiful thing in the Avesta. But I do not imagine that poetry was much in the line of the priestly theorists who tried to make Zarathushtra's teaching symmetrical. It may have been only accident that stayed the sacrilegious hand. It is, however, a curious coincidence at least that so much of this balancing seems to have been left un- finished—angels only half provided with fiends to match, and virtues with imperfectly vicious antitheses. It all belongs to the general fact that the syncretism was completed before the Magi had become entirely merged in the Parsi community, having clung too long to their own peculiar uses and beliefs, which were destined to fail of entrance to the closed canon of Sassanian reformed Mazdayasna. Let me close with one reminder affecting a field I have left generally untouched for reasons sufficiently THE LAST THINGS 181 set forth elsewhere. That the religion we know as Mithraism moved on a very different and a very much lower plane than the creed of Zarathushtra has been already made clear; also that most of its primary characteristics were so independent of our Prophet, and so charged with Semitic and other alien ideas, that its study cannot help us in the delineation of the religion with which we are concerned. But it was mostly Aryan mythology that gave Mithraism its doctrine of immortality. The long, stern struggle between Mithra and Christ now lies many centuries back in the past, and nothing but Christmas Day remains to preserve the significant fact that the “Birthday of the Unconquerable Sun" has long been added to the Victor's spoils. We can record then without grudging the value of the testimony of Mithraism as to the wistful hope of humanity. It is faithfully enshrined in Mr Kipling's splendid song, which, if it is far away from Zarathushtra,” would in this regard at least not be unworthy of his thought: Mithras, God of the sunset, low on the Western main, Then descending immortal, immortal to rise again Now when the watch is ended, now when the wine is drawn, Mithras, also a soldier, keep us pure till the dawn Mithras, God of the Midnight, here where the great bull dies, Look on thy children in darkness, oh take our sacrifice Many roads Thou hast fashioned : all of them lead to the Light, Mithras, also a soldier, teach us to die aright ! 1 What Zarathushtra thought of the nocturnal taurobolium, alluded to in the second stanza, is noted on p. 129. LECTURE VI THE MAGI Máyou 88 key optèarat troXAöv róváAAov čvěpátov.–HERODOTUS. WE turn now to what I have provisionally called the non-Aryan stratum in the Avesta. In delineating this I must premise that I am venturing largely off the beaten track of scholarship, and endeavouring to blaze a path for myself through a rather difficult wood. I have indicated already that the Yashts, and kindred parts of the Avesta, represent with tolerable exactness the unreformed Iranian religion. They are posterior to Zarathushtra in time but not in matter, except to a relatively small degree." Like many another great religious reformer, Zarathushtra over- stepped the people's capacity. His success was mainly with the court circle, and depended on the fortunate accident that he discovered a monarch of high character and spiritual receptivity. Of really popular elements his religion had few ; and as soon as the Founder himself and his royal convert were gone, the religious conditions of the people largely reverted to the previous level. Only the Prophet's name remained, and some of the simpler conceptions of his system, which were preserved by the very fact 1 Cf. Bartholomae's dictum (Zum Air Wb, 245): “The Later Avesta contains a great deal that is wholly non-Zoroastrian.” 182 THE MAGI 183 that they were misunderstood, and could therefore be assimilated to other elements of a practically undisturbed polytheism. The systematisation of Zarathushtra's doctrine, in a form that in some of its most serious aspects really approximated to their original, was reserved for the age of the Sassanians. It becomes very clear as we study the Avesta that a mere reversion to Iranian polytheism will not account for all its features. The Yashts and Later Yasna are explained, apart from many passages which proclaim themselves relatively late in the most cursory examination. But the ritual portion, cover- ing nearly all the Vendidad and cognate texts, written wholly in prose, cannot possibly be interpreted from sources that give us Aryan or Iranian religion. Now our classical texts are unanimous in connecting the Persian religion with the name of the Magi. Who were they They are absent altogether from the Avesta, one prose passage excepted, very obviously late; but from Herodotus down they figure con- sistently in Greek and Latin writers as the priests of the Persian religion. He gives us as usual our first and best information. There were six tribes, he says, in Media. All the names have been plausibly inter- preted on Persian lines by Oppert, and again by Carnoy." We are only concerned with two, the 'Apišavrot and the Máyot. The former word is obvious Persian, Ariyazantava, “ having Aryan family”—or perhaps Arisantava, “ having noble family.” We 1 Dr Casartelli has kindly called my attention to an able article by Prof. Carnoy, of Louvain, on “Le Nom des Mages,” Le Muséon, n.s., ix. 121–158 (1908). He discusses afresh the names of the six tribes, regarding them all as Aryan. For 'Apt&avrot he would 184 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM should not allow the word Aryan the wide connota- tion we generally give it: we can hardly believe that five out of the six tribes were non-Aryan, though we may be fairly certain that some of them were. If we take ariya here as denoting the aristocracy we shall probably not be far wrong: the alternative cognate ari of course means this in any case. It will anyhöw mean the same as it does in the Behistan Inscription (not the Old Persian form of it), where Auramazda is “god of the Aryans.” The Magi are accordingly outside the ruling caste: whether they belong to what we call the Aryans or not may be left open for the present. But we might separate the language question, remembering that scientifically we must think of Aryan first as a language term exclusively," with freedom to recognise the prefix ari in Skt ari-gūrta, etc., so that it is equivalent to oi äptortot. Names like 'Aptáortrijs, “with strong horses,” require the original sense of ārya, while such as 'Aptapáðms, “friend of Aryans,” demand the derived. If we say that the word meant “noble,” both in the social and in the deeper sense, we shall probably be near the truth. As I argue in the text, “Aryan" did not mean what we make it mean, in any case. As to Máyot, Prof. Carnoy urges that it must fall into line with the rest, which he has interpreted as names of social castes: his argument is certainly plausible, though we can hardly expect assured proof. He connects it with pºxap, p.mxãvm, Maxãov, which by a careful linguistic analysis he brings into line with the Gothic and Old Irish word discussed in the Excursus below (p. 429). The meaning he reaches is “ celui qui aide, qui travaille à guèrir et a repousser les maux.” This is undoubtedly appropriate to the Magi as shamans; but does it explain the absence of the name from the Avesta as satisfactorily as the explanation I venture below P * E. Meyer (Gesch. d. Alt., iii. 28) thinks ariya in Darius's usage means the Old Persian language: it is to Pârsa what "EXXmy is to Bolotós. But I do not think we must exclude the possibility that others beside the ruling caste spoke Old Persian. Meyer notes that THE MAGI 185 postulate the existence of various different races within the same speech area. It is well then to remember that the Behistan Rock itself, with its three languages, bears witness to Media as a trilingual country. The Susianian or Elamite must have been largely spoken within Media, as there is no reason of State for including it. The Babylonian shows that there was a considerable Semitic population. That Old Persian was also spoken by a section of the common people is highly probable; but it must be allowed that it is the only dialect of the three which might be there as an official language. In Palestine, for example, Aramaic was the native tongue, Greek that of all dealings with the outside world; Latin was there simply as the official language of the government, which was very likely understood by no more than a minute proportion of the Jews. I do not suggest that Old Persian was in the same case in Media ; but it is as well to recall this consideration that we may not overestimate the predominance of Aryan speech there. To this Aryan speech the name of the Magi seems to belong. To summarise here the results of a more technical detached note at the end of this book (p. 428 f.), there appears to be reason to believe that it was a name which the Magi themselves did not use; they kept it out of the Avesta, except in one passage. If the other tribal names of Media are Aryan, as is probable, there is a presumption that this will be. And there happens to be a phonetically exact Indo- in Æschylus, Choeph. 423, "Aptov (ā) means Persian (as the Scholiast explains it); he compares Herod. vii. 62, where it is stated that the Medes used to be called "Aptow. 186 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM European equation available, which, as I read it, will give the meaning “slave.” It was, then, a contemp- tuous title given by Persian conquerors to a subjugated populace, and especially to the caste which had probably been foremost in resistance, as the revolt of Gaumata would lead us to expect. We remember how Cambyses, when he heard of the Magian revolt, adjured those present, and especially the Achaemenians, not to let the kingdom go to the Medes, of whom the Magi are simply a leading tribe." Compare also the notice in Herodotus, cited elsewhere,” as to the popularity of Gaumata with the native population. The historian tells us” that the Persians kept as their greatest feast the Mayoq)óvia," the anniversary of the day when Darius and his Six slew Gaumata, and the Per- sians were only stayed by darkness from massacring all the Magi. On this Persian Fifth of November “no Magian may appear in the light, but they keep within their houses for this day,” having perhaps some reason to fear another pogrom. Ctesias also mentions this commemoration,” which was no doubt intended to remind the subject population of the consequences that would follow if they tempted fortune again with an effort to throw off the yoke. (I must not stay to discuss the possibility that the 1 Herod. iii. 65. * See p. 196. 3 Herod. iii. 79. * So Herodotus: Ctesias (see next note) makes it payodovia. * Gilmore, p. 149, "Ayetau Tois IIéporats opti) tºs playoqovías kaff #y 24,evòaôárms à Máyos dumpmtat. (Was the name Ctesias gives him a religious title, assumed when he ascended the throne P “Maker of holiness (or beneficence)” would be suitable; and though Ctesias did not go to a Persian school, where to &Am6eſſelv was third subject in the curriculum, he can hardly have invented this good Persian name *Spantadāta.) THE MAGI 187 Magophonia had a history behind it, attaching itself to “an old festival of uproarious character” under cover of which Darius and his comrades were enabled to kill Gaumata. It is worked out as a theory, in- volving some exceedingly interesting consequences, by Dr Louis H. Gray in ERE, v. 874 f.) The ubiquitous “rebellions,” which all the energy and resources of Darius were needed to quell, bear eloquent testimony to the strength of the indigenous populace. The 'Apt' avToi were probably the only Median residents who had kinship and sympathy for the Persians. The story of the revolt leaves us, accordingly, with the impression that the Magi were the natural leaders of the indigenous people of Media, whether Aryan or non-Aryan in language. We might even explain along these lines the connexion between Magians and Chaldaeans, which causes con- fusion in some classical writers." This may arise simply from the general belief that the Magi re- presented the native, non-Persian element. Can we find signs of the presence of Magi in the country before the conquest of Cyrus : Our earliest Greek source” makes the Median king Astyages consult “the oneiromancers of the Magi.” This, however, in view of the historian's date, can count for little. But nearly two centuries earlier the Prophet Jeremiah “includes a Rab-Mag among a number of Babylonian officers sent to Jerusalem by Nebuchad- rezzar in 586 B.C. That this means “Archi-magus" is at least the most obvious and natural interpretation; and as it is mostly Semitists who question it, with I See Wilhelm, ZDMG, xliv, (1910), 153. * Herod. i. 107. 3 Jer. 39%.1% 188 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM authority that I should be the last to dispute, I record with satisfaction that “chief soothsayer” is the meaning given in the Oxford Hebrew Lexicon. Moreover, according to Zimmern and Winckler," the name of this official, Nergal-Sharezer,” means “Nergal, protect the King”; and in their account of Nergal they expressly compare Ahriman, who they think owed his origin at least partially to Babylonian myth- ology. The probability that the specially Magian contribution to Avestan religion was coloured by Babylonian ideas is strong, as I shall show later (p. 238–41). I have observed already (p. 135–7) that the Ahriman of the Vendidad is not the figure of the Gathas, from which the Magi selected a casual epithet and turned it into a proper name. The head of a caste of exorcists, who by potent charms can keep the Satan from harming the king, answers remarkably well to the Magi who exercise their apotropaic functions in Plutarch (p. 399 f.). I fancy some of the opposition arises from the axiom roundly stated by Dr Cheyne,” that the Magi “ have no place in Babylonia"—which is just what has to be proved. The opinion of Dr C. H. W. Johns' that the Rab-Mag may have been “Master of the horse in the Assyrian Court” must naturally carry great weight. But perhaps if we can show reason for ex- pecting to find Magi, as a priestly caste, in Babylonia at this date, the objection to the most obvious explanation of the name may disappear. So far, then, we have convergent evidence which 1 Schrader, KAT3, p. 416. * See Dr A. S. Peake, Century Bible, in loc. 3 Enc. Bibl., 4000. * Enc. Bibl., ibid. THE MAGI 189 traces the Magi to Media and Jerusalem respectively during the last generation before the accession of Cyrus. Our next item is not concerned with their name, but with their characteristic cultus, in a detail which we can prove to be peculiar to them. Ezekiel describes in ch. 8 a series of “abominations” taking place in the Temple at Jerusalem, the date being accordingly a little earlier than that at which we have just seen the Chief Magus in the suite of the Assyrian general there: the vision itself is dated 591 B.C., but the practices in question may be either contempo- raneous or earlier. First comes a debased animal- worship; then, as a “greater abomination,” the women weeping for Tammuz ; finally, as greatest abomination of all, some twenty-five men with their backs turned to the Temple, worshipping the sun toward the east, “and lo, they put the branch to their nose.” Inter- preters, from the LXX down, seem to have made nothing out of this last clause. The recognition Of the Magi here supplies a perfectly simple key. Taking Ezekiel's phrase as it stands, we see in the rite a very natural concomitant of sun-worship. In many forms of primitive religion the cultus of sun and of trees is closely united ; and the holding of a bough before the face when worshipping the sun is likely enough to have been the starting-point of the usage, which meets us next in a developed form. Now we have various notices from antiquity which connect the Magi with the ritual use of “rods” (64800). They were said by Deinon" to divine with them : the scholiast who quotes him for us adds that they were I C. 350 B.C. (Müller, Fragm. Hist. Graec., ii. 91). Notice that Deinon does not call them Magi, but “Median soothsayers.” 190 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM of tamarisk. This detail appears in Strabo (xv. 14), who tells us that in Cappadocia the Magi guarded a perpetual fire, before which for an hour every day they chant, Thy deau’v Tóv Šá800V exovires." This would have been recognised without hesitation as the ex- planation of Ezk. 8", " had not the obvious difficulty of seeing Parsism in Jerusalem at the beginning of the sixth century B.C. forced the commentators to look elsewhere. But the very phraseology of the ritual betrays the fact that we are not dealing with Parsism at all, although we are recognising a rite identical with the use of the barsom which Parsi priests still hold to the face as they minister before the sacred fire.” The Avestan barosman is cognate with baraziš, “cushion,” Skt barhis, the carpet of grass on which the flesh of the offering was laid. We have already seen (p. 68 f.) that this form of sacrifice was Persian as well as Indian. In the Avesta, where a bundle of twigs held in the hands is substituted for the mat of tender grass described by Herodotus (p. 394 f. below), the wholly incongruous verb star, “to spread,” is used to describe the putting together of the barsom—a clear reminiscence of the very different usage on which the Magi grafted their own cult instrument. The notice in Ezekiel is reinforced by Dr Gray with a very plausible allusion in Isaiah (17", “cuttings of an alien God”), where, however, the * See the whole passage below, p. 409. - * A full account of the ritual is given by Prof. Mills and Dr L. H. Gray in ERE, ii. 424 f. See also the interesting description of Prof. Jackson (Persia Past and Present, 369 f.), who adds a plate of the fresh green tamarisk sprays he saw thus used by the Parsis at Yezd : the picture takes us nearer to the use of twenty-five centuries ago than any descriptions we have from the interval. THE MAGI 191 context is not so clear. It may be noted, however, that there is a remarkable coincidence with Ezekiel, if we read the Isaiah passage according to Dr Gray's suggestion. The “plantings of Adonis” answer to the Tammuz or Adonis worship in Ezekiel, and the “slips of a strange god” to the “branch held to the nose" by Magian sun-worshippers. Each prophet thus points his denunciation of idolatry by bringing together two heathen cults, and the same two—one that of the vegetation spirit, the other that of the sun, adorned with an emblem which itself showed how closely kin they both were.” That in these Biblical passages the Magian cultus appears in company with usages derived from Baby- lon or other parts of the Semitic world is quite in keeping with probabilities otherwise ascertained : in- digenous dwellers in Media and Babylonia, they had, as we have seen, a definite status in Babylon, as well as at the Median court. Indeed, we may even question whether we are not to seek for their origin further afield. Their most characteristic features are not at all Semitic. The method of disposing of corpses—and there are few racial features more per- manent than those concerning the treatment of the dead—is as little Aryan as it is Semitic, if we are to 1 See Dr G. B. Gray in loc. (Internat. Crit. Comm.), and Prof. J. G. Frazer, Adonis, Atlis, Osiris 2, ch. x. * It will be seen how superfluous is the emendation (?) of the Hebrew text offered by Prof. C. H. Toy in Enc. Bibl., ii. 1463. I should note perhaps that I gave this explanation of the Ezekiel passage in 1892 (The Thinker, ii. 492): I probably got it from Haug, Essays, p. 4. The interpretation is accepted by Prof. Jackson (Persia, l.c.) and Dr L. H. Gray (ERE, ii. 424 n.). So also Mr J. J. Modi, King Solomon's Temple and the Ancient Persians (Bombay, 1908), p. 40. 192 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM determine Aryan custom by the practice of Iranians where it agrees with that of Indo-Aryans. It is characteristic of various barbarous tribes north of the 35th parallel and lying between the 45th and 70th meridian. In Strabo's eleventh book we have at least three cases which have a general similarity. The Massagetae cast out those who have died from disease, to be devoured by wild beasts (p. 513). The Bactrians are somewhat more civilised (utkpov #uspá- Tepa T& Tów BakTptavov [é0m]) than the nomad tribes, but Onesicritus (of Tepi 'Ovmaikpitov), who accompanied Alexander, says that those who were enfeebled by age or illness were cast alive to dogs kept for the purpose, called évraqtaa Tai, and the chief city of the Bactrians is clean outside, but inside is full of dead men's bones. Alexander stopped this custom (p. 517). The Caspii in the Caucasus starved their septua- genarians to death and exposed their bodies in the desert. It was a good sign if birds dragged them from the bier, less good if beasts or dogs: if no creature touched them, they made it a bad sign (kako- 6alpovićoval, p. 520). Two parallels may be quoted from districts lying on or near the frontier of India. Aristobulus (ap. Strabo, p. 714) gives to yun!” (TTea-6a Töv TetexevTmkóta among the customs current in Taxila on the upper Indus, in curious juxtaposition with suttee, for which, however, he does not vouch so positively. It comes also among the Oreitae, a wild mountain tribe in Baluchistan, as noted by Prof. Otto Schrader; and there is an interesting detailed resemblance in the accompanying ritual." In ancient * ER.E., ii. 16, quoting Diodorus, xvii. 105 : “the kinsmen of the dead bear forth the bodies, going naked and carrying spears. THE MAGI 193 India, Prof. Rhys Davids observes,” “people exposed corpses to be destroyed by decay and birds and beasts. Children, bhikkus, kings, and Brahmans were burnt. Burial is not mentioned.” As there is nothing answering to this in Europe, we have no reason to suppose that the practice was Indo-European. It is not likely therefore to be proto-Aryan, even though found among nomad tribes speaking Aryan languages: it seems essentially aboriginal. The same may be said of other Magian practices. We may safely regard them as an aboriginal folk, who retained under the influence of religion usages which were generated in a low state of culture. They gained, it would seem, a reputation for occult powers among tribes more advanced than themselves; and the retention of their characteristic customs was bound up with this reputation and the profitable results of it. That an inferior race may enjoy such privileges as power- ful shamans, can be shown from parallels elsewhere.” Prof. J. G. Frazer cites for me the case of the Kur- umbas on the Nilgiri Hills. These aborigines are employed as priests by the Badagas, who dread them Having laid the corpse in a coppice such as they have in their country, they strip off the apparel (köopov) that is on it, and leave the dead man's body to be devoured by wild beasts.” A corpse-bearer in the Vendidad (81%) must be naked : modern usage understands this to mean that he must substitute “Dakhma clothes” (Darmesteter in loc.). The stripping of the corpse itself is also (naturally) a feature of the Parsi procedure. See the full account by Prof. Söderblom in ERE, iv. 502–5, where other savage parallels are cited. 1 In a letter to me (Oct. 1912): he refers to his Buddhist India, pp. 78–80. “The period is about 6th century B.C. to 3rd century A.D.” * I repeat here some material from my paper in the Transactions of the Third International Congress for the History of Religions (Oxford, 1908), ii. 92. 13 194 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM intensely, though strong enough to have perpetrated Mayo pova on a large scale when convinced that the Kurumbas were bewitching them. Similarly in New Guinea “the Motu (immigrants) employ the Koitapu (aborigines) as sorcerers to heal their sick, to give them fine weather, etc. The aboriginals, as such, are believed to have full powers over the elements.” Of course, the Magi may well have risen in the scale of culture since they first secured this reputation for mysterious power: the parallel case of the Brahmans in India will serve as an illustration. The success of these foreign shamans in securing a monopoly of the priesthood for a cultus wholly alien to their own is no difficulty when we consider the conditions. The Aryan Medes and Persians had known them for gener- ations as skilled magicians and occultists; and when they volunteered for the work of the Persian à0ravan and zaotar, which was confined to no special class,” the people would feel that they had a special guarantee of correct and effective ritual. It would be like the case of Micah, who exclaimed, “Now know I that Yahweh will do me good, seeing I have a Levite to my priest’” (Judges 17*). He could have performed the ritual himself, but it would now be much more certain to secure what he wished from it. At this point it will be well to leave the Greek sources for the Persian. The Behistan Inscription tells us in detail about the usurpation of Gaumata the Magus, who pretended to be Bardiya (2.Épéis in Greek), the younger son of Cyrus. Darius says that Bardiya was slain by Cambyses, his brother, the people not knowing of it. When Cambyses went to Egypt, * Cf. Ys 11° and 101" (Geiger). THE MAGI 195 “the Lie" broke out in Persia, Media, and the other provinces. Gaumata appeared from Pishiyâuvădă, from the mountain Arkadri: the former is often supposed to be IIaa’apyáðat in Persia. All the people went over to him, and Cambyses slew himself. The Sovranty which Gaumata thus took from Cambyses had been from long time past in the Achaemenian family. No one, Persian or Mede or Achaemenian, could depose Gaumata, whom the people feared, lest he should slay the many who had known the real Bardiya. At last Darius called on Auramazda for help, and it was given: “with few men’’ he slew Gaumata and his foremost allies, in the Median province of Nisãya. Darius names his six comrades in the perilous enterprise towards the end of the Inscription (iv. 18). Here, as in the other essentials of the story, Herodotus is accurate, except for one of the six Persians' names, and the omission of the name of Gaumata, who is simply “the Magus.” And even in the name which Herodotus wrongly inserts among the Six, we find that his mistake lay only in promoting too high a man who in an inscription at Nakš-i-rustam (NR d) figures as “bow-bearer (?) of Darius.” It is clear that the historian was remarkably well supplied with authentic evidence as to events lying two genera- tions before his own day. One or two of Darius's comments on Gaumata may be noted before we pass on. It is said that Darius restored “sanctuaries which Gaumata the Magian destroyed.” I have discussed elsewhere the nature of these ſiyadanā, which are not necessarily to be taken as shrines of the king's own religion. The Magian usurper, as was natural in a priest seizing 196 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM temporal power, seems to have tried to stamp out the invading Aryan cultus, and very likely Semitic worship as well, so as to leave the indigenous cult without rival. Darius in restoring the temples of other religions, together perhaps with his own, was only acting with the statesmanlike tolerance we have seen in him already. Darius mentions four other restorations he accomplished, but these seem to be unconnected with religion. From Herodotus (iii. 67) we add the significant statement that the Magian “did great benefits to all his subjects, so that when he died he was lamented by all in Asia except the Persians themselves”—that is, presumably, the Aryan minority, whose unwelcome yoke the aboriginal Medes thought they had shaken off." The long succession of revolts which Darius had to quell within the first year or two after his accession has already been called as evidence that the Achaemenian House had no popularity to start with : after eight years of Cambyses this was not strange. The Magian's usurpation was essentially an attempt to regain the ascendancy his caste had enjoyed under Median kings: see Hat. i. 120. As we have seen, it is not much less than a century later when we begin to hear of the Magi again. I have been using Herodotus already, but only for the history of a political event: what he tells us about the religious position of the Magi evidently comes from observation in a later period. From the first the Greek writers assume that the Magi were priests, with special skill in divination and oneiromancy. They were already essential for all priestly acts, and * The historian shows he had information from popular sources, and not only from nobles. THE MAGI 197 identified thoroughly with the Persian religious system. Moreover, from the fourth century down there are frequent allusions to Zoroaster himself as a Magus, and many of the foremost modern authori- ties have accepted this as probably true. It is, of course, admitted that no such assertion is made about him till between two and three centuries after the traditional date of his death, which, as we have seen (p. 17 f.), is the minimum antiquity we can allow him. In that period there was plenty of time for a mistaken identification to arise; and if my general theory is right the Magi would of course make it a central point of their policy to claim the Founder as one of themselves. Their chance of regaining power, of winning the position which Herodotus so truthfully makes them claim in their conversation with Astyages, was obviously—when the direct method of Gaumata had failed—to persuade the people that they were necessary to them for the due performance of the rites of a common religion. For this purpose they had to minimise the differences between their own religion and that into which they tried to insinuate themselves. Their ancient reputation as a sacred caste, already secure for many generations among the non-Aryan Medes, would win them easy entrance among the followers of a religion which in those days was ready to receive proselytes from any race." Once thus established, they would point out that Zara- thushtra, who had certainly performed some priestly functions (p. 116), was a Magus, and had handed 1 In the Gathas we have the Turanian Fryāna accepted by Zarathushtra as one of the faithful. See Ys 461%, and Wilhelm's notes, ZDMG, xliv. 151. 198 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM down to them sacred lore. The guardianship of the Gathas would be claimed by them, and readily con- ceded when the Magian bona fides was once accepted. And so the enlargement of the Avesta, by the addition of a codified Law, was only a matter of time. We shall not, I think, be far wrong if we assume for a working hypothesis that the verse parts of the Avesta were preserved by them and the prose parts composed by them. At present it will be enough to point out how entirely congruous the ritual element in the Avesta is with the general character of Magian religion, and how incongruous with the spirit of the Yashts, still more with that of the Gathas. Incongruities in detail will come out as we proceed. First, however, let me try to present the features of Magian religion which the priests could emphasise as common to them and the adherents of Iranian Mazdayasna. The picture of pure Magianism which we have secured from Ezekiel (p. 189 f.) includes sun- worship with eastward position, and the use of the barsom. Now this last, as we have seen, is an adapta- tion of Iranian usage. If we may take “the branch" literally, original Magian use involved holding a bough up to the face during the act of adoration towards the sun. The symbolism is obvious and natural. The Magi found the adherents of the un- reformed Iranian cultus laying their offerings on a carefully strewn carpet of green stalks. They had only to emphasise the sacredness of this baraziš," and so gather a number of these stalks in the hand to present before the deity: the application of a variant * I assume that the Iranian word once meant what its Indian equivalent meant. THE MAGI 199 form of the old name completed the identification, and the old use faded away before it. Not imneedi- ately, however, for we remember that it was still in vogue among the Persians when Herodotus was gathering information, though the Magi had long established themselves in the monopoly of priesthood. That will serve to remind us how cautious they were in attempting to innovate. Of course we may leave open the possibility that in some other part of Iran the barsom was in earlier use. The Sun would be an obvious link to bind together religions even more distinct than the Magian and the Iranian, reformed or unreformed. One difficulty may be named. In Herodotus (vii. 37) the Magi comfort Xerxes in his alarm at the portent of a solar eclipse by telling him that the sun was Tpoôéktop for the Greeks, but the moon for themselves. This seems to imply simply that divination in Hellas depended on the sun—were they relying on the solar elements (real or apparent) in Apollo 7–and among the Persians on the moon. In Babylonian religion Sin (the moon) takes precedence of Shamash (the sun), but this will hardly help us. More to the point is perhaps the importance of the moon in its connexion with the Urkuh. Could we be more assured of the antiquity of the identification of Soma and the moon, we might regard this as a hopeful solution. I cannot suggest anything com- pletely satisfactory, assuming that the historian's notice is correct: it is too strange to have been in- vented. But perhaps we may infer that in any case the sagacious Magi were depending on a Persian connotation of the moon as foretelling the future, 1 Jastrow, Relig. of Babylonia (1898), 68. 200 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM leaving us free to believe that their own reverence was paid primarily to the sun. The sun, of course, took one of the first places of honour in all the phases of religion that we are discussing now ; and we do not need to assume that it was the first place for all purposes that was assigned to the moon in these words, but only a special connexion with divination. Since the Magi were so specially concerned with interpretation of dreams, there is appropriateness in the function assigned to the queen of the night. Closely akin to this is the honour paid to Fire. This was one of the proto-Aryan divinities, as appears from Herodotus (i. 131), and from the Vedic cult of Agni. Zarathushtra himself had re- tained this element in the religion, in so far that he had made Fire the foremost emblem of Deity, and the instrument of the eschatological “Regenera- tion.” If then the Magi were in any sense fire- worshippers—to the same extent, for example, as the Scyths, with whom the Magi, if Iranians," may * It should not, perhaps, be assumed too confidently that the Scyths were Iranian in anything but language. Prof. J. G. Frazer (Adonis, Attis, Osiris 4, 246) says that “the Scythians seem to have been a Mongolian people.” He brings an exceedingly close Mongolian parallel for the ghastly funeral custom ascribed by Herodotus (iv. 71 f.) to the Scyths. As an argument for the Mongolian affinity of the Scythians, it is discounted by other near parallels—Chinese, Patagonian, etc. — quoted in this context by Dr Frazer: he does not however cite the custom in proof of the affinity, which he simply states, without reasons, as probable. But it must be noted against this that Prof. O. Schrader, who on such a subject has paramount authority, speaks of “the Scythians, who, ethnographically, seem to represent a part of the primitive Iranian race, left behind or scattered westward, and who remained in more primitive conditions of culture” (ERE, ii. 16). THE MAGI 201 well have been kin—they would find here a very obvious point d'appui. Two remaining points of contact may be put together in a sentence drawn from the conclusion of Wilhelm's important paper on “Priests and Heretics in Ancient Iran’’ (ZDMG, xliv. 142–153). He assumes that when the Avesta was written all Iranians were united in the worship of Ahura Mazdah, and perhaps even leaned towards Dualism : but the people of West and South Iran had another form of Dualism in which the cult of the stars took a more conspicuous place than it does in the Avesta. Some of the details here may perhaps invite amend- ment, but the essence of the sentence contains, I think, a central truth. All independent references to the Magi make much of their astrology. It will be remembered that popular etymology interpreted the name of Zarathushtra himself as āq Tpo6/Tms (p. 77). But apart from the special cult of Tishtrya and his fellow-regents, we find very little star-lore in the Avesta : there is, however, just enough to make the connexion. As to Dualism, we saw above (p. 125 f.) that we cannot use the term to describe Zarathushtra's theology, except by defining it in our own way. But the Magi may very well have been real adherents of a dualist view of the world. In the parts of the Avesta which we have provisionally assigned to them, nothing is more patent than the mechanical division of the world between creatures of the good Power and creatures of the evil. There is a very marked difference in spirit from the treat- ment of the subject in the Gathas. As we see elsewhere (p. 131), Zarathushtra's own doctrine of 202 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Evil amounted only to a strengthening of the old Iranian doctrine of Truth as the highest virtue, with Falsehood as the sum of all evil. To that source of every wrong the Prophet attached a descriptive title, Angra Mainyu, which, however, he did not make into a real name. The fiend might almost as well have been called Aéma Dačva ('Aquodafos) on the indications of the Gathas alone. It seems a reasonable conjecture that the Magi commended their own dogma of a division of the world between good and evil powers — a mere relic of animism, which gave birth to a dreary ritual of apotropaic spells — by adapting the Gathic titles of Ahura Mazdah and Angra Mainyu. The latter name, in fact, waited for the Magian counter-reformation to give it currency: its presence is a sure sign not so much of Zarathushtrian religion as of Magian adapta- tion of the same. There are two points in which the classical writers testify with great clearness to a radical difference between the Magi and the Persians. They are ex- pressed together in a sentence of Strabo (p. 735): Toys 3& Máyovs ow 6&TTovartv &XX’ olovo 30%Tovs éða-l' Toſtovs ôé kal Amtpdat avvépxea.0at vevöuta Tat. The first of these may depend on Herodotus (i. 140, see p. 398), though the omission of the dogs, which Herodotus and the Vendidad couple with the carrion birds, may possibly be significant. Strabo may have seen the “Tower of Silence” much as it is to-day, with vultures alone to operate. Herodotus, as we see elsewhere, insists that the Persians bury their dead, after cover- ing them over with wax, possibly as a preserva- tive: he is very emphatic on the difference here THE MAGI 203 between Magi and Persians. This, of course, en- tirely agrees with the patent fact that the Achae- menian Kings themselves were buried. We may add another instance of burial from Herodotus, vii. 117. While Xerxes was at Acanthus, a member of the Achaemenian house named Artachaees died, a man of immense stature and powerful voice. All the army joined to make a barrow for him, and he was buried with great pomp. In obedience to an oracle the Acanthians sacrifice to him &s ſpot, étrovouáčovres to otvoua. One is tempted to recognise here the familiar sacrifice of the Yashts, aoxto- múmana yasna, “with a worship in which the name is invoked.” As a foil to these genuine Iranian usages, we have the tremendous emphasis with which the Vendidad thunders against any defiling of the sacred earth or sacred waters by contact with a corpse. In Farg. 1* the burial of a corpse is a “sin without atonement” (andparoda): it is Angra Mainyu's counter-creation to “the beautiful Harah- waiti” or Arachosia. It is noteworthy that this land, where the Magian writer complains that so heinous a sin is rife, lies on the confines of Iran towards India. In Farg. 3* the joy of Earth is greatest where pious men have dug out most corpses of dogs or men. Quotations could be multiplied. In the original Median folk-tale underlying Tobit we shall see good reason to recognise in the heroes, father and son, the faithful performance of this duty towards the sacred Earth. Here then we can realise with complete assurance the establishment of a rite which belonged peculiarly to the Magi, and did not prevail among orthodox Zoroastrians till after our era, if 204 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM we may judge by Strabo's evidence. Probably we should say till the Sassanian era, for the drastic religious changes which took place under those zealot kings are the first obvious opportunity for an innovation evidently most distasteful. The cor- ollary suggests itself that the prose Vendidad may have been composed in that age: on this see p. 198. The other Magian custom horrified the Greeks to much the same degree. If Xanthus Lydus can be relied upon, they knew of it as a peculiarity of the Magi as early as the fifth century B.C." This is rather doubtfully endorsed by Herodotus when he remarks (iii. 31) that before Cambyses the Persians were not wont to marry their sisters. The form of the phrase rather suggests that Herodotus knew such a practice to be current at a later time. But he does not mention the Magi in connexion with this, and his silence suggests that he did not know of the practice as one prescribed by any body of teachers in the Persian Empire. The Xanthus fragment, decidedly our earliest witness for Greek knowledge of the matter, suggests some suspicion through the exaggeration of the statement: it may even mean that Xanthus also knew of Magian practice only by * Ap. Clem. Alex., Strom., iii. § 1 I (p. 515): utyvvvrat 88, bnoriv, oi pºdyot pºſtpdori kai 6vyatpāori KTA. The extract, said to come from the Mayuká, goes on to accuse the Magi of practical promiscuity. Müller (Fragm. Hist. Graec., i. 43) declares the fragment inconsistent with that preserved by Nicolaus Damascenus. I do not quite see why. But there are weaker points about it than this. On the authenticity of the Xanthus fragments in general, see the note on Diogenes Prooem, below, p. 412. Naturally, the fragments need not be accepted or rejected en bloc : we may claim liberty to take them one at a time. THE MAGI 205 hearsay. Probably the Magi began their propaganda generations later, whatever their private practice was. In regard of this custom, modern Parsism, which has preserved the dakhma — an eminently Sanitary, inexpensive, and even decorous provision in a country where vultures may be commanded, how- ever repulsive on the first impression—has repudiated the khvetuk-das as heartily as any outsider could expect. The fullest argument against the imputa- tion that incestuous marriages were belauded as a religious duty, whether in the Avesta or in the Pahlavi books, may be seen in a monograph by the distinguished editor of the Dinkart, Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana, Neat-of-kin Marriages in Old Irān (London, 1888). It must be admitted, I fear, that the learned Dastur's argument against the evidence of classical authors is hardly capable of carrying the weight laid on it." The hostile judge- ments upon the credibility of Herodotus, cited by him, have long ago vanished as fuller knowledge has shown us how remarkably good was the historian's information. And to cut out as a gloss the above- quoted statement of Strabo is a heroic expedient which only betrays the Parsi scholar's exceedingly pardonable, bias. I cannot stop to discuss the matter here in its later developments, for Sassanian practice * See the criticism of Dr Casartelli, in the Babylonian and Oriental Record, 1889–continued in 1890. The bulk of the paper is a discussion of the strange Vedic hymn (Rv, x. 10), in which Yami woos her brother Yama, just as Yimak woos Yim in a Pahlavi Rivāyet translated by West (SBE, xviii. 418 f.). Dr Casartelli infers that this late Vedic hymn is an attack upon a custom known to prevail in some neighbouring race—one, as I should put it, which was closely akin to the Magi. 206 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM | lies outside my period. Indeed, on my own defini- tion the Vendidad ought likewise to be passed over, since it seems highly probable that this part of it is Sassanian. But an actual Avestan passage can hardly be overlooked. Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1860– where see literature) is very positive that the institu- tion is known to the Avesta. Under X"ačtvada6a he gives the etymology X'aétu, “kin,” and vada6a, “marriage,” despite Justi's objection. So far I do not see how to question his case, but I would note that the word does not occur in any Avestan text that has a claim to come from the earlier age: I should myself be prepared to put the passages quite late. But when Prof. Bartholomae proceeds (Air Wb, 1822) to make Queen Hutaosa the sister as well as wife of Vishtaspa, and to find evidence not only in the Pahlavi literature but in Yt 15*, I feel the greatest doubt of the inference. In this Yasht passage—which is metrical—Hutaosa “ of the many brothers, of the Naotara house,” prays to Vayu that she may be “dear and loved and well received in the house of King Vishtaspa.” Should we not infer that she was about to enter that house for the first time, as a bride : It is stated that both Vishtaspa and his Queen belonged to the Naotara family." That would not make them brother and sister; and Darmesteter further remarks that the Bundahish (31*) excluded | Vishtaspa is called by implication a member of the Naotairye in Yt 5*, a verse passage. The clan pray to Anahita for swift horses, and receive the gift—“Vishtaspa became possessed of the swiftest horses in those lands"—by matrimonial alliance with this house, it might be suggested | Vishtaspa's name was enough to bring him in where it was a matter of possessing horses (aspa). THE MAGI - 207 * Clemen rejects this (p. 154). ZARATHUSHTRA AND ISRAEL 329 it remains on the whole probable. The debt, if acknowledged, is small enough. The greatest innovation of post-exilic Judaism was, of course, the doctrine of Immortality. Here again the stimulus of Parsism has been freely assumed. But if my thesis is right, the immortality doctrine of Magians in contact with Israel was very different from Zarathushtra's teaching. The bare fact that the Persians believed death would at last be abolished was not a very powerful encouragement to Jewish thinkers in their great venture; though I would not deny that it may have contributed something. The real lesson lies much deeper, and with it we may close, making no attempt to pursue paral- lels which only become numerous or detailed in a period outside our limits. Zarathushtra's doctrine of Immortality rested on a pure and passionate belief in the justice of God. Successors endowed with his spirit might have developed a serious theology recog- nising adequately the fact of sin and the need of deliverance. But the successors never came. Zara- thushtra is a lonely figure, and the mere fact that Israel has a “goodly fellowship ’’ of prophets to set against his solitariness is quite enough to explain the sequel. We might compare him with individuals in the long line and gladly count him worthy to stand among the greatest of them. But had he stood out above them all, he could not have prepared for the establishment of a world religion. It was Carthage that accounted for the failure of Hannibal : it was Iran that made Zarathushtra a voice of one crying in the wilderness where but few could hear. The interpreters of Zarathushtra busied themselves with 330 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM explaining the world where they should have tried to save it;" they spent in dreams about its future blessedness the energy that might have produced a diagnosis of its deepest needs, and some contribution towards their satisfaction. The result was a shallow optimism from which any real understanding of Zarathushtra himself might have saved them. The very devil against whom they fought was a poor sort of demon after all, contending with plenty of noise but with no sort of success: he could be conquered by muttering a Gatha and killing some frogs. And Evil is a greater and more fearful fact than anything represented in the Magian Ahriman. The shadows were not dark enough because the light had grown dim since Zarathushtra's day. I am loth to criticise the Magi, for I regard them as worthy of high respect. On a far lower plane than their Prophet, they stand far above most other teachers of their day; and I hope I have made clear the preciousness of their gift when they came to Saoshyant with gold and frankincense and myrrh. Yet at best their myrrh was but an anodyne for a sickness that called for stern surgery. The King of the Jews had no use for it when He came to the supreme task. He promised Paradise with dying breath to a forgiven sinner, and the word came from Persia.” But Persia, even in Zarathushtra's own doctrine, could not fathom the depths of truth * Here again Prof. Jackson would enter a plea for the “energy” of the Magi. He also queries my estimate of Ahriman as an “ ineffectual angel” of darkness. * Av. pairidaeza (*treptroixos), “walled enclosure,” hence (in Persian) “park.” It is curious to compare the conspicuousness of the encircling wall in Milton's picture of Eden. ZARATHUSHTRA AND ISRAEL 331 which that word was taught to convey. It was great to realise a theodicy, to be assured that the wrongs of life will be righted for ever by a Divine Judge who will deal justly with all. But Israel learnt a profounder lesson still. For the immortality towards which Jewish thought tardily struggled, in days when earthly happiness and prosperity had fled, was more precious even than the assurance that the Judge of all the earth would do right. It was developed through the ever-deepening sense of fellowship with a God who is love, and who cannot suffer the child of His tender mercy to pass into nothingness. It is not strange that the deeper doctrine came so much later to mankind. It was worth waiting for. He was great who taught men faith in God's ultimate justice, even though to-day only a handful of believers guard his sacred fire. They were greater who led men from a Judge to a Father, and prepared for the revelation of a love that shall win the world. APPENDIX TO LECTURE VII THE MAGIAN MATERIAL OF TOBIT THE hypothetical reconstruction referred to in Lecture VII. ad fin. is transferred to the more modest position of an appendix, lest incautious readers should fancy either that I am giving them a scientifically restored document or that I seek for laurels in the unfamiliar field of fiction. My story is only a vehicle for points which can be more easily exhibited in this form. I need only observe by way of preface that the names are chosen from Old Persian, mostly at random, and Avestan words translated into that dialect, on the assumption that the story was thus current. It might of course have circulated in one of the other languages used in Media. The specimens of Magian wisdom which I have put in the mouth of the old man, the hero's father, I have selected often on Pahlavi evidence alone, and I must enter a preliminary caveat against assuming that Magian teachers really used such language at the date when this tale may be supposed to have originated. I claim no more for them than that since Parsi priests some centuries later credited them to antiquity, and they are in keeping with the system established by research, we may plausibly assume - 332 THE MAGIAN MATERIAL OF TOBIT 333 the Magian origin of these as of other elements actually found in our Jewish Book. I proceed, then, to tell my Median folk-tale, which we will call THE STORY OF VAHAUKA It came to pass in the olden time, when Azhi Dahāka overran the land of Media," that Vahauka and his son Vahyazdāta” gained great merit by their zeal for the Religion. For that accursed Daiva- worshipper slew by tens and by hundreds the righteous” of the land, and cast forth their dead bodies to defile the earth and the pure waters. Then did Vahauka and his son go forth together, as the Law ordains, and with them the four-eyed dog that makes the corpse-fiend * to flee; and when they saw the body of a righteous man, they carried it to the top of a hill, and fastened it down there where * Tob. 118; Yt 5% (which connects him with Babylon : above, p. 245). The tyrant has not yet become a serpent. * Two names from Behistan, containing the adj. vahu, “good,” as Tobit and Tobias contain n\p. * I.e. ašavano. * It was deadly sin to do it alone (Pd 3"). The Sag-did (“glance of the dog,” which must have two spots above the eyes) expels the Nasu (= vékus). If a dakhma was not available, the summit of a hill would do (Vd 6*); see the context there (644–51). It may be noted that the “four-eyed dog” appears in the Rgveda (x. 1410, sārameyau gwānau caturaksau), so that the Magi got this congenial item from Aryan sources. The dogs that guard the Bridge (Vd 13", 19°) are also apparently Aryan. If the ethnic affinities of the Magi were with the nomad Iranians, this is quite natural. By “nomad Iranians,” however, I do not mean necessarily tribes of the same blood as the Northern invaders who brought Iranian speech; aboriginals Aryanised in language only will suit the conditions, if these aboriginals had kin in India. 334 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the flesh-eating birds might devour him. And they consecrated the corpse-cakes and partook of them," nigh to the place where they laid the bones in sight of the sun, when the birds had devoured the flesh.” And as they went upon the work they said aloud victorious words, even those that are most fiend- smiting. So they did many days. And one day it befel that as they sat down to meat, and had not yet begun to eat, one brought them word that the corpse of a faithful man lay on the earth beside their door. And they left their meal, and went and put the corpse in a small chamber,” for it was near night- fall, and they could not carry it away. Then they returned and washed themselves with goméº," and ate meat in heaviness. Now, as Vahauka and his son thus did the works of Righteousness, the demons gathered together against them; and as Vahauka lay sleeping that night in his courtyard, being polluted, * I have brought in the “corpse-cake” here because of Tob. 417, which Kohut interpreted by reference to the dron, a small round cake, consecrated and eaten in honour of the dead: see West in SBE, v. 283 f., and Darmesteter in SBE, iv.” 57. It must be noted, however, that Bartholomae (Air Wb, 770) questions the corre- spondence of the Avestan draonah with this M.P. ritual drön. On the corpse-cake in general see Hartland, Legend of Perseus, ii. 288–312. * The rich were to use regular ossuaries (astādān): see Vd 650 f. and Darmesteter's notes. Cf. also Casartelli in Babyl, and Oriental Record for June 1890, and J. J. Modi, Anthropological Papers, p. 7. & Tob. 24; cf. Vd 51% ff., on the rooms for temporary reception of a corpse. 4 Vd 811-18; cf. Tob. 25-9. Wil 887 ff. shows that the cleansing might be complex, if the sag-did had not been performed. So if Vahauka had not had time to complete the ceremony, he would be unclean overnight. THE MAGIAN MATERIAL OF TOBIT 335 they dropped evil charms upon his eyes, and he was made blind. Now before all this came to pass, Vahauka had left in pledge much gold at the house of one Gaubaruva in Raga of Media; and for fear of Azhi Dahāka, the servant of the Lie, he could not go to claim it. And his wealth was diminished by much almsgiving, and by oppression of the evil king; nor could he, being blind, increase his substance. So as the roads were now safe, he bethought him of his gold, and that Vahyazdāta his son should go to Raga to claim it again. And Vahyazdāta was right glad to go, but first he went to seek a travelling companion. But even as he went, there came to meet him a young man, who said to him that he was one of his clan, and that he knew the road to Raga, and the house of Gaubaruva therein. So Vahyazdāta brought the young man to his father, and he covenanted to pay him wages. But before they went on their journey, Vahauka called his son and counselled him thus: “My son, to obtain the costly things of bodily life, never forsake the spiritual life. For Righteousness obtaineth everything good. One may not have at wish the power of a head of house, of community, of clan, of province, or authority over brethren, or well- built frame and well-developed stature. But that desire may be with every man in this bodily life, that he should be most desirous of Righteousness." “Seek thou, my son, a store of good deeds, for this is full of salvation. The ox turns to dust, the horse to dust, silver and gold to dust, the valiant 1. Cf. So far the fragments published by Darmesteter, SBE, iv.” 295, vv. 90, 94, 95–98: Tob. 4*T*. 336 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM strong man to dust, the bodies of all men mingle with the dust. What do not mingle with the dust are the confession that a man recites in this world, and his almsgiving to the holy and righteous." For they shall partake of the vision of the Best Life” who most give alms to the righteous and most care for them. He that gives to a lover of the Lie despises Righteousness by his giving. “Understand fully, my son, what is well done and not well done, and do not to others all that which is not well for thyself.” “My son, thy mother and I are old, and it may be that we shall not long remain in this bodily existence. When we die, see I pray thee that the rite is done to our bodies according to the Law. And for thyself take a wife of the seed of thy fathers, and take not * Here I simply appropriate Darmesteter, SBE, iv.” 383, q.v., for his sources. What follows is from the fragments just quoted, p. 297 of the same volume. Cf. Tob. 47-11, and 17. * The allusion to the “Best Life" is taken from Magian writing of a later time, when they had accepted Zarathushtra's teaching. It seemed best to leave it undisturbed. * Tob. 414-15. The Parsi precepts are from Shāyast-lā-shāyast in SBE, v. 363. There is nothing to prove antiquity about the “five accomplishments owing to religion,” of which I have selected two above. The Pahlavi treatise is conjecturally assigned by West to the seventh century A.D. (op. cit., p. lxv), but he notes that it was mostly a compilation from far older writing. It refers to Christians and Jews (p. 297), and of course may have borrowed this negative Golden Rule from Tobit or Hillel, as far as date goes. But it is at least possible that the material here is old, and it may fairly go into this recon- struction. The precept concerning almsgiving has Avestan authority. In Vd 1887 ff. we read that the refuser of alms to one of the faith- ful is the most prolific father of the offspring of the Druj. To give unasked, to one of the faithful, even the smallest gift, is the way of destroying this accursed progeny. THE MAGIAN MATERIAL OF TOBIT 337 a strange wife, which is not of thy father's kin. For we are children of those who have kept the holy law. Great is the perfection of the next-of-kin marriage.” So when Vahauka had made an end of counselling his son, he sent him away with his blessing, but his mother wept as he departed. And Vahyazdāta and his companion, whose name was Fravartish, came at eventide to the Tigris, and the young man went down to bathe. But a fish demon leaped up and tried to swallow him. Then Fravartish bade him turn and seize the fish, and he dragged it out upon dry land. This done, he told him that he should cut out its heart and liver and gall, which they took with them. So at length they drew nigh unto Raga, where Fravartish took Vahyazdāta to the house of Vaumisa, who was his father's brother. Now Vaumisa had a beautiful daughter, named Utausā, against whom Aishma the Daiva of the murderous spear had raged cruelly; for he had slain seven husbands of hers in the bridal chamber. But Fravartish told Vahyazdāta that Utausã was his kin, whom he was destined to wed in accordance with the holy Law ; * I have used the words of Tob. 41% as they stand, and combined them with a sentence from the Dinkart, ix. 385 (SBE, xxxvii. 273), which professes to describe a fargard of the Warstmānsar Nask of the Avesta. How far the Avesta was really responsible for the Khvétukdas is discussed elsewhere (p. 206 f.). Marriage within the kin, if understood to imply cousins, is very probably latent in Tobit, and may be safely assumed for its Grundschrift. Note how Abraham, who married his half-sister, is expressly named as an example (Gen. 2012). Rebekah was Isaac's first cousin once removed (Gen. 22%); Jacob married his first cousins. Noah, the first example named by Tobit, has in Genesis no stated relationship towards his wife. Tobias was Sarah's first cousin (Tob. 7°), if we take literally the éðexpá of s : the B recension corrected it to Čve!º. 22 338 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM and he promised him that he should overcome the demon. And so it fell, for when Vaumisa knew that Vahyazdāta was his brother's son he gladly gave him his daughter to wife. But the young man took the fish-demon's heart and liver with him into the bridal chamber, where he offered it unto the sacred Fire. And Ātar the son of Auramazda was well pleased therewith ; and by the smell of that enchantment he drove away Aishma the Daiva ; who forthwith fled into Măzana, where the demons dwell, and there Srausha bound him fast. And all the household of Vaumisa rejoiced that Utausā had been affianced to the husband destined for her, and that the demon had been driven away." So when the wedding feast was over, Vahyazdāta prepared to take his wife home to his father's house. He asked Fravartish to go for him to Gaubaruva and bring back the gold; and when he returned with the same they started together on their journey. When they drew near to the place, Fravartish bade Vahyazdāta go forward with him, while Utausā came * For the spell used, see the note below on the further use made of the appurtenances of the fish. In Tobit the demon flees eis rà āvūtata Aiyêtrov (8° B) or āva, eis rà piépm AiyúTTov (N). Kohut suggested that the original was Mázindarān, which a popular mis- reading turned into Dºnsp = Atyvirtos. The s instead of 7 seemed a difficulty to Nöldeke, but it hardly looks like a fatal obstacle. The mountain is suggested by ävo (s), which is more original. For Sraosha binding him we may compare Thraetaona binding Azhi Dahāka on Mt. Dimavend in Mázindarán (SBE, v. 119). Sraosha is the special antagonist of Aeshma. It should be added that a good parallel for the spell is quoted by Robertson Smith from Kazwini (i. 132): “The smell of the smoke of a crocodile's liver cures epilepsy, and that of its dung and gall cure leucoma, which was the cause of Tobit's blindness.” I owe the quotation to the Rev. D. C. Simpson. THE MAGIAN MATERIAI, OF TOBIT 339 on with her maidens; and they took the dog still with them, for they feared lest Vahauka might be dead. But when they saw the old man afar off, Fravartish told the young man to take the gall of the fish-demon in his hand and strike it in his father's eyes when he kissed him. And as soon as he had done this, the enchantment was destroyed, and the old man saw his son plainly with great rejoicing." But now that Vahyazdāta was at home again, the time had come for his travelling companion to depart. So Vahauka called him, and gave him hearty thanks for all the service he had rendered ; and he offered him half of all that his son had brought from Raga. But he said, “I am not a mortal of this bodily existence, but a spirit from the abode of Auramazda. Dost thou remember when thou and thy son did rise from eating to take up from the sacred earth the corpse of a faithful man 2 Lo I am that man's angel,” and I dwell with the seven Immortal Holy Ones” in the abode of Auramazda. Howbeit I came down in the form of that faithful man to bring thee recompense for thy good deed and that of thy son. But now I return again whence I came. So bless ye continually Auramazda and all the Bagúha who are 1 The spell is almost identical with that by which Rustem in the Shāh Nāmeh (vol. i. pp. 256, 260) restores sight to King Kāās and his warriors, blinded by the enchantments of the White Demon. Rustem slays him, and squeezes his heart's blood into their eyes. As we shall see, this use of the demon's heart is transferred to the gall in the Tobit story, but it is completely in keeping. 2 On the folk-motive of the “Grateful Dead Man” see above, p. 248. * See p. 241, above. 340 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM before him, and all the angels of the faithful" who increase the welfare of the world.” And with this the angel vanished, and they all were filled with awe and with gladness. In process of time Vahauka and his wife died in a good old age, and their son performed the rites for them in due order according to the Law. And after this Vahyaz- dāta and Utausã went to dwell in Raga, where were Vaumisa and his wife, and they lived to a good age. But before they died they had joy from hearing how Azhi Dahāka was slain and the kingdom passed to the faithful.” * Fravašayå agaonqm. For the context cf. Tob. 1114 N. * The mistaken reference in the Oxford Apocrypha (i. 201, 223) to my discussion on Tobit as in “excursus to Lecture II.” is due to a rearrangement introduced since the MS. stage, in which Mr Simpson read it. ANNOTATED TEXTS i. The Gāthās. ii. Passages from Greek Authors. (1) Herodotus, i. 131–140. (2) Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, 46, 47. (3) Strabo, xv. iii. 13–15, 17, 20. (4) Diogenes Laertius, Proaemium, vi. 6–9. iii. Excursus. THE GATHAS I HAVE felt it necessary to put before the English student the documents on which any account of Early Zoroastrianism must be primarily based. He can indeed read them in Prof. Mills's version (SBE, xxxi., or the immense monograph “The Five Gathas,” with the Pahlavi and Sanskrit tradition). But the SBE volume was published in 1887, and it is essential that the results of newer work should be presented. My version disclaims originality. Had I the authority which only the life- long specialist can claim, I should still think it the student's right to have before him the results of Prof. Bartholomae, whose massive Lexicon must be for another generation as much a court of final appeal as Justi's was when I began to read Avestan with Cowell. I have not, however, followed him slavishly: all who can read German will naturally study his own version * directly. In particular, I was bound to use Prof. Geldner's latest views as exhibited in the Grundriss d. iran. Philologie and in his invaluable classified collection of Avestan extracts in Prof. Bertholet's Religionsgeschichtliches Lesebuch (Tübingen, 1911). If I have generally leaned towards Bar- - tholomae's view, for all his daring originality, it is mostly because his case is accessible in the Wörterbuch and its appendix; and for the present it may be said at least tentatively to hold the field. To decide judicially between two such experts mon mostrum est. I have endeavoured to keep the same English word for the technical terms, but not because any one word will always represent them. Where these terms are brought in, generally with initial capital to emphasise them, the reader is asked to * Die Gathas des Avesta, Zarathushtra's Vers-Predigten (Strassburg, 1905). 343 344 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM recall the original and the explanations occurring in the body of this work, to which I hope the Index will at once give him reference. The following are the chief:— Ahura Mazdāh: [Wise Lord]—regularly left untranslated, though not without reluctance. - Aśa: Right—hence asavan : righteous. Rightness, Truth, Righteousness, will often come nearer the meaning. Vohii (vahišta) Manah : Good (Best) Thought. Aşağra: Dominion. Kingdom will often be preferable, or Sovranty, Rule. Aramaiti (Armaiti): Piety. Or Devotion. Haurvatāt : Welfare. Or Salvation (see p. 295 m.). Amaratăt: Immortality. Sraoša : Obedience. Aść : Destiny. Gav : Cattle (as indeterminate in gender). But Gäuš wrvan : Ox-soul. Gäuš tašan : Ox-creator. Saośyant : Future Deliverer. Cinvant : Separater. Sponta: Holy. Mainyu : Spirit. Daëmā : Self. Maga: Covenant (?). (See note on Ys 29".) Angra : Enemy. Aéma : Violence. Druj : Lie—hence dragvant: Liar. This is always to be understood in the technical sense “infidel,” i.e. daćva-worshipper. Dačva : Demon—generally left untranslated. I. GATHA AHUNAVAITI Yasna 28 1. With outspread hands in petition for that help, O Mazdah, first of all things I will pray for the works of the holy spirit, O thou the Right, whereby I may please the will of Good Thought and the Ox-soul." * See pp. 97, 303. THE GATHAS–)'s 28 345 2. I who would serve you, O Mazdah Ahura and Good Thought—do ye give through the Right the blessings of both worlds, the bodily and that of Thought, which set the faithful in felicity. - 3. I who would praise you, as never before, Right, and Good Thought, and Mazdah Ahura, and those for whom Piety makes an imperishable Dominion grow : come ye to my help at my call. 4. I who have set my heart on watching over the soul," in union with Good Thought, and as knowing the rewards of Mazdah Ahura for our works, will, while I have power and strength, teach men to seek after Right.” 5. O thou the Right, shall I see thee and Good Thought, as one that knows—the throne of the mightiest Ahura and the Obedience of Mazdah P Through this word (of promise)? on our tongue will we turn the robber horde unto the Greatest. 6. Come thou with Good Thought, give through Right, O Mazdah, as thy gift to Zarathushtra by thy sure words, long- enduring mighty help, and to us,” O Ahura, whereby we may overcome foes.” 7. Grant, O thou the Right, the reward, the blessings of - Good Thought; O Piety, give our desire to Vishtaspa and to me; O thou, Mazdah (Wise one) and Sovran, grant that your" Prophet may perform the word of hearing. 8. The best I ask of thee, O Best, Ahura (Lord) of one will 1 The souls of his people—collective. (See p. 170 m.º.) 2 Truth (Plutarch's &A#9eia) would be nearer here. 3 Mamóra, “spell.” There seems a conscious transformation of a word hitherto used of mere spells, and destined to revert to this baser use. Zarathushtra's “spells” are promises of heaven, by which he will convert the wild nomads to the Truth. 4 As in some other places, the Prophet's followers are the speakers, joining him with themselves as a present leader. Zarathushtra might still be the composer, as in v.’ below. 5 Omitting dwačá for the metre : the MS. text has “the hostilities of the hostile” (Bartholomae in his 1879 text). 6 As often, the plural joins the Amesha with Mazdah. Note how the collocation Mazdā. xSayã-cá brings out the fact that Mazdāh is not yet a mere proper name. It would in some ways be more Satisfactory to keep “the Wise” throughout, and “Lord” for Ahura. - 346 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM with the Best Right," desiring them for the hero Frashaoshtra 2 and myself and for them to whom thou wilt give them, gifts of Good Thought for aye. 9. With these bounties, O Ahura, may we never provoke your wrath, O Mazdah and Right and Best Thought, we who have been eager in bringing you songs of praise. Ye are they that are mightiest to advance desires and the Dominion of Blessings.” 10. The wise whom thou knowest as worthy, for their right (doing) and their good thought, for them do thou fulfil their longing by attainment. For I know words of prayer are effectual with you, which tend to a good matter. 11. I who would thereby preserve Right and Good Thought for evermore, do thou teach me, O Mazdah Ahura, from thy spirit by thy mouth how it will be with the First Life." Yasna 29 1. Unto you" wailed the Ox-soul.” “For whom 7 did ye fashion me? Who created me? Violence” and rapine hath oppressed me, and outrage and might. I have no other herds- man than you: prepare for me then the blessings of pasture.” 1 Asha Vahishta was fixed as a title later : in the Gathas the epithet is free, as it is with Manah. 2 A noble of the Hvogva family, brother of Jämäspa, and son-in-law of Zarathushtra and a chief helper. 3 x3a.0ra savanham, eschatological. Savah is a noun from the verb sav, “bless” or “save,” of which the future participle is Saośyant. 4 Life in this world, also called “corporeal life” or “this life,” as opposed to “future” or “second” or “spiritual life.” He “asks for inspiration that he may set forth the way in which this life may be so lived as to lead on to another” (ERPP, 90, where an alternative rendering is noted). - - - - 5 Ahura with the Amesha around him. 6 Găuș wrvan is a being with much the same relation to cattle on earth that the Fravashis have to men. He complains in the heavenly council of violence done to those on earth whom he represents. 7 “What” seems less likely. The masc. anticipates the answer that the hymn will supply. 8 Aémö, but it is not yet a proper name: it is on the same footing as the synonyms following. After hazască the word româ, “savagery,” is left out for the metre—it may be a gloss. THE GATHAS–Ys 28, 29 347 2. Then the Ox-Creator" asked of the Right: “Hast thou a judge for the Ox, that ye may be able to appoint him zealous tendance as well as fodder 2 Whom do ye will to be his lord,” who may drive off violence” together with the followers of the Lie?” 4 3. To him the Right replied º: “There is for the Ox no helper that can keep harm away. Those yonder" have no knowledge how right-doers act towards the lowly.” (The Oa-Creator) “Strongest of beings is he to whose help I come at call.” 4. (Asha) “Mazdah knoweth best the purposes that have been wrought already by demons and by mortals, and that shall be wrought hereafter. He, Ahura, is the decider. So shall it be as he shall will.” 5. (The Oa-Creator") “To Ahura with outspread hands we twain would pray, my soul and that of the pregnant Cow, so that we twain urge Mazdah with entreaties: Destruction is not for the right-living nor for the cattle-tender, at hands of the Liars.” 6. Then spake Ahura Mazdah himself, who knows the laws, with wisdom: “There is found no lord or judge* according to * It is suggested in ERPP, 91 (q.v. for analysis and further notes) that this genius replaces Mithra. He is not Ahura Mazdah, for he addresses him in this hymn. Bartholomae makes both Gäuš tašan and Gâuš wrvan share the title of Ahura, which belongs also to the Amesha and to Åtar: these nine are named together in Ys 1” and 70%. * Ahwram : the word is a common noun here. * Aéma here comes much nearer personification. * Dragvant, “one who has the Druj,” the standing antithesis to ağavant, “one who has Asha.” s * Asha, as guardian of things as they should be. . But the passage is significant in that even Asha is not high enough for the purpose presently disclosed. Nothing less than Mazdah's own commission will be authority enough for Zarathushtra. 6 I.e. men below. 7 But instead of him we seem to have Gäuš wrvan again, who speaks for a primeval pair, ox and cow. * Ahú and ratu are correlative terms, in the Gathas denoting the prince and the judge respectively, the former executing the judge's decisions. At the final Judgement Mazdah is ahū and Zarathushtra ratw. See p. 160 f. 348 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the Right Order; for the Creator hath formed thee for the cattle- tender and the farmer.” 7. This ordinance about the fat” hath Ahura Mazdah, one in will with the Right, created for the cattle, and the milk for them that crave nourishment, by his command, the holy one. (The Oa and Cow) “Whom hast thou, O Good Thought,” among men who may care for us twain P” 8. (Wohu Manah) “He is known to me here who alone hath heard our commands, even Zarathushtra Spitama: he willeth to make known our thoughts, O Mazdah, and those of the Right. So let us bestow on him charm of speech.” 9. Then the Ox-Soul lamented: “That I must be content with the ineffectual word of an impotent man for my protector, when I wish for one that commands mightily When ever shall there be one who shall give him (the Ox) effectual help ?” 10. (Zarathushtra ) “Do ye, O Ahura, grant them strength, O Right, and that Dominion, O Good Thought, whereby he (the protector) can produce good dwellings and peace, I also have realised thee, Mazdah, as first discoverer of this. 11. Where are Right and Good Thought and Dominion ? So, ye men, acknowledge me, for instruction, Mazdah, for the great society.” 1 The cattle are chattels, and can only appear by their patron, like a woman with her kūptos in Greek law. 2 Mazdah declares that the cattle are divinely appointed to give flesh and milk to men. As Bartholomae observes, the form of expression assumes the hearer's knowledge of the manthra (“ordinance”) stated : the Gatha only mentions it allusively. 3 Cattle were the special province of Wohu Manah, but the Gathas do not emphasise it. * Justi would make the Fravashi of the Prophet interlocutor here. Since the Fravashis are ignored in the Gathas (see p. 264 f.), this should not be admitted without strong reason. And in this symbolic poem it is very natural for Zarathushtra to picture himself joining in the council without raising prosaic questions as to the way in which he could do so. Incident- ally note how consonant with Zarathushtra's own authorship is the depreciatory phrase of v. 9. It is what in Gospel criticism would be called a “Pillar” passage, in Prof. Schmiedel's phrase—one which is guaranteed by the impossibility of later ages inventing it. 5 A rather problematic word, taken by Bartholomae as Zarathushtra's name for his community of followers. But there is great attractiveness in THE GATHAS–Ys 29, 30 349 (The Oa and Cow) “O Ahura, now is help ours: we will be ready to serve those that are of you.” Yasna 30 1. Now will I proclaim to those who will hear the things that the understanding man should remember, for hymns unto Ahura and prayers to Good Thought; also the felicity that is with the heavenly lights, which through Right shall be beheld by him who wisely thinks. 2. Hear with your ears the best things; look upon them with clear-seeing thought, for decision between the two Beliefs, each man for himself before the Great Consummation, bethinking you that it be accomplished to our pleasure. 3. Now the two primal Spirits, who revealed themselves in vision * as Twins,” are the Better and the Bad in thought and word and action. And between these two the wise once chose aright, the foolish not so. 4. And when these twain Spirits came together in the be- ginning, they established Life and Not-Life, and that at the last the Worst Existence shall be to the followers of the Lie, but the Best Thought 4 to him that follows Right. § the argument elaborated by Prof. Carnoy of Louvain in Muséon, n.s. ix. (p. 17 ff. of reprint). He equates maga with Skt. magha in the sense of Tichesse, meaning generally “treasure in heaven,” especially when combined with the adjective great in the “archaic expression ” found here. If Carnoy is right, we must alter the rendering accordingly in Ys 4614, 5111.1%, 53' ; see further the note on Ys 337. * Yūšmavant, lit. “like you,” apparently means “you of the heavenly company,” Mazdah and the spirits with him. * x"afnd Bartholomae equates with Sommó, an exact phonetic equivalent yielding good sense. Geldner (in Religionsgeschichtliches Lesebuch (1910), p. 324) renders “nach ihrem eigenen Wort.” The word occurs in Yt 13104 as “dream,” and often as “sleep.” For a defence of Bartholomae's render- ing against Justi, see Zum Air Wb, 245. * Geldner (l.c.) has now accepted this traditional rendering. Bartholomae remarks that the word occurs in the Pahlavi form in the Dinkart, where West renders “Ohrmazd and Ahraman have been two brothers in one w mb” (SBE, xxxvii. 242). See above, p. 132 f. * Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1133) wishes to recognise a second mamah, “dwel- ling” (wová), to complete the parallelism. It seems very unlikely that the 350 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 5. Of these twain Spirits he that followed the Lie chose doing the worst things; the holiest Spirit chose Right, he that clothes him with the massy heavens as a garment. So likewise they that are fain to please Ahura Mazdah by duti- ful actions. 6. Between these twain the demons also chose not aright, for infatuation came upon them as they took counsel together, so that they chose the Worst Thought. Then they rushed together * to Violence,” that they might enfeeble the world of man. 7. And to him (i.e. mankind) came Dominion, Good Thought, and Right ; and Piety gave continued life of their bodies * and indestructibility, so that by thy retributions through the (molten) metal" he may gain the prize over those others." 8. So when there cometh the punishment of these evil ones, then, O Mazdah, at thy command shall Good Thought establish the Dominion in the Consummation, for those who deliver the Lie, O Ahura, into the hands of Right. 9. So may we be those that make this world advance 17 O familiar collocation vahištam manó should thus change its meaning. In Ys 534 heaven is “the inheritance of Good Thought”; and Humanah was in Later Avestan one of the three heavens that led to the House of Song. * Remembering that the Dačva were the old nature-gods, who got their bad character largely through the predatory behaviour of their devotees, this verse becomes very suggestive; it preserves the memory of a time when the Daevas had not yet fallen. * In L. Av. dvar is a verb peculiar to the dačvan world: see p. 219. * Aéma, semi-personified here. * Prof. A. W. W. Jackson (in JAOS, xv. lix. f.) showed that as Aramaiti . is in special charge of the Earth, this involves the idea of a bodily resurrec- tion for those who sleep in her bosom. We might add that it squares badly with the Magian doctrine that the Earth must not receive the bodies of the dead ; it presumes burial as practised by the Iranians, and notably by the Achaemenian kings. * Ayanhã, which in L. Av. was expanded into ayah x&usta, “molten metal.” It is the flood which is to be poured out on the Last Day, which will burn up all evil, but leave the good unharmed. ° Lit. “become first over them,” rpótos airów—to use the idiom of Hellenistic Greek. * Forašom koronáun ahām; the noun of this verbal phrase, fraśā-komati, becomes in L. Av. a term, techn. for the Regeneration. THE GATHAS–Ys 30, 31 351 Mazdah, and ye other Ahuras, gather together the Assembly,” and thou too the Right, that thoughts may meet where Wisdom is at home.” 10. Then truly on the Lie 4 shall come the destruction of delight”; but they that get them good name shall be partakers in the promised reward in the fair abode of Good Thought, of Mazdah, and of Right. 11. If, O ye mortals, ye mark those commandments that Mazdah hath ordained—of happiness and pain, the long punish- ment for the liars, and blessings for the righteous—then here- after shall ye have bliss. Yasma 31 1. Mindful of your commands, we proclaim words hard for them to hear that after the commands of the Lie destroy the creatures of Right, but most welcome to those that give their heart to Mazdah. 2. If by reason of these things the better part is not in sight for the soul, then will I come to you all as the judge of the parties twain,” whom Ahura Mazdah knoweth, that we may live according to the Right. * By an idiom frequently paralleled in Aryan, “ye Mazdah Ahuras” means “Mazdah and the others (see p. 241) who bear the title Ahura (Lord).” * Probably best taken eschatologically, though Bartholomae renders “Eure Bundesgemossenschaft gewährend.” - * So the tradition, and Mills in SBE. Justi (Idg. Forsch., xviii. (1905–6), Anzeiger 36) defends it satisfactorily, I think. “Wisdom” is really “religion,” in the familiar Old Testament sense : from cisti Zarathushtra named his daughter Pourucista, a ppévipos trap6évos according to the applica- tion of Matt. 25%. The verse becomes a prayer for the speedy coming of the End, when good men's “thoughts” (mandi) would dwell in “Good Thought” or Paradise, where Religion has her eternal home. Bartholomae differs widely, “wo die Einsicht noch Schwankend ist”; Geldner has “wo noch der falsche Glaube besteht.” * That is on the followers of Druj. * Skendô spayabrahyā is very doubtful. Geldner, “der Untergang der Macht (?)”; Mills, “the blow of destruction ”: the tradition made spayabra “army,” and Tiele took it as a proper name of an angel of destruction. My rendering follows Bartholomae, but without any assurance. He com- pares Ys 53°. e ° The followers of Ahura and of the Daevas respectively. Zarathushtra declares himself to be the ratu appointed by Ahura. 352 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 3. What award thou givest by thy Spirit and thy Fire, and hast taught by Right, to the two parties,” and what decision unto the wise—this do thou tell us, Mazdah, that we may know, even with the tongue of thine own mouth, that I may convert all living men. 4. If Right is to be invoked and Mazdah and the other Ahuras,” and Destiny and Piety,” do thou seek for me, O thou Best Thought, the mighty Dominion, by the increase of which we might vanquish the Lie. 5. Tell me therefore what ye, O thou Right, have appointed me as the better portion, for me to determine, to know and to keep in mind, O thou Good Thought—which portion they envy me: tell me of all these things, O Mazdah Ahura, that shall not be or shall be. 6. To him shall the Best fall who as one that knows “speaks to me Right's very word * of Welfare and Immortality,” even that Dominion of Mazdah which Good Thought will prosper for him. 7. He that in the beginning thus thought,” “Let the blessed realms be filled with lights,” he it is that by his wisdom created Right. Those realms that the Best Thought shall possess thou dost prosper, Mazdah, by thy spirit, which, O Ahura, is ever the same. 1 Believers and unbelievers. Geldner tr. “die beiden Schulden,” that is “um Lohn und Strafe zu bestimmen.” * Bartholomae compares with this plural, “the Mazdah Ahuras,” the phrase in the Behistan Inscription, “Auramazda and the other bagas that exist.” So also Xerxes, “Auramazda with the bagas.” He adds that Varuna is found in the plural in the Atharva Veda, meaning, I presume, “Varuna and his associates.” Provided that we limit the Ahuras to Mazdah and the Six, with the other Gathic abstractions of the same class, we do not compromise Zarathushtra's unmistakable monotheism. * Aši in the Gathas represents the eschatological award to good and bad. She is here put in close connexion with Aramaiti, the two nouns standing in the dual as an associated (dvandva) pair. * See p. 118. * Manºra, teaching, doctrine : the word later fell to a mere “spell.” * So Bartholomae renders haurvatātó asahyà amaratatatasca. I am not quite sure that we should not keep the order, with Asha between the other two Amesha—“the word of Welfare, Right, and Immortality.” * Bartholomae links with 6—“dessen der zu Anfang sich das ausdachte.” See some comments on this stanza and the next in ERPP, 85. THE GATHAS–Ys 31 353 8. I conceived of thee, O Mazdah, in my thought that thou, the First, art (also) the Last—that thou art Father of Good Thought, for thus I apprehended thee with mine eye—that thou didst truly create Right, and art the Lord (ahuram) to judge the actions of life. 9. Thine was Piety, thine the Ox-Creator, even wisdom of spirit, O Mazdah Ahura, for that thou didst give (the cattle) choice whether to depend on a husbandman or on one that is no husbandman.” 10. So of the twain it chose for itself the cattle-tending husbandman as its lord according to Right,” the man that advances Good Thought.” He that is no husbandman, O Mazdah, however eager he be, has no part in the good message.” 11. When thou, Mazdah, in the beginning didst create beings and (men's) Selves" by thy Thought, and intelligences—when thou didst make life clothed with body, when (thou madest) actions and teachings, whereby one may exercise choice at one's free will; 12. Then lifts up his voice the false speaker or the true speaker, he that knows or he that knows not, each according to his own heart and thought. Passing from one to another, Piety pleads with the spirit in which there is wavering. 13. Whatsoever open or secret things may be visited with judgement, or what man for a little sin demands the heaviest penalty—of all this through the Right thou art ware, observing them with flashing eye. ! 14. These things I ask thee, Ahura, how they shall come and issue—the requitals that in accord with the records are appointed for the righteous, and those, Mazdah, that belong to the liars, how these shall be when they come to the reckoning. ! Bartholomae notes that Aramaiti and Gâuš tašan are linked because the former has the Earth as province. * The nomad of the dačvayasma, a persistent cattle-raider. 3 Ahuram ağaonam : note here ahura applied to a man, who is for the cattle what Ahura is to mankind. * A good instance of Vohu Manah as lord of cattle. * Humorotöiš (cf. Skt. Smpti) is in etymology and meaning much like ečayyéatov. * Dačná, “the sum of a man's spiritual and religious characteristics” (Bartholomae, Air Wb, 666 : see the whole note). l 23 354 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 15. This I ask, what penalty is for him who seeks to achieve kingship for a liar," for the man of ill deeds, O Ahura, who finds not his living without injury to the husbandman's cattle and men, though he does him no harm. 16. This I ask, whether the understanding man that strives to advance the Dominion over house or district or land by the Right, will be one like thee, O Mazdah Ahura—when he will be and how he will act. - - 17. Whether is greater, the belief of the righteous or of the liar P Let him that knows tell him that knows ; let not him that knows nothing deceive any more. Be to us, O Mazdah Ahura, the teacher of Good Thought. 18. Let none of you listen to the liar's words and commands: he brings house and clan and district and land into misery and destruction. Resist them then with weapon 19. To him should one listen who has the Right in his thought, a healer of life and one that knows—who, O Ahura, can establish the truth of the words of his tongue at will, when by thy red Fire, O Mazdah, the assignment is made to the two parties.” 20. Whoso cometh to the righteous one, far from him shall be the future long age of misery, of darkness, ill food, and crying of Woe! To such an existence, ye liars, shall your own Self bring you by your actions.” 21. Mazdah Ahura by virtue of his absolute lordship will give a perpetuity of communion with Welfare and Immortality and Right, with Dominion, with Good Thought, to him that in spirit and in actions is his friend. * 22. Clear is it to the man of understanding, as one who has. 1 Bartholomae thinks that here and in 18 we have personal allusions to a dačvayasma chief (Bomdva) and a teacher or priest (Grohma) who were foremost in opposing Zarathushtra. * It seems clear (despite Justi in Idg|F, xviii., Anz. 35) that Zarathushtra means himself: he will fulfil his prophetic warnings at the last day, when their truth “is revealed in fire.” For the dual ranayá see Ys 313 above. * After Bartholomae. The ağavan is Zarathushtra. Daragom dyū (cognate with alóv, aevom) no doubt means eternity, but the adjective is not decisive. For “ill food” cf. Ys 4911; for “crying,” Ys 537. Bartholomae takes avaétais vaco (lit, “woe ”-ness of voice) as an abstract from avoi (cf. ovat, vae). For daemd, the Self, see v.”. THE GATHAS–P's 31, 32 355 realised it with his thought. He upholds Right together with the good Dominion by his word and deed. He shall be the most helpful companion for thee, O Mazdah Ahura. Yasna 32 1. Zarathushtra.—And his blessedness, even that of Ahura Mazdah, shall the nobles” strive to attain, his the community? with the brotherhood,” his, ye Daëva, in the manner I declare it. Representatives of the Classes.—As thy messengers, we would keep them far away that are enemies to you.” 2. To them Mazdah Ahura, who is united with Good Thought,” and in goodly fellowship with glorious Right, through Dominion,” made reply: We make choice of your holy good Piety—it shall be ours. 3. Zarathushtra.-But ye, ye Daëvas all, and he" that highly honours you, are seed of the Bad Thought—yea, and of the 1 Bartholomae compares astī with Skt atithi, “guest”: the primary idea will be one living in the same house. * X"aétu, vorazána, and airyaman are, on Bartholomae's scheme, the three ranks of the Zarathushtrian commonwealth : the nobles, the peasants or farmers, and the priests (AirWö,908: see ZAir Wb, 118 f.). Justi (IFAnz, xviii. 39 f.) observes that the airyaman always stands last, “a modesty which the priestly profession has nowhere else shown.” Moreover, he notes that airyaman in the Zend and Pāzend of the Avesta and in Pahlavi literature generally means “servant,” and in Persian “an uninvited guest”— One, there- fore, outside the family. I very much doubt whether there was any priestly order at all in Zarathushtra's system. The exclusion of the old Aryan a0aurvan from the Gathas can hardly be accidental; and in the place where 2aotar occurs (Ys 33°) there is no suggestion that it is a separate order. Justi would put the priests into the x"aétu, with the nobles and citizens. While I do not think airyaman means “priest,” I do not feel satisfied with Justi's “Dienerschaft.” The relation to the Vedic aryaman, and to the divinity which elsewhere in the Veda and Later Avesta attaches to the name, is far from clear. See above, p. 117. * I.e. the Ahuras, Mazdah and the rest, as elsewhere, 4 Cf. Ys 496. 5 XSaôra, as a quasi-personification of the Lordship of Mazdah, becomes the medium of the divine acceptance of the homage of the Zoroastrian community. * Bartholomae regards this as directed definitely at Grohma, the daëvayasnian teacher named in v.” and elsewhere. 356 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Lie and of Arrogance; likewise your deeds, whereby ye have long been known in the seventh region of the earth." 4. For ye have brought it to pass that men who do the worst things shall be called beloved of the Daëvas,” separating them- selves from Good Thought, departing from the will of Mazdah Ahura and from Right. 5. Thereby ye defrauded mankind of happy life and of immortality,” by the deed which he 4 and the Bad Spirit together with Bad Thought and Bad Word taught you, ye Daêvas, and the Liars, so as to ruin (mankind). 6. The many sins, by which he has attained to be known, whether by these it shall be thus,” this thou knowest by the Best Thought, O Ahura, who art mindful of man's desert. In thy Dominion, Mazdah, shall your sentence and that of the Right be passed. 7. None of these sins will the understanding commit, in eagerness to attain the blessing that shall be proclaimed, we know, through the glowing metal"—sins the issue of which, O Ahura Mazdah, thou knowest best. 8. In these sins," we know, Yima was involved, Vivahvant's son, who desiring to satisfy men gave our people flesh of the ox to eat.” From these shall I be separated by thee, O Mazdah, at last. 1 “The central part of the earth, on which men live” (Geldner). 2 Dačvá-zuštå, identical with devăjusta, a compound found in the Rigveda to denote what is “acceptable to the Devas.” The consciousness of the older reputation of the Daëvas is latent. 3. On this see what is said above concerning Yima's Fall, p. 148 f. 4 That is Grahma again. It seems that this complex sentence intends to imply that the human heretic taught the “men of the Druj,” and Aka Mainyu taught the Daëvas. (Geldner's tr., Lesebuch, 324.) 5 As set forth in v.". 6 On the Flood of Molten Metal, see p. 157. 7 Bartholomae and Jackson take ačam ačnapham masc. here, “of these sinners,” though B. makes the identical phrase neut. at the beginning of v.7. This seems to me unlikely ; and as ačná in v.9 must be neuter, I prefer to take it so throughout. 8 See on all this p. 149. It may be observed that Tiele (tr. Nariman, p. 76, or p. 90 f. in the German) argued for a new rendering which involved taking srāvī as active (“Vivanghat, son of Yima [a slip in the English], heard of this punishment”) - THE GATHAS–Ys 32 357 9. The teacher of evil destroys the lore, he by his teachings destroys the design of life, he prevents the possession of Good Thought from being prized. These words of my spirit I wail unto you, O Mazdah, and to the Right. 10. He it is that destroys the lore, who declares that the Ox and the Sun are the worst thing to behold with the eyes," and hath made the pious into liars, and desolates the pastures and lifts his weapon against the righteous man. 11. It is they, the liars, who destroy life, who are mightily determined to deprive matron and master of the enjoyment of their heritage,” in that they would pervert the righteous, O Mazdah, from the Best Thought. 12. Since they by their lore would pervert men from the best doing, Mazdah utters evil against them, who destroy the life of the Ox with shouts of joy, by whom Grehma and his tribe * are preferred to the Right, and the Karapan * and the lordship of them that seek after the Lie. 13. Since Grehma shall attain the realms in the dwelling of the Worst Thought, he and the destroyers of this life, O Mazdah, they shall lament in their longing for the message of thy prophet, who will stay them from beholding of the Right.” 14. To his undoing Grehma and the Kavis" have long devoted their purposes and energies, for they set themselves to help the liar, and that it may be said “The Ox shall 1. According to Bartholomae's convincing exegesis, this points to nocturnal orgies of dačva-worshippers, associated with slaughter of cattle (query, a Mithraic taurobolium) and intoxication with haoma. See further above, p. 129 f. 2 Bartholomae takes this of the heavenly inheritance, comparing kampovouta in Ephes. 5°. This connects well with v.”. 3 Lit. “the Grehmas,” as we say “the Joneses.” This leader of Daëva- worship presides at the orgy. 4 The name denoted priests of the dačvayasna, and is connected with Skt kalpa, “ritual.” 5 The beatific vision, for which they will unavailingly long when it is too late. 6 A name of Iranian chieftains, appropriated (when used separately) to dačvayasna chiefs; but it had become already attached to the names of a dynasty of Mazdean kings, so that the term retains for Kavi Vishtaspa a good connotation. 358 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM be slain, that it may kindle the Averter of Death to help us.” 15. Thereby hath come to ruin the Karapan and the Kavi community, through those whom they will not have to rule over their life. These shall be borne away from them both to the dwelling of Good Thought.” 16. * * * *,” who hast power, O Mazdah Ahura, over him who threatens to be my undoing,” that I may fetter the men of the Lie in their violence against my friends. Yasna 33 1. According as it is with the laws that belong to the present" life, so shall the Judge" act with most just deed towards the man of the Lie and the man of the Right, and him whose false things and good things balance.” º 2. Whoso worketh ill for the liar by word or thought or hands, or converts his dependent to the good—such men meet the will of Ahura Mazdah to his satisfaction. 3. Whoso is most good to the righteous man, be he noble or member of the community or of the brotherhood,” Ahura— or with diligence cares for the cattle, he shall be hereafter in the pasture of Right and Good Thought. 4. I who by my worship would keep far from thee, O Mazdah, * Düraoša is in L. Av. the standing epithet of Haoma, so that we have here a perfectly clear allusion to the old Aryan intoxicant which Zarathushtra banned. * See above, p. 171, and cf. Ys 4819 below. * Two words in this line, usuruyé syascit, defy all reasonable analysis and appear to be corrupt. * Almost the same phrase in Ys 48%. See Air Wb, 763, for construc- tion. * Lit. “former,” as often. * The ratu is Zarathushtra himself, but this does not seriously militate against his authorship. One may compare Matt. 25*. 7 See the discussion of hamistakán, above, p. 175 f., and ERPP, p. 98 f. To the note on p. 175 it may be added that the old reading hamydisaité is altered to hāmamydisaité, from root myas, to mix, in Geldner's great critical edition, with a decided preponderance of MSS. Cf. Ys 48%. * See note on Ys 324. THE GATHAS–Ys 32, 33 359 disobedience and Bad Thought," heresy” from the nobles, and from the community the Lie that is most near,” and from the brotherhood the slanderers, and the worst herdsman from the pasture of the cattle;— 5. I who would invoke thy Obedience as greatest of all at the Consummation,” attaining eternal" life, and the Dominion of Good Thought, and the straight ways unto Right, wherein Mazdah Ahura dwells ; 6. I, as a priest," who would learn the straight (paths) by the Right, would learn by the Best Spirit” how to practise husbandry by that thought in which it is thought of: these Twain of thine,” O Ahura Mazdah, I strive to see and to take counsel with them. w 7. Come hither to me, O ye Best Ones, hither, O Mazdah, in thine own person and visibly, O Right and Good Thought, that I may be heard beyond the limits of the people.* Let the august duties be manifest among us and clearly viewed. 8. Consider ye my matters whereon I am active, O Good Thought, my worship, O Mazdah, towards one like you," and, O thou Right, the words of my praise. Grant, O Welfare and Immortality, your own everlasting blessing.” * Lit. “would worship away.” * tarāmaitim, the converse of aramaiti in usage, whether or no the latter's etymology was rightly assumed. * Druj here is like Darius's drauga, an enemy's violence. * avanhána, Vedic avasāma, “goal” (Ruheort in Grassmann), here of course eschatological, ovvréAsia toû alóvos. ° daragöjyūītīm, as elsewhere, lit. “long life,” but its context regularly justifies the other word. 6 Zaotá, Skt hotar: the L. Av. Göravan is not found in the Gathas, and this old Aryan title only occurs here. See p. 116–8. 7 Note that Vahistom Manó has here become V. Mainyúš. 8 Ashá and Wohu Manah ; cf. Ys. 28%, 47%. 9 Magaonó, which Bartholomae here and in Ys 51* renders “Bündler.” But if Carnoy is right (see note on Ys 2911), it means “the rich,” especially as supporters of the priests (?) and the cultus. I have doubts on this last detail: see p. 116 f. 1. Cf. Ys 2911 and note. X&mdvant, “vestri similis,” always means “one of you Ahuras,” Mazdah with his associates. * That is “welfare and immortality.” 360 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 9. That Spirit of thine, Mazdah, together with the com- fort of the Comrades twain," who dvance the Right, let the Best Thought bring through the Reform wrought by me.” Sure is the support of those twain, whose souls 3.Te OIle. 10. All the pleasures of life which thou holdest, those that were, that are, and that shall be, O Mazdah, according to thy good will apportion them. Through Good Thought advance thou the body, through Dominion and Right at will. 11. The most mighty Ahura Mazdah, and Piety, and Right that blesses our substance, and Good Thought and Dominion —hearken unto me, be merciful to me, when to each man the Recompense comes. 12. Rise up for me, O Ahura, through Piety give strength, through the holiest Spirit give might, O Mazdah, through the good Recompense, through the Right give powerful prowess, through Good Thought give the Reward.” 13. To support me, O thou that seest far onward, do ye assure me the incomparable things of your Dominion, O Ahura, as the Destiny 4 of Good Thought." Holy Piety, teach men's Self the Right. 14. As an offering Zarathushtra brings the life of his own body,” the choiceness of good thought, action, and speech, unto Mazdah, unto the Right, Obedience and Dominion." * Haurvatat and Ameretat, who were named in v.8. * Bartholomae observes (Air Wb, 1107) that Geldner has given at different times three different versions of this passage. His own translation makes good sense, but is far from convincing when confronted with the original. I follow him here, but without any assurance. Maegå mayd, he takes as lit. “through my change”; but maé0á in Ys 311” means “wavering,” which is not a support for the lexicographer's rendering here. * Eschatological, like didá (tr. “recompense”). Cf. Ys. 517. Twice in the G. Hapt. we find “the good fsoratii, the good Aramaiti.” * Aši, an eschatological term meaning much the same as ādā and fsarata. In L. Av. Ashi Wanguhi is a yazata ; see ERPP, 147. 5 Cf. YS 462. * The thought is not unlike Rom. 121. * Zarathushtra brings “Dominion” to Mazdah by bringing “Obedience.” THE GATHAS–Ys 33, 34 361 Yasna 34 1. The action, the word, and the worship by which I will give for thee." Immortality and Right, O Mazdah, and the Dominion of Welfare—through multitudes of these, O Ahura, we would that thou shouldst give them. 2. And all the actions of the good spirit and the holy man,” whose soul follows with Right, do ye” set with the thought (thereof) in thine outer court, O Mazdah, when ye” are adored" with hymns of praise. 3. To thee and to Right we will offer the sacrifice" with due service, that" in (thy established) Dominion ye may bring all creatures to perfection through Good Thought. For the reward of the wise man is for ever secure, O Mazdah, among you.” 4. Of thy Fire,” O Ahura, that is mighty through Right, promised and powerful, we desire that it may be for the faithful man with manifested delight, but for the enemy with visible torment, according to the pointings of the hand." * This is Bartholomae's earlier view; he now gives “für die Du o Mazdah . Verleihen wirst.” The other seems to me much easier grammatically, and sound in sense. The Prophet declares that he will be judge at the last by the message he gives; cf. John 124°. This is not inconsistent with the Supreme Judgeship of Ahura. See p. 167 f. * Bartholomae in his translation (p. 47) takes both of these collectively, describing the pious community. In Air Wb, 864, he makes “the holy man’ Zarathushtra—less probably, I think. * As elsewhere, the plural includes Mazdah and the other Ahuras. * The pairigagód is “the place, in later times called the Treasury, where good deeds are stored up until the final Reckoning” (Bartholomae, com- paring his note on Ys 281*). * Lit. “at the adoring those of your company”: Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1404) says “bei, in kausalem Sinn.” ° myazda, an offering of food, as distinguished from zaobra, a drink offering. 7 Reading yd for yd, with Bartholomae. * Lit. “those like you’—the same word as in v.” (note *). * The ayah x$usta, flood of molten metal : see p. 157. * The Bundahish (30%) says, “Afterwards they set the righteous man apart from the wicked.” The separation (cf. the “Bridge of the Separater”) is conceived as indicated by motion of the Judge's hand pointing. Ys 43% may show that the “hand” is Mazdah's, as we should expect. 362 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 5. Have ye Dominion and power, O Mazdah, Right and Good Thought, to do as I urge upon you, even to protect your poor man P. We have renounced all robber-gangs, both demons and men. 6. If ye are truly thus, O Mazdah, Right and Good Thought, then give me this token, even a total reversal of this life,” that I may come before you again more joyfully with worship and praise. 7. Can they be true to thee, O Mazdah, who by their doctrine turn the known inheritances of Good Thought into misery and woe [ . . ]*? I know none other but you, O Right: so do ye protect us. 8. For by these actions they put us in fear, in which peril is for many—in that he the stronger (puts in fear) me the weaker one—through hatred of thy commandment, O Mazdah. They that will not have the Right in their thought, from them shall the Good Thought” be far. * 9. Those men of evil actions who spurn the holy Piety, precious to thy wise one, O Mazdah, through their having no part in Good Thought, from them Right shrinks back far, as from us shrink the wild beasts of prey. 10. The man of understanding has promised to cling to the actions of this Good Thought, and to the holy Piety, creator, comrade of Right—wise that he is, and to all the hopes, Ahura, that are in thy Dominion, O Mazdah. - 11. And both thy (gifts) shall be for sustenance, even Welfare * Bartholomae parses data as 2 pl., which would require vispam mag&am (a very slight change) in the next line, unless there is anacoluthon. * That the unseen world would involve an āvagrároats of the conditions of the present is assumed : the sorely tried Prophet asks for some token of Divine favour here and now. * w$owrū is instr. sing. of a noun which Bartholomae gives up as inexplicable. Geldner made it “energy,” others “intelligence,” etc. Certainly it is hard to defend it from the suspicion of complete cor- ruption. The whole sentence is doubtful, as the differences of the doctors show. r * Here, as in Ys 30%, Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1133) would make manā a different word (cognate with uéva, maneo), with “Wohnstatt” as meaning. But it seems very unlikely that such a combination as vohºl mamö should have an alternative meaning ; and “Good Thought” is a very natural name for Paradise : see p. 171. THE GATHAS–Ys 34 363 and Immortality.” Piety linked with Right shall advance the Dominion of Good Thought, its * permanence and power. By these, O Mazdah, dost thou bless the foes of thy foes.” 12. What is thine ordinance P What willest thou ? what of praise or what of worship 2 Proclaim it, Mazdah, that we may hear what ordinances * Destiny" will apportion. Teach us by Right the paths of Good Thought that are blessed to go in- 13. even that way of Good Thought, O Ahura, of which thou didst speak to me, whereon, a way well made by Right, the Selves of the future benefactors" shall pass to the reward that was prepared for the wise, of which thou art determinant, O Mazdah. 14. That precious reward, then, O Mazdah, ye will give by the action of Good Thought to the bodily life of those who are in the community that tends" the pregnant cow, (the promise of) your good doctrine, Ahura, that of the wisdom which exalts communities through Right. 15. O Mazdah, make known to me the best teachings and actions, these, O Good Thought, and, O Right, the due of praise. Through your Dominion, O Ahura, assure us that mankind shall be capable” according to (thy) will. ! Bartholomae (with the Pahlavi) renders “der Wohlfahrtstrank und die Unsterblichkeitsspeise,” ambrosia and nectar, which is likely enough. * Or the “permanence and power” (utayātī tavāśī) may be that of the beatified : there is no pronoun. * So Bartholomae, but his bold explanation of 6 woi as an infin. from a verbal root with no known cognates (“Etym.?” Air Wb, 798) seems to rest on slender foundations. (Still, I might suggest that a root 6 wa is an obviously paralleled by-form for tav, with the meaning augere.) His explanation of vidvačğam (for -aohgm—see Air Wb, 1446) as “anti-enemy” is supported by Skt vidvesas. But it must be noted that this is one of a great many places where Bartholomae stands alone. * Răzan here means the final judgement of weal or woe: at the beginning of the stanza it may be more general. * Aši, a yazata in Later Avesta resembling the Latin Fortuna. In Ys 314 she is closely linked with Aramaiti. Cf. note on Ys 3313. * Saośyantgm. On daénd, “ego,” see p. 263 f. 7 Lit. “ of.” * frašom, the word that forms the (later) abstract fraśākarati, the Re- generation. 364 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM II. GATHA UšTAvAITI Yasna 43 1. To each several man, to whom may Mazdah Ahura ruling at his will grant after the (petitioner's) will, I will after his will" that he attain permanence and power,” lay hold of Right* —grant me this, O Piety, the destined gifts” of wealth, the life of the Good Thought; 2. and it shall be for him the best" of all things. After his longing for bliss may one be given bliss,” through thy provident most holy spirit, O Mazdah, even the blessings of Good Thought which thou wilt give through Right all the days with joy of enduring life." 3. May he* attain to that which is better than good, who would teach us the straight paths to blessedness in this life here of body and in that of thought—true paths that lead to the world where Ahura dwells—a faithful man, well-knowing and holy like thee, O Mazdah.” 4. Then shall' I recognise thee as strong and holy, Mazdah, when by the hand” in which thou thyself dost hold the destinies that thou wilt assign to the Liar and the Righteous, by the glow of thy Fire whose power is Right, the might of Good Thought shall come to me. * There is intentional repetition of wétá (bis) and vasā, both from the root vas (Skt vag, Gk éków, etc.), and meaning the same. * Eschatological (cf. Ys 34”), as are the remaining phrases: eternal life and strength in Paradise is meant. * A$a here means virtually Paradise, as the final abode of the Ideal. * afts : on this see Ys 34” and note. * Vahista became in Middle Persian (as in the Turfan MSS.) the special name for Paradise. * x"dēra, lit. “good breathing” (Bartholomae), like àvarvoſh. * Daragö jyąiti, “long life,” means “everlasting,” as does vispá ayārā, “tréoras rês huépas.” * The community may be supposed to speak of their Prophet, whether or no he himself is author here. Note that he speaks in the first person till V.16. 9 On this characteristic division of existence into corporeal and spiritual, which cuts horizontally the other division into good and evil, see p. 292. * An anticipation of the End introduces a series of visions in which the Prophet has recognised the attributes of Mazdah ; note the change of tense. * See Ys 344 and note. THE GATHAS– Ys 43 365 5. As the holy one I recognised thee, Mazdah Ahura, when I saw thee in the beginning at the birth of Life, when thou madest actions and words to have their meed—evil for the evil, a good Destiny for the good—through thy wisdom when creation shall reach its goal.” 6. At which goal thou wilt come with thy holy Spirit, O Mazdah, with Dominion, at the same with Good Thought, by whose action the settlements” will prosper through Right. Their judgements * shall Piety proclaim, even those of thy wisdom which none can deceive. 7. As the holy one I recognised thee, Mazdah Ahura, when Good Thought came to me and asked me, “Who art thou? to whom dost thou belong P By what sign wilt thou" appoint the days for questioning about thy possessions and thyself?” 8. Then I said to him : “To the first (question), Zarathushtra am I, a true foe to the Liar, to the utmost of my power, but a . powerful support would I be to the Righteous, that I may attain the future things of the infinite" Dominion, according as I praise and sing" thee, Mazdah. * 9. As the holy one I recognised thee, Mazdah Ahura, when Good Thought came to me. To his question, “For which wilt * “In vision,” Geldner and Bartholomae. It is strange that Tiele (Religionsg., 100) should have inferred that for the writer Zarathushtra is a Saint of the dim past. On such rickety foundations are mythological theories based * Lit. “at the last turning-point of creation ”— the fraśākarati. * Gaé9á, “Haus und Hof,” Bartholomae : so Mills and the Pahlavi. Geldner, “die Leute.” * Aéibyo Bartholomae takes as ablative, referring back to the ahuras just named. Geldner would take ratüš in its regular personal sense— Bartholomae gives no other ex. for iudicium—and renders “Diesen (den frommen Menschen) proklamiert Armaiti die geistlichen Herren deines Ratschlusses.” * So Bartholomae, parsing dišć as 2 sg. aor. mid. from daës. Geldner makes it 1 sg. (act. Subj.). * vasasā.35abra: so Bartholomae, making it a compound, lit. “sovranty at will.” Geldner separates vasasā and renders “nach meinem Wunsch.” 7 vaf, properly to “weave,” used of the artistic fitting together of words —cf. 63rtetv čováñv. The word is interesting from its suggestion of a poetical tradition, first cousin to the Vedic. 366 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM thou decide?” (I made reply), “At the gift of adoration to thy Fire, I will bethink me of Right so long as I have power. 10. Then show me Right, upon whom I call.” Mazdah. —“Associating him with Piety, I have come hither. Ask us now what things we are here for thee to ask. For thine asking is as that of a mighty one, since he that is able should make thee as a mighty one possessed of thy desire.” 11. As the holy one I recognised thee, Mazdah Ahura, when Good Thought came to me, when first by your words I was instructed. Shall it bring me sorrow among men, my devotion, in doing that which ye tell me is the best ? 12. And when thou saidst to me, “To Right shalt thou go for teaching,” then thou didst not command what I did not obey: “Speed thee,” ere my Obedience” come, followed by treasure-laden Destiny, who shall render to men severally the destinies of the twofold award.” 13. As the holy one I recognised thee, Mazdah Ahura, when Good Thought came to me to learn the state of my desire. Grant it me, that which none may compel you to allow, (the wish) for long continuance of blessed existence that they say is in thy Dominion. 14. If thy provident aid, such as an understanding man who has the power would give to his friend, comes to me by thy Dominion through Right, then to set myself in opposition against the foes of thy Law, together with all those who are mindful of thy words ! 15. As the holy one I recognised thee, Mazdah Ahura, when Good Thought came to me, when the still mind taught me to declare what is best *: “Let not a man seek again and again to please the Liars, for they make all the righteous enemies.” 16. And thus Zarathushtra himself, O Ahura, chooses that 1 Lit. “it,” for Aša is neuter. * To the work of propaganda. Bartholomae observes, “The renovation (Tauglichmachung) of mankind must be accomplished speedily, for the beginning of the Second Life is conceived as near at hand; cf. Matt. 3%, 417.” See p. 159. 8 Sraoša, later associated with the Amshaspands. He is an angel of Judgement: see p. 169. 4 vahištå might be an epithet of tušnámaitiš (which seems to be a conscious parallel to Aramaiti), but the other is better. ° angra. THE GATHAS–Ys 43, 44 367 spirit of thine that is holiest, Mazdah. May Right be embodied, full of life and strength ! May Piety abide in the Dominion where the sun shines 1 May Good Thought give destiny to men according to their works Yasna 44 1. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura—as to prayer, how it should be to one of you." O Mazdah, might one like thee! teach it to his friend such as I am," and through friendly Right give us support, that Good Thought may come unto us. 2. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura—whether at the beginning of the Best Existence the recompenses shall bring blessedness to him that meets with them. Surely he, O Right, the holy one, who watches in his spirit the transgression of all, is himself the benefactor unto all that lives, O Mazdah.” 3. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura. Who is by genera- tion the Father of Right, at the first? Who determined the path of sun and stars 2 Who is it by whom the moon waxes and wanes again? This, O Mazdah, and yet more, I am fain to know. 4. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura. Who upheld the earth beneath and the firmament from falling 2 Who the waters and the plants P Who yoked swiftness to winds and clouds 2 Who is, O Mazdah, creator of Good Thought 2 5. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura. What artist made light and darkness P3 What artist made sleep and waking f Who made morning, noon, and night, that call the understand- ing man to his duty 2 6. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura—whether what I shall proclaim is verily the truth. Will Right with its actions give aid (at the last) P will Piety P Will Good Thought announce from thee the Dominion ? For whom hast thou made the pregnant cow * that brings good luck 2 - 7. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura. Who created 1 On these words x&mávant, 8vdvant, mavant, which may mean nearly the same as the pronoun without the possessive suffix, see note on p. 359. * I have attempted a rimed version of these two stanzas as an experiment in ERPP, 102 f. * On this striking contrast to the Magian dualism, see p. 291. * “In Zarathushtra's teaching the symbol of good fortune ; cf. Ys 47°, 50” (Bartholomae). 368 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM together with Dominion the precious Piety 2 Who made by wisdom the son obedient to his father P I strive to recognise by these things thee, O Mazdah, creator of all things through the holy spirit. 8. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura. I would keep in mind thy design, O Mazdah, and understand aright the maxims of life which I ask of Good Thought and Right. How will my soul partake of the good that gives increase ? 9. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura—whether for the Self” that I would bring to perfection, that of the man of insight, the Lord of the Dominion would make me promises of the sure Dominion, one of thy likeness,” O Mazdah, who dwells in one abode” with Good Thought. 10. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura. The Religion * which is the best for (all) that are, which in union with Right should prosper all that is mine, will they duly observe it, the religion of my creed, with the words and action of Piety, in desire for thy (future) good things, O Mazdah P 11. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura—whether Piety will extend to those to whom thy Religion “shall be proclaimed P I was ordained at the first by thee: all others I look upon with hatred of spirit. 12. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura. Who among those with whom I would speak is a righteous man, and who a liar Pº On which side is the enemy P* (On this), or is he the enemy, the Liar" who opposes thy blessings P” How shall it be with him 2 Is he not to be thought of as an enemy P 13. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura—whether we shall 1 Dačná : see p. 263 f. Bartholomae notes, as important for the connexion with the “soul” of v.*, that dačná also means “religion,” as it does in v.19. 2 0wāvant : see note on p. 359. * Hadam. The Greek at uSwuos suggests itself, and Strabo's mention (p. 512) of to ris 'Avaíribos kal rôv ovušćuov beaviepov... 'Quévov kal’Avgödrov IIeporuków Sauðvøv. Two Amshaspands accordingly were gºuflaplot in Cappadocia, in a shrine of Anāhita. The point is discussed above, p. 100 f. 4 Dačná : see note on v.9. ° Of course in the technical sense, following the Druj instead of Aša. ° angra, which Dr Casartelli (p. 137 m. above) would like to keep as an allusion to Ahriman. Geldner renders “Art thou thyself the enemy, or is he . . .''” See p. 135 m. - 7 Those of the future life. THE GATHAS– Ys 44 369 drive the Lie away from us to those who being full of dis- obedience will not strive after fellowship with Right, nor trouble themselves with counsel of Good Thought. 14. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura—whether I could put the Lie into the hands of Right, to cast her down by the words of thy lore, to work a mighty destruction among the Liars, to bring torments upon them and enmities, O Mazdah. 15. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura—if thou hast power over this to ward it off from me through Right, when the two opposing hosts' meet in battle according to those decrees which thou wilt firmly establish. Whether is it of the twain that thou wilt give victory P 16. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura. Who is victorious to protect by thy doctrine (all) that are P By vision assure me how to set up the judge that heals the world.” Then let him have Obedience coming with Good Thought unto every man whom thou desirest, O Mazdah. 17. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura—whether through you I shall attain my goal, O Mazdah, even attachment unto you, and that my voice may be effectual, that Welfare and Immortality may be ready to unite according to that promise with him who joins himself with Right. 18. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura—whether I shall indeed, O Right, earn that reward, even ten mares with a stallion and a camel,” which was promised to me, O Mazdah, as well as through thee the future gift of Welfare and Immortality. 19. This I ask thee, tell me truly, Ahura. He that will not give that reward to him that earns it, even to the man who fulfilling his word gives him (what he undertook)—what penalty shall come to him for the same at this present P I know that which shall come to him at the last. 1 spädd (cf. M.P. Sipah, whence our sepoy), the hosts of Mazdayasnians and Daevayasnians; or perhaps rather the spiritual forces in the great Armageddon that precedes the Renovation. * This seems to be Zarathushtra himself—he is praying for a vision that may openly confirm his designation as a prophet. * See p. 155. It is sufficiently obvious that this is a touch of reality, nough to reduce to absurdity any theory that makes these Gathas move in the sphere of the mystical and the mythical alone. 24 370 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 20. Have the Daëvas ever exercised good dominion ? And this I ask of those who see how for the Daëvas' sake the Karapan and the Usijº gave the cattle to violence,” and how the Kavi made them continually to mourn, instead of taking care” that they may make the pastures prosper through Right. Yasma 45 1. I will speak forth : hear now and hearken now, ye from near and ye from far that desire (instruction). Now observe him 4 in your mind, all of you, for he is revealed. Never shall the false Teacher destroy the Second Life,” the Liar, in perversion by his tongue unto evil belief. 2. I will speak of the Spirits twain at the first beginning of the world,” of whom the holier thus spake to the enemy:" “Neither thought nor teachings nor wills nor beliefs nor words nor deeds nor selves* nor souls of us twain agree.” 3. I will speak of that which Mazdah Ahura, the all-knowing, revealed to me first in this (earthly) life.” Those of you that put not in practice this word as I think and utter it, to them shall be woe at the end of life. * See above, pp. 140, 357. * ačšma—see p. 130. * This rendering of Bartholomae's involves the making of a new verb maëz, for which the lexicographer can give no parallel nearer than the Middle High German smeichen “schön tun.” I am strongly tempted by Prof. Söderblom's argument (RHR, 1909, p. 334 f.), but neither he nor Prof. Geldner (Lesebuch, 325) seems altogether to solve the difficulty of getting the ordinary root, maéz (mingere—Skt. meh), to work in here : are we to think of liquid manure ? * The absence of indication who is meant may possibly be put down with the signs that the Gathas have a context that is lost. Geldner under- stands the false teacher to be intended, Bartholomae Ahura Mazdah : the former seems to be more probable. * The Future Life. It is possible also to render “never again shall he destroy life” (so Geldner). 6 aphâuš, the word rendered “life” in v.". 7 anrām; this is the one occurrence of the afterwards stereotyped title in the Gathas : see p. 135. * Dačná; see note on Ys 44°. - * Geldner, “as first (most important) in this life”; Bartholomae, “at the beginning of this life,” which matches the use elsewhere, but only suits the context if it means that the revelation concerns the immediate present. THE GATHAS–Ys 44, 45 371 4. I will speak of what is best" for this life. Through Right doth Mazdah know it,” who created the same as father of the active Good Thought, and the daughter thereof is Piety of goodly action. Not to be deceived is the all-seeing Ahura. 5. I will speak of that which the Holiest declared to me as the word that is best for mortals to obey: he, Mazdah Ahura (said), “They who at my bidding render him * obedience, shall all attain unto Welfare and Immortality by the actions of the Good Spirit.” V 6. I will speak of him that is greatest of all, praising him, O Right, who is bounteous to all that live. By the holy spirit let Mazdah Ahura hearken, in whose adoration I have been instructed by Good Thought. By his wisdom let him teach me what is best, - 7. even he whose two awards, whereof he ordains, men shall attain, whoso are living or have been or shall be. In immortality* shall the soul of the righteous be joyful, in perpetuity shall be the torments of the Liars. All this doth Mazdah Ahura appoint by his Dominion. 8. Him thou shouldst seek to bring to us by praises of worship. “Now have I seen it with mine eye, that which is of the good spirit and of (good) action and word, knowing by Right Mazdah Ahura.” May we offer him homage in the House of Song ! 9. Him thou shouldst seek to propitiate for us together with Good Thought, who at his will maketh us weal or woe. May Mazdah Ahura by his Dominion bring us to work, for prospering 1 The Pahlavi characteristically glosses this as the next-of-kin marriage We can safely assume that the vahistom is the good doctrine of agriculture as practical virtue. 2 Both Geldner and Bartholomae render “I have learnt it, O Mazdah,” reading Mazdā. But there seems no gain in bringing in the address. What we seem to need here is an accus. Mazdam (cf. Mills, Gathas, p. 541), which would enable us to recognise Mazdah as the “Father” of Vohu Manah and Aramaiti, as regularly in later times. The MSS. waver between Mazdā. and Mazdā. (nom.). With Mazdgm we should render : “Through Right I know Mazdah, who created it [sc. this best thing in life], as father of the active Good Thought, and his daughter is Aramaiti.” 3 Zarathushtra. 4 Amoratdit? : Bartholomae renders “in eternity,” as in Ys 48*: see p. 173. 372 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM our beasts and our men, so that we may through Right have familiarity with Good Thought. 10. Him thou shouldst seek to exalt with prayers of Piety, him that is called Mazdah Ahura for ever, for that he hath promised through his own Right and Good Thought that Welfare and Immortality shall be in his Dominion,” strength and perpetuity in his house. 11. Whoso therefore in the future lightly esteemeth the Daëvas and those mortals who lightly esteem him”—even all others save that one who highly esteemeth him, unto him shall the holy Self of the future deliverer,” as Lord of the house, be friend, brother, or father, O Mazdah Ahura. Yasna 46 1. To what land shall I go to flee, whither to flee P From nobles and my peers they sever me, nor are the people” pleased with me [ . . ." |, nor the Liar rulers of the land. How am I to please thee, Mazdah Ahura 2 2. I know wherefore I am without success, Mazdah : (because) few cattle are mine, and for that I have but few folk. I cry unto thee, see thou to it, Ahura, granting me support as friend gives to friend. Teach me by the Right the acquisition" of Good Thought. - * “Wise Lord”—the title needs translating. * All the Amshaspands are named here, and in marked dependence on Ahura. Note, however, that the dvandva tavīši utayūītī (p. 114) in the last line is exactly parallel with hawrvatātā amorotátā, a similar pair of duals, in the line above, nor is there any real difference between Mazdah's “Dominion” and his “House.” So the Amshaspands are no closed com- munity. See above, p. 96 f. 3 See v.6 * Saošyant, that is Zarathushtra himself, in that he believed he would in his own lifetime bring the eschatological Renovation. Note the curious verbal parallel to Mark 3*, with dāng pati (=8errárms) recalling Matt. 1327 and 20.1 Cf. notes in ERPP, 106 f. * These are the three social divisions: see p. 117 f. ° The word hācā is corrupt and has not been successfully emended. It seems to have disappeared before the Pahlavi translation, in which it is omitted. 7 istim. Geldner, “Streben nach,” which is attractive, connecting it with Žá, Bartholomae understands it as a prayer that Paradise may be revealed so as to spur men to good life: he compares Ys 28%, 30%, 31°, 4419, 47%, 48%. THE GATHAS–Y’s 45, 46 373 3. When, Mazdah, shall the sunrisings come forth for the world's winning of Right, through the powerful teachings of the wisdom of the future Deliverers ?? Who are they to whose help Good Thought shall come f * I have faith that thou wilt thyself fulfil this for me, O Ahura. 4. The Liar stays the supporters of Right from prospering the cattle in district and province, infamous that he is, repellant by his actions. Whoso, Mazdah, robs him of dominion or of life, he shall go before and prepare the ways of the good belief.” 5. If an understanding man should be able to hold one who comes over from his vow and his ties of faith,” himself having brought him thereto, and living after the ordinance, a righteous man (converting) a Liar—then shall he tell it to the nobles, that they may protect him from injury, O Mazdah Ahura." 6. But whoso when thus approached should refuse his aid, he shall go to the abodes of the company of the Lie. For he is himself a Liar who is very good to a Liar, he is a righteous man to whom a righteous man is dear; since thou createdst men's Selves in the beginning, Ahura. 7. Whom, O Mazdah, can one appoint as protector for one like me, when the Liar sets himself to injure me, other than * A difficult word, as to which Bartholomae has now (Zum Air Wb, 145 f.) changed his view, in consequence of a criticism by Justi (Indog. Forsch. Anzeiger, xviii. 21). Returning to an old suggestion of his own, he regards aśnqm wz.3an as influenced by hii vaxša “sunrise,” from a transitive sense of vaxš, “der die Tage emporsteigen làsst,” a description of the Dawn. Justi translates with the Pahlavi “increasers of the days,” referring to the Saôāyantô. Bartholomae objects that in Ys 5019 the same phrase must apply to the dawn. - * See n." on previous page. * Both lines concern the “Future Deliverers,” that is, in Zarathushtra's thought, himself and his comrades in the work of the Faith. * Bartholomae observes that this is a hint to Vishtaspa that he should wage war with the Daévayasnian chiefs. If so, we have presumably passed the point in this certainly composite hymn where the conditions of the opening apply. There the Prophet is helpless and friendless : the royal convert has not yet been won, as he clearly has been in v.”. * miðrööbyö—the sole occurrence of the word miðra in the Gathas, in the sense “compact” which is common later. See p. 63. * Here accordingly it is assumed that the xvačtu (see on v.') is on the side of the Faith : cf. note on v.4. 7 Cf. Ys 311”, and p. 263 above, 374 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM thy Fire and thy Thought,' through the actions of which twain the Right will come to maturity, O Ahura P In this lore * do thou instruct my very Self. 8. Whoso is minded to injure my possessions, from his actions may no harm come to me! Back upon himself may they come with hostility, against his own person, all the hostile (acts), to keep him far from the Good Life, Mazdah, not from the ill! 9. Who is it, a faithful man he, who first taught that we honour thee as mightiest to help, as the holy righteous Lord * over action ? What thy Right made known, what the Ox-creator * made known to Right, they would fain hear through thy Good Thought. 10. Whoso, man or woman, doeth what thou, Mazdah Ahura, knowest as best in life, as destiny for what is Right (give him) the Dominion through Good Thought. And those whom I impel to your adoration,” with all these will I cross the Bridge of the Separater.” 11. By their dominion the Karapans and Kavis' accustomed mankind to evil actions, so as to destroy Life. Their own soul and their own self shall torment them * when they come where the Bridge of the Separater is, to all time dwellers in the House of the Lie. 12. When among the laudable descendants and posterity of the Turanian Fryāna" the Right ariseth, through activity of Piety * “Thy Thought” is the same as “Good” or “Best Thought,” the Amshaspand : see p. 97. Note the close linking of Atar and Wohumanah. * dastvá, whence the Modern Persian dast, that gives the title Dastur. * Ahuram, which here must be translated. * On gåuš tašan, see p. 347. * x&mdvatam, “those like you (Ahuras)”; see p. 359. * See p. 164 f. 7 See p. 357. * See p. 263 f. * The Turanians became the traditional enemies of Iran: such names as Franrasyan (Afräsiãb) and Arjat.aspa (Arjāsp) are noted in the epics of Iranian saga. The hostility was one of culture and religion, between Mazdah and the Daëvas, between agriculturists and nomads. Fryāna is proof that individuals might cross over : his clan is heard of in the Later Avesta in terms agreeing with this stanza. Cf. West in SBE, xxxvii. 280. Bartholomae calls Tura “an Iranian tribe outside Vishtaspa's dominion, not yet converted, but not hostile to the new faith”—that is in Gathic times. THE GATHAS–Y& 46 375 that blesseth substance; then shall Good Thought admit them, and Mazdah Ahura give them protection at the Fulfilment." 13. Whoso among mortals has pleased Spitama Zarathushtra by his willingness, a man deserving to have good fame, to him shall Mazdah Ahura give Life, to him shall Good Thought increase sub- stance, him we account to be a familiar friend with your Right. 14. Mazdah. —O Zarathushtra, what righteous man is thy friend for the great covenant P* Who wills to have good fame 2 Zarathushtra.-It is the Kavi & Vishtaspa at the Consumma- tion.* Those whom thou wilt unite in one house with thee, these will I call with words of Good Thought. 15. Ye Haecataspa Spitamas,” of you will I declare that ye can discern" the wise and the unwise [ . . . a line lost . . . ]. Through these actions ye inherit Right according to the primeval laws of Ahura. 16. Frashaoshtra Hvogva," go thou thither with those faithful whom we both 8 desire to be in blessedness, where Right is united with Piety, where the Dominion is in the possession of Good Thought, where Mazdah Ahura dwells to give it increase.” * orvytéAeta, the Regeneration. * Apparently a term for the “Bund” of the Zarathushtrian community. But see Carnoy, as summarised in the note on Ys 29*. * The title has a curious double use, denoting also (see note on Ys 32*) chiefs of the Dačvayasna. We must assume that it got its sinister meaning because Vishtaspa stood alone among princes to whom the title belonged. * As Geldner notes, this dialogue is supposed to take place at the Great Day, when Zarathushtra answers for those with whom he has crossed the Bridge (v.19). * Haācat-aspa was the great-grandfather of Zarathushtra, Spitama a more distant ancestor. Their names here describe a clan of the Prophet's more immediate relatives. & Or (as Bartholomae) “proclaim to you that ye may discern.” Geldner reads as above. The contents of the lost line may have decided it. 7 Hvogva is the family name of Fraša-uštra and his daughter, whom Zarathushtra married, and of his brother Jāma-aspa mentioned in v.". See Lecture III. imit. * Geldner, rightly I think, understands this of Mazdah and the Prophet himself, acting as Judge. Justi (IFAnz., xviii. 38) refers it to Frashaoshtra and Jamaspa, which is hard to understand. 9 So Bartholomae : see my note (p. 171). Geldner has “where the Wise Lord is throned in his majesty,” depending on Skt vardhman, the meaning of which Justi (l.c.) says lies in quite another direction. Justi com- 376 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 17. Where, O Jamaspa Hvogva, I will recount your wrongs not your successes,” (and) with your obedience the prayers of your loyalty, before him who shall separate the wise and the unwise through his prudent counsellor the Right, even he, Mazdah Ahura. 18. He that holds unto me, to him I myself promise what is best in my possession * through the Good Thought, but enmities to him that shall set himself to devise enmity to us, O Mazdah and the Right, desiring to satisfy your will. That is the decision of my understanding and thought. 19. He who accomplisheth for me, even Zarathushtra, in accordance with Right that which best agrees with my will, to him as earning the reward of the Other Life shall be that of two pregnant cows,” with all things whereon his mind is set. These things wilt thou bring to pass for me * who best knowest how, O Mazdah. GATHA SPENTA-MAINYU Yasna 47 1. By his holy Spirit and by Best Thought, deed, and word, in accordance with Right, Mazdah Ahura with Dominion and Piety shall give us Welfare and Immortality." pares varafºva (Air Wb, 1371) for the first part and hadamói (above, v.14) for the second, and retains the traditional rendering, “in the home of desire”— Paradise, where all desires are fulfilled. This does not seem to me philo- logically unsound. Prof. Jackson (Zoroaster, 77) renders “amid abundance.” * So Bartholomae, connecting afsa “damnum” (Vd. 1319): he compares Ys 43*—the wrongs suffered by the ağavan at the hands of the dragvant are recounted before Mazdah. Geldner gives “I will recount of you only what is exemplary,” apparently connecting aféman with afsman, “metre,” a rather violent procedure, I think. Jackson (l.c.) has “ordinances.” The Pahlavi renders “metrical,” Neriosengh pramāmam. * Geldner, “wish.” In either case Paradise is probably intended, unless the cows of v.1° are in mind. * For these mundane rewards cf. Ys 4418, and Lect. W. init. * Geldner, “das scheinst du mir am besten zu wissen,” taking sqs from A/sand, videri. Bartholomae prefers Aſsand, efficere. * The stanza is almost a mnemonic, into which with the names of the Amshaspands is woven the triad of Thought, Word, and Deed, as an expansion of “Best Thought.” There is much in this hymn to suggest that it was a sort of versified creed for the neophyte, bringing in a maximum of characteristic terms. THE GATHAS–Ys 46, 47, 48 377 2. The best (work) of this most holy Spirit he fulfils with the tongue through the words of Good Thought, with work of his hands through the action of Piety, by virtue of this know- ledge; he, even Mazdah, is the Father of Right. 3. Thou art the holy Father of this Spirit,” which has created for us the luck-bringing cattle, and for its pasture to give it peace (has created) Piety,” when he had taken counsel, O Mazdah, with Good Thought. 4. From this Spirit have the Liars fallen away, O Mazdah, but not so the Righteous. Whether one is lord of little or of much, he is to show love to the righteous, but be ill unto the Liar. 5. And all the best things which by this holy Spirit thou hast promised to the righteous, O Mazdah Ahura, shall the Liar partake of them without thy will, who by his actions is on the side of Ill Thought P* 6. Through this holy Spirit, Mazdah Ahura, and through the Fire thou wilt give the division of good to the two parties,” with support of Piety and Right. This verily will convert many who are ready to hear." Yasna 48 1. When at the Recompensings the Right shall smite the Lie, so that what was long since made known shall be assigned in eternity" to Daëvas and men, then will it exalt with thy blessings, Ahura, him who prays to thee. l Zarathushtra, says Bartholomae in Air Wb, 1377: in his translation he has “soll man erfüllen.” * häm tašat in the next line makes it clear that the “spirit” here is Gäuš tašam. * See Ys 319 and note. Aramaiti is here brought in primarily as Genius of the Earth : Wohu Manah was especially patron of cattle. 4 Or as Geldner, “the Liar partakes . . .”: since this is “against Mazdah's will,” it is inferred that the ağavanó are to receive as their reward possessions enjoyed by the dragvató. * The ağavanā and the dragvató, as elsewhere. The vaphów vidditi, lit. “partition in good,” is of course an abbreviated phrase, implying “partition of good and evil severally.” 6 Cf. Ys 46% and note. 7 See p. 174. Prof. Söderblom (La Vie Future, 239) renders daibitänä fraoxtà “ce qu'on dit 6tre le mensonge.” 378 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 2. Tell me, for thou art he that knows, O Ahura :-shall the Righteous smite the Liar before the retributions come which thou hast conceived 2 That were indeed a message to bless the world !? 3. For him that knows,” that is the best of teachings which the beneficent Ahura teaches through the Right, he the holy one, even thyself, O Mazdah, that knows” the secret lore through the wisdom of Good Thought. 4. Whoso, O Mazdah, makes his thought now better, now worse, and likewise his Self by action and by word, and follows his own inclinations, wishes and choices, he shall in thy purpose be in a separate place at the last.” 5. Let good rulers rule us, not evil rulers, with the actions of the Good Lore, O Piety Perfect thou for man, O thou most good, the future birth,” and for the cow skilled husbandry. Let her grow fat for our nourishing ! 6. She' will give * us a peaceful dwelling, she will give lasting * The stress is on before. Zarathushtra is clear about the ultimate victory, but wistfully asks for an earnest of that future. * Bartholomae has “Das wāre gewiss eine der Welt frommende Bot- schaft.” Akaroli occurs only here, and is rendered “efficiency” in the Pahlavi (Mills). I do not know how Bartholomae arrives at his “Kunde, Botschaft” (Air Wb, 310). “This is [lit. “is known as”] the good Renewal of the world” is an alternative that seems to make appropriate sense ; and it comes naturally out of d-H vkar. * Vaëdomnái, vidvá; the former (middle) is only used of men, the latter (perf. act. = Gk. Feiðds) of either Mazdah or illuminated men. But it is risky to distinguish. 4 0\vāvgs, “one like thee”: see Ys 44". 6 Both Geldner and Bartholomae take this stanza to refer to Hamistakän : see (p. 175). * Bartholomae so takes aip7.2@9a (qs. Trºyévvmous), meaning much the same as the future life. Geldner, following the tradition (with aipú 24%m, two words), renders “Reinheit gleich nach der Geburt ist für den Menschen das Beste. Für das Wieh Soll man tätig sein.” The contrast is a good example of the latitude of interpretation still possible. , 7 Aramaiti, especially as genius of the Earth. As in Ys 307 (q.v.) she gives future life: the connexion strongly suggests the germ of a doctrine of bodily resurrection. - 8 So Geldner, which I prefer : dāt is aorist, and may be indicative (Skt adāt) or injunctive (Skt dāt), “has given” (as Bartholomae, Gä0ās) or, “will give”: in Air Wb, 1839 B. had “let her give.” THE GATHAS–Ys 48 379 life and strength, she the beloved of Good Thought. For it (the cattle) Mazdah Ahura made the plants to grow at the birth of the First Iife, through Right. 7. Violence” must be put down against cruelty” make a stand, ye who would make sure of the reward of the Good Thought through Right, to whose company the holy man belongs. His dwelling places shall be in thy House, O Ahura. 8. Is the possession of thy good Dominion, Mazdah, is that of thy Destiny 8 assured to me, Ahura 2 Will thy manifesta- tion,” O thou Right, be welcome to the pious, even the weighing” of actions by the Good Spirit 9. When shall I know whether ye have power, O Mazdah and Right, over everyone whose destructiveness is a menace to me? Let the revelation of Good Thought be confirmed unto me: the future deliverer should know how his own destiny shall be.” 10. When, O Mazdah, will the nobles understand the Message?" When wilt thou smite the filthiness of this in- toxicant,” through which the Karapans” evilly deceive, and the wicked lords of the lands with purpose fell? 11. When, O Mazdah, shall Piety come with Right, with Dominion the happy dwelling rich with pasture ? Who are they that will make peace with the bloodthirsty Liars To whom will the Lore of Good Thought come f 12. These shall be the deliverers of the provinces, who follow * utayilitim towišim : see p. 114. * Aé&mö ('Aguobaños)—see p. 130. Both this and ramó denote in this context violence and cruelty towards cattle, such as the nomad raiders were Constantly showing. * asſis, the destined reward. * Apparently the pavéports, Aša unveiling all secret things (cf. 2 Cor. 510). * javaró has its meaning assigned rather by guesswork. For the weighing, see p. 169 f. * A good passage to show what saošyant means for Zarathushtra. 7 The narö (identified with the x"aétu by Bartholomae—see p. 117 f.) are ot yet won over : whether this is before or after Vishtaspa's conversion oes not appear. * A very marked allusion to Haoma, who, however, is not named. ee Ys 3214 and note. 9 See Ys 3212 note. 380 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM after pleasing, O Good Thought, by their actions, O Right, depending on thy command, O Mazdah. For these are the appointed smiters of Violence. Yasna 49 1. Ever has Bendval opposed me, my greatest (foe), because I desire to win through Right” men that are neglected, O Mazdah.” With the Good Reward * come to me, support me, prepare his ruin through * Good Thought. 2. The perverter" of this Bendva has long time impeded me," the Liar who has fallen away from Right. He cares not that holy Piety should be his, nor takes he counsel with Good Thought, O Mazdah. 3. And in this belief (of ours), O Mazdah, Right is laid down, for blessing, in the heresy the Lie, for ruin. Therefore I strive for the fellowship of Good Thought,” I forbid all inter- course with the Liar. - & 4. They who by evil purpose make increase of violence and cruelty with their tongues, the foes of cattle-nurture among it friends; whose ill deeds prevail, not their good deeds”: thes * A dačvayasma chieftain. So Bartholomae, for once agreeing with Mills who thinks the Pahlavi has encouragement. The word means apparentl “pestilent” (w/ban, to make sick); and Geldner takes it as a title of th evil spirit: on the other view it will be a nickname of the chief. 2 Or (as Geldner and Bartholomae) “O Right, O Mazdah.” * Geldner's version is so different that I quote it : “Und mir hat imme der grösste Verpester entgegengewirkt, der ich Seine tiblen Absichte gutheissen soll, O Asha, O Mazdah.” 4 Add, which Bartholomae regards as personified here (“als Gottheit, Air Wb, 321):--is this necessary? Geldner has “Gut ist das Werk.” 6 So Geldner : Bartholomae makes it “O Wohu Manah,” which i equally possible. * Bartholomae suggests that this heretic may be the Grehma of whom w hear in Ys 3212-14. 7 Geldner, “Und an diesen Verpester gemahnt mich der falschgläubig Prophet.” 8 Bartholomae makes sarà inf., “sich anSchliessen an,” but allows the ge vaphâuš mananhã to be strange. May it not be a noun? I follow Geldne * Taking hwarštáš as subject (Jackson, JAOS, xv. lxii.), and followin Bartholomae. But can dužvaršā follow as another subject Bett perhaps “whose good deeds do not outweigh their ill deeds.” THE GATHAS–Ys 48, 49 381 (shall be) in the House of the Dačvas, (the place for) the Self of the Liar." 5. But he, O Mazdah—happiness and satiety” be his who links his own Self with Good Thought, being through Right an intimate of Piety. And with all these (may I be) in thy Dominion, Ahura. e 6. I beseech you twain, O Mazdah and the Right, to say what is after the thought of your will, that we may rightly discern how we might teach the Religion that comes from you,” O Ahura. 7. And this let Good Thought hear, O Mazdah, let the Right hear, do thou thyself listen, O Ahura, what man of the brother- hood,” what noble % it is according to the law who brings to the community good fame. 8. On Frashaoshtra do thou bestow the most gladsome fellow- ship with the Right—this I ask of thee, O Mazdah Ahura—and on myself the hold on what is good in thy Dominion. To all eternity we would be (thy) beloved." 9. Let the helper hear the ordinances, he that is created to bring deliverance." The man of right words is no regarder of fellowship with the Liar, if they that are partakers of Right 1 A difficult line. Geldner renders “die machen das Gewissen des Falschgläubigen zu (leibhaftigen) Devs.” This is near the version of Tiele (Religionsg., ii. 96), “Sie schaffen Daevas durch die Lehre des Lügner.” That is, Bartholomae makes dam locative of dam, “house,” Geldner makes it 3 pl. aor. of Vdd. * Geldner, “he is milk and oil for such.” Azúti means solid food, or fat, in some places. See Ys 297. * x&mdvató, “of one like you (Ahuras),” as elsewhere. * airyamá : see note on Ys 32". * xvaētuš: see the same note. Geldmer has “welcher Gönner, welcher Verwandter (i.e. Frashaoshtra und . . . Jämäspa . . .) nach den Gesetzen lebt, dass er dem Anhang (den Religionsgenossen) ein gutes Vorbild gebe.” Bartholomae notes as the meaning that if priests and nobles set a good example, the peasants will also attach themselves to the faith. * Bartholomae, “messengers.” The word is 3.x., and the meaning is not as good as Geldner's “deine Trauten”; cf. Vedic prestha, from ~/pri, to love. The Pahlavi seems to have attached fraúštánhö to "fraúšta (= r^eſorros), “men in authority.” * This is Jāmāspa, here called a Saośyant, for suyè is the infin. of the verb Df which that is fut, partic. 382 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM are to make their Selves partake in the best reward at the Judgement, O Jamaspa. - 10. And this, O Mazdah, will I put in thy care within thy House"—the Good Thought” and the souls of the Righteous, their worship, their Piety and zeal,” that thou mayst guard it, O thou of mighty Dominion, with abiding power.” 11. But these that are of an evil dominion, of evil deeds, evil words, evil Self, and evil thought, Liars, the Souls" go to meet them with foul food : in the House of the Lie they shall be meet inhabitants. 12. What help hast thou, O Right, for Zarathushtra that calls upon thee? what hast thou, Good Thought 2–for me who with praises seek your favour, O Mazdah Ahura, longing for that which is the best in your possession. Yasna 50 1. Zarathushtra.-Can my soul count on anyone for help ? Who is there found for my herd," who for myself a protector indeed, at my call other than Right and thyself, O Mazdah Ahura, and the Best Thought 2 - 2. How, O Mazdah, should one desire the luck-bringing cattle," one who would fain it should come to him together with the pasture? Mazdah. — They that live uprightly according to the Right among the many that look upon the sun, these when * The “treasury” (ganj), as it was afterwards called ; see p. 162. * manó vohu, with order changed. No doubt it means that of the ašavanó, whose aramaiti is also thus committed to Mazdah’s care. This coincident use of the names of two Amshaspands illustrates the thinness of their personification. * izā : Geldner, “die Süsse Milch,” the food of the blessed, as (according to G.) in Ys 511. * Bartholomae divides the v03, nihili into avām Ārå. * Of those “Liars” who have died earlier and preceded them to the hell of which the “foul food " is characteristic. * pasāuš (pecus). - 7 See Ys 44%, 47%. Bartholomae and Geldner take it as a reward in th future life: the former notes that one who makes cattle and pasture th source of good here cannot conceive of Paradise without it. THE GATHAS–Ys 49, 50 383 they stand in the judgement' I will settle in the dwellings of the wise. - 3. Zarathushtra.--So this (reward) shall come to him through the Right,” O Mazdah, (the reward) which by the Dominion and Good Thought he * promised, whosoever by the power of his Destiny prospers the neighbouring possession that now the Liar * holds. e 4. I will worship you with praise, O Mazdah Ahura, joined with Right and Best Thought and Dominion, that they, desired of pious men, may stand as Judges" on the path of the obedient unto the House of Song. 5. Assured by you, O Mazdah Ahura and Right,” are the pointings of the hand"—since you are well disposed to your prophet—which shall bring us to bliss, together with visible manifest help. & 6. The prophet Zarathushtra, who as thy friend, O Mazdah and the Right,” lifts up his voice with worship—may the Creator of Wisdom teach me his ordinances through Good Thought, that my tongue may have a pathway.” 7. For you I will harness the swiftest steeds, stout and strong, by the prompting of your praise, that ye may come hither, O Mazdah, Right and Good Thought. May ye be ready for my help! akāstāng. Aka as an adj. means manifest, as a noun to pavepotival in the sense of 2 Cor. 510. Geldner renders, “O du Ankunderin, wenn du diese scheidest, so nimm mich als Gerechten an.” * Or “O Right” (ağā, voc. or instr.). * Bartholomae interprets this as Mazdah, supposing the stanza (despite the clear vocative Mazdā) addressed to Vishtaspa. Could we take xSaôrá and vohúcd manaphâ as instr. for the subject, and render “which Dominion and Good Thought have promised"? * Bartholomae thinks there is a definite reference to Bendva or Grehma. * @ká–see note on v.” “Revealers” would be more exact. 6 Mazdā. A Sä Ahwrā. The order of the words Imakes Bartholomae's earlier view tempting, by which Ahwrā is dual, “ye two Lords.” But now both he and Geldner take it as above. - 7 See note on Ys 344. & So Bartholomae in his Lexicon : his translation is “der Freund des Aša,” which would seem to make asd instr., “befriended by Asha.” 9 May not stray from the right path. Zarathushtra himself is speaking, though he uses the third person in the relative clause. 384 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM 8. With verses that are recognised as those of pious zeal I will come before you with outstretched hands, O Mazdah, before you, O thou Right, with the worship of the faithful man, before you with all the capacity of Good Thought. 9. With these prayers I would come and praise you, O Mazdah and thou Right, with actions of Good Thought. If I be master of my own destiny as I will, then will I take thought for the portion of the wise in the same. 10. Those actions that I shall achieve, and those done afore- time, and those, O Good Thought, that are precious in the sight, the rays of the sun, the bright uprisings of the days," all is for your praise, O thou Right and Mazdah Ahura. 11. Your praiser, Mazdah, will I declare myself” and be, so long, O Right, as I have strength and power. May the Creator of the world accomplish through Good Thought its” fulfilment of all that most perfectly answers to his will ! GATHA Wohux$A6RA Yasma 51 1. The good, the precious Dominion, as a most surpassing portion, shall Right achieve for him that with zeal accomplishes what is best through his actions, O Mazdah. This will I now work out for us. 2. Before all, O Mazdah Ahura, give me the Dominion of your possession, O Right, and what is thine, O Piety. Your (Dominion) of blessing give through Good Thought to him that prays. 3. Let your ears attend * to those who in their deeds and utterances hold to your words, Ahura and Right, to those of Good Thought, for whom thou, Mazdah, art the first teacher. 4. Where is the recompense for wrong to be found, where pardon for the same P Where shall they attain the Right 2 1 See note on Ys 463. * adjäi, used rather like its cognate etxouai (elva), in Homer. ° anhäus depends on dàtà and haibyavaroštam, &to kowow, according to Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1761). * Bartholomae, “Eure Ohren Sollen sich mit denen in Verbindung setzen die . . .” Geldner, “Eure Ohren Sollen erfahren, welche . . .” THE GATHAS–Ys 50, 51 385 Where is holy Piety, where Best Thought Thy Dominions, where are they, O Mazdah P 5. All this (I) ask, whether the husbandman shall find cattle” in accordance with Right, he that is perfect in actions, a man of understanding, when he prays to him who hath promised unto the upright the true judge,” in that he is lord of the two Destinies *— - 6. even he, Ahura Mazdah, who through his Dominion appoints what is better than good to him that is attentive to his will, but what is worse than evil to him that obeys him not, at the last end of life. 7. Give me, O thou that didst create the Ox and Waters and Plants, Welfare and Immortality,” by the Holiest Spirit, O Mazdah, strength and continuance through Good Thought at the (Judge's) sentence. 8. Of those two things will I speak, O Mazdah—for one may say a word to the wise, the ill that is threatened to the Liar, and the happiness that clings to the Right. For he the Prophet is glad for him who says this to the wise. 9. What recompense thou wilt give to the two parties by "thy red Fire, by the molten Metal, give us a sign of it in our souls— even the bringing of ruin to the Liar, of blessing to the Righteous. 10. Whoso, other than this one," seeks to kill me, Mazdah, he is a son * of the Lie's creation, ill-willed thus towards * Bartholomae observes that this last question is the answer to those that precede. The plural xSabrā is unusual ; cf. Ys 34”. * I have rendered gauş “cattle" because the gender is indeterminate, except in gåuš tašam, etc., where “Ox-creator” is more convenient. Both Geldner and Bartholomae think the eschatological Lohmkuh is meant here —see note on Ys 50°. I do not feel quite sure that the homely cow of this world may not be meant, and so leave the matter open. * Ratüm : Zarathushtra means himself—see note on Ys 44°. * Heaven and hell. Of course Mazdah is the apportioner (xãaygs, ‘potens”) of the ağ. * Note the combination with Water and Plants, their province. * See Ys 31° and note. On the ayah xSusta see p. 157 f. * Bartholomae suggests that the reference would be made clear by a esture. If so, it is hardly likely that the evil spirit is intended, as he hinks: rather a human heretic (Geldner), perhaps Grehma. * hunwë (Skt sinu, Gothic sunus), curiously specialised in Avestan to lenote only “sons” of demoniacal beings. See on this Pºmº p. 218 f. 386 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM all that live.' I call the Right to come to me with good destiny.” 11. What man is a friend to Spitama Zarathushtra, O Mazdah P Who will let himself be counselled by Right P With whom * is holy Piety P Or who as an upright man is intent on the covenant 4 of Good Thought 2 - 12. The Kavi's wanton * did not please Zarathushtra Spitama at the Winter Gate, in that he stayed him from taking refuge with him, and when there came to him also (Zarathushtra's) two steeds shivering with cold. 13. Thus the Self of the Liar destroys for himself the assurance of the right Way ; whose soul shall tremble at the Revelation" on the Bridge of the Separater, having turned aside with deeds and tongue from the path of Right. 14. The Karapans' will not obey the statutes and ordinances concerning husbandry. For the pain they inflict on the cattle, ful- fil upon them through their actions and judgements that judge- ment which at the last shall bring them to the House of the Lie. 15. What meed Zarathushtra hath promised to the men of his covenant,” (which) in the House of Song Ahura Mazdah hath first attained, for all this I have looked through your blessings, Good Thought, and those of Right. 16. Kavi Vishtaspa hath accepted that creed which the holy Mazdah Ahura with Right hath devised, together with the dominion of the Covenant,” and the path of Good Thought. So beit accomplished after our desire. It only occurs once in the Gathas, which is insufficient evidence for the establishment of the usage so early. Probably the Magi based their appropriation on the accident of the use here. i duždć yöi hanti, the antithesis of hudá yaä hamti in Ys 45°. * Aša to come with ağ vamuhi. See p. 360. * Kā instr. (Bartholomae). Geldner makes it nom. Sg. fem, “Was gilt die heilige Armaiti?” 4 Magāi, a doubtful word. Bartholomae “Bund,” Geldner “Gnadengabe.” See note on Ys 2914. * vaépayó=tratētká : Geldner makes it a proper name. Bartholomae lay just emphasis on the convincing reality of this personal reminiscence: see above, p. 83. ° àká: see notes on Ys 48%, 50°. 7 See p. 140. 8 magavabyó : see note on maggi in v,” and in Ys 29*. THE GATHAS– Y& 51 387 17. The fair form of one that is dear hath Frashaoshtra Hvogva promised unto me: * may sovran Mazdah Ahura grant that she attain possession of the Right for her good Self. 18. This creed Jamaspa Hvogva” chooses through Right, lordly in substance.” This Dominion they (choose) who have part in Good Thought. This grant me, Ahura, that they may find in thee, Mazdah, their protection. 19. This man,” O Maidyoimaongha Spitama,” hath set this before him after conceiving it in his own Self. He that would see Life indeed, to him will he make known what in actions by Mazdah's ordinance is better during (this) existence. 20. Your blessings shall ye give us, all ye that are one in will, with whom Right, Good Thought, Piety, and Mazdah (are one), according to promise, giving your aid when worshipped with reverence. 21. By Piety the beneficent man benefits" the Right through his thinking, his words, his action, his Self. By Good Thought Mazdah Ahura will give the Dominion. For this good Destiny 7 I long. * 22. He, I ween, that Mazdah Ahura knoweth, among all that have been and are, as one to whom in accordance with * Hvövi, the daughter of Frashaoshtra : see p. 82. The possibilities of these Gathic problems are well illustrated here by Geldner's version, “Einen begehrenswerten Leib hat mir F. H. für Seine giite Seele ausgemalt.” He notes “D. h. er hat ihm geschildert, welchen schönen Leib er im Paradies für Seine gläubige Seele erbittet : vgl. Ys 36°,” where prayer is offered for the “fairest of all bodies,” to be the worshipper's portion. The reference to the Prophet's new bride seems a priori probable in a stanza referring to his father-in-law, and Bartholomae's rendering seems to me preferable. A passage from the Gatha Haptanghaiti is not the best of parallels for the elucidation of the older Gathas. * Frashaoshtra's brother, and Zarathushtra's son-in-law—see Ys 53. * Geldner joins istóiš xšagram, “das Reich des Wünsches,” the looked-for Kingdom of God. * M. himself (Bartholomae). * Maidyā-mánha, a cousin of the Prophet, and his earliest convert, according to tradition. See p. 82. T ~ ° Spontô—spâmvat. Bartholomae, who will not allow “beneficent” as the meaning of sponta—on which see p. 145—regards this as a paronomasia. He renders “By Piety one becomes holy. Such a man advances Right by . . . ,” etc. So now Brugmann, Grundriss”, II. iii. 329. 7 vanhwim ağim : see note on v.19. 388 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Right the best portion falls for his prayer, these will I reverence 1 by their names and go before them with honour. GATHA VAHIšTö-IšTI Yasna 53 1. Zarathushtra.-The best possession known is that of Zara- thushtra Spitama, which is that Mazdah Ahura will give him through the Right the glories of blessed life unto all time, and likewise to them that practise and learn the words and actions of his Good Religion. 2. Then let them seek the pleasure of Mazdah with thought, words, and actions, unto his praise gladly, and seek his worship, even the Kavi Vishtaspa, and Zarathushtra's son 4 the Spitamid, and Frashaoshtra, making straight the paths for the Religion of the future Deliverer which Ahura ordained. 3. Him, O Pourucista,” thou scion of Haëcataspa and Spitama, youngest of Zarathushtra's daughters, hath (Zara- thushtra) appointed as one to enjoin on thee a fellowship with Good Thought, Right, and Mazdah. So take counsel with thine own understanding: with good insight practise the holiest works of Piety. 4. Jamaspa.—Earnestly will I lead her to the Faith,” that she may serve her father and her husband, the farmers and the nobles,” as a righteous woman (serving) the righteous. The glorious heritage of Good Thought [.. . . three syllables cor- rup . . . ] shall Mazdah Ahura give to her good Self for all time. 5. Zarathushtra.-Teachings address I to maidens marry- 1 yazāi-here only in the Gathas applied to men. As suggested in ERPP, 118, it seems a little suspicious : later worship, as in Yt 13 passim, used it freely of the fravash; of a living man. On the yánhé hatgm (Ys 2716) as adapted from this stanza, see ERPP, 117. 2 Išat vastra by name (see p. 82): it does not happen to occur in the Gathas, which only refer to him here. 3. On Powrucistă and Hačcataspa (fourth progenitor of Zarathushtra, in the fifth generation from Spitama) see pp. 82, 375. 4 nivarānī : so Bartholomae divides, with two good MSS. Geldner's standard text reads sparodănă varānī. 5 x"aétavé, “the clan.” On the castes see p. 117. THE GATHAS–Ys 51, 53 389 ing, and to you (bridegrooms), giving counsel. Lay them to heart, and learn to get them within your own Selves in earnest attention to the Life of Good Thought. Let each of you strive to excel the other in the Right, for it will be a prize for that one. 6. So is it in fact, ye men and women | Whatever happiness ye look for in union with the Lie [? shall be taken away from your person']. To them, the Liars, shall be ill food, crying Woe!—bliss shall flee from them that despise righteousness. In such wise do ye destroy for yourselves the spiritual Life. 7. And there shall be for you the reward of this Covenant,” if only most faithful zeal be with the wedded pair,” that the spirit of the Liar, shrinking and cowering, may fall into perdi- tion in the abyss.” Separate ye from the Covenant,” so shall your word at the last be Woe! 8. So they whose deeds are evil, let them be the deceived, and let them all howl, abandoned to ruin. Through good rulers let him bring death and bloodshed upon them, and peace from their assaults" unto the happy villagers.” Grief let him bring on those, he that is Greatest, with the bond of death; and soon let it be 9. To men of evil creed belongs the place of corruption." They that set themselves to contemn the worthy, despising * Bartholomae's conjectural translation [Air Wb, 1289, “das wird von Seiner Person weggenommen”]: he assumes (ib., 1808) that Drăjö has been repeated from the previous line, and the unintelligible hôiš piðd interpolated in some way that cannot be explained. The ejection of these three words restores the metre. (Bartholomae's “seiner” refers back to “dem Anhänger der Druj,” which he understands from Drăjö.) * See note on Ys 2911. * Bartholomae takes bânăi haxtayá as a proverbial phrase, “if most faithful zeal be in your very marrow.” His account of hazt, irregularly answering to Skt Sakthi, “leg,” seems rather violent, and bânói has to mean “at bottom,” with haxtayá (gen.) like our phrase “bred in the bone.” I follow Geldner here with some hesitation, but take yaôrd as introducing a purpose clause (cf. Ys 31*). * binói : can we change the order of this and haytayá 5 diš, lit. “peace with them.” * väbyā; vis is the complex of “houses” (nmäna), with zantu, “county,” and finally dahyu, “province,” above it. 7 vaēść, the same word as the Latin virus. 390 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM righteousness, forfeiting their own body"—where is the Righteous Lord” who shall rob them of life and freedom? Thine, Mazdah, is the Dominion, whereby thou canst give to the right-living poor man the better portion. THE THREE PRAYERs 1. Ahuna Vairya (Ys 27*): see p. 160 f. 2. Ašām vohū (Ys 27*): Right is the best good: it falls by desire, it falls by desire to us, even our Right to the best right.” 3. A airyāmā isyö (Ys 54): Let the dear Brotherhood * come for support of Zarathushtra's men and women, for support of Good Thought. Whatever Self may win the precious meed of Right, for this one I beg the dear Destiny that Ahura Mazdah bestowed.” * posó... tanvi, here only in Gathas. In the Later Avesta it recurs frequently, to denote sinners for whom there is no atonement. Bartholomae collects the following passages of the Wendidad to show which sins are in this category:—420 f., 24 f., 28 f., 32 f., 35 f., 38 f., 41 f.; 548; 6%, 8, 18, 47; 771; 13*, 37; 151, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8; 1613, Niring. 44. * ahură, here apparently of the human king who executes judgement on earth as Mazdah will at the Last Day. * See ERPP, 116. It is apparently a play on two derived meanings of aša, right-doing, and a man's rights. “He who lives rightly gets his rights in the end.” * I have ventured tentatively to give airyāmā the meaning it seems to have in the Gathas : see p. 117. In this Prayer Bartholomae makes it an Ahura (“Gottheit”), with Vedic parallels. But may not the Prophet be simply urging “believers” to do their duty, with promise of a heavenly reward 2 * masatà. Bartholomae (Flexionslehre, 27) assumed a root mas, “schenken” (not in Air Wb). Could we read mastó (with two or three MSS.), as an aorist of man, “thought of " ? Aśi is thus the creature of Mazdah's Thought. PASSAGES FROM GREEK AUTHORS HERoDoTus, i. 131–140 131. Now the Persians I know to have the following customs. They count it unlawful to set up images and shrines and altars," and actually charge them that do so with folly, because as I suppose they have not conceived the gods to be of like nature with men, as the Greeks conceive them. But their custom is to ascend to the highest peaks of the mountains,” and offer sacrifices to Zeus, calling the whole vault of the sky Zeus;* 1 Here, as in some other noteworthy points, there is a suggestive resem- blance to the conditions of early Roman worship ; cf. Dr Warde Fowler's Gifford Lectures, p. 145 f. In Bh 1”, Darius says he “restored the sanctu- aries which Gaumata the Magian destroyed.” His word is dyadand (cf. Av. gaz, “to worship”), which in the Babylonian version is the equivalent of the Hebrew Bethel, “houses of the gods.” These (if really Persian—see p. 195 f.) were perhaps mere shelters for the sacred fire, with no recognis- able altar. Parsism was always as free from images as Mosaism itself. For the reason given, compare the statement of Porphyry (Vit. Pyth., 41) : ‘opouáçov čouréval to uév gåua part, thv 5& pvyºv &Ambeſg. For the absence of shrines compare Cicero, De Legibus, II. x. 26, “nec Sequor magos Persarum, quibus auctoribus Xerxes inflammasse templa Græcia dicitur, quod parieti- bus includerent deos, quibus omnia deberent esse patentia ac libera, quorumque hic mundus omnis templum est et domus.” The dyadaná may very well have been open so as to conform to this rule. (I owe the reference to Mr Hicks.) See further p. 67 f. - 2 Cf. below, on Plutarch, p. 403; also p. 213 f. 3 Prof. Sayce would identify this “vault of heaven” (à Tâs kökxos rod oëpavod) with an obscure yazata called in Yt 10" Owdāa xºadſita; Darmesteter renders “sovran sky,” while Bartholomae makes him the atmosphere. He is not nearly conspicuous enough for such a place. We have rather to recognise the great Aryan and South Indo-European sky-god Dyeus (Vedic 391 392 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM and they sacrifice also to Sun, Moon, Earth, Fire, Water, Dyauh, Zsás, Diespiter, with its vocative Iuppiter). His name in Old Persian —nom. *Diyaluś, acc. Diyām, loc. Divi or Diyavi-would inevitably suggest its Greek cognate and synonym to the ear of a Greek traveller. I was confirmed in my reading of the evidence by finding it anticipated by Spiegel (Eran. Altertwmskunde, ii. 15). There is now a full discussion of the point in Bartholomae, Zum Air Wb, 172–4, starting from a note in Hesychius, AlavºueyáAmy iſ vôošov.tov otpavov IIéporat. Clearly, if the old lexicographer was thinking of Herodotus he had some reason for dissociat- ing Ata there (and Aſ) from Zeiſs, for he selects the accusative of the fem. adj. 87a, colnmon in Homer. Now *Aſāv would represent the acc. of O.P. *Diyauš almost exactly. May we not conjecture that Hesychius had evidence prompting him to desert the obvious Zets in Herodotus, even though aſ just before would not fit 3ia We have strong reason for ex- pecting to find Dyauš in Persia, since he belongs to the Vedic pantheon, though his cult is evidently dying. Bartholomae cites Ataſſis, the name of a Persian noble in AEschylus, Persſe, 977. It is either *divai. x&is, “ruling in the sky,” or *dival.&iš, “dwelling in the sky.” (I think dival and dyavi may be alternative forms of the locative, related like x00vſ and xauai, with Skt divi = Atft as a mixture.) Bartholomae suggests that the Thracian Sage Záuox;is had a Scythian (and so Iranian) name, zamar. x&is, “qui regnat in terra.” (Since the cognate Thracian had the required A in the name for Earth, witnessed by Xepeam, we need not perhaps make Zamolxis a foreigner in Thrace.) But what were those Persian aristocrats thinking of when they named their infant, on either etymology? Can we explain qui regmat &n caelo by the doctrine of the Fravashi ? If the heavenly counterpart had royal rank, the rank of the earthly double should correspond, and match the parents' ambition. The case for the presence of Dyauš in Iran is strengthened by its recogni- tion in Yt 31°, a verse passage, thus rendered in ERPP, 124:— Headlong down from heaven fell he, He of demons the most lying, Angra Mainyu many-slaying. This rendering of patat dyaoš is found in Darmesteter and Bartholomae. Geldner, rather doubtfully followed by Söderblom, makes it mean “started from hell,” assuming that dyauş shared the degeneration which befell its cognate dačva. I do not feel this at all probable, though its acceptance would not affect our present point, the survival in Iran of the old word for Sky. A conflict in the upper air between the powers of light and darkness is a thoroughly Iranian notion. It may even have contributed to popular beliefs outside Iran, for when Paul uses it (Eph. 6”) as an idea familiar to the people of the Lycus valley, it will probably be as a native folklore which he could apply, without doing harm, when the infinite transcendence of Christ was held fast. There is a further parallel in Rev. 12°, supposed to GREEK TEXTS-HERODOTUS 393 and Winds." To these alone they have sacrificed from the be- ginning; but they have learned in addition, from the Assyrians and the Arabians, to sacrifice to Urania.” (The Assyrians be adapted from Jewish apocalyptic. Both passages may be fairly added to the tale of possible Iranian contacts with Judaism (Lecture IX.). Before leaving the subject, I should remark on the limitation implicit in my calling Dyāus potēr the “South Indo-European Sky-Father.” In ERPP 33 I repeated the common equation which adds our own Germanic Tiu (Tuesday) to the Aryan, Greek, and Italian series. Bremer's argument for attaching the Germanic words to devos rather than dyāus did not convince Prof. Otto Schrader (ERE, ii. 33 m.); and the High German Zio is declared by the paramount authority of Prof. Brugmann (Grundriss”, i. 133 f.) to suit either origin. But Prof. H. M. Chadwick tells me that the Old English form cannot be traced to anything but devos ; and though Schrader's opinion is naturally of great weight, it must in a matter affect- ing Germanic yield to that of the specialist in this field. A Germanic scholar who attended my lectures urged that if Dyāus were found in our speech-area it would be isolated in the western part of the Indo-European country: though deivos and dyāus are only Ablaut-doublets, differentiation of meaning Set in during the earliest period. But on the theory sketched above (p. 5 n., 26 n.), a contact between Germanic and Aryan falls into place. * All these are palpably wrarisch. Prof. Sayce declares that “sacrifices were not offered to ” four of them. He is, however a relatively late authority; and in all his objections there is an unwarrantable assumption that Herodotus is wrong wherever we cannot support him from the Avesta. If the Persian popular religion was, as I have tried to prove, still untouched by Zoroaster, the assumption falls. (It must in fairness be remembered that Prof. Sayce's Herodotus was published in 1883.) We turn to the details. The Swn and the Moon have each a Yasht in their honour, but so late and so unimportant that we lay more stress on other evidence. India, of course, abundantly illustrates the prominence of the great lights in Aryan religion, and the Avesta from beginning to end has sufficient parallels. Earth had the genius Aramati in Aryan times (see p. 112), and the connexion survived in the Gathas and after. Apart from this name, we have the worship of Earth and Waters, “the wives of Ahura Mazdah,” in Ys 38, a hymn of the Haptanghaiti, which we have seen to be an almost pure source of Iranian Nature-worship, practically untouched by the Reform. In the same Gatha we find adoration of Fire, which was supremely sacred in Zarathushtra's own doctrine : thus in Ys 368 Fire is Ahura’s “most holy spirit.” In Ys 42° “the mighty Mazdah-made Wind” receives worship. So there is adequate Avestan testimony after all, from the older stratum. * The Persians adopted the Semitic cult of Ishtar, who in some form unmistakably stands behind the great Iranian goddess Anāhita. For con- vergent evidence supporting this most important statement see p. 238 f. 394 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM call Aphrodite Mylitta, the Arabians Alitta,” the Persians Mitra.”) 132. Now the manner of the Persians' sacrifice to the gods afore-named is this. They neither make them altars nor kindle a fire when about to sacrifice: * they use no libation, no flute, no garlands, no meal.” But as one desires to sacrifice to each of these deities, he takes the victim to a pure place and calls upon the god,” his headdress adorned with a garland, generally of myrtle. It is not permitted him to ask for good things for his own private use who sacrifices; but he makes petition for good to befall the whole Persian people and the King, for he also is counted with the whole Persian people. Then when he has cut up the victim and seethed the flesh, he spreads out a carpet of the tenderest herbage," especially clover, and sets all * Mu'allidtu (Zimmern) was “probably a functional appellative of Ishtar, meaning ‘the helper of childbirth '” (Farnell, Greece and Babylon, p. 270). That Ishtar was “queen of heaven” (e.g. in Jerem. 71*) makes the title Oúpavím natural here. For Mylitta see Herod. i. 199. * Generally emended 'AAixár, as in iii. 8, where she and 'OporáA, whom Herodotus identifies with Dionysus, are said to be the sole divinities of the Arabs. Hommel (Geographie whd Geschichte des alten Orients, p. 200) says that Herodotus wrote Mºxºtra for the Elamite ANAITTA, that "Axirra represents annāhid, “die Vollbüsige.” * On this helpful mistake see p. 238. The close association of Mithra and Anāhita, reflected in the inscriptions of the later Achaemenians, is itself evidence of the thorough Semitising of the Mithra cult in Persia. But the spirit of Iran showed itself in the superior conspicuousness of the male deity : contrast the feeble male counterparts of Ishtar in Semitic fields (Frazer, Adonis, Attis, Osiris", 105 ff.). * The essence of the sacrifice was the setting out of food before the deity for him to partake of its spiritual essence (ºvyń in Strabo, 732); cf. the Hebrew “shewbread.” The sacred fire was the messenger inviting to come to the sacrifice. * The omission of the (Haoma) libation here raises difficulty: see the discussion above, p. 71 f. * We may compare the prominence in the Later Avesta of the “sacrifice in which the name is invoked” (aoxto-nāman yasna, Yt 1081 al): see p. 203. * The barhis, “sacrificial grass,” of Vedic ritual. The corresponding Avestan barožiš has been generalised to “cushion,” the special meaning having been displaced by the Reform. As described above (p. 190), the derivative barosman, the bundle of twigs still used in Parsi worship, retains a trace of the older meaning in the verb star, “spread.” GREEK TEXTS-HERODOTUS 395 the flesh thereon." And when he has thus disposed it, a Magian man stands by and chants a theogony thereto, for such the Persians say the chant is.” Without a Magian it is not lawful for him to offer sacrifices.” And after waiting a little time the sacrificer takes away the flesh and uses it as he will. 133. The day of all others that they are wont to honour most is a man's birthday. Thereon they deem it right to set out a greater feast than on other days. The prosperous among them serve up an ox, a horse, a camel, or an ass,” roasted whole in ovens, while the poor serve up the smaller quadrupeds. And they do not eat much staple food, but they have a great many dessert dishes, which are not all set on at once. For this cause Persians say that the Greeks at their meals always leave off hungry, because nothing worth mention is brought on after dinner—if anything were brought on, they would never leave off eating. Now they are greatly given to wine;" and it is not allowed them to vomit nor to make water in another's presence. These rules are thus well kept; and it is when drunken that they are wont to discuss their most serious business. But what- soever has pleased them when thus discussing, this the master of the house in which they have been for the discussion, puts before them the next day when sober. And if it please them sober, they abide by it; but if not, they put it away. But what * Compare Prof. Söderblom's notes (La Vie Future, 266) on the animal Sacrifices to be offered by Saoshyant and his auxiliaries at the end of the world. Since animal sacrifices were abolished by Zarathushtra, this attests the antiquity of the material incorporated in the Bundahish account of Saoshyant. Note that in thus abolishing sacrifice the Prophet only went a step beyond Iranian custom as described by Herodotus, in which the gods only partook of the spiritual essence of meat that would be eaten by their worshippers. * The 9eoyovín answers well to a Yasht, or a normal Vedic hymn, telling of the exploits and history of a God, like a Homeric Hymn. See the parallel in Pausanias (v. 27°), cited in full in a footnote at p. 208 above. * Herodotus writes three generations after the Magian revolt under Gaumāta. The Magians doubtless had long re-established themselves in their sacred offices, if indeed they had ever lost them among the common people of Media. See p. 194 f. * The animals, as Blakesley notes, are a relic of prehistoric nomadism. * Compare the curious notice in Ctesias (above, p. 72), and what is said about Haoma, p. 71 f. The modern Persians have kept up the vice. 396 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM things they discuss first when sober, they examine over again when drunk. 134. When they meet one another in the streets, by this may one discern whether they that meet are equals. Instead of speaking to one another they kiss on the mouth. If the one be a little the other's inferior, they kiss on the cheek. But if the one be of much humbler birth, he falls down before the other and does obeisance. They honour most after themselves those who live nearest to them, and in the next place those next to these ; and they assign honour in proportion as they go on thus, holding those least in honour who live farthest away from them; for they account themselves to be by far the best of all men at everything, while others attain excellence in the propor- tion here described, and they that live farthest away are the worst. In the time of the Median rule the several races had the following precedence over one another. The Medes were over all alike, and over those living nearest to them : these again were over their neighbours, and they too over those next to them. According to the same principle also the Persians apportion honour; for each nation took its place in order as ruler and administrator." 135. The Persians adopt foreign customs most readily of all men. Accounting the Median dress more comely than their own, they wear this, and Egyptian breastplates in war.” When they hear of luxuries from any quarter they indulge therein. Thus they have even learned unnatural vice from the Greeks.” They each marry a number of lawful wives, and get them many more concubines still. 136. It is approved as a token of manli- ness, next after being a good fighter, that a man should have many sons to show ; and to him that can show the most, the king every year sends gifts. In numbers, they think, lies * See the note in How and Wells. (I am only annotating points that affect the subject of this book.) * An Egyptian borrowing in the sphere of religion was the winged solar disk which supplied the image of Ahura on the Achaemenian monuments (p. 243). * The Wendidad denunciation of this as mortal sin (8*, *) does not, as Messrs How and Wells imply, prove the vice earlier than Persian contact with the Greeks, though it may well be so; cf. Ys 51* (p. 386). GREEK TEXTS-HERODOTUS 397 strength. They teach the boys, from five years old to twenty, three things only—to ride, to shoot, and to be truthful." But till the child is five years old he does not come into the father's sight, but lives wholly with the women. This is done that if he should die while under their care it may not cause distress to the father. 137. I commend this custom, as also the following, that neither does the king himself put a man to death on a single charge, nor does any other Persian on a single charge inflict irreparable penalty on any of his slaves. Only after com- putation of his wrong deeds and his services does he indulge his anger, if he finds the former to be more numerous and greater than the latter.” They say that no one has ever killed his own father or mother. Whatever deeds of this kind have been done, they declare must prove on inquiry to have been the work of changelings or children born in adultery, for that it is not rational to conceive of a real parent slain by his own child. 138. Whatsoever things they may not do, of these they may not speak. Most disgraceful of all is lying accounted, and next to this to be in debt. Many reasons are assigned for this, but the chief is that they say the debtor is sure to lie as well. If any citizen has leprosy, of one kind or the other,” he does not enter a city nor mingle with other Persians. They say he is thus afflicted because he has sinned against the Sun. Every stranger seized with these diseases they expel from their country: many also drive out white doves, charging them with the same mischief.4 139. Into a river they neither make water nor spit, nor do * See p. 130 f. No doubt the poºva in this famous dictum is to be indul- gently interpreted, as epigrams usually demand. Reading, for example, was an accomplishment more likely to be learnt before twenty than after : the existence of the Inscriptions is presumptive evidence of its prevalence. * For the corresponding characteristic of divine justice, see pp. 144, 170. * Aeëkm is said to be a mild leprosy : Aérpm is thus a severer form. * Leprosy offends because of its whiteness, and white doves are tabu for the same reason. In Yt 10* Cisti, “Knowledge,” drives at the left hand of Mithra, a semi-solar yazata, “clothed in white robes, and white herself.” White horses drew the car of Dyaus (p. 59), and white horses were offered to the Strymon (p. 216). Whiteness might then be tabu in Iran as an invasion of a divine monopoly. The white dress of the Magi in Diogenes (p. 415) may thus emphasise their sacred character. 398 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM they wash their hands therein nor allow anyone else to do so, for they reverence rivers most highly." Another peculiarity has not been observed by the Persians themselves, but it has not escaped our notice. Their names, which suit their personal appearance and their love of grand style, always end with the same letter—that which Dorians call Sam and Ionians Sigma. If you examine them you will find that the names of Persians, not merely some but all alike, end in this sound.” 140. This much I can say about the Persians from exact knowledge. Other things are talked of as secrets and not openly, with regard to the dead—how that the corpse of a Persian is not buried before it has been torn by bird or dog. Now I know the Magi do this, for they do it without conceal- ment; but the Persians cover the corpse with wax and bury it in the earth.” But the Magi are very different from other men, and especially from the priests in Egypt. The latter hold it a sacred duty to slay no living thing, save what they sacrifice ; but the Magi slay with their own hands all animals except a dog and a man, and they make this an object of rivalry, slaying alike ants and snakes and other reptiles and birds.” As to this custom, let it stand as it has been practised from the first ; but I will return to my former subject. ! See above, p. 216. Messrs How and Wells appropriately quote the deposition of a king for building bath-houses (SBE, iv.” 116 n.) * Herodotus seems rather to plume himself on his linguistic acumen, but of course the remark is wholly wrong. Names in -iš and -uś were in fact the only names that did end in a sibilant : he was generalising from Graecised forms in -as, -ms or -os. * Note the suggestion of secrecy, due perhaps to a sharp conflict in this matter between the masses who would follow their Magian kin, and the Iranian castes which clung to their old customs. The distinction drawn here between Magi and Persians is most valuable, and shows the accurate observation which is evidenced almost throughout this account. Compare the Scythian custom in iv. 71 (karakekºpouévov to gápa): here we have the genuine Iranian as against the aboriginal practice. See note on Strabo xv. 20 (p. 409 f.), and the discussion above, p. 202 f. * The most conspicuously Ahrimanian creatures are singled out, while &ydºviarua well describes the merit that accumulated from this duty. It is purely Magian, alien alike from genuine Persian religion and from Zarathushtra's Reform. On birds contrast Plutarch (p. 400). GREEK TEXTS-HERODOTUS, PLUTARCH 399 PLUTARCH, Isis and Osiris, cc. 46 f. Plutarch has been speaking of two principles, of Good and Evil, intermingled in the world around us, according to the doctrine of various poets and philosophers, and enshrined in religious rites both Greek and foreign. He proceeds:— 46. And this is the view of the greatest number and the wisest of men. For some recognise two gods, as it were rival artificers, the one the creator of good things, the other of worthless. But others call the better' power God, and the other a daemon,” as does Zoroaster” the Magus,” who they say flourished five thousand years before the Trojan War." Now he called the one Horomazes and the other Areimanios; 9 and he showed, moreover, that the former resembled Light more than any other thing perceived by the senses, while the latter again is like darkness and ignorance: intermediate between them is Mithres, wherefore also the Persians call Mithres the Mediator.” And he taught them to sacrifice to the one offerings of vows and thanksgivings, and to the other offerings for averting ill, and things of gloom.” For pounding in a mortar a herb called omomi,” they invoke Hades and darkness: then having mingled * The comparative answers exactly to the Gathic spanyah in Ys 45°, where “the holier of the Two Spirits thus spake to the Enemy.” * That is a divine being of inferior rank. * Zapáagºrpus : on the Greek forms of the name, see p. 426 f. * That Zoroaster was a Magian is the general Greek view, the force of which is discounted by the fact (see p. 426) that the Greeks—Xanthus the Lydian excepted (p. 412)—knew nothing of him till the middle of the fourth century B.C., which is more than two centuries after his traditional date (p. 18). For some arguments against the assumption, see pp. 116-8 and 197 f. * This very general Greek exaggeration is supposed to arise from a mis- understanding of the Zoroastrian aeons of three thousand years: p. 403 f. * On these forms see p. 422-6. * See the discussion upon Mithra, esp. p. 65 f. * As noted above, p. 127 f.; the idea of propitiating the powers of darkness was utterly alien to Zarathushtra's system. It was found in Mithraism— derived, as we have seen, from Iranian religion untouched by the Reform : cf. the dedication DEO ARIMANIO, and other examples noted in Lecture IV. Nocturnal libations are mentioned in the Avesta, as noticed on p. 129, and Herodotus witnesses a cult of 6 imb yiv Aeyduevos elva 6eós, answering exactly to Hades here and in other Greek texts. ° The Teubner editor prints MóAv without comment. Prof. Cumont (Textes et Monuments, ii. 34) accepts it, remarking that de Lagarde con- 400 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM it with the blood of a slaughtered wolf, they bear it forth into a sunless place and cast it away. For certain of the plants they count to belong to the good God, and others to the evil daemon; and of animals some, as dogs and birds and hedgehogs, belong to the good power,” and water-rats * to the bad, wherefore they count fortunate him that has slain most. jectured the reading, and Bernardakis put it in his text (“d'après le Marcianus?”). On this point my friend Prof. Deissmann of Berlin has kindly consulted Prof. Wilamowitz for me, who writes as follows:— “oMoM1 ist als Uberlieferung anzusehen, das heisst so hatte der Text, den wir erreichen ; es ist eine Handschrift des Planudes. MOAY gibt Dübner; es kann nur Conjectur sein, Urheber unbekannt. (Auf Grund des den künftigen Herausgebern der Moralia bekannten Materials.)” Since Bernardakis professes to give the variants from MSS., this is in keeping with the character of his edition as exposed years ago by the great scholar to whom I owe this note. Hommel (Geog., 207) compares Syr, hemāmā, #uouov in Aristotle and Theophrastus. If this is correct, Plutarch must have received ultimately from Aramaic sources the name of a plant substituted by popular etymology for the haoma, which was of course intended. The 3Apios is familiar in the Avesta (hâvana). 1 Cumont notes that the custom is quite unknown : the nearest illustra- tion is Herodotus i. 132, which, however, only gives us a parallel ritual for the powers of light. Windischmann compared Ys 9”, where Haoma is entreated to give his worshipper first sight of the wolf: compare lupi Moerim videre priores. This parallel does not take us far, though it rather endorses Ahriman's rights in the wolf. Note, however, that the province Varkāna (Av. Vohrkana) or Hyrcania was named from the wolf. * They devour corpses and insects, which are conspicuous among Ahriman's creation. The holiness of the dog is still more securely based. As to birds, cf. the Tobit story, p. 253 above. * Rapp (i. 82) renders xeparaſovs éx{vovs Landigel, and évôpovs ußs Wasserigel. But it seems strange to equate éxivot and uties. (Apart from this, having trodden on a sea-urchin while bathing in Jamaica, I should acquiesce in Ahriman's claim to the animal.) It does not seem likely that uūs here = mussels: the obvious water-rat seems to meet the conditions. Jackson (Grundriss, ii. 666) brilliantly compares the she-devil Müš Pairikd (Ys 16° and 68%), who on the authority of the Bundahish is supposed to be a comet, or something responsible for a lunar eclipse: the former would suit our sea-urchin or other creature with spines. The killing of Ahrimanian creatures is of course a high virtue in the Magian system. Windischmann (Zor. St., 282), who quotes Plutarch, Quaest. Conv., iv. 5%, translates Wasser- mäuse: he cites Vd 13° for the xeparatos éxivos, which “after midnight kills thousands of Ahriman's creatures.” Cumont observes simply, “Quel animal 7" GREEK TEXTS_PLUTARCH 47. Moreover, they also tell many mythical tales about the gods, such as the following. Horomazes, born from the purest light, and Areimanios, born from the gloom, strive in war with one another. And Horomazes created six gods," the first of Good Will, the second of Truth, the third of Good Govern- ment, and of the rest the one as maker of wisdom, another of wealth, and another of pleasures in beautiful things. And Areimanios created as it were rival artificers to these, equal in number to them.” Then Horomazes having extended himself * It may be assumed that Plutarch would call the āvrírexvot of the Amshaspands Satuoves like their chief, but he does not use the word below. For the Six in detail see pp. 110–5. They correspond in order as above to Wohu Manah (Eövota), Asha ('AA#9eta), Khshathra (Eövopºſa), Aramaiti (goºſas 6mutovpyós), Haurvatät (rxotºrov &mu.), and Ameretät (tôv étl toſs kaxoſs #6éav Šmu.). The equivalents are accurate enough till we come to the last two. Health and wealth are associated in English on excellent authority, but are hardly the same thing ; and we do not improve matters by trying Khshathra (with Tiele). And it is exceedingly curious that Plutarch should have gone so far astray with Ameretät, the simplest conception of all. The two last Ameshas never had anything like the prominence of the first four. Plutarch seems to give not only them but Aramaiti a secondary rank, which as far as the latter is concerned is by no means in keeping with the Avesta. It should be noted, however, that in the Haptanghaiti Gatha Aramaiti is not named more than once, and Haurvatat and Ameretat not at all, though their special provinces, Water and Plants, are as conspicuous as the first three Amshaspands. Plutarch's text as it stands is so entirely wide of the mark in its equivalent for Ameretat that corruption is sug- gested : Cumont's iSeáv for #36 ov, “Creator of the Ideas connected with good things,” is exceedingly ingenious. Prof. Cumont observes the Platonism, which is of course in Plutarch, not in Parsism. He thinks this involves bringing in the rôle of Vohumanah. If we had to justify this, we might note how in Cappadocia, according to the usual emendation and interpretation of Strabo (see p. 101), “Omanus and Amardatus” are orčugouot. But is it not simpler to recall that the very essence of Platonic Ideas is their immortality, as distinguished from the fleeting mortality of their earthly shadows 7 * See Bd 287 (SBE, v. 106 f.), and compare Vd 10°, 194° (Cumont). Mrs Maunder puts the point exceedingly well in a striking paper on the Tishtrya mythus in The Observatory (Dec., 1912): “Some say that we owe the game of chess to the Persians, and on that chequered field the con- flicting armies are equal and opposite ; every white piece is balanced by a black piece, exactly equivalent in name and form and powers. So it was with the Zoroastrian [Magian, I would say] plan of the universe ; the two great armies of good and evil were equal and opposite. It is true that the 26 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM threefold * withdrew himself from the sun by as much as the Sun is withdrawn from the earth, and he adorned the sky with stars;” and one star he established before them all as a kind of watch- man and scout, Sirius.” And having made other four-and-twenty gods he put them in an egg.” But they that were born from Areimanios, being of the same number, bored through the egg law of the game was ‘White to move, and mate in so many millenniums,’ but the two forces corresponded in number and in detail—they were counterparts.” 1 This may possibly be a confused version of the story of Yima, who thrice enlarged the earth, by one-third each time (Vd 2*). Jackson (Grd., 671) refers it to the doctrine of heavenly spheres, which he says is recognisable in Zoroastrianism. So Windischmann (Zor. St., 283), who compares the three heavens through which the soul ascends to Garðmmóna. * This at any rate is Avestan doctrine, whatever may be thought of the context: in Ys 317 Ahura “first planned that the heavenly realms be clothed with lights.” So in the Inscriptions Auramazda “made yon heaven.” Cumont adds the reference to Bundahish, ch. ii. (SBE, v. 10 f.). * This primacy of Sirius is apparent in the Tishtrya Yasht. * “A common figure for the Weltkugel in antiquity,” says Rapp (ii. 63), who notes that it does not seem like a piece of popular myth-making. But Darmesteter (OA, 133) quotes the Cosmic Egg from the Minokhired (SBE, xxiv. 85), and from Manu, so that the idea might even be Aryan. Whether similar myths in other regions are casually or causally connected, we need not stay to inquire. The 24 Yazatas are not thus numbered in Avestan texts, though Prof. Jackson observes that when the days of the month sacred to Ahura and the Amesha are deducted about 24 remain. But with so much obviously alien matter in the context, I am tempted to look elsewhere than in the Avesta, especially as the number is so precise. Prof. Cumont (Astrology, p. 33) speaks of 24 stars, outside the Zodiac, “twelve in the northern and twelve in the southern hemisphere, which, being sometimes visible, sometimes invisible, became the judges of the living and the dead.” Gunkel (Zwn religionsgeschichtlichen Verständnis des N.T., p. 43 n.) refers to an important passage in Diodorus (Bibl. Hist., ii. 31) which is Cumont's source here. He attaches special importance to a note of Prof. Zimmern’s that these stars or constellations are set in circles round the polar stars, as the 24 trpeggūrepot in Rev. 44 are set round the Throne. This may or may not convince us. But what does he mean when he goes on to remark that these 24 signs are “ of course’’ 24 divisions of the Zodiac (“die 24 Sternbilder . . . sind natürlich 24 Abteilungen des Tierkreises”) ; Diodorus expressly says they were out- side the Zodiac, and Zimmern’s remark implies that they are not far from the Poles. GREEK TEXTS-PLUTARCH 403 [at the top and brought them out, whlence evil things have been mingled with the good. But there will come a determined period when Areimanios bringing plague and famine must be utterly destroyed by these,” and made to vanish away; and the earth having become flat and level,” men shall have one life and one commonwealth, all being blessed and speaking one tongue.” And Theopompus * says that, according to the Magi, for three thousand years in succession the one of these gods rules and the other is ruled ; for the next three thousand they fight and war and break up one another's domains; * but finally Hades * Tava,0&v seems certainly corrupt : I tentatively translate Bernardakis' conjectural supplement, but without any confidence. The next sentence would rather suggest that he brought his 24 into the Weltei. * The familiar Greek combination Aolués Aluós suggests by itself that we have here no Avestan or other Iranian material. Ahriman was to be destroyed by the ayah x&usta, or flood of molten metal. See p. 157. 3 Cf. Bd. 3033 (SBE, v. 129): “This too it says, that this earth becomes an iceless, slopeless plain.” West remarks, “Mountains, being the work of the evil spirit, disappear with him.” But this was certainly no feature of pure Zoroastrianism, in which (as in Aryan thought generally) mountains were holy. It is a Magian trait : see above, p. 213 f. * The suggestion that the confusion of tongues is a curse to be removed at the Regeneration naturally suggests a Semitic source ; but it is quite in keeping with the principles of Magianism, though not actually found. 5 According to Diogenes Laertius (Prooem., 6), Theopompus (flor. 338 B.C.) wrote about the Magian doctrines in the eighth book of his Philippica. Probably we must regard his information as starting with this sentence, and not recognise his authority for anything earlier. * The more natural translation is that which Prof. Frazer gives: see below. A world year of 12,000 years was established in the system by Sassanian times. Mani taught thus (Söderblom, La Vie Future, 248 n.”), and we have a full statement of it in the Bundahish (SBE, v. 149). In Bd 18% the system of trimillennial periods is set forth. In the first the creatures “remained in a spiritual state, so that they were unthinking and unmoving, with intangible bodies.” Then Auharmazd proposed to the evil spirit that there should be a period of 9000 years for conflict: he knew this would be his enemy's undoing. Aharman, being ignorant (cf. Plutarch's &yvola above), agreed to this. So “for 3000 years everything proceeds by the will of Auharmazd, 3000 years there is an intermingling of the wills of Auharmazd and Aharman, and the last 3000 years the evil spirit is disabled, and they keep the adversary away from the creatures.” Theo- pompus seems to have been ignorant of the first period, during which (as West takes it) only the fravashis of the creatures afterwards produced were in existence. The period of Ahura Mazdāh's Supremacy may be reconciled 404 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM with Plutarch's exposition if we take the opening &vá uépos as “in succession, applying to all the periods instead of the first only, and then translate “one of the gods [viz. Horomazdes] is in power, and the other is subject.” On this point Prof. J. G. Frazer kindly sends me the following note:— “If we could interpret the words (as, apart from the context, they naturally would be interpreted) to mean ‘in alternate periods of three thousand years first one and then the other god prevails,’ this theory would resemble Empedocles's view of the alternate periods in which Love or Hate (Attrac- tion or Repulsion) respectively prevails, so that the universe, under the influence of the one or the other, alternately contracts or expands, the periods of motion (whether of attraction or of repulsion) being separated by intervals of equilibrium and rest, in which the one force has exhausted itself and the other has not yet begun to move all things in the reverse direction. It is tempting to interpret the hpeueiv Kal &vatraßeq 0a xpdvov, etc., of such intervals of equilibrium or peace separating periods of motion or conflict. If there is anything in this suggestion, the MSS. reading &roxetired 9at is to be preferred to the émoxeſoróat or &toxéorèat of modern critics, since the reference would be to a temporary failure of the bad power's influence, not to its total extinction. As to Empedocles's theory of the alternation of the world-periods under the opposite forces of Love and Hate (Attraction and Repulsion) see Zeller, Philosophie der Griechen, I.” 678 sqq., especially pp. 704 sqq., where he says, “Die Zeiten der Bewegung und des Naturlebens wechseln daher regelmässig mit Solchen der Naturlosigkeit und der Ruhe.” The length of these periods is unknown ; but Zeller adds in a footnote: ‘Das einzige, was in dieser Beziehung vorliegt, ist die . . . Bestimmung dass schuldhafte Dâmonen 30,000 Horen in der Welt umherirren sollen.” The rpis uvptal &pat have been variously understood as 30,000 years or 30,000 seasons (10,000 years). In any case the 30,000 of Empedocles is a curious echo of the 3000 of Zoroaster. By the way, Empedocles's doctrine of the alternate world-periods of contraction and expansion closely resembles Herbert Spencer's theory of alternate periods of evolution and dissolution. I have occasion incidentally to point out the parallelism in the forth- coming part of The Golden Bough.” This interesting suggestion has the considerable advantage of explaining the difficult words hospelv KTA, which, as far as I can see, have no analogue in the Zoroastrian system. In that case we must be on our guard in using Plutarch as a source, since he is suspected of interpolating Greek elements —unless, indeed, Empedocles got hints from Persia. Another line is suggested by Böklen (Pars. Esch., 82), who points out that in Ardá Viraf (18 and 54) a world-age of 9000 years is presumed, and in Plutarch 6000. (He observes that on Zoroastrian principles it is impossible to imagine Angra Mainyu having dominion over Mazdāh, so that we must translate as in my text above.) Accordingly he suggests that the 9000 of Ardá Viraf and the 12,000 of the Bundahish represent successive accretions to an older 6000. This enables him to compare Jewish-Christian apocalyptic, where a cycle of 6000 or 7000 years bases itself obviously on the week of creation, interpreted GREEK TEXTS_PLUTARCH 405 is to fail,” and men will become happy, neither needing food nor casting shadows,” while the god who brought these things by the principle stated in 2 Pet. 3° and elsewhere. It seems to me that if this is the original we must postulate Semitic sources for the Magian doctrine Plutarch describes, for only in this field can we find an adequate motive for the number. For the next period the Greek and Pahlavi authorities agree : but Theopompus does not connect any millennial reckoning with the time of final triumph. * On &moxetired.6al, often corrected to &roxeſoróat, see Dr Frazer's note. Böklen (Pars. Esch., 102 ft.) has an acute discussion of it on the assumption that the text is correct. He shows, rightly enough, that the Greek verb must be badly forced if we are to assume that the destruction of Ahriman is meant. He would take Tov “Atómy literally, and render “Hades is to be deserted,” which gives us the desiderated reference to the Resurrection, elsewhere not alluded to by Plutarch. This is strange, since he knew and quoted Theopompus, who is expressly cited by Diogenes Laertius (p. 415 f., below) for Magian belief in the future life: the words are ës (sc. Theo- pompus) kal &vaß160 egºal karū tows Máyovs pnal robs &v6párovs kal écrégºal &0avárovs kal rà èvra rais airóv Čirikahoegt ötapleweiv. The quotation is con- firmed by Æneas of Gaza (De Animi Immortalitate, 77), 6 & Zapodarpms trpoxéyé às #otal roté xpóvos év (; tróvrov verpov &várragus értal. oićev 6 ©eóroutros. Since Plutarch does not, like Aristotle, expressly identify Ahriman and Hades, there certainly seems a strong case for this rendering. But it may be noticed that if Theopompus really gave the doctrine as Zoroaster's, as AEneas says—karð roos Máyovs being due to Diogenes—we are left free to explain Plutarch's silence from our converging evidence that the Magi had no doctrine of the Future Life apart from their acceptance of Zoroastrianism. Plutarch's picture (cf. below) is remarkably true—apart from some Greek elements—to the doctrines we should on other grounds suppose the Magi to have held in the first century A.D.: the complete syncretism of Magianism and Zoroastrianism proper was not achieved till the Sassanian era. * Cf. Bd 301-3, where it is said that at the first the primeval pair fed on water, then plants, then milk, then meat : So when men's time comes to die they desist from meat, then from milk, then from bread, and finally feed on water. So in the end men's appetite will diminish, one taste of consecrated food sufficing for three days and nights. After that they desist from the foods in this order, “and for ten years before Sóshyans comes they remain without food and do not die.” Since Ahriman is the power of darkness, it is logical that shadows should belong to his province and vanish when he is destroyed. Compare Yt 10° and 15”. Another reason for the disappearance of shadows in the life beyond death is that suggested by Darmesteter's notable extract from the Great Bundahish, cited above, p. 256 f. Since at death a man’s “form,” or more literally “image,” flies up to the 406 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM to pass" is quiet and rests for a season, not a long one for a god, but moderately long as it were for a man that sleeps.” Such, then, is the mythology of the Magi. On a review of this most important locus classicus we cannot help being powerfully struck with the almost exclusively Magian character of the sources Plutarch has employed. There is nothing whatever here that we can credit to Zarathushtra, except what we find perpetuated in the Magian parts of the Later Avesta; and the most conspicuous parallels we have to seek in the Pahlavi books, of which on any showing the Magian authorship is secure. We have already noted the possibility that the World-age of 6000 years is due to Semitic thought, modified in Sassanian Magianism by new elements, which in their turn seem to be Babylonian. To the same source we attributed the Twenty-four gods. The dualism of Plutarch's picture goes far beyond anything we find in the Avesta. Sacrifices DEo ARIMANIo, found in the syncretic system of Mithraism, are utterly alien to Avestan thought. Characteristics of the Magian doctrine may be recognised in the emphasis on the stars (though Plutarch's brief account gives nothing actually alien to the Avesta here), and the curious view of mountains as creations of evil: see p. 213 f. The Amesha Spenta are adopted, it is true, and so is the name Areimanios, which are both due to Zarathushtra's thought. But it is pointed out sun, he may well be without shadow in the next existence. But the antiquity of the psychology in this passage cannot be proved : it differs from the Avestan, as noted there. * Windischmann accepted Markland's unxavnaðuevov, and assumed that Saoshyant was intended. Söderblom (La Vie Future, 244 n.8) urges that Øeós should mean Ahura Mazdāh, as in the preceding phrase. Another suggestion of Windischmann was that Sāma Keresåspa is the 9eás, referring to his rising from long sleep to take part in the Regeneration. Keresåspa's place in the Avesta is hardly that of a beds. (See Dr Frazer, above.) 2 The ordinary text is probably corrupt : I render without much con- fidence the Teubner &AAws for kaxas. Söderblom would read kaxós us, oºv (for où) toxiv, tº [æ] 0eó &otrep &v0pétrº Kouwuévº uérptov. Böklen (Pars. Esch, 81 m.) suggests Kaivopéve (sic—kalvovuévº is presumably meant), explaining that “die Selbstverjūngung des Gottes die Woraussetzung ist für die Verjūngung und Erneuerung der Menschheit.” Neither seems to solve the problem, GREEK TEXTS-PLUTARCH, STRABO 407 elsewhere that even the name Angra Mainyu is only the stereotyping of a casual collocation, occurring only once in the Gathas, the fixing of which belongs most certainly to distant successors of Zarathushtra. The Ameshas also have been de- veloped since Zarathushtra's day in directions very different from those to which he pointed. The Six in Plutarch have all the features of the Magian adaptation. There are the six &vrtrexvot, a conception with an unmistakable Magian hall-mark, but essentially absent from the Avesta except in scanty hints. And it is perhaps not without significance that the one Amesha whose character Plutarch misinterprets is “Immortality,” since the Magi evidently did not take to this doctrine for generations, native as it was to the Aryans and developed by Zarathushtra. We should compare the Magian original of Tobit (p. 252 f.). The conclusion forced on me is that in Plutarch's day the Magi were still keeping up their own system, extended to a very limited degree by adaptations derived from Aryan and Zoroastrian sources. They took over these elements largely in order to win their way among the populace who followed a degenerate form of Aryan polytheism, influenced mostly in externals by the Zarathushtrian Reform. Otherwise they had changed but little : the Sassanian revival was still far off. STRAbo, xv. 3. 13 ff. (p. 732 f.) 13. Persian customs are the same as those of the Medes and many others, concerning which sundry have written: I must, however, tell of what is important. Persians, then, do not set up images and altars, but sacrifice on a high place, regarding the Sky as Zeus." They honour also the Sun, whom they call Mithras,” and the Moon, and Aphrodite,” and Fire and Earth, and Winds and Water. They sacrifice in a pure place after dedicatory prayer, having set the victim by them garlanded. The Magus who presides over the rite divides the animal limb from limb, and they take their portions and depart, assigning * This seems simply borrowed from Herodotus (p. 391). * This is of course an advance on Herodotus, whose knowledge about Mithra was scanty (p. 238). The identification of Mithra and the Sun had advanced rapidly. * Anāhita, who is here mentioned apart from Mithra. 4:08 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM no portion to the gods. They say the deity needs the soul of the victim, but nothing more: they do, however, according to some, put a little piece of the caul upon the fire. 14. They make a difference between fire and water in their manner of sacrifice. For the Fire, they put on it dry logs without the bark," adding fat from above: then they kindle it from below, pouring oil over it, not blowing it,” but fanning it; any who have blown it, or have laid a dead body or dung upon fire, they put to death. For Water, when they have come to a lake, a river, or a spring, they dig a trench and slay the victim over it, taking care that none of the water close by may be splashed with blood, since they would thus defile it.” Then setting in order the flesh upon myrtle or bay, the Magi touch it with thin rods” and chant a hymn, pouring a libation of oil mingled with milk and honey, not into the fire or the water, but on the ground; and they keep up the chants for a long time, holding a bundle of thin tamarisk rods.” 15. In Cappadocia, where the Magian tribe is numerous, being called fire-priests (triſpat{}ot)," and shrines of the Persian gods are also numerous, they do not even kill with a knife, but by striking the victim with a log of wood, as if with a pestle." * The entirely reasonable requirement that Átar must have carefully dried wood given to him may be seen in a verse fragment in Vd 18” (cf. ERPP, 157), which is presumably old. The additional requirement that it must be purified (yaozdāta) may well have meant originally that the bark must be stripped off, as here. Cf. Lat. delubrum, and E.R.E., ii. 44. * This suits the Parsi ritual use of the paitiddima, a small napkin worn over nose and mouth by a priest before the Fire, to prevent his breath from polluting it. * Contrast Herod., vii. 113, where the Magi in the suite of Xerxes sacrificed white horses to the Strymon : the words seem to imply that a jet of blood was directed into the water. * This item is not quite clear. The carpet of myrtle or bay is a develop- ment of the old Aryan barhis-barožiš (see p. 190). Are the “thin rods” simply the first stage of making a barsom, consecrating it by touching sacrificial meat 7 * This is of course the barsom, : the notice is interesting as showing the kind of plant then used. It is still used in Yezd. 6 I.e. d6tavanó. 7 This was presumably to avoid the shedding of blood—an extension of the precaution observed above. Cf. J. G. Frazer, The Golden Boughº, ii. 241: royal criminals in Siam were pounded to death in iron cauldrons, because GREEK TEXTS_STRABO 409 There are also fire-temples (Trvpatóeia), a peculiar sort of enclosure, in the middle of which is an altar, with abundance of ashes upon it, and the Magi guard thereon a fire that is never quenched. They enter these by day," and chant for almost an hour before the fire holding the bundle of rods, wearing felt headgear (Tugpas), which falls down on both sides for the cheek pieces to cover the lips.” The same usages are practised in the shrines of Anaïtis and Omanus:” these also have secret enclosures, and an image of Omanus goes in procession. These things I have seen myself, but the former details and those to follow are described in the books of history. [Sections following deal with manners and customs: a few sentences are excerpted.] 17 fin. Marriages are consummated at the beginning of the spring equinox." The bridegroom goes to the bridal chamber after first eating an apple or the marrow of a camel,” but nothing else that day. 20 (p. 735). They bury their dead after covering the body with wax." The Magi they do not bury, but leave them to the royal blood must not be spilt on the ground. Dr Frazer gives much evidence (op. cit., 243 ff.) to show the widespread “unwillingness to shed blood, or at least to allow it to fall on the ground.” * For any ritual of the kind performed at night would all go to the profit of the Dačvas, as the Wendidad shows. * See note”, p. 408. The description here answers in every particular to the familiar medallion of a priest before the Fire, reproduced on the title-page of Geldner's Avesta, from MSS. more than a thousand years later than Strabo. There is the barsom and the penom (paitiddna), the coal-scuttle hat with trapayva6tóes, and the book out of which the priest chants a Yasht (cf. Hát., áiraetóel 9eovovimv). Compare also the passage from Pausanias, quoted p. 208, n. * This is assumed to be Wohumanah, chief of the Amesha in Later Avesta. If so, we have a significant divergence from the aniconic worship of the Avesta. For the one (late) Avestan parallel, see p. 101 above. * When the productive powers of nature are in full activity. * The names of Zarathuštra and Fraša-uśtra are evidence of the part the camel took in Iran. There may possibly be an allusion to the sexual power of the camel ; cf. Tahmuras' Frag. 65 (SBE, iv.” 289, and Darmesteter's note). 6. With this compare, not only Strabo's possible source, Herodotus, i. 140 (p. 398), but also a passage later in this Book (p. 746, ch. i. 20), where 410 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM be devoured by birds. It is the latter who by ancestral custom actually mate with their mothers." DIOGENEs LAERTIUs, Prooemium Diogenes” introduces his account of famous philosophers by remarking that Philosophy is said to have owed its origin to foreigners (8&péapol). Thus “the Persians had Magians, the Babylonians or Assyrians Chaldaeans, the Indians had Gym- nosophists [fakirs, the Kelts and Galatians the so-called Druids and Semnothei, as Aristotle says in Tö Mayuköv,” and Sotion in the 23rd book of his Ataðoxy.” A few lines lower down he proceeds:— “Now from the time of the Magi (whose chief was the Persian Zoroaster) up to the taking of Troy 5000 years elapsed, according to the Platonist Hermodorus in his book IIep. Maônudºrov. Xanthus the Lydian, however, says 600 (?) years passed between Zoroaster and the invasion of Xerxes; and that after him there was a long succession (6taôoxſ) of Magi, with names like Ostanes, Astrampsychus, Gobryas, and Pazates, up to the conquest of the Persians by Alexander.” The four names of Magi succeeding Zoroaster are explained by Windischmann (Studien, 286) as recalling (1) Av. ustã, see the Uštavaiti Gatha ; (2) Västryöfðuyas, the name of agriculturists, given actually to Zarathushtra and his son; (3) Gaubaruva Strabo says of the Assyrians, “They wail for their dead, as do the Egyptians and many others; and they bury them in honey, having covered them with wax.” The words 64troval kmpá, reputadoravires are common to both : Herodotus says karakmpdºo avtes yń kpótrovoi. The difference of phraseology may possibly imply a supplementary source, which makes the note of a similar custom in Mesopotamia interesting. There is a further parallel in Herodotus, in his account of the Scythians (iv. 71), who “take up the corpse, katakekmpopévov učv to orópa KTA.” That Strabo omits the dogs has been noted above (pp. 202). * Toârous 88 kal untpáo t avvépxed 6al trarpiov vevåugrat. On this subject see p. 204–8. - * He called himself apparently Diogenes Laertiades (Laertios) by a punning use of the Homeric Atoyevès Aaeptidón, with which Odysseus is so often addressed : it gave him a pen-name. Mr Hicks tells me that Wilamowitz anticipated this suggestion. * So “in the anonymous list now referred to Hesychius,” Mr Hicks tells me. It may of course be 6 Mayukás. GREEK TEXTS-STRABO, DIOGENES 411 in Old Persian; (4) Iſaričetëns in Herodotus (iii. 61), which Windischmann would connect with paiti-zan, “acknowledge,” specially in a religious sense (as Ys 29*). It may be observed that the second of these—a most acute attempt to interpret a word that was certainly not invented—suits the case I have tried to make above (p. 117 f.), that the priesthood was originally no separate order. Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1416) would put v.f3 in antithesis to abravan ; but here a typical priest actually bears the name. Not much is added by later research to these notes of Windischmann, which at least bring out the entirely Iranian character of the names, and establish accordingly the certainty that the sources of Diogenes were not mere imaginative Greeks. The plural form in which the names occur “indicates type or class,” says Prof. Jackson (Zoroaster, 138 m.). That is, they will be rather sects than individuals. Justi (Namenbuch, 52) says of “’Oaráva " [why not "Oaravat P], “Austâna hiess ein Priesterschaft welche sich mit Astronomie beschäftigte (also von dem Worte Awestà abzuleiten"), referring to this passage. The connexion with Avesta is unlikely enough. 'AaTpaylºvyovs (p. 47) he only mentions as derived professedly, like the others, from Xanthus of Sardis : Suidas has 'AaTpauwſrüxovº. Tw8púas is of course a good Persian name, Gaubaruva: see Justi, p. 112. 1Iașăraş (p. 246) he compares with Patizeithes, and makes him “einer der Begründer der Magie.” Rapp (ZDMG, xx. 72) gives some other classical quotations: note also that from Suidas, “’Oatäval oëTot Totºny Tapó IIéparats Mayot &Aéyovro.” It is at least possible that these four names may include more than one which really denotes a caste within the Magi of Sassanian times, for which Porphyry vouches (De Abstin., iv. 16). For the common idea among the Greeks that Zoroaster belonged to a period 6000 years before Alexander—which is the same as the date given by Hermodorus (fourth century B.C.) above—it will be enough to refer to Prof. Jackson's dissertation, Zoroaster, pp. 152 ft. Xanthus the Lydian was an elder con- temporary of Herodotus," according to Ephorus (ap. Athenaeus, xii. 515). But unfortunately textual certainty fails here in a 1 Obviously Xanthus could not have named Alexander, except by a gift of second sight. But careless quotation on the part of Diogenes will perhaps sufficiently account for the anachronism, 412 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM crucial matter. Two MSS. are said to read Šćaktax{\ta instead of ééakóorta, and Cobet (1850) adopted this reading, which accords with many other classical notices and is, I fear, more likely to be right. In view of some doubts attaching to the fragments of Xanthus, and the impossibility of depending on our text of this extract in Diogenes, I reluctantly pass on. But the notice is most tantalising, for it throws back by a century the earliest mention of Zarathushtra by a Greek writer, and it puts his floruit into the eleventh century B.C., which is just about the period that on other grounds I should very much like to give him, as explained in Lecture III. above. I must not stop to discuss Xanthus in general, a task which belongs to the historians and the specialists on Greek literature; but it may be fairly noted that this particular extract is reasonable enough, and I should be well pleased to find it genuine. I note that in W. Christ's authoritative work on Greek literature (in Iwan Müller's Handbuch), ed.", p. 454, it is observed that the finding of the Escurial fragment of Nicolaus Damascenus in 1848 rehabilitated the credit of the Xanthus remains by the accurate local colour displayed. Mr Hicks refers me to Busolt (II.” 451), who “writes as if he accepted without a doubt the existence of a Lydian historian in the reign of Artaxerxes.” Before leaving Xanthus, I ought to refer to his other fragment which interests us, preserved by Nicolaus Damascenus (first century B.c.): the text may be seen in Jackson's Zoroaster, p. 232. He speaks of “Zoroaster's oracles,” in connexion with the Sibyl's responses, and then attributes to Zoroaster the precept not to burn corpses or otherwise pollute fire. If, then, Xanthus is really our oldest authority, we gather from him that Zoroaster was already—in less than a century and a half, on the orthodox view —invested with immemorial antiquity, and his name annexed by the Magi for the sanction of their most characteristic practice. So far, then, as his authority goes, I should quote him as evidence for dating Zarathushtra some centuries before the era fixed by the native tradition. These extracts, however, I have only given to prepare for the locus classicus that follows in §§ 6 to 9 (ch. vi.). A paper by Mr Hicks upon Magian Doctrine in these sections, read before the Cambridge Philological Society on October 26th, 1911 GREEK TEXTS_DIOGEN claims that “the authors cited” by the com as old as the fourth century B.c., except Herm who belonged to the third century. A com Avesta and other Parsee scriptures confirms the account as a whole.” The disabilities o resident member of the Society have been mad Mr Hicks's kindness in sending me his paper me to quote from it. His authority on all mat scholarship, and especially Greek philosophy, is lend peculiar value to his in pressions of the Parl even though read only in translations. Firstly, I version of the passage entire, with one or two of which are important for my purpose: I attach to t initials R. D. H., as in other notes upon this subjec which he has most kindly furnished me. He asks me to that in his use o Avestan material he has mainly follo Darmesteter. § 6. [The Chaldaeans busy themselves with astronomy a prediction,] bi , the Magi with the worship of the gods, wi sacrifices and prayers, as if none but themselves have the ear o the gods. They propound their views concerning the being and origin of the gods, whom they hold to be fire, earth, and water." They condemn the use of images,” and especially the error of those ; who attribute to the divinities difference of sex.” (7) They hold * This, of course, is not far from the truth, as far as genuine Magianism is concerned : as we have seen, it is very inadequate for Iranian religion, and utterly untrue for that of Zarathushtra. * This may have been derived from the statement of Herodotus (i. 131 : See note abºve, p. 391). But here the Magi did not care (or ººl e) to disturb a scruple /thoroughly characteristic of Zarathushtra aſ of the pre- Reformatiºn religion as well. See also p. 67 f. * This would be true of Zarathushtra himself, Amshaspahds are only grammatically endowed with three are heuter. But it is far from true of the Mag Avestan igurative description of Aramaiti as Ahura 2 to enforc "ſileir own doctrine of the Khvetwk-das (see e Iranian Nature-worship : for exam, iti there occurs the very Vedic d Ahura Mazdāh.” If Diogenes is d re seemingly a trait of the P but entirely in character. In s feminine RLY ZOROASTRIANISM , and deem it impious to practise cremation ; impiety in marriage with a mother or a on relates in his 23rd book." Further, they on, and forecast the future, declaring that the hem in visible form.” Moreover, they say that of shapes which stream forth like vapour, and of the keen-sighted.” They prohibit personal hushtra in Greek writers, this is decidedly interesting : I whom Diogenes was quºting. ima and the khvetulº-das are combined, as so often in Greek he Magi. & “ - medallion reproduced from an Avestan MS. on the title-page of Avesta text of Geldner the figure of Ormazd is seen in the air ie sacred fire, before which the priest is ministering with barsom and -book. An illustration from antiquity might be found in the eism of Commagene as set forth by Antiochus I. ; see Lecture III., 7 f., where a sentence of the famous inscription is shown to enabody the that a Fravashi could appear visibly. That this is by no means a Iuine Zoroastrian field does not matter. Divination and prediction are 'agian characteristics: see p. 196 f. * * “I take this word (ágvöepków) literally, of keen sight. But if the writer ttributed magic to the Magians, it might bear the sense of ‘adepts,’ ‘Mahatmas.” Pliny in his tirade (Nat. Hist., xxx. vi. 16) tells us that the Magians sometimes excused the failure of their séances by alleging physical defects, e.g. freckles, in those who took part in them. [In the whole sentence] (note the words eišćAov . . . kar’ &réppolav Št' àvaðvuićgews eio Kpivouévov) I suspect contamination with Greek philosophemes. For etówWow is a technical term with the Atomists for the film or image emanating from objects perceived, and impinging upon the sense or the mind. 'Atróppola is used in nearly the same Sense, particularly by Empedocles, but also by Leucippus and Democritus, for the efflux of minute particles which stream off (*oppeſ) from the surface of all perceptible bodies. Again, &va6vuſag is i \ Heraclitean term denoting the evaporation º matter from earth ASea, and its volatilisation into air. Variatiºns in this process cau and night, the seasons and years, rain and, wind. It e stars, and is identified with soul. Nºw, if this manifestations of the gods mentioned in the preceiing 6a), I suspect that the Greek writer is putting forward sicists, which he thinks would partly iritual beings could not be discerned The archangels and archfiends o joreal as well as their incorporeal ek authority whom Diogenes nnot be justified from the Parsi GREEK TEXTS-DIOGENES 415 ornament, and the wearing of gold. Their dress is white, they make their bed on the ground, and their food is herbs, cheese," and coarse bread; their staff is a reed, and their custom is (so we are told) to stick it into the cheese, and take up with it the part they eat. (8) With the art of magic” they were wholly unacquainted, according to Aristotle in his Magicus, and Deinon* in the 5th book of his history. Deinon tells us that the name Zoroaster literally interpreted means star-worshipper; * and Hermodorus" agrees with him. Aristotle, in the first book of his dialogue On Philosophy, declares the Magi to be more ancient than the Egyptians;" further, that they believe in two principles, the good spirit and the evil spirit, the one called Zeus or Oromazdes," the other Hades or Aremanius.* This is confirmed by Hermippus in his first book about the Magi, and by Eudoxus in his Voyage round the World, and by Theopompus in his Philippica.” (9) The last-named author says that accord- ing to the Magi men will live in a future life and be immortal," there neither Ameshas nor Dačvas have any corporeal aspect. Perhaps the material provinces of the Ameshas (fire, earth, etc.) suggested the idea. 1 Pliny records a story that Zoroaster lived in the wilderness on cheese. Cf. the raoyna zaramaya, “spring butter,” which is the ambrosia of the blessed in Garð nrmāna (Yt 22*). On the white dress, see p. 397. * Thu Yontukºv uavretav, i.e. “black magic.” The Greeks distinguished between wayeta and yonrikh. See p. 208 f., and some good reff in L. H. Gray's article on Persian Divination, E.R.E., iv. 818 f. 3 Fourth century, like Aristotle. 4 'Aarpo6%rm On this see p. 201. * Fourth ce. I try. * I have add ped evidence in Lecture VI. taking them back to the seventh century, and may assume that their characteristic position as a sacred tribe was mu (, older than this. This justifies Aristotle as far as is necessary. IA'ould enter a caveat as to Aristotle : Mr Hicks tells me that “not only V' entine Rose, who holds all fragments of Aristotle to be spurious, but Heitz also, suspects the Mayukás.” By way of compensation, Mr Hicks supplies another reference to the Magi from an undoubted work: s Oromasdes” in the Inscription of Antiochus of Commagene ). 8 Compaº above, pp. 128 f., 399. 9 These wri' irs are respectively third, fourth, and fourth century B.C. 1 This is a very important notice when the date is considered, and the precision with which Diogenes locates the quotation. If my reconstruction 416 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM and that their invocations ensure the permanence of the world." in Lecture VI. is justified, we must regularly sort out all Greek notices of the Magi, according as they appear to belong to them as repositories of Avestan doctrine, or to represent their own beliefs and practices as a distinct sacred caste. Naturally this would often be a question of geography : we should expect to find communities of Magi in non- Zoroastrian districts who kept to a late date their own peculiar tenets, being under no temptation to assimilate them to Avestan forms. The laxity of faith and practice under the Arsacid dynasty would encourage a great absence of uniformity even in districts which generally observed Avestan doctrine. In this notice of Theopompus we have a dogma which was probably alien to the Magi as such. This appears specially from Tobit, if I may assume the correctness of my reconstruction of the Magian folk-story which contributed groundwork to it: see p. 252. The story was taken over as it stood before the Magi attached themselves to Zoroastrianism ; and it has no doctrine of a future life, unless we are to suppose that the Jewish writer who used it excised this part of its teaching. Apart from this, I can only urge that a doctrine of immortality does not seem to me in keeping with the general character of purely Magian theology, except so far as death may have been regarded as a creation of Ahriman to be destroyed with his other works. (See p. 177 f.) Both Iranian religion and Zarathushtra's reform acknowledged immortality, the latter, of course, as the very pivot of his whole system. This notice of Theopompus may accordingly be claimed as evidence that the most essential feature of Zarathushtra's teaching had in the fourth century to this limited extent become known to writers of the West. * “This is the plain sense of the clause kal rà èvra rais airóv Čirikxhoreori Stauévetv, and there is no need to adopt the makeshifts of early interpreters. Thus Isaac Casaubon's note suggests tals airów (or abraſs) étrikºhgear. Staplevéïv, “omnia suas appellationes retentura.” But why should the lames of things in the next world, in the state of immortality, receive this ecial notice 7" (R. D. H.) I think I could answer this question, whº her or no the emendation be accepted. The importance of names, as an 'tegral part of the personality, is prominent in the Magian parts of the Avesta ; and I can quite believe that Magian custodians of Zarathushtra's" octrine would insist upon their perpetuity. And since the former df Casaubon's emendations only involves one changed breathing and one changed accent, it might fairly stand as an alternative explanation of the ºxisting text. Mr Hicks proceeds to note that Meric Casaubon rejecte "his father's interpretation, and quoted a (decidedly apposite) passage fu " Cedrenus, a monk of the eleventh century —gott ö& playeta włv étikamat 0 trouév 676ev, trpos &ya600 rivos o-to-taoiv, Šotrep rà roi, Tvavéays. “Are Bundahish, the world of existence is the result of the creative effort of Ormazd on the one side and the malignant imitation of the e creations by Ahriman on the other. [This is equally true of the Wendidad : see GREEK TEXTS-DIOGENES 417 This is again confirmed by Eudemus, the Rhodian." Hecataeus’ adds that according to them gods, as well as men, are born, especially Fargardi. J. H. M.] The two orders of creation are in incessant conflict. In order that the universe may persist, Ormazd and his angels must vanquish the devil and his angels, and they need all support in the struggle. Man with his free will can lend his aid, and thus lay up for him- Self a store of merit or righteousness, by good thoughts, good words, good deeds, and more particularly by sacrifice. He thus takes an active part in the conflict between gods and fiends. The sacrifice is more than an act of worship : it is an act of assistance to the gods. Gods, like men, need drink and food to be strong ; like men, they need praise and encouragement to be of good cheer. When not strengthened by the sacrifice, they fly helpless before their foes. [Cf. passages in metrical and therefore old Yashts, in which Yazatas declare that if only men would invoke them with a sacrifice that named their name (aoxto-mămana yasma—very close to étíkAmois), they could conquer the foes of gods and men. So especially Tishtrya in Yt 8, in reference to his struggle with Apaosha, the Drought demon. J. H. M.] Spell or prayer is not less powerful than the offerings. The invocation by Solemn formula is a weapon which Ormazd himself employs against his foe; in the beginning of the world he confounded Ahriman by reciting the Honover. Man, too, sends his prayer between the earth and the heavens, there to smite the fiends (Ys 61).” (R. D. H., after Darmesteter, who compares the supersession of Indra in India by deified Prayer (Brahman).) He is, I think, on wholly right lines in interpreting the Iranian evidence. I have a note elsewhere (p. 160) on the position of spells in Avestan religion. My only difficulty is that the second statement has on this interpretation nothing to do with the first. On Isaac Casaubon's lines we have a second statement which is a logical continuation of its predecessor : men are to live again, and their identity (and that of the world in which they live, except so far as the Ahrimanian creation goes) is to continue unchanged, as guaranteed by the permanence of their names, which are almost, like the fravashis, a part of themselves. Mr Hicks remarks on my note that linguistic tests break down, as étrikAmots and r& 5ura are susceptible of either meaning. He thinks my preference makes the dative “perhaps a trifle less natural.” We must, I fear, leave the matter open. 1 Fourth century. * Of Miletus, who lived in the sixth and early fifth centuries. This is accordingly one of our very earliest notices of the Magi, and it is tantalis- ingly brief. The historian or his epitomator has not troubled to justify the statement, which is difficult to fit on to what we know. Perhaps the best parallel will be the passage in Plutarch (above, p. 401) where he says Horomazes “created six gods” (the Amshaspands) and 24 others later, Areimanios creating &vrírexvot to them. Ahura Mazdāh is called in the Avesta the “father” of Átar (Fire), Aramaiti, and other yazata ; and the epithet Mazdadāta is applied to Haoma and others. Perhaps these 27 GREEK TEXTS_DIOGENES 419 go by sea to Rome, and taxed the provinces with the expense of a land journey," shows clearly that Tiridates was a follower of the Mazdean religion, which forbade him to defile the elements, as the Parsees of to-day consider it a crime to spit into the fire. Tacitus distinctly says that it was on grounds of religion that Vologeses, in a despatch to Nero, had at first declined the invitation to Rome for his brother Tiridates.” Thus by the term Magian we are to understand a priest, and one of the Zoroastrian or Mazdean religion.” These tabus are of course Magian in the strict sense of the word, and only attach themselves to the Zoroastrian or the Mazdean name by virtue of the syncretism which in the first century was very nearly complete. Of great interest to the student of Greek philosophy is Mr Hicks's discussion of possible influence of Magian doctrine on Greek thinkers. I must pass this by, only noting his conclusions because of their bearing on the dating of Magian dogmas. He decides against Prof. Goodrich's suggestion (Class. Rev., xx. 208 f.) that there is an allusion to Zoroastrianism in Plato, Politicus, 269E-270A, the Empedoclean doctrine of Neikos and d?txta. (Cf. Prof. J. G. Frazer's letter quoted in my notes on Plutarch, above, p. 404.) He is more inclined to accept Mr Goodrich's other suggestion, that Plato has Parsi doctrine in mind when he propounds (and rejects) the hypothesis of two gods with hostile intentions towards each other. But he notes that in the Laws (x., p. 896E) “Plato hit upon another hypo- thesis, that there are two souls in the universe, a good soul and an evil soul.” From the same book he quotes a passage which looks decidedly Magian — For as we acknowledge the world (oëpavāv) to be full of many goods and also of evils, and of more evils than goods, there is, as we affirm, an undying conflict (pdxm . . . 364vatos) going on among us, which requires marvellous watchfulness; and in that conflict the gods and demigods are our allies, and we are their property (Lan's, 906A). 1 Magus ad eum [Neronem] Tiridates venerat . . . ideo provinciis gravis. Navigare noluerat, quoniam exspuere in maria aliisque mortalium necessi- tatibus violare naturam eam fas non putant. (On this see p. 216.) * Nec recusaturum Tiridaten . . . in urbem venire, nisi sacerdotii re- ligione attineretur (Annals, xv. 24). 418 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM and have a beginning in time." Clearchus of Soli” in his work On Education further makes the Gymnosophists to be descendants of the Magi, and some trace the Jews to the same origin also.” Furthermore, those who have written about the Magi criticise Herodotus.* They urge that Xerxes would never have cast javelins at the sun, nor have bound the sea with fetters, since in the creed of the Magi sun and sea are gods; but that statues of the gods should be destroyed by Xerxes was natural enough. I must not yield to temptation, or I might be quoting Mr Hicks's paper whole, and thereby emulating the service that Diogenes has rendered us in preserving valuable matter which otherwise would not have survived. I will excerpt only one or two more passages which have importance for my purpose. “The Magians, whose doctrine is here presented, were clearly not magicians, as Aristotle saw, though Pliny, four centuries later, perhaps wilfully confounded them; for his own account (N.H. xxx. 6) of the reasons why Tiridates refused to facts will justify Hecataeus, in whose day the Magi were only recently attached to Zoroastrianism, and therefore doubtless indifferent about excepting Ahura himself from the rule thus universally expressed. 1 “‘Elcaraños 6& kal yewuntous rows 9eous eival kar’ abroßs. I have paraphrased the words too freely, perhaps, but the position of kai is not inconsistent with my rendering ‘as well as men.” (R. D. H.) 2 “Pupil of Aristotle.” (R. D. H.) * The modern analogue of this notion comes under consideration in Lecture IX. It is a pity that Diogenes did not give us chapter and verse for this specially interesting assertion. * The criticism means, of course, that like most moderns they assumed Magian rules to have been current in Persia in the time of Xerxes. I have dealt with this question at length elsewhere, and need only observe here that evidence is abundant to show that a much longer period passed before the Magian Revolt was sufficiently forgotten to allow the Magi great power in Persia: their religion also needed much adaptation before it could be mistaken for a kindred cult by the Persians. Mr Hicks well observes that “under the Achaemenian kings Mazdeism as we know it from the Avesta gained ground but slowly, and there was a distinction between Magian and Persian to the end.” For the reasons already given, I do not feel it necessary to regard the stories about Cyrus placing Croesus on a pyre, Cambyses burn- ing the mummy of Amasis, or Xerxes flogging the sea or shooting arrows at the sun, as discredited by inconsistency with Magian religion. 420 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM “The never-ending contest is as old as Heraclitus, and thoroughly Greek; but that gods and men are marshalled together, and share the perils of the fight, that their co-opera- tion is necessary to victory, is an idea more familiar in the East than in Greece.” Mr Hicks thinks that a nearer parallel may be found in a curious doctrine of Democritus, whose system of materialism and natural necessity admits it as an incongruous element suggesting alien origin. “If the travels attributed to Democritus are historical, he may well have learnt this part of the Magian religion.” The passage that gives us our informa- tion is in Sextus, adv. Math., ix. 19:— Democritus says, certain phantoms or images (etőoxa), some beneficent, others maleficent, come into touch with men; and for that reason he prays that he may meet with favourable images. They are huge, nay, enormous ; not indeed inde- structible, but nevertheless hard to destroy. They are seen of men, and heard to utter voices; and they give prophetic warn- ing of what will come to pass. It was from the perception of these images that primitive men derived the idea of God, for apart from them no deity of immortal nature exists. To Mr Hicks this “does at first sight look like an adaptation of the doctrine of archangels and archfiends (or Fravashis 2)," and of the other subordinate good and evil powers which we know in the Avesta.” If this is so, it will be the earliest Greek contact with Magian dualism, for Democritus was born about 460 B.C. As we see elsewhere (p. 425), the name Areimanios does not arrive in Greece, to our knowledge, earlier than Aristotle (as quoted in Diogenes, above). It is therefore of importance if we are to recognise the conception (though not the name) in Plato's latest writing. To find it in Democritus, a generation above him, is only to be admitted if the evidence is very strong indeed; and I confess I do not see very convincing resemblance here. Last among Mr Hicks's kind contributions are two further references to the Magi. In the Metaphysics, xiv. 4, p. 1091 b 10, after a reference to poets as mythologists, Aristotle continues, * This last suggestion has occurred independently to Dr Casartelli—“in spite of malevolent ones (perhaps a confusion ?).” GREEK TEXTS_DIOGENES 421 “since those of them who are interspersed with a style not entirely mythical, e.g. Pherecydes and some others, make the first creator and begetter (To yewvna'av Trpayrov, generating principle) the Best, and so do the Magi.” I cite Mr Hicks's translation, with his remark that “this is as good as a recognition of Ormazd.” I might add that “Best” (Av. vahista) is very much in keeping with Avestan phraseology from first to last. Mr Hicks gives me also the interesting reference to Diogenes Laertius, ii. 45, which I thus render:- Aristotle says that a Magian came from Syria to Athens, and warned Socrates, among other things, that he would die a violent death. I suppose we may safely assign this to the Magicus, which makes it subject to the doubts raised by critics as noted above. If Aristotle really recorded this, it is an excellent example of the gift of the Magi for divination. Of the grounds of the critics’ questioning I have no knowledge. EXCURSUS For EIGN ForMs of Zoroast RIAN NAMES THE date when certain crucial names are first recorded in Greek writers or Oriental inscriptions, and the forms in which they appear, may supply information of importance for our inquiry. Ahura Mazdāh. (O.P. A"uramazda, M.P. Ohrmazd, N.P. Hurmuzd, Gk. 'Qpopudorómº, etc.) The name is always two words in the Avesta, and in the Gathas the elements are often separated by several words, and either of them may stand first. In Old Persian, on the other hand, except once in an inscription of Xerxes (Aurahya Mazdāha) and once where Aură stands alone in a Persepolis inscription of Darius, the name is always a compound with the second element only declined. It is to be noted that the name Mazdaka is twice found in Media in the year 715 B.C. (E. Meyer in Enc. Brit.”, xxi. 205, cf. xxviii. 1041). This, with the two exceptions just noted, may be taken as evidence that in the time of Darius and Xerxes the union of the two elements was a recent fashion. (See above, p. 109 f.) It is accordingly noteworthy that they should be found in combination in an Assyrian list of gods, published by Hommel in PSBA, 1899, pp. 127, 138 f., dated in the middle of the seventh century B.c. The form is given by Zimmern (KAT,” 486) as (ilu) As-sa-ra (ilu) Ma-2a-aš, the determinative of deity preceding each part. There follow the seven Igigi (gods of the sky) and seven Anunnaki (gods of underworld). Hommel is no doubt right in inferring that the name must have been taken over some centuries earlier: his own suggestion goes as far back as the Kassite period, 1700–1200 B.C. (Cf. also his observations in 422 EXCURSUS 423 Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients, p. 204 (1904).) Hommel notes the absence of the nominative -s from the first element, while it is present in the second. This leads him to regard the word as a compound. I can only discuss this from the Indo-European point of view ; but there is a consideration that the Assyriologist might easily overlook, viz. that the sibilant at the end of Aryan Mazdhās is radical, while that in Asuras is the sign of the nominative. The Aryan Asura Mazdhās, therefore, to which the Assyrian form seems to point, is capable of being taken in both elements as the bare stem and not the nominative at all. There are, however, some other considerations which Aryan philology suggests. Firstly comes the crucial question whether the form belongs to Aryan or Iranian. Indian is happily excluded here, as it is not in the Boghaz-keui deity-names, for the 2 is decisive. Hommel's suggestion that Iranian may be recognised by postulating a period in which initial or intervocalic s had not yet reached h, but was in an intermediate position which was represented in Assyrian indifferently with s or §, seems satisfactory. But of course in any case the word must have been taken over centuries before Assurbanipal, to whose reign the inscription belongs. This characteristic Iranian sound-change must be allowed time to work, and it is complete before our oldest literature begins.” If we go back to the Aryan period, Hommel's earliest Kassite century gives us hardly time enough, unless I press my own speculations outlined on pp. 5 and 26. Ed. Meyer regards the five Boghaz-keui divinities as Aryan ; but unless we are prepared to bring the Aryan migration into India down to the very end of the second millennium, we surely cannot find room for the differentiation, if the Aryan unity is still sub- sisting in the fourteenth century B.C. But all the requirements 1 Or Maādhās (Bartholomae). * * Hopes of tracing Iranian in the second millennium by the help of the Kassi have vanished under the skilled criticism of Bloomfield (Am. Jourm. Phil., xxv. 1–l4). Hommel's two discussions were written before this paper, so that he is not proof against the natural temptation to recognise Skt. sūryas (nom.) in Šuriaš, one of the forty odd words of the Kassite vocabulary. With the useful example of Potomac rotapés before us, or Span. mucho = our much, we may safely trust the long arm of coincidence here, even if Šuriaš were certainly a sun-god. See Hirt, Die Indogermanen, ii. 583 f. 424 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM seem to be met by postulating an earlier stage of Iranian. In applying this to Assara Mazāš, we may remark to begin with that the double s and the a instead of u, with 2 instead of 2d in the second word, may prove to us that the name is not preserved exactly enough to found any argument on the presence or absence of a nominatival s. And further, if we may take the form as sound, there is still a strong probability that the vocative—identical with the bare stem—would supply the form for exportation: divine names are most heard in the vocative, and the leading case of the Latin Iuppiter shows how the form of invocation may fix the type. We are left, then, with the option to treat the Assyrian borrowed title as one word or two, and the probabilities for so early a date are strongly in favour of the two. For the bearing of Hommel's discovery on the date of Zarathushtra see p. 31 f. The forms of the divine name in Greek must next be con- sidered. Variation between and aró is only a matter of spelling. For Greek a representing Persian au we may compare Toğpúas from Gaubaruva. Windischmann attributed the form 'Ayopauſtóóms to Hermippus, but unfortunately it is only a con- jecture, and a violent one." If it existed, we should recognise the only Greek form that even suggested Avestan, since the y would mark the hiatus and produce a five-syllabled word. As it is, we note that the only possible source of the name is Old Persian and not Avestan. The earliest Greek writer to give the name is the author of the pseudo-Platonic dialogue Alcibiades I.:* reasons for its absence in Herodotus are attempted elsewhere (p. 60). Towards the end of the fourth century we have Aristotle, and probably Theopompus and Eudoxus. We need not trouble about testimonies later than Plutarch. How the Greeks got the name is clear, and that it can hardly have come to them much earlier than the end of the fifth century. * Zor. St., 291. It is at least avowed as such, whereas Justi (Namenbuch, p. 7) assigns “Aöpouáröms” to Hermippus without a hint that it is not from the MSS. As far as I can find out, this is only a conjecture from Pliny’s Azonaces (etc.), the clearly corrupt name of Zoroaster's instructor (NH. xxx. ii. 1–see Jackson, Zoroaster, p. 234). That the divine name does underlie this is likely enough. * Professor Burnet tells me this dialogue “can hardly be later than about the middle of the fourth century B.C., whoever its author may have been.” EXCURSUS 425 Angra Mainyu The name occurs in the Later Avesta, and once in the Gathas, but is to the last less conspicuous than the older Druj. Like Ahura Mazdāh, it is always two words in the Avesta. It does not occur in Old Persian, but later Persian encourages us to assume that it was fused into one word when it did become acclimatised in Persia; and Greek most certainly received it from Persian and not Avestan. "Apeiudvios agrees with the modern Persian Ahriman. Its first appearance is in Aristotle IIept pixoa-opias I., ap. Diogenes Laertius, Proom., 6. The difficulty is the et, for *A(h)ramanyuš (nom.) would be the Old Persian form answering to the Avestan, when the two words coalesce into one, and this would demand 'Apaudvios and a similar change in Persian; cf. Middle Persian Ahraman. Bartholomae (Air Wö, 105) says that “N.P. Ahriman, Gr. 'Apetuavtos, presume an original Iranian by-form *Ahriya.” I cannot feel satisfied with this — surely the Greek would be *"Aptowdvios or "Aptaw 2–though my own alternative" is not without difficulties. An Old Persian form *Ahrimanyuš, with a feminine adjective, may be explained in one of two ways. Since nouns in iu are properly masc. (see Brugmann, Grundriss der vergl. Gramm.”, li. i. 224), we might be tempted by the analogy of another -yu- noun which is fem. in Iranian, dasyu-(m.), O.P. and Av. dahyu- (f). But the semantics of this word and its morphology alike (cf. Brugmann, op. cit., p. 210) make it an unsafe parallel. I prefer to call in the Avestan Druj, the feminine fiend of Falsehood. In O.P. the masc. cognate drauga (also Avestan) takes this rôle, but Middle Persian druž helps us to believe that this word existed in O.P., as in Avestan (Gathic and Later) and Sanskrit (druh-, a fiend, thrice fem., twice masc. in Rgveda). Since the conception of Angra Mainyu is certainly Zarathushtra's own, and cannot have entered Persia except in conjunction with his doctrine, the far greater prominence of Druj even in the Gathas was likely enough to colour the conception of the archfiend. And the feminime, if we could trust it, would be valuable witness for * See Proceedings of the Third Internat. Congress of the History of Religions (Oxford, 1908), ii. 98. 426 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM the genuine Avestan origin of the Persian importation. But I have to confess that I should expect Ahrā manyuš rather than Ahri m. ; and I only set this down because the difficulties of other explanations seem weightier. Zaraóuštra It is generally allowed now that the Prophet's name contains the word ustra, “camel,” like that of his follower Fraša-uštra (4 sylls. in Gathas): we compare at once Višta-aspa and Jāma- aspa, containing the word for “horse.” To equate with zarað the cognate of y&povt- seems on the whole most satisfactory: see p. 82. Its earliest Greek appearance is in the Alcibiades, quoted above,' and in Xanthus Lydus.” This brings the Greek witness into the reign of Artaxerxes II., or even Artaxerxes I., if Xanthus is accepted as dating thence. Apart from occasional variants with Zoo., or in -is instead of -ms, we have no other form of the name till the reign of Augustus, when Diodorus Siculus (i. 94, 2) brings in the corrected form Za6paſa Tms. There are forms like Zapdºras also current, from Plutarch down, but Justi is probably right in referring the original reference to some other person: in later times confusion arose.” How the Greek form started is very hard to conjecture. Justi (Namenbuch, s.v.) accepts a theory of E. Wilhelm's, that it is due to a kind of spiritualising of an intractable name, so altered in Iranian as to suggest “one who sacrifices (yaštar) with power (Av. 2āvar ‘physical strength").” The word appears in M.P. as zór, occurring frequently in the Turfăn MSS., sometimes in its older form zavar: it seems there to have a wider meaning. This ingenious explanation presumes an effort of priestly etymologising, of course within the Iranian area. Against this hypothetical process we can set another account which (whether sound or wild) did certainly take place within Iranian speech. For we have ancient evidence of a real popular etymology in the explanation of Zopoda Toms as āq Tpo6%Tms, which comes to * 6 uév uayetav re Stöda ket thv Zapodarpov too “opouáçov. * Ap. Nicolaus of Damascus and Diogenes Laertius: see Jackson, Zoroaster, pp. 232, 241. * So Agathias (sixth century) on Zap6ao Tpos ‘toi, ‘Opudoróews,” adding #ro Zapáðms—5urth yūp ér' airó i étrovvuſa (J ackson, Zoroaster, 248). & EXCURSUS 427 us from Deinon (340 B.C., acc. to Ed. Meyer) and Hermodorus (fourth century B.C.), ap. Diogenes, Proasm., 6 (p. 415 above). This implies that some form of Av. 2a06ra (M.P. 25hr) was brought in, with Gathic and Avestan star (mod. Pers. sitāra). The elements of the compound are, it must be allowed, in the wrong order. If the Greek form Zopoda Toms were better attested, we should have no trouble. The dental vanished in O.P., as in Dārayavauš= Av. *Dārayatvohuš: we may quote also the Graeco-Bactrian APOOACTIO = Aurvataspa (Lohrāsp). The disappearance of the th, then, attests the influence of Old Persian, which we see all through these names. It has, in fact, to be stated generally that we can find no distinct traces of Zend in Greek writers, but only of Old Persian. Vorzórayna The Avestan genius of Victory appears as 'Aprayvns in the Inscription of Antiochus of Commagene. This is a clearly Old Persian form. Kaniška's OPAATNO is different, but equally far from the Avestan. An important question is raised by the etymology of this name, which is of course com- pared with the Vedic cult-title of Indra Vrtraham. That is assumed to mean “slayer of Vatra"; but the Iranian evidence makes it highly probable that the said demon is a myth in more senses than one. Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1420), on the Avestan word voroëra, “assault,” notes that the Skt equivalent Vrtrá has changed its meaning. On voraërayma, a neuter noun, he gives the meaning “repelling of assault,” and points out that the masc. form is the result of personification. Justi (Namen- buch, 361) makes it mean “victoriously (lit. with victory) smiting.” It is clear that the Indo-Aryans misunderstood the word, and invented a demon to explain a word which on analogy might naturally mean “slaying a,” the a. in question having gone out of use. Miðra The only point to observe here is the variation in Greek transliteration. Herodotus, who writes before the first appear- ance of the name in the O.P. Inscriptions, represents 6, by Tp, as was always the case with a arpárns. So in the proper 428 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM names Murpaëdºrms and Murpoſłórns. The latter (Herod. iii. 120, 126), dating from the reign of Cambyses, is, according to Justi, the oldest historically credible name containing this element (= Miéra-pâta, “protected by M.”). There is earlier Greek attestation for a man of the next generation, Mutpoyā6ms, named by Æschylus, Persae, 43 (MSS. Mn+poy). Ctesias also has Tp, as MuTpaq,épvms, also Mntp(6a-rms (Miðra vahišta, acc. to Justi); and Xenophon mentions a Mutpatos, but also MiðptôāTms. The Tp occurs only sporadically after fourth century, as in Mºrpa, a proper name in an inscription of 79 A.D. at Komana (Bull. Corr. Hell., vii. 129). We may probably infer a more exact knowledge of the Persian pronunciation, coupled with the gradual spirantising of the Greek 6 which made it an exact representation of the Iranian sound. In one of the three appearances of the name on the Inscriptions of Artaxerxes Mnemon, who is the first to mention it, the spelling is Mitra : Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1185) regards the variation as having no significance. But it is possibly suggestive that Mithra's companion Anahita is also imperfectly spelt Amahata in these inscriptions. So far as they go, they might prompt the idea that the names were strange as well as new : the mistake of Herodotus (i. 131), who confuses the two deities, might help the same inference. But the proper names derived from Miéra make such a conclusion highly precarious. The name at any rate is quotable from the Assyrian ; cf. Zimmern in KAT,” 486, where Mi-it-ra comes in association with Samaš. The tablet is from Assurbanipal's library, so that its antiquity is secure. Some points suggested by the Cappadocian record will be taken up in a separate note at the end. Magu The name comes to us from Behistan, and in the form Mayos from Sophocles (OT, 387), Euripides (Orestes, 1496), and Herodotus, to name only the oldest. Slightly older, if genuine, is Xanthus the Lydian, who is said to have written * Jebb's note may be quoted :—“The Persian uáyos (as conceived by the Greeks) was one who claimed to command the aid of beneficent deities (6aſuoves àyaôoepyoſ), while the yóns was properly one who could call up the dead (Suid., I. 490 : cp. Plut., De Defect Orac., c. 10).” EXCURSUS 429 under Artaxerxes I. He refers to the succession of Magi following Zoroaster, whom he dates 6000 years before the Expedition of Xerxes. (See Jackson, Zoroaster, 241, and Diogenes Laertius, above, p. 410 f.) If Xanthus really is genuine, and is correctly dated, we have a strong argument for giving Zarathushtra some centuries' antiquity beyond the traditional date. But his notices do not inspire me with much confidence as a whole, except as a witness to fifth-century Magianism. In the Avesta the name only occurs once, in a prose passage : Ys 65", må mä apó . . . hasī-tbiše mi moyu-tbiše ma varozånötbiše . . frāśāiti, “Let not our Waters be given up to one who hates the brotherhood, hates the Magi, hates the community.” The passage belongs to some very late period in which the priest- hood uses at last a name that had been used of them by outsiders for ages, probably as a depreciatory title. I have given reasons elsewhere for expecting to find it at least a foreigners' name, like Welsh for Cymry, Greek for Hellene, or German for Deutsch. What is its origin The authority of Nöldeke and Bezold (cf. Bartholomae, Air Wb, 1111) removes the veto of the Assyriologists against the a priori probable assump- tion that it is a Persian word, like the other five names of Median tribes in Herodotus, i. 101. I venture to return to an etymology I proposed in 1892, understanding it, however, in a different sense. L. Av. mayava, “unmarried,” is compared by Bartholomae with the Gothic magus, which translates Taís (once Tékvov); cf. thiumagus for Tais when it means “servant,” a meaning which magus itself has in Lk. 15”. The same development of meaning has taken place in our own cognate maid and in O.Ir, mug, “servant.” When the Aryan invaders ('Apašavrot in Herodotus) established themselves in Media, they may well have reduced the former inhabitants to serfdom and named them accordingly : the fact would account for the Magian preference for other names. In Avestan the word for boy developed along another line. For the acute and in many ways very seductive alternative proposed by Carnoy, see p. 183 n. I must stray for a moment into the Semitic field to ask whether the name Magu is not to be recognised in the Hebrew 1 The Thinker, ii. 491. 430 EARLY zoRoASTRIANISM 22757, which I have taken as āpxtuayos (above, p. 187 f., and in my article s.v. in Hastings' Bible Dictionary (one volume)). The Semitists (see Oxford Lewicon, s.v.) are not very decided. Dr C. H. W. Johns, in Enc. Bibl., 4000, cites a Rab mugi as “master of the horse in the Assyrian Court.” Naturally I cannot criticise this, which to an outsider seems very much more plausible than the other suggestions made from Semitic quarters: see Prof. Cheyne's contribution (Enc. Bibl., l.c.) which ends characteristically with the assertion that “xpran is corrupt.” Tiele's discussion (Religionsgesch., ii. 110 f.) should just be mentioned. His objections to 3pxiwayos are twofold:— (1) The sorcerers and magicians in Babylon and Assyria have an entirely different title. It is enough to reply that we are not obliged to assume the identity of this sacred caste with “sorcerers and magicians,” even if their name connoted this some centuries later. (2) The Rab-mag is in Jer. 39° included among the king of Babylon's D'º', in v.” among his D'An, and Magi were neither “Fürsten" nor “Grossen.” So he has recourse to a Sumerian word mag, “gross, mächtig, glänzend, Herr, Fürst,” taken over by Assyrian, but never for priests or sorcerers. “These Maggi have nothing in common with the Medo-Persian Magi, and in all probability the Rab-mag has as little. If this last is really to be a chief Magus, he must have come from Media to Babylon, but this is not probable.” I do not know why, if the caste had anything like the position I have depicted on evidence gathered in the text. But I must not be understood to be anxious to defend the Rab-mag as an Archi- magus against Semitists, who have unquestionable rights to deal with him as they please. My inferences from Ezek. 87 stand, whatever be Rab-mag's fate; and I am quite content to plead only that the difficulty of Tiele (and Cheyne) is removed. They ask what a Magus was doing in a Babylonian galley. I hope my prolonged investigation may have proved that he had business there. The Cappadocian Calendar This subject does not on the face of it belong to the title of the present excursus: but it will soon be found to lie almost entirely within the limits. I have discussed some of the EXCURSUS 431 inferences in Lecture III. : here it is my object to examine the evidence that has been gathered from the names of Persian divinities in its bearing on the epoch of the earliest appearance of Amshaspands in the West. Prof. Cumont does not discuss the date at which the Persian Calendar was adopted in Cappadocia. He simply accepts the argument of M. E. Drouin in an article on the Calendar in Revue Archéologique, 1889, especially the section in ii. 43 ff. M. Drouin's chief conclusions may be repeated. The Cappadocian Calendar must have been introduced by the Persians a tolerably long time after Darius I. and the adoption in Persia of the Avestan Calendar: otherwise the months taken over would have been those named on the Behistan Inscription. The first inter- calation of a 13th month to rectify the solar year he proves to have been in 309 B.C. This is, then, the inferior limit, for after that date we should have found in Cappadocia the inter- calation, or more probably the Macedonian months, since all Asia Minor was included in Alexander's empire. The fixing of the year at 365 days, and the adoption of the Avestan Calendar, M. Drouin dates in the middle of the fifth century. “We should not be far from the truth if we put the introduc- tion of the Persian Calendar into Asia Minor about the year 400 B.C.” (This date, we have seen, Prof. Cumont takes over.) It is noted that the borrowing of the étrayóueval to fill up the year comes from Egypt, and the 13th month from Chaldaea. The Old Persian Calendar may be supposed to have lasted the lives of Darius and Xerxes. This assumption, however, has to reckon with E. W. West's researches, the results of which may be seen in the introduction to SBE, xlvii. (pp. xlii. ff.), published in 1897, about eight years after Drouin's article, and earlier in the Academy (vol. xlix.-I have not seen this last). West calculated that the year of 365 days, still current among the Parsis, must have been introduced in 505 B.C., with a margin of four to eight years in either direction for accidental errors of ancient observers. He gets this by the simple fact that 365 days make the year too short by 2422 of a day, which he sets beside the datum that in 1864 “the beginning of the Parsi year, according to Persian reckoning, had retreated to August 24,” or 210 days before the equinox. That the Parsi year should 4.32 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM begin with the equinox we learn from the Bundahish, which we have seen takes a specially high place in Pahlavi literature for the antiquity of its material. Obviously the 365 days year does not carry with it the names of the months. But West remarks that we do not hear of any change, and might reason- ably expect to have heard if such a change took place. The assumption that Darius used the Old Persian months not only at the outset of his reign, when he dated his victories with them on the Behistan Rock, but to the end of his life, would necessitate our inferring that the Old Persian months also accounted for 365 days, for which we should need positive evidence that is not forthcoming. We may take it as proved that a 365 days year was established in Iran about 505 B.C., and therefore in the reign of Darius I. But the year which has been used among the Parsis, since the Sassanian era at least, is one of 365 days, and there is a presumption in favour of identifying them. The months are not named in the Avesta, except in one passage of Afrinakän (see below). But, in what they include and what they exclude alike, they suit the mind of Darius remarkably well. We have seen good reason to believe that he was a genuine and earnest follower of Zarathushtra, while by no means famatical as to the recognition of deities whom the Prophet sternly ignored: they could be acknowledged as bagāha, or yazatā, as the Later Avesta called them, with Ahura Mazdāh unapproachably above them. The inclusion of the six Amshaspands shows that the epoch is after Zara- thushtra, when his Ahuri had been systematised into a Hexad. But with them we find six others in Fravartin, Tir, Mitrö, Avân, Ataró, Din, to give the Pahlavi names, presiding severally over the 1st, 4th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th months. The sacred Fire and the Religion (Daënā) might have been included by Zara- thushtra. The Fravashis, Tishtrya (see below), Mithra, and the Waters are just the most conspicuous of the old divinities which Zarathushtra could not dispossess. And Haoma and Anahita are not there ! This last omission rules out Artaxerxes Mnemon 1 Which, however, is not consistent, says Bartholomae (Air Wb, 1117, 1119, s.v. maāyārya, maibyoi-Šam). B. seems to me inconclusive in his sug- gestion of two different beginnings of the year in various early epochs (a priori somewhat unlikely). - EXCURSUS 433 or any later time ; for even if a later Achaemenian reduced the triad (Auramazda, Anahita, Mithra) to a duad in his inscription, he would not have dropped Anahita out of a selection of twelve. It is, I think, safe to say that the convergent evidence of the astronomical data and the choice of divinities to preside over the months—an undesigned coincidence which has peculiar weight—takes us to Darius as the author, and in its turn strengthens the case for Darius’s Zoroastrianism. many other questions suggested, such as the very curious order," but I have mentioned all that is necessary for the problem before us: we may transfer our attention to Cappadocia. The names of the Cappadocian months were given above: it will be remembered that they are indifferently preserved, and we are at liberty not only to choose between many variants in late Greek MSS., but to amend where necessary. There are I may repeat the restored forms, according to Cumont, adding the Old Persian names of the divinities from which they come:– Named from Origin- (Restored) Pahlavi. ally com- Cappa- d. docian. Illé]]Ce O.P. Avestan. OC13, Il I. | Fravartån Mar. 21 | *Fravarti Fravaš, *Apaprava II. Artavahist || Apr. 20 | *Artavahista Aşa Vahºsta * Aptaataruv III. Horvadat May 20 | *Harvatāt Haurvatāt Apatata IV. Târ June 19 | *''Tºrct | Tištrya (?) Tupuš, Télpet V. Ameródat July 19 | *Amartät Amaratót *Audprota VI. Satvaíró Aug. 18 Xšagražvariya | XSaôra Vairya Eavöpiopm =av6vpt VII. Mitró Sept. 17 | Mióra, Mitra | Migra Muðpt VIII. | Avdim, Oct. 17 | Api Ap *Atropievata IX. Ataró Nov. 16 | * Attº' Atara A6pa X. Džm. Dec. 16 | *Daimdi (Daënd) Aa.00 vola XI. Vohºl man Jan. 15 Vahumaniš Vohw Manah *Ooplavia XII. Spendarmat; Feb. 14 | *Spantaramati | Spamtā Aramaiti | >ovöapa The asterisk denotes restored or theoretical forms. I take the Pahlavi from Gray, the Cappadocian from Cumont : for the Old Persian I am responsible. I may add the modern Persian 1 Dr Louis H. Gray (in his indispensable account of the Calendar in Grundriss, ii. 675–7) says this is still unexplained. 28 434 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM for purposes of identification, as printed by Cumont—Fravardin, Ardibahisht, Khordād, Tár, Murdād, Shahrévar, Mihr, Abán, Adar, Dai, Bahman, Asfandārmad. Of the Avestan names five occur in the Afrinakān, 37 ff., viz. those of the 2nd, 4th, 6th, 7th, and 10th (Dağuşö—see below) months. In each case the genitive of the proper name appears, with māh understood. I take first one or two points of substance. The most strik- ing, as it is obviously the only one in which the Cappadocian does not agree with the Persian in the oldest form we can reach, is the name of the tenth month. Aabovara (or Te0ovata) takes us to the Avestan da6.uš, daduš, the weak stem of the pf. part. act. of Vdd (Tíðnut). O.P. would be daduš, in all probability, but we have only one perfect form on our O.P. monuments. Now this name does actually occur in the Later Avesta : da6 uSã [gen. Sg., sc. mill, “(month) of the Creator” (Afrinakān, 3"—see Air Wb, 1117). This word is perhaps the best example of a really Avestan word coming into the West—indeed, I know no other of its antiquity. The use of the perfect participle as a title—compare the aorist adā (“he created ") from the same verb in the standing formula of the Inscriptions—with the characteristic 6, faithfully reproduced in the Greek, gives us really good reason to recognise a technical term of Later Avestan religious language. How early “The Religion" was substituted for “The Creator” we cannot tell, but it is highly probable that the change was made in the Sassanian Reform. The motive may have been that Ahura Mazdah could not fitly be set on a level with the Yazatas, unless the first month was given him, as was the first day of each month. Two other indications of antiquity meet us among these Cappadocian names. The name of the 7th month has very variant forms in the Greek MSS. ; but while some of them may well have been affected by the later pronunciation of Mithra's name, Miðpt is attested by the very fact that no foreigner could have reconstructed this obsolete form. We are accordingly taken back at least to a period B.C., for the Middle Persian Mihir was producing proper names in the first century A.D. (see p. 233). Prof. Cumont takes this Mtépt as “one proof among many others that the Calendar was introduced into Cappadocia EXCURSUS 435 in the Achaemenian age.”" The 6 here and in the name of the 9th month would suit the Avestan form—Miðrahe (gen.), A6rö; the 6 in O.P. is a little prone to change tö t, as its Greek transliteration helps us to see. Then we have a very ancient name preserved in the 8th month, where we recognise Apäm mapāt, the Aryan water genius (gen. naptó in Av.). The Sas- sanian name has dropped this latter element. One difficult form remains to mention before I refer to a problem which goes deeper. The name of the last month has lost the p which appears in Avestan and Persian alike. Similarly Cumont's Armenian list shows (Teates, i. 133) that there were two forms, Spandaramet and Sandaramet, in that neighbouring language. One is sorely tempted towards assum- ing dialectic variation in the treatment of the Aryan group ºv (answering to West Indo-European kw); cf. N.P. sag + “Median a Traka, and other cases explained by analogy-levelling in Bartholomae's Grammar (Grundriss, i. 29), with Brugmann's approval.” What levelling power was available for sponta ? I can only suggest that possibly the Cappadocian god Sandan may have affected the name by a popular connexion. With the exception of the two words (1st and 2nd months) in which the Avestan š faces the Persian ri, the names come as near the Avestan as the Persian form, and sometimes nearer, as we have seen. But the 4th month presents us with a very serious difficulty. An Avestan text tells us that the month belonged to Tishtrya. The Cappadocian name is unmistakably Tir. Lagarde long ago asked (Gesamm. Abh., p. 258–64) how Tištrya developed into N.P. Tir. Still more have we reason to ask how Tir could appear in Cappadocia three or four centuries B.C. We note that the Indo-Scythian coins (first century A.D.) show Teipo, while several Arsacide kings had the name Tiridates. Meanwhile (Air Wb, 652) Tištrya becomes Tištr in Middle and Tištar in New Persian, a “learned word ” there, in Bartholomae's opinion. Now the lexicographer himself (p. 651) gives “Tira as “name of a deity,” comparing “Tuptódºrms u.S.w...” and citing Nöldeke and Hübschmann. I have been inclined to wonder whether this yazata, only recalled in the Avesta by a proper * See West in Grundriss, ii. 76. * See Tolman, p. 71, on O.P. asa, Av. aspa, “horse.” 436 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM name (Tirónakaðwa, Yt 13”), may have given his name to the planet Mercury, so that the 4th month belonged to him rather than to Tishtrya. This would have to be through the medium of some confusion between the star-names, for we can hardly suppose Tira important enough to name a month except by some such accident. Of course the planets were yazata, not dačva, until the Magi dethroned them : see p. 211 f. An ex- planation on these lines might help us to show how Tištar got into Cancer in the Bundahish (p. 27 above). It will also connect itself with the choice of Mercury to be the demonic ăvrtrexvos for Tishtrya in the system of the Pahlavi books. But here I have to reckon with the very important counter- proposals of Mrs Maunder in her article on the Tishtrya mythus in The Observatory (Dec. 1912). The passage is too long to quote in full, and I am rather afraid of summarising. The interpretation is based on the configuration of the sky at the moment when the Sun in Cancer had set and the stars have appeared. Sagittarius (which Mrs Maunder acutely finds in “Ereksha the swift archer” in Yt 8°) is then in the S.E., with Sagitta, his “arrow darted through the air,” far over his head, and confronting the other horseman, Centaurus, down in the west: they thus represent the warring powers of good and evil. I quote the two closing paragraphs:-- As it seems to me, then, the Tistar myth is essentially a meteorological nature-myth, which took its rise in India. Tistar is primarily not a star at all in our ordinary sense of the word, but “the most bright and glorious star of all,” the Sun of the summer solstice in its capacity as rain-bringer. But the trappings of the myth were, I think, derived from the two great stellar figures that were so prominent in the evening sky after sundown, at the time of the beginning of the rains. So Tistar was the Sun, or at least the Angel of the Sun, but was conceived as embodied in the zodiacal sign Sagittarius. Yet the tradition that identifies Tistar with Sirius has its justification, for Sirius rose heliacally at Delhi when the Sun was in Cancer—“in the month Tir,”—and the breaking of the monsoon was in suspense. This is the explanation of the myth that most appeals to me. But it should be noted that in the Tir Yast there is no EXCURSUS 437 mention of the month of the year; that is only found in the Bundahis and the later commentary. Therefore, so far as the Tir Yast alone is concerned, the myth may have related originally to the winter rains of Persia, which fall in the ninth month—the month of Sagittarius Tistar in this case would be the Sun in Sagittarius, as rain-bringer, and that constellation would still supply the imagined form for the Angel of the Rain. But in this case we should have to dismiss the connec- tion, so emphatically stated in the Bundahis, between Tistar and Cancer and Tir, the fourth month of the year, as a late and mistaken gloss. I cannot presume to clear this matter up. I will only remark that if the myth did arise in India we can easily understand a confusion springing up between the age of the Yashts and that of the Bundahish. In this interval Babylonian star-lore was naturally domesticated among the Magi; and the incon- gruity between Median conditions and those which give birth to the myth in a southern latitude would be recognised. An attempt to reconcile the data might account for the confusion. I N D E X I MODERN AUTHORITIES QUOTED Abercromby, 224. Arnold, E. V., 14. Bang, W., 277. Bartholomae, C., 4, 16-18, 23, 28, 35, 52, 69, 83, 84, 86, 96, 97, 115, 117, 129, 134, 135, 141, 145, 149, 159–161, 171, 175, 179, 182, 206, 211, 218, 239, 257, 261, 263, 265, 269, 274, 334, 343, 345, 347–349, 351– 357, 359, 360, 362–368, 370– 392, 411, 425, 427–429, 432, 435. Bartlet, J. V., 213. Benfey, 103. Bernardakis, 400, 403. Bertholet, 289, 343. Bezold, C., 429. Blakesley, J. W., 395. Bloomfield, M., 423. Böklen, E., 166, 177, 253, 282, 308, 313, 314, 317, 319, 404– 406. Bousset, W., 9, 213, 288, 319, 321, 328. Bréal, M., 133. Bremer, 393. Brugmann, K., 64, 65, 266, 387, 393, 425, 435. Burnet, J., 424. Busolt, 412. Carnoy, 10, 11, 98, 112, 183, 184, 229, 349, 359, 429. Carter, J. B., 263. Casartelli, L. C., xii, 18, 49, 55, 99, 125, 126, 134, 137, 145, 161, 163, 175, 177, 183, 205, 224, 253, 260, 283–285, 291, 334, 358, 420. Casaubon, I., 416, 417. Casaubon, M., 416. Chadwick, H. M., 31, 165, 393. Cheyne, T. K., 188, 221, 241, 255, 282, 430. Christ, W., 412. Clemen, C., 214, 274, 275, 282, 317, 326–328. Cobet, 412. Conway, R. S., 91, 92. Conybeare, F. C., 17. Cook, A. B., 61. Cowell, E. B., xiii, 28, 343. Cumont, F., 10, 11, 32, 33, 61, 63, 87, 103, 104, 107, 129, 133, 212, 213, 233, 238, 282, 399–402, 431, 433–435. Darmesteter, J., vii, 9–12, 27, 29, 30, 33, 62, 74, 99, 103, 104, 1 11, 129, 130, 142, 143, 147, 150, 171, 180, 193, 206, 209, 211, 222, 256, 257, 269, 279, 289, 298, 317, 334–336, 391, 392, 402, 405, 409, 413, 417. Davids, T. W. Rhys, 16, 193. De Groot, J. J. M., 303, 304. Deissmann, A., 298, 400. Dittenberger, W., 37, 54, 106, 107. Drews, 17, 296. 438 INDEX I 439 Driver, S. R., 314. Drouin, E., 431. Dübner, 400. Duperron, Anquetil, 8, 36. Estienne, H., 103. Farnell, L. R., 236, 394. Fick, A., 4. Flügel, 234. Fowler, W. Warde, 63, 64, 91, 391. Foy, W., 51, 238. Frazer, J. G., xiii, 128, 152, 191, 193, 200, 208, 219, 225, 261, 267, 270, 272, 277, 287, 394, 403–406, 408, 409, 419. Geiger, W., 23, 134, 194, Geldner, K., vii, 8, 15–18, 28, 30, 68, 80, 101, 132, 141, 142, 161, 171, 343, 349, 351, 352, 356, 358, 359, 361, 365, 368, 370, 371, 375–378, 380–389, 392, 409, 414. Gilmore, 186. Goodrich, W. J., 419. Grassmann, H., 359. Gray, G. B., 305. Gray, L. H., 51–55, 57–59, 133, 187, 190, 191, 415, 433. Gressmann, H., 302, 317, 318. Grünbaum, 251. Gunkel, H., 113, 241–243, 402. Harlez, C. de, 164, 165, 175. Harnack, A., 287. Harris, J. Rendel, 115, 248. Harrison, J. E., 263. Hartland, E. S., 334. Hatch, Edwin, 292. Haug, M., 29, 191, 269. Headlam, Walter, 12 Heitz, 415. Herford, C. H., 92. Hicks, R. D., xiii, 391, 410, 412 –421. Hirt, H., 5, 70, 244, 423. Hogg, H. W., 65. Hommel, F., 31, 32, 53, 56, 394, 400, 422–424. Horn, P., 310. How, W. W., 396, 398. Hübschmann, H., 435. Hyde, T., 36, 82. Jackson, A. V. Williams, xii, 3, 6, 16–19, 22, 29, 30, 35, 51, 57, 83, 84, 89, 91, 95, 114, 134, 135, 156, 163, 164, 190, 191, 212, 220, 226, 257, 262, 265, 269, 271, 272, 275, 295, 301, 306, 312–314, 320, 323, 325, 326, 330, 350, 356, 376, 380, 400, 402, 411, 412, 424, 426, 427. James, M. R., 314. Jastrow, M., 199. Jebb, R. C., 428. Jensen, 83, 238, 296. Johannson, A., 271. Johansson, K. F., 271. Johns, C. H. W., 31, 188, 430. Justi, F., 18, 206, 259, 277, 343, 348, 351, 355, 373, 375, 411, 424, 426–428. Kepler, 283. Killip, R., 23. Kohut, 221, 249, 253, 334, 338. Kretschmer, P., 4. Lagarde, P. de, 103, 399, 435. Lawson, J. C., 249. Lehmann, E., 70, 71, 256. Luekens, W., 289. Macdonell, A. A., 74, 117. Markland, 406. Maunder, E. W., 23–27, 237, 283. - Maunder, Mrs, 26, 27, 401, 436. Meillet, A., 63–66. 440 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Meyer, E., vii, 5, 6, 18, 30, 73, 1 19, 184, 208, 240, 242, 286, 422, 423, 427. Mills, L. H., 9, 20, 170, 190, 298, 304, 343, 351, 365, 371, 378, 380. Modi, J. J., xiv, 191, 334. Moffatt, J., 328. Müller, C., 189, 204, 210. Müller, F., 81. Müller, F. W. H., 234, 274. Nariman, G. K., xiv, 230, 356. Nöldeke, T., 338, 429, 435. Oldenberg, H., 74, 240, 244, 245. Oppert, 183, 229, 232. Orelli, C., 266. Peake, A. S., 188, 292. Rapp, 400, 402, 411. Rawlinson, H. C., 35. Reichelt, H., 61, 86. Reinach, S., 33. Ridgeway, W., 5, 233. Robertson, J. M., 16. Roscoe, J., 222, 225. Rose, 415. Roth, R., 175, 176, 358. Saadya, 221. Sachau, E., 226, 257. Sanjana, D. P., xiv, 205. Sayce, A. H., 36, 232, 391, 393. Schmidt, J., 244. Schmiedel, P. W., 348. Schrader, Otto, 69, 74, 117, 131, 150, 188, 192, 200, 225, 262, 393. Schürer, E., 298. Seligmann, 225. Simpson, D. C., 246–248, 338. Skinner, J., 292. Smith, W. Robertson, 338. Söderblom, N., 6, 17, 68, 110, 132, 133, 147, 158, 159, 164, 165, 169–171, 175, 177, 193, 241, 256, 257, 259, 265, 271, 289, 292, 299, 306, 309, 315, 326, 370, 377, 392, 395, 403, 406. Spencer, Herbert, 404. Spiegel, F., 7, 242, 392. Stade, B., 289, 305. Stave, E., 169, 275, 306, 308. Strachan, J., 76. Tait, J., 320. Tarn, W. W., 85, 86. Thomas, N. W., 268. Tiele, C. P., 6, 18, 62, 71, 139, 167, 216, 230, 232, 238, 241, 282, 351, 356, 365, 401, 430. Tolman, H. C., 274, 277. Toy, C. H., 191. Voigt, H., 283. Walde, A., 65, 175. Weber, A., 299. Weissbach, F. H., 109, 277. Wells, J., 396, 398. West, E. W., 18, 133, 207, 310, 313, 315, 334, 336, 374, 403, 431, 432, 435. Westergaard, 261. Whitney, W. D., 14. Wilamowitz, U. von, 400, 410. Wilhelm, E., 187, 197, 201, 210, 281, 426. Winckler, H., 5–7, 188. Windischmann, F., 400, 402,406, 410, 411, 424. Wissowa, C., 266. Wolff, F., 121, 122, 129. Zeller, H., 404. Zimmern, H., 188, 242, 402, 422, 428. I N D E X II PASSAGES REFERBED TO I. ARYAN TExts (a) Gathas [Only the notes are indexed in p. 344–390] 's 2718 (Ahuna Vairya) Ys 32% º . 136 || Ys 446 º . 38.2 160 f., 168 328 . - . 148 447 . * . 291 284. - . 170 2312-14 . . 380 4.410 e . 372 28° 160, 172, 359, 3214 e . 72 4,412 - . 135 372 3215 º . 166 44,16 * . 385 297. - . 381 33] . . 168, 175 4418 83, 155, 376 2910 - . 83 334 . . I 12, 117 44,20 e . 140 291, 359, 373, 386, 335. . 174, 300 45° 49, 135 f., 263, 41 1 336 . 111 f., 116, 305, 399 301 . e . 172 355 455 . e . 1 13 308 132 f., 136 f., 338. & . 174 456 . s . 386 305 3310 - . 50 457 . e 173 f. 304 132 f., 145, 3313 95, 363 4510 º . 96 362, 372 3314 - . 1 || 1 451] © . 264 306 . • . 307 341 . - 167 f. 46 . e . 141 307 . 163, 378 344. 169, 364 462. e . 360 309. , 112, 158 341i . 364, 385 4,610 . 155, 164, 3010 - . 171 3412 e . 364 166 f. 3Oll ſº . 174 34,14 * . 155 4611 162, 164, 174 313 354, 372, 385 432. - 162 4,612 e . 197 3.14. 14, 363 433 . - . 147 4,614 e . 349 317 . & . 402 434. . 169, 361 4,616 * . 171 3.19. - 377 4,311 - . 376 4,617 e 166 f. 31.10 - . 129 4,312 º . 159 471 . e . 96 31 12 t . 360 43.13 • . 390 47%. 359, 367, 382 31.13 - 16, 95 4,315 - . I 35 476 . e . 372 31.15 - . 83 4,316 - . I 59 48l. º . 371 3.120 162, 174 44 . • . 95 482. . 159, 372 3121 - . 95 441 . - . 378 484. . 175, 358 3122 e ... 100 443. e . 298 480 . e . 164 32] 1 17, 358, 381 44*. t- 271 488 . º . 386 323 112, 132, 138 44%. 95, 291, 367 4819 72, 135, 358 441 442 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Ys 494 499. 4911 502 504. 5010 511 . Ys 359 368. 366 . 371 . Ys 12 . 9–11 913. 921 . 104. 1014 116. 167 . 168. 231 . 267 . 2715 552. 5712 611 f. 657. 688. 702. 71.23 Yt 313 47 5 . 264 . 355 e . 354 367, 385, 386 . 386 . 373 382 390 Ys 514 - . 152 517 . . 114, 360 5110 - . .218 5111 - . 349 5112 - . 83 5113 - . 164 5115 © . 359 (b) Gatha Haptanghaiti (see also Index III.) . 121 . 393 . 387 . 121 . 347 . 72 . 275 . 400 . 74 . 194 . 194 . 261 e . 400 . 270, 274 . 261 . 388 . 328 . 99 . 417 . 429 . 400 . 347 . 261 . 392 . 1 16 22, 78, 128, 238, 240 Ys 373 º . 264 38 . - . 393 381. - . 121 398. - . 122 (c) Later Avesta . 349 . . 145 2, 147, 387 171, 350 . 351 349, 354 . 20 120 . 393 88 521 . 529 542 . 564 . 581 . 585 . 589 . 594 . Ys 5116 5121 53 . 8 534. 536. 537 . * . 58 . 245, 333 . 276 . 328 . 28 . 212 . 218 . 129 Yt 598 e . 206 8 242, 280 f., 417 85 . º . 23 f. 86 . - . 436 10 67, 140, 150 f. 102. - . 151 103. - . 270 1014 - . 86 1031 - . 394 1068 º . 405 1095 - . 62 10126 - . 397 12 . e . 210 13 . 28, 56, 90, 163, 267, 388 132 f. º . 280 133. - . 61 137-10 tº . 277 1311 te . 270 1316 . 28, 115 1317 e . 273 1349 - . 260 1357 f. , . 280 1361 © . 163 1364 º . 278 1370 º . 260 1374 º . 262 1380 - . 275 1382 f . . 98 1394 tº . 1 12 1397 o . 19 Ys 42. 422. 428 . 426 . Yt. 13104 13120 13126 13129 13155 1485 1527 1535 1554 1716 19 . 1917 1984 ff. 1938 ff. 1946 1956 1965.9 1966 f. 1989 [Y] 22 2215 2216-18 2218 2236 [Y] 2429 Wisp 117 Vd I . Il f. 113 . 11 15 2 5 5, 19 . 312 . 278, 349 . 278 . 435 . 159 . 256 . 209 . 405 . 206 . 328 . . 52 27, 90, 275 . . 117 . 149 . 176 . 276 . 276 . 277 . 84 . 164 . 168 . 328 179 f. . 4, 15 . 180 . 55 . 273 . 417 . 86 203, 209 . 402 . 203 INDEX II 443 Wd 314 . 333 420, etc. e * 390 59 . * . 163 510 f. s . 334 543 . wº . 390 64, etc. gº 390 644 it . 333 650 f. * . 334 771 . g . 390 779 . tº . 129 8–12 tº . 223 82 . . g . 285 813 . e . 223 SBE iv.2 247 (W. 48) . 163 SBE–](W.10%) 261 SBE v. 5 f. (Bd 1820) 403 10 f. (Bd 2) . 402 12 (Bd 27) . 23 14 (Bd 210 f.) 273 21 (Bd 51) . 211 41 (Bd 1241) . 214 106 (Bd 2819) 115 114 (Bd 2847) 315 121 f(Bd. 305 f.) 291 124 (Bd 3011) : 315 124 (Bd 3012) .. 361 126 (Bd. 3020) . 157 418 (p. 26) . 136 Bh 15 (p. 2) . 50 110 (p. 4) 45, 55 11” (p. 6) . 44 114 (p. 6) 52, 391 216 (p. 16) . 45 315 (p. 22) . 277 412 (p. 26) 51 Vd 826 f. . . 396 831 . e . 147 837 f. . 334 879 . . 285 109 . . 115, 401 I 32. . 400 139. . 333 1324, 37 . 390 14 . º . 221 151, etc. . 390 1827 . 408 1837 ff. . 336 196. . 218 SBE 289 . 409 295 . 335 297 . 336 SBE v. 126 f. (Bd 3026) 31.5 127 (Bd. 3028). 315 129 (Bd 3088) 403 137 (Bd3128*) 206 f. 149 (Bd. 341) 272 f. 160 (SZS 124) 133 197 (BYt 212) 316 203 (BYt 280) 316 297 (SIS 67) 336 363 (SIS 1329) 336 xxiv. 85 (Mkh 448-11) . . 402 Bh 418 (p. 28 f.). 195 Dar. Pers. d.” (p. 36) 51, 53, 274 e.” (p. 38) . 86 e.” (p. 38) . 422 Xerv. Pers. c.” (p. 40) 422 Art. Pers. a.4 (p. 44) 52 Wa 1920-25 . 68, 101 1980 . 333 1942 . 211 1948 . I 15, 401 Nºr 44 . 390 48 . g . 129 Afrin 37 " . . 434 Hadhokht Nask, see [Yt] 22. Vishtasp Yasht, see [Yt] 24. Fragments (by pages in Darmesteter's English version) SBE 383 . 336 xxiii. 322 . 279 (d) Pahlavi Writings (by pages in SBE) SBE xxiv. 92 (Mkh 49%) . . 281 258 (Sd 137) 313 259 (Sd 28.5) 813 xxxvii. 196 (Dkix. 139) 315 f. 242 (Dk ix. 304) 133, 349 266 (Dkix. 359) 316 273 (Dk ix. 385) (e) Old Persian Inscriptions (Tolman's pages added) 337 Ardd Piraf, cc. 18, 54 404 Dar. NR. a.” (p. 44) 52, 95, 122, 291, 402 a.” (p. 46) . 86 Art. Sus. [a] (cf. p. 49 . 78 Art. Hàm. (p. 54) 78 444 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM (f) Middle and Nen, Persian Shah Nameh, i. 256, Turfan MSS., pp. 18, Turfan MSS., pp. 46, 260, 339 24 . . 274 101, etc. . 234 (g) Sanskrit Rigveda, iii. 59 . 63 | Rigveda, x. 1419. 333 || Sāyana, on Rw. vii. 36° vii. 1043 . . 173 | Nalopākhyānam, v. 23, 10 x. 10 º . 205 3.18 viii. 428 . ... 10 x. 1357 . . 170 II. BIBLICAL TExts, ApocrypHA AND SEMITIC (a) Old Testament Gen. 16 e . 66 Job 28 * . 291 Isai. 457 . 220, 291 2012 & . 337 316 . º . 314 || Jerem. 718 . . 394 2223 g . 337 | Pº, 224 G . 170 Jerem. 1014 . . 304 Ev. 1021 * . 31.5 972. e , 293 398-18 . 187, 430 Num. 368 . 250 | Prov. 830 . 291 | Ezek. 816-17 x, 189 f., Jud. 1713 . . 194 | 16% . . . .314 230, 430 1 Sam. 28 . . 31.4 212. . . 314 | Ezek. 331-9 . . 31.5 2619 * . 54 24,12 de . 314 Dan. 85 º . 318 2 Sam. 241 . . 325 | Eccl. 127 . . 262 Joel 314 e . 3] 1 2 Kings 517. . 54 | Isai. 714 . . 310 || Mic. 76 * . 316 176, * , 247 1710 e 190 Zech. 1410 . . 214 1726 f. , . 54. 404. s . 214 | Mal. 111 . 286 1 Chrom. 211 . 325 413. º 317 Job 1, 2 . . 306 4,420 . . 304 (b) Nen, Testament Matt. 1, 2 . . 297 Luke 214 . . 294 || Acts 238 . . 323 118 ft. º . 310 |. 40 . º . 306 || Rom. 125 . . 304 21-12 ... xii. 282–5 631 . * . 31.5 121. e . 360 32 . e . 366 112. * > . 294 || 1 Cor. 315 . . 175 417 . * . 366 1526 * . 429 1231 e . 295 548 . * . 295 1622 f. . . 316 1312 º . 295 1035 • . 316 2035 º . 31.5 1545 m. . . 327 1810 sº . 324 2218 g . 179 || 2 Cor. 44 . . 306 252. gº . 351 | John 424 . 292 f. 51 f. . tº . 328 2582 * . 311 1010. * . 295 53 . e . 31.5 2534 * . 358 1231 te . 306 510 . . 379, 382 2540 g . 31.5 1248 . 168, 361 122 ft. e . 328 Mark 335 . . 372 || Acts 81 i . . 208 || Philipp. 26* . 327 1380-82 , , 309 1215 . 248, 324 | Eph. 61° . , 392 INDEX II 445 1 Tºm. 316 . . 328 616 . , 295 Hebr. 414 . 328 57 f. . 294 Jas, 126'. . 295 2 Pet. 34 . 309 38 . º . 405 310-12 e . 303 1 John 519 . . 306 Tob. 118 . 333 24 . º . 334 25-9 . 334 45-6 . 335 4.7-17 . 336 4,12 . 337 414-15 . 336 417 . . 334 612 . . 250 Koran s. 7 Albirúni (c. 1000 A.D.—Sachau ed.") p. 210 III. GREEK (NoN-BIBLICAL) AND LATIN. AEneas of Gaza (c. 500 Jude 9 . 328 Rev. 14 . 327 113 . . 328 21 etc. . 274, 325 48 . - . 297 44 . - . 402 46 . - . 303 87-12 . 326 810 . . 326 (c) Apocrypha Tob. 83 . 338 I 114 . 339 I 215 . 252 W.Sd. 223 . 295 224 . . 157 717 . - . 208 2 Mac. 728 . . 292 Enoch 52° (Oxf. Apocr. ii. 219) . 302 (d) Semitic 257 f. (a) Greek Authors . 176 || Albirúni p. 314 . * - Kazwini (c. 1263 A.D.) i. 132. Rev. 915 . 326 129 . 392 202 . 326 207-10 . 326 212 . 326 2110 ft. . 308 2116 . 214. 2127 . 304 2215 . 131 Enoch 674" (Oxf. Apocr. ii. 232) - 302 Test. of Abraham, p. 90 (James . 31.4 Sibyll. Or, iii. 777–9 (Oxf. Apocr. ii. 392) . 214 (See also Index III.) A.D.) De Animi Im- mort. 77 . 405 AEschylus, Choeph. 423 185 Persae, 43 . . 428 Persae, 977 . 392 Aristotle, Metaph. p. 1091 b. . 420 Clement (Alex.), Pro- trept, v. 65–68, 78 Strom. iii. 11 . 204 Diodorus, i. 94 . 426 ii. 31 . 402 xvii. 105 . 192 Diogenes Laertius Prooem. 6–9 410– 421 6 403, 427 9 . 405 ii. 4.5 . 421 Euripides, Orestes, 1496 428 Herodotus, i. 96. 269 i. 101 60, 117, 183, 229, 429 . 187 . 196 59–69, 391–8 i. 107 i. 120 i. 131-140 226 338 Herodotus, i. 131 66, 200, 413, 428 i. 132 70, 400 i. 199 . 394 iii. 8 . 394 iii. 16 44, 215 iii. 31 . 204 iii. 35 . 21.5 iii. 61 . 41 1 iii. 65 . 186 iii. 67 196 iii. 79 . 186 iii. 93 . 228 iii. 120 . 428 iii. 126 . 428 446 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Herodotus iv. 71 f. 200, 398, 410 vii. 35 . 215 vii. 37 . 199 vii. 40 59 vii. 43 . . 58 vii. 54 . 58, 216 f. vii. 62 . 185, 228 vii. 113 . 216, 408 vii. 114 . 57, 128 vii. 117 . 203, 233 vii. 191 . 216 Pausanias, v. 278 208, 395 ix. 11 f. . 272 ix. 349 . . 272 Plato, Lanws, p. 896e 419 (b) Bulletin de Correspond- ence Hellénique,vii. 129 . 428 Sylloge Inscriptionum Græcarum ? (ed. W. Dittenberger), i. ] —4 37, 53 f. Censorinus, De Die Natali, 2, 3 . 266 Cicero, De Legibus, II. X. 26 . . 391 Curtius, Q., III., iii. 9, 10 . 320 Hieronymus(Jerome), in Amosv.9, 10 320 Plato, Lanws, p. 906a 419 Phædo, p. 113d- I 14f. . . 176 Politicus, p. 269e, 270a 419 [Plato] Alkibiades I., p. 121e, 122a 208, 424 Plutarch, Isis and Osi- ris, c. 46 f. 399—407 Quæst. Conv. iv. 52 400 Porphyry, De Abstin- entia, iv. 16. 411 Vita Plotini, 16 29 f. Vita Pythagoræ, 41 67, 391 Sextus Empiricus, adv. IMathem., ix. 19 . 420 Sophocles, Oed. Tyran- nus, 387 . 428 Strabo p. 512 100, 368 p. 513 . 192 p. 517 . 192 p. 520 . 192 p. 529 . 233 p. 714 . . 192 p. 724 . 86, 233 f. p. 732—5. 407—10 p. 732 f. . 100, 190, 394 p. 735 . 202 p. 746 409 f. Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Orientis Græci Incrip- tiones Selectæ (ed. W. Dittenberger), ii. 593—617 37, 106—8 (See Index III., s. vv. (c) Latin A uthors Horace, Epistulæ, II. ii. 187—9 . . 266 Pliny, Nat. Hist., vii. 1 5 . 91 xxx. 6 216, 414, 419, 424 Tacitus, Annals, xi. 10 233 Antiochus, Gad- atas.) Oayrhynchus Papyri (ed. Grenfell and Hunt), i. p. 106 f. 298 Tacitus, Annals, xv. 24 419 Vergil, Eclogues, iv. 60—63 . . 91 f. ix. 53 . 400 I N D E X I I I GENERAL AW. B. —(1) In pp. 344–418 only the notes are indexed, not the translated texts. (2) Iranian words in italics follow the transliteration described on p. xvii. Words in italics not otherwise marked are Avestan. terms are normally to be sought under their originals, a translation following in each case. (4) The order is that of the English alphabet, the additional signs being put where their rough equivalents stand. Thus 2 stands where e is, x" where Ahz, etc. Aboriginal features of Magi, 193, 225, 230. Acanthus, 203. Achaemenians: their religion, 39–60, 203, 217, 239, 394, 432–4; history of the dynasty, 88 f., 231 f. See under Cyrus, Darius, Xerxes, etc. Achaians, 233. acišta ahi (worst existence), 172. a manah (worst thought), 172. Açvinau (the Indian Dioscuri), Açvini (their sister), 115. ãdă (Reward), 360, 380. Adarbaijan, 83. Adityás (Skt), 98 f., 117, 240. Adonis, 191. aăşma (violence, wrath), 130, 202, 250–2, 337 f., 346 f., 350. Afrinakān,432. See Index II, i. (c). ‘Ayaffès Aaiuov, 255, 265. Agni (Skt), 70, 200. Agriculture, 85, 87, 147. Agriculturists and nomads, 72, 85, 142, 156, 374, 379. Ahiqar, 248. Ahriman, Mainyu. ahi (lord), 160, 347. Ahuna Vairya (Honover), 160 f. (3) Technical Avestan or Pahlavi 425. See Angra ahura (lord): = Skt asura, an Aryan divine title, 31, 61, 150; applied to personified attri- butes of Deity, ix, 140, 155, 169, 293, 351 f., 383; in- cluding in Gathas other than Amshaspands, 97 (121), 241; not applied to Sponta Mainyu separately, 298; as a common noun, 347, 353, 374, 390; original of Asshur P 31 f. Ahura Mazdāh (Wise Lord): still descriptive title in Gathas, 31, 345 (see Ahura); forms of name, 422–4; “god of the Aryans,” 32, 42, 60, 93, 119, 184, 277, 301 ; conception older than Zarathushtra, ix, 31 ; not elemental, 61, 95; his attributes, 95 f.; as ethical deity compared with Varuna, 245; compared with Yahweh, 288–95; Light and Truth, 67, 292, 391; Spirit, 292 f.; Wis- dom, 290 f.; Creator of good, 95, 121 f. (see Dağuş); and of physical evil, 291 ; er nihilo, 291 f.; Judge of all, 166; his “Holy Spirit,” 134 f., 299 f.; the Amshaspands his attri- 447 448 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM butes, 97, 293-8 ; as “Father ” of ahuras, 1 13, 291, 298, 417; in a triad with Asha and Vohumanah, 112, 298 ; rela- tions with Amshaspands in Haptanghaiti, 122, 413; in Later Avesta, 98 f.; Waters his “ wives '' in unreformed Aryan cultus, 122, 413; three Amshaspands represent his nature, three his gifts, 114, 294; his Fravashi, 260, 262, 275; pictures (of this P), 414; relation to Zarvan akarana, 133; as “Twin’’ of Angra Mainyu, 132–7 ; relation to lesser divin- ities, 300 f.; Conception popu- larised and adapted by Magi, 322; Zei's 'Qpopudo 8 ms in Com- magene, 106, 415. See Aura- magala, Assara Mazāš. aipisg0a (future birth), 378. airyaman (brotherhood 2–Vedic aryaman), 117, 355, 381, 390. Airyana Vačjah, 86. ākā (manifest), 383, 386. Aka Mainyu (Bad Spirit), 126, 135 f., 138, 356. àkarati (renewal 2), 378. Albirúni, 261. See Index II., ii. (d). Alburz. See Harā barozaiti. 'AA#6eta, 110, 345, 401. Alexander, 2, 11, 22, 77, 106, 192, 320, 411, 431. Alcibiades I. ([Plato]), 77. See Index II. iii. (a). All Souls' Day, 259. Almsgiving, 153,289, 336. Al-Sirat's Arch, 165. Altars, 68. Amasis, 44, 215, 418. Amaratät (Immortality), 100, 102, 173 f., 219, 371,401, 407. See Haurvatat and Ameretat. Amaša Spania (Immortal Holy ones), 145. See Amshaspands. Amestris, 57, 128. ampt: (Skt—drink of immortal- ity), 179. Amshaspands: first named col- lectively in Haptanghaiti, ix, 96, 121, 241; their Aryan germs, 73 f., 98, 114, 121 ; alleged connexion with Baby- lon, 74, 240 f.; as ahuras, see ahura ; individual names and characteristics, 110–5, 293–5; a part of divine hypostasis, ix, 97, 293, 296–8; parallel ideas in Judaism and Christianity, 293-8 ; alleged genesis in school of Philo, 10, 103; early non - Avestan evidence, 33, 431–4; hardly known outside East in Achaemenian age, ix, 32, 87 f., 104; number in- creased to seven, 31, 99, 240 f., 252, 339; parallels in Achae- menian Inscriptions, 50 f., 109; their order, 96, 110 f.; and relative importance, 97, 112 ; relation to other ahuras, 97, 366; extent to which they are personified, 97, 382; their material provinces, 98, 105, 109; stereotyped epithets in LAv., 99 f.; images of, in Cappadocia, 100–2 ; antiquity shown by corruption of names, 100; are they found in Com- magene P 106–8.; too esoteric to be popular till adapted by Magi, ix, 87 f., 108–10, 220, 322; filial relation to Mazdah, 1 13; sex-distinction, 113 f., 122; represent the nature and gifts of God, 114, 294; in- tended to supersede poly- theistic divinities, 72, 114 f.; the most distinctive creation of Zarathushtra's thought, 87; Magian àvrírexvot, 220, 401, 407 ; interrelations within the INDEX III 449 Hexad, 300; Plutarch's names for them, 401; in Cappadocian Calendar, 431–4. Anadatus, 101, 108. anayra raocă (lights without be- ginning), 172. Anāhita ('Aváttus): her name, 238 f., 428; Semitic origin, 66, 238 f., 394; epoch of intro- duction, 22, 239 f ; name mis- taken in Herodotus, 66, 238, 394 ; relations with Mithra, 66, 238 f.; in a triad with him and Auramazda, 32, 78, 239; iconic form, 68, 7.8, 240; attributes, sacrifices, 58, 129; relations with Ishtar, 63; a river-genius, 66,239 f.; associ- ated with “Omanus,” 100; replaces Apam Napāt, 105; and the twin Amshaspands, 114 f., 240, 27; and fravashis, 271 f.; significant absence in Commagene, 108; and in Cappadocian Calendar, 432; gives name to planet Venus, 21 1,–etc. anáparata (without atonement), 203. Ancestor-spirits, 74, 150, 245, 256, 262, 264 f., 270, 324. See Fravaši. Angel. See Amshaspands, Yazata, Double. Angelology of Parsism and Juda- ism, xii, 302 f., 323. Angels of communities, 274, 325. angra (enemy), 137, 368, 370. Angra Mainyu (Ahriman, 'Apepºdvuos): meaning of name, 136; occurrence in Old Persian, 49, 136; single oc- currence in Gathas, x, 135–7, 370; made into a proper name by Magi, 136; his relations with Spanta Mainyu, 134 f.; with Ahura Mazdah, 132–4; attributes in Magian system, 220, 305, 403; an “ineffectual angel” of Darkness, 330; relations with Druj, O.P. Drauga, 49; absence from Achaemenian religious system, 55 f.; unknown to Herodotus, 59; conceived as a deity dwelling underground, 95, 128 f.; never propitiated in Parsism, 128; but received sacrifice from Magians, 127; and Mithraists, 129 f., 406; represented by Hades in Greek, 129, 405; in the spiritual world answers to A3, Dahāka in corporeal, 147,292; his ultimate destiny, 157, 403; epithet pouru'mahrka, 132, 177; represented by Nergal in Assyrian, 188; resemblances to the Satan, 30–6; was there connexion ? xii, 325 f.; me- chanical dualism of Magi, 201, 211, 214; compared with Aeshma, 251 ; author of physi- cal evil, 253; compared with Chinese Yin, 304; the millen- nia of conflict, 403; shadows in his province, 405; forms of his name in O.P. and Greek, 425 f.,-etc. Animals' souls (or Fravashis) adored, 262. Animism, 202, 262. Annihilation of Evil, 157, 289, 3] 2. Ansan, 45, 89. Anthesteria, 263. Anthropomorphism, 96, 113. Antiochus of Commagene, 37, 106, I 19, 285, 320, 414, 427. Anti-Parsic polemic alleged, in II Isaiah, 221 ; in Tobit, 249, 253. - Antiquity of Gathas, etc. See Date. 29 450 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM ăvrtrexvou, 51, 133, 211, 220, 401, 407, 417, 436. Antitheses of Magianism, 178, 201, 219 f., 290, 401 f.; com- pared with one in Judaism, 292; and in Paul, 293. Anunnaki (Assyr.), 31, 422. aoj (speak), 384. aoxiónámana yasna (with worship invoking the name), 203, 394, 417. ãp (water), 433. Apam Napāt (child of the Waters), 104 f., 435. Apaoğa, 26, 210, 281,417. Apocalyptic, xii, 154 f., 214, 288, 326–8, 404. Apollo, 53 f., 107, 199. Apotheosis of Zarathushtra, 22, 49, 78, 142, 302. Arabs, 394. Arachosia. See Haraxwaiti. Aramaic, 400. Aramaiti (Piety, Devotion), 10, 74, 97–100, 104 f., 112, 114 f., 1 18, 145, 163, 280, 290 f., 294, 350, 352 f., 360, 366, 377 f., 382, 393, 401, 413, 433. See Amshaspands. Archilochus, 27. Ardá Viräf, 180, 315. Ardashir, 11, 30. Ardvā Sūrā, 238 f. 'Apeºpºdvvos, 76, 406, 420, 425. See Angra Mainyu. Ares, 107. ari (Indo-Iranian = excellent), 183 f. - Ariani, 86, 233. "Aptot, 185,228. Aristobulus, 192. Aristotle, 77, 208, 405, 410, 415, 418, 420 f., 425. See Index II., iii. (a). ariya (O.P.), 184, 229. See arya. 'Apt&avrot, 60, 93, 183f., 187, 229 f., 232, 277, 429. Arjat-aspa, 374 Armenian, 435. Arrian, 320. Arsacides, 28 f., 216, 227, 233, 318, 416, 435. a arštå (uprightness), 51. Artachaees, 203, 233. Artaxerxes (Artaxšaffra), etymol- ogy of, 109. See Longimanus, Mnemon, Ochus. Artisans, 117. ārya (Skt; Av. airya, O.P. ariya ; noble), 4, 75, 93, 184,228. See “God of the Aryans,” under Ahura Mazdāh. aryaman (Vedic, see airyaman), 117, 355. Aryan, historical meaning of, 4 f., 32, 60, 75, 93, 183 f., 229. words and concepts de- rived from Aryan period, ix, 4–7, 10, 14, 20 f., 26, 32, 45, 61, 70 f., 73 f., 98 f., 110, 112, 114, 116–8, 120 f., 132, 138 f., 143, 165, 181, 187, 191-3, 196, 212-4, 216 f., 221, 228 f., 231– 5, 245, 314, 333, 393, 402, 423, 435, etc. Aša (Right, Truth), 51, 73 f., 96 f., 99, 102, 104–14, 121, 131, 134, 140, 146, 151, 155 f., 159, 161, 166, 171 f., 174, 245, 256, 261, 264, 275, 293, 298, 344, 347, 379, 390, 401, 433. See Amshaspands. ašavan (righteous), 146, 160. Aśi (Destiny), I 14, 169, 352, 360, 363, 379, 390. Asiatic origin of Indo-Europeans, 244. 'Ao počaſos, Aap.68avs, "Aap (68avs, 250 f. See Aéma. aśnqm uxsan (?—see note), 373, 384. Assara Mazāš (Assyr.), 31 f., 98, 241, 243, 252, 422–4. See Ahura Mazdāh. INDEX III 451 Asshur, 32. Assyrian borrowing from Iran, 31 f., 48. language, 42, 230,423,428, 430. See Babylonian. ast (bone), 163, 179. astödān (ossuaries), 334. Astral Mythology, 236 f. Astrology, xi, 87, 201, 209–1 1, 237, 281, 283. Astronomical data, 23 f., 90. 'Aorpoffºrms, 77, 201, 415, 426. astvant (corporeal), and mainyava (spiritual), antithesis of, 147, 168, 291. Astvatarata, 159. Astyages, 187, 197,232. Asura (Aryan or Indian), 61, 150. Atar (Fire), 70, 97, 104, 172 f., 224, 302, 408, 433. See Fire. Athanasian Creed, 297. Atharva Veda, 352. Athena, 113. ãóravan, affaurvan (Skt ditharvan), 76, 116–8, 194, 354, 359, 385. Atonement, 152. Atossa, 43. See Hutaosá. atrium (Lat.), 70, 302. Attributes of God, 95 f. See Amshaspands. Auramazda, 32, 48, 50 f., 59 f, 78, 184, 195, 422, 433. See Ahura Mazdāh. Aurvat-aspa (Lohrasp), 102,427. avanhāna (consummation), 359. Avesta : discovery of, 8, 36; name, 8,411; matter preserved in Pahlavi Books, 34; antiquity of, see Date ; destruction in Alexander's invasion, 11; pros- ody of, 13 f.; influence on the West, 227 f.; contrast of cultus with the Achaemenian, 32; word of its dialect found early in Cappadocia, 434. See Gatha, Later Avesta. 26, āyadanā (O.P., sanctuaries), 52, 195 f., 391. ayah x8wsta (molten metal), 98, 157 f., 242, 302, 312, 328, 350, 356, 361, 385, 403. aži (serpent), 130. Aži Dahāka (Zohak), 70, 147,245, 307, 326, 333, 338. Baalim, 307. Babylon, 42, 245, 319 f. Assyrian and Babylonian. Babylonian : gods, 41, 63, 199, 210, 213; language, 42, 52 f., 55; influence alleged on Iran, xi, 65 f., 86 f., 98 f., 237–43; on primitive Aryan, 65, 74, 244 f.; on Magian religion, 99, 188, 212 f., 220, 236 ft., 394, 403, 405 f. Bactria, ix, 24, 46, 83 f., 90, 192, 234, 304. Badagas, 193. Baga (O.P., deity), 51 f., 239, 300, 339, 352,432. Balkh, 89. Bantu, 222–5. baodah (consciousness), 179, 257, 259. Bardaisan, 315. Bardiya, 194 f. barosman (barsom), vi,68, 190, 198, 408 f. barhis-baragiš (grass carpet), 68, 198, 394, 408, Basil, 33. Bao'a)\ºjvov, 6eot, 108, 274. Basilides, 292, 320. Banri (see Babylon), 245. Behistan Inscriptions, 21, 34 f., 51 f., 55, 68, 73, 131, 185, 194–6, 229 f., 269, 431 f., al. See Index II. i. (e). Bel, 119. Bandva, 354, 380, 383. Berosus, 77 f., 133, 239 f., 242 f. See 452 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM “Bilateral symmetry” of Magi- anism, 126. Bird-form of Fravashis, 260; of the “ Glory,” 276. Birds: of good or evil creation, 253, 398, 400; corpse-eating, 192. Birth, Fravashis promoting, 266, 270. Birth of Saoshyant, 159 f. “Birthday of the Sun,” 181. Blood-shedding, 408 f. Body, resurrection of, 163 f., 350. Boghaz-keui, 5–7, 26, 115, 139, 235, 423. Books, Magi said to have no, 33. Boundless Time. See Zarvan. brahman (Skt., Prayer), 417. Brahmans, 194. Branch to the nose, 189. Bridge. See Cinvat;paratu. Brotherhood, 117. Buddhism, 28 f., 115, 130. biliti (demon), 130. Bull-slayer (Mithra), 72, 129. bina (see note), 389. Bundahish, 26 f., 89, 130, 213, 251, 272, 305, 310, 326–8, 395, 416, 432–7. See Index II. i. (d). Bunyoro, 222, 225. Burial, 163, 193, 202, 217, 249, 350. Burning dead, 193, 217. Burying alive, 57, 128 f., 215. Bùygsta (Sloth), 153. Byron, 165. Calendar: Cappadocian, 33,103 f, 108, 430–7; Persian, 48, 50, 105, 431 f. Cambyses, 43–5, 53, 186, 194 f., 204, 207, 215–7, 231, 247, 418. Camel, 82, 409. Cancer (Zodiac), 27, 436 f. Canon, 289. Canton, William, 255. Cappadocia, 68, 100, 105 f., 119, 138, 368, 401, 431. See Calendar. Caspii, 192. Castes, 117, 183, 388. Çatapatha Brähmana, 313. Cattle and Vohumanah, 101, 105, 109, 348, 353, 377. Cedrenus, 416. Cephisodorus, name, 272. Chaldaeans, 63, 187, 210, 304, 319, 431. Charioteers (caste), 118. Chess, 401 f. Chinese religion, 303. Choice, 134, 137. Chorasmia (X"airizam), 86. Christmas, date of, 181. Chronology. See Date. Chrysostom, 283f. Chthonian cultus, 57, 95, 128 f., 132. Cinvant, cinvat;paretu (Separater, Bridge of S.), 143, 158, 164–7, 169 f., 289, 311, 333, 361. Cisti, 397. See Wisdom. Cithrafarnah (Two oraqiápvms), 277. Cities of Refuge, 111. Clan gods, 51, 53, 93, 108, 274. Classical evidence, 36, 39, 183, 202, 205, 207. See Index II., Ill. Cleansing Vohumanah, 101. Clearchus of Soli, 418. Cleitarchus, 77. gloka (Skt, metre), 13. Cock, 219. Co-eternity of good and evil, 305. Coincidence of unrelated words, 244. Commagene, Antiochus. Communities, Fravashis of 266, 274. Comparative method, 7 f., 39. implication of 60, 106 f. See INDEX III 453 Conflict of Mazda- and Daeva- worship, 141 ; of Ahura and Angra, 403 f. Consanguineous marriage. Khvetuk-das. Consummation. See yāh. Contracts. See mióra. Corporeal and spiritual, 147, 168, 291, 346, 414. See Dualism. Corpse-bearer, 193, 333. Corpse-cake, 334. Corpse-fiend, 333. Corpses: pollution of, 164, 178, 215, 411 ; dogs and birds devouring, see Dakhma and Dogs. Cosmic Egg, 402 f. Counter-reformation, ix f., 119 f., 182, 202. Cousins, marriage of 249 f. Cow, pregnant, 367, 382, 385. Creation ea nihilo, 291. Creator, 52, 95, 121 f., 125 f., 291, 434. Creed, Parsi, 289. Croesus, 418. Cruelty to (Ahuryan) animals, 153. Ctesias, 72, 186, 232, 427. Cuneiform writing, 35. Curtius, Quintus, 319 f. Index II., iii. (c). Cyaxares, 232. Cylinder-inscription of Cyrus, 41 f., 45, 53, 231. Cyropaedia, 42. Cyrus the Great, 27, 40 f., 45, 53, 88 f., 210, 230–2, 247, 418. Cyrus the Younger, 41. See See Dačná (Self), xii, 162 f., 171, 179, 263–5, 278, 310, 353, 368. Dačná (Religion), 265, 368,432. Dačva (demon): relation to Indian deva, 140, 150, 213; and Ind.-Eur. *deivos (Ger., Lith., Lat., etc.), 138, 150; cause of the degradation of name, 141 f., 150, 307; gods of nomad cattle-raiders, 138, 350 ; Gathic doctrine of their Fall, x, 137f.,307,850; Mithra as their chief, 140 f., 149; De- ceivers of primeval man, 148 f., 307. dačvayasna (Dačva-worship), 72, 83, 95, 118, 129, 141 f., 156. dačvözušta (pleasing to Daevas), 356. dahyu (province), 389. *daivās (Aryan and early Iranian, see dačva), 60, 122, 150, 247. Dakhma (“tower of silence”): Magian custom, xi, 203 f.; purpose, 215; parallels in other tribes, ancient, 192 f.; and modern, 223 f.; contrasted with Zarathushtra's teaching, 164; and Persian usage, 163, 202 f., 398; Greek view of, 223, 414 ; modern view, 205; rules affecting,202 f., 333; lies behind the Tobit story, 203, 249 f.; function of the “dog's glance,” see Sag-did. Damdāt Nask, 327. Daniel, 274, 325. daraga (long) = eternal, 174, 359, 364. Darius I., viii, 27 f., 37, 40 f., 44–56, 131, 136, 187, 194–6, 260, 427, 431–3, al. Darius II., 56. Darkness: created by Mazdah, 95, 291 ; characteristic of hell, 172. Dastur, 374. Date: of Ind.-Eur, separation, 5; of Aryan period, 6 f.; of hypothetic Germanic migra- tion S.E., 26; of Gathas and Zarathushtra, viii, 8–22, 87, 103 f., 412; of Yashts, viii, 22, 78, 240; of Vendidad, etc., 454 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM viii, 198, 204; of Bundahish, 26 f.; of Zoroastrianism in Persia, 75 f., 90 ; of Persian Calendar, 103, 431–3; (pre- dicted) of Saoshyant, 310. Dağuş (Creator), 95, 104,434. David, 54. Dead language: alleged com- position of Gathas in, 12, 102; Sassanian interpolations in, 34. Deinon, 68, 77, 189, 208, 415, 426. Deioces, 231 f., 269. *Deivās (Ind. - Eur, heavenly ones), ix, 74, 138, 150, 225. See * Daivās. delubrum (Lat.), 408. Democritus, 420. Demonology, Parsi-Jewish, 325 f. dāng paiti (house-lord), 372. DEo ARIMANIo, 128, 399, 406. Destiny of Evil, 125. devdjusta (Skt., pleasing to deva), 138. Differences, more significant than resemblances, 307. Differentiation within Godhead, 298. Dimavend, Mt, 338. Din Magdayasniš, 119. Dinkart, xiv, 257, Index II., i. (d). Diogenes Laertius, 77, 114, 410– 21. Dioscuri, 115. Dius Fidius, 63 f., 140. Divination, 189 f., 196, 199, 225, 414, 421. *Diyauš (O.P., Zeſs), ix, 43, 60 f., 391 f. Doctrine of Evil, 125–53, 303– 12; of God, 93–97, 290–302; of Immortality and Retribu- tion, 154–81. Dog-days, 210. Dogs, 192, 202, 250, 253. Sag-did. 275. See See Double (Doppelgänger), 92, 108, 248, 254 f., 264, 266, 324. Douris, 72. Drangiana, 90. drauga (O.P., Lie), 49, 131, 136, 359, 425. Dreams. See Oneiromancy. Dragvant (liar, heretic), 131, 134, 146, 344, 347, 356. dron. See Corpse-cake. Drought, 51, 210. druh (Skt., fiend), 131, 425. Druids, 33. Druj (the Lie) x, 49, 51, 110 f, 126, 131, 134, 136, 138, 156, 160, 201, 304, 336, 351, 389, 425 f. drijörnmāna (House of the Lie, hell), 157, 172. Drunkenness, 71 f., 140, 396. Dualism: definition of, 125; how far attributable to Zarathush- tra, 126, 155; to the Magi, 201, 220 f., 322, 420; Baby- lonian and other dualisms, 220; attributed by Bousset to Parsism and Judaism, 288 ; in Plutarch’s account, 406; Alter- native dualism of Corporeal and Spiritual, 147, 292, 364. Dughdova, 82. Duodecimal numeral system, 244, diraoša (averter of Death), 71, 358. Duration of future rewards and punishment, 173 f. dušīyārā (O.P.), dušyāirya (Av. = Drought), 51, 130, duždánhô (unintelligent), 137. Dvandva duals, 61, 114, 352, 372. *Dyāus (Ind.-Eur, Sky), 138, 391—3. Earth, 10, 57, 121, 163 f., 203, 215, 217, 291, 350, 378, 393, al. See Aramaiti. INDEX III 455 Eastern Iran as home of Gathas, 89, 110, 131, 246. Eastward position 198. Eclipse, solar, 199. Ego. See dačná. Egyptian influence, 68, 243, 396, 431. ehi (Negro = soul), 268. 'Ektrºports, 242, 303. Elam, 44, 230–3, 238. Elamite. See Susian. Elemental character of Mazdah, 61, 95; of Mithra, 62; of Varuna, 64, 95; of Magian worship, 413; provinces of Amshaspands, 98, 109. Elephantine papyri, 55, 73. Elisha, 54. Empedocles, 404, 414. Endogamy, 223. Enoch, Book of 327 f. Ephorus, 411. Equality of merits and demerits. See Hamistakān. Ereksha, 436. Eschatology: of Zarathushtra, 154–181, 308–14, 405; of the Magi, 177 f., 252 f., 405. Esoteric note of Gathas, 60, 87, 108, 110, 118, 322 f. Eternal punishment, 157 f., 173f, 312; reward, 174. Ethical side of Mithra, 63 f., 139; and elemental deities, 244 f. Ethnology of Aryans, 5, 26, 232 f.; of Scyths, 200; of Magi, 213 f., 225, 228, 235; of Media, 229–35. Etymology of Zaraffustra, 81, 426; of other Gathic names, 82; of Magu, 183, 429; of fravaši, 268 f. t Eudemus, 417. eiðokia and Vohumanah, 294. Eudoxus, 415, 424. in cultus, ečMá6eta and Aramaiti, 294. ečvota translating vohumanah, 111, 401. eūvopuia translating X&aôra, 111, 401. Evil, ignored in Haptanghaiti, 122. See Angra, Druj, etc. Expiation, 152. External Soul, xi, 224, 267, 276, 324. Ezekiel, 189 f., 303. II., ii. (a). Eznik, 33, 133. Ezra, 41, 43. See Index Fall of the angels, 307, 350. Fall-story, Iranian, x, 74, 137 148–50, 307. Falsehood. See Druj. 2 farnah (O.P. =x"aronah, q.v.), 275, 277. Farvardigán, 257, 263. Fate, 133. Feast of the Dead, 258, 261–3. Ferghana, 85. Fides, 64. Firdausi, 35, 89, 149 f., 339. Fire: as messenger to the gods, 68, 394; Iranian and Indian connotations, 69 f.; profaned by Cambyses, 44, 215, 418; and Cyrus, 418; department of Asha, 109; as an Ahura, 97, 121, 393; “son” of Mazdah, 97; offended by Keresåspa, 176; Magian cult of, 200; end of world by, 242, 303; Yahweh’s and Ahura's compared, 302 f.; name of a month, 432. Firmament, 66. First man, 148. Five divisions of human person- ality, 256 f. Fixed epithets of Amshaspands, 99 f. - Fomalhaut, 23 f., 281. 456 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Food : of heaven, 179, 311 ; of hell, 172, 180, 312, 354, 382. “Founded” religions, 3, 299. Four world-ages, 243, 403 f. Four-eyed dog, 333. Fourteen, 128. fračáta (?), 381. Frangrasyan 374. Frankincense and myrrh, 285, 330. Frashaoshtra, 81 f., 346, 426, al. Fraśākarati (Renovation), 158, 163, 310, 350, 363, 365, 369. Fravaši, xi f., 254–285; sculp- tured at Behistan P 68; and on monument of Antiochus P 106; animistic side of con- ception, 98 ; worshipped in Commagene, 108; disowned by Zarathushtra, 162; a parallel in Uganda, 224; use in the folk-story behind Tobit, 248; guarding seed of Zara- thushtra, 310 ; compared with “angels,” 324 f.; compared with Găuş urvan, 346; explain- ing names Zamolxis and Diaixis, 392; existing in first world-age, 403; known to Democritus P 420 ; name first month, 432. “Fruit of the vine,” 179, 311. Fryāna, 197, 374. fsaratu (Reward), 360. Funeral customs, 163, 193, 200, 202, 249. See Dakhma. (Afräsiãb), 276, Gadatas, 37, 53 f. gaé6ă (people), 163, 365. Gāhānbārs (six chief feasts), 258. ganj (Pahl., treasury), 162, 382. gaomaéza, göméz (urine of cattle), 221–3, 334. Gaotema (? = Gautama), 28, 115. Garð damāna (nmāna) (Paradise), 144, 170, 328, 402. Gatha days, 257. Gathas : age of 8–22 (see Date); compared with Behistan In- scription, 48; use under later priests, 153, 218; contrasted with Vendidad, 222. See Zara- thushtra. Gathic dialect: dead by A.D., 13; accurate preservation, 15 ; re- lation to Vedic, 19; adaptation of names to Old Persian, 77, 422 f.; perhaps spoken in what is now Saistan, 89; in a country removed from that of Later Avesta, 90 ; two-word titles fused in O.P., Cappadocian, and Indo-Scythian, 109 f.; em- ployed in Haptanghaiti, 120; not spoken in Achaemenian Media, 230; etc. Gaumata, x, 44, 52 f., 186, 194– 7, 231, 395, al. gaya (life), 163, 308. Genesis and the Gathas, 130, 307 f. Genius and iuno, xii, 255, 265 f. German migration, 5, 26, 85. Germanic myths, 71, 165, 262. Gäuš tašan (Ox-Creator), 97, 121, 303, 347, 374, 377, 385. Găuş urvan (Ox-Soul), 97, 121, 303, 346 f. Gnostics, 30, 213. Gócihár (Ox-Seed), 218, 326. God, Zarathushtra's doctrine of. See Doctrine. “God of Aryans.” Mazdāh. “God of heaven,” 43. Goethe, 255. 'yomrukň, 415, 428. Gothic, 429. Grammar in LAv., 34. Grass carpet. See barhis. “Grateful dead,” 248, 339. Great Bear, 23 f., 278, 281. See Ahura Great Bundahish,209,256f,405 f. INDEX III 457 Greece and Babylon, 236. Greek and Persian dualism, 148. Greek: influence alleged, 167, 414; knowledge of Magi, 123; philosophy in contact with Magianism, 404, 419 ; religion, 245; rendering of Amesha names, 111, 401. Grehma, 354–7, 380, 383, 385. Guardian angel, xii, 255, 266– 70, 278. Guide over Bridge, 167. Hades-Ahriman, 77, 127 f., 132, 399, 405. Hadhokht Nask, 163. Haecataspa, 375, 388. Haetumant (Saistan), 209. hainā (O.P., horde), 51. Hair and nails, 152. Haxâmaniš, 109. haxt (?), 389. Hamaspathmaedaya, 257. Hamistakān, 141, 162, 170, 175– 7, 31 1, 358, 378. Hāmān, Lake, 84. Hand, Pointing of, 169, 361. Haoma : Aryan antiquity, 71, 180; ignored by Herodotus, 71, 394 ; original character, 71; attitude of Zarathushtrato, x, 7.1, 357, 379 ; as a Daeva of intoxication, 71 f.; epithet duraoša, 71 f., 358; association with Mithra, 72; patron of nomad cattle - raiders, 72; change in post-Gathic period, 72 f.; appears in Haptanghaiti, 121 ; in Magian libations to Ahriman, 128, 400; in myth of Zarathushtra's birth, 275; as Omomi in Plutarch, 400; H. Mazdadāta, 417; significant absence from Darius's Calen- dar, 432. Haptanghaiti, Gatha : prose, but Gathic dialect, 20; relative antiquity, 20 f., 120; repre- sents pre-reformation Iranian, 55, 120 f., 393; closest to Veda, 89, 413; virtually ignores Zarathushtra, 21, 49, 120; suggests propaganda “from far,” 88, 116 f.; first names Amshaspands collect- ively, 96, 98, 121 ; still keeps Asha first, 110, 121 ; compared with standpoint of Behistan, 121 f.; ignores the doctrine of Evil, 122; makes Amesha sons and daughters of Ahura, 122; has worship of Fravashis, 264; an illusory parallel for Ys 5117, 387 ; names Aramaiti once, Haurvatat and Ameretatnever, 401. Hapto-iringa. See Great Bear. Harā barazaiti, 165, 214. Haraiva, 228. Harax"aiti (Arachosia), 24, 203. Harri, 5. Haumadāta, Haumavarka, 73. Haurvatat, 51, 295. See below. Haurvatat and Ameretat, 74, 97, 104, 113–5, 155, 240, 257, 271, 294, 360, 363, 385, 401, 433. See Amshaspands. hāvana (pestle), 400. “He that knows” (viduš), 118, 352, 378. Heart, liver and gall, 338 f. Hearth fire, 70, 302. Heaven and Earth, 74, 95. Heaven the “garment” of Maz- dah, 61, 280. Heavenly Ones. Hecataeus, 417. Hedgehog, 219, 400. Helen, 1 15. Heliacal rising of Sirius, 25, 27, 2 1 0. Hell, 172–4, al. See Eternal, Drijörnmāna, Retribution. Heptad. See Six. See * Deivös. 458 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Heracles, 107. Heraclitus, 420. Hermes, 107. Hermippus, 33, 413, 415, 424. Hermodorus, 411, 415, 427. Herodotus, ix, 36 f., 46, 59 f., 78, 75 f., 195–7, 232, 427 f. See Index II., iii. (a). Heroes, 108. Hesychius, 392, 410. Hexad. See Six. Hillel, 336. Hipparchus, 237. hirpus and hircus, 219. Historical reality of Zarathushtra, 8 f, 80 f. Hittites, 6. Holiness, Parsi and Jewish, 299. Holy Spirit. See Sponta Mainyu. Homer, 219, 232. Honover (Ahuna Vairya), 160 f., 417. hotar (Skt, - Av. 2aotar), 116. Houris, 165 f. House: of Song, see Garo- nmāna; of the Lie, see Drijö- 72772(1720. hudānho (understanding), 137. hiiti (artisan), 117. humata, hitxta, Thought. humoroti (eijayyéAwov), 353. hunsl (Goth.), 145. hunu (son, of Ahriman's creation), 385. Husbandmen (caste), 117. Hutaosa, 43, 47, 88, 206. Huvishka, 13, 102. Hvogva, 82, 375. Hvovi, 82, 92, 387. Hypostases, 289. Hystaspes. See Vishtaspa. See hvaršta. Ideas, Platonic, 401. Igigi (Assyr.), 31, 98, 241, 252, 422. Ignis, 70. Ignorance, attribute of Ahriman, 290, 305, 403. Images, 67, 78, 100 f., 240, 391, 396, 409, 413. Immorality, ritual, 72. Immortality, 71 f., 149, 227, 252 f., 322, 329, 407. See Ameretat. Incarnation, 297 ; of Fravashis, 273. Incest. See Khvetuk-das. Independence of Angra, 125 f. India: and Boghaz-keui, 6; the Tir Yasht, 25; as a home of asceticism, 146; shows Aryan features less than Iran does, 69. Indo-European, 4 f., 74, 158, 165, 179, 193, 244, 262, 265. Indo-Scythian coins, 37, 100, 102, 435. See Kanishka. Indra, 6, 1 15, 139, 244, 427. Industry, 153. Infinite number, 281, 310. Intercalary days, 257,262 f.,431. Intoxicant, 71 f., 358. Iran: the name, 4; modern name of Persia, 58; ethnography, 5, 28, 45, 200, 235; primitive re- ligion and folk-lore, 69, 130, 148 f., 183, 198, 239, 247, 265, 307; language characteristics, 6, 26, 235,423; geography and climate, 25; contrast of East and West, 33. Ishatvastra, 82, 388. Ishtar, 212, 239, 393 f. Ishtar-Siduri, 113. Islam borrowing from Iran, 165. Israel. See Judaism. Israel, Northern, 247, 318. išti (acquisition ?), 372. iuno (genius of women), 266. Iuppiter, 63, 392, 424. igă (?), 382. Jamaspa, 82, 166, 375, 381,426. javara (?), 379. INDEX III 459 Job, Book of, 305. Judaism : alleged influence on Zoroastrianism, 11, 298, 315, 317,404 f.; compared in detail with religion of Gathas, 286– 312; and later Parsism, 312–6; alleged borrowing from Par- sism : views of Bousset, 288 f., 319–21; Clemen, 214, 318, 327 f.; Böklen, 3; not favoured by Iranian specialists, 317 ; time and place of contact, 318– 21 ; nature of Parsism when in contact, 322 f.; angelology, 323 f.; fravashi, 324 f.; demon- ology, 306, 325 f.; apocalyptic, 303, 326–31, 392 f.; immor- tality, 329; general considera- tions, 308, 317, 329–31 ; virgin birth, 310; Zarathushtra's own teaching practically excluded, 321 ; assertion reported by Diogenes, 418. Judge: Zarathushtra, 118, 168 f.; Ahura, 166–9. Judgement, 166–70, 242. Cinvant. Jupiter (planet), 211, 213. See Ka, 254. Kanishka, 13, 102, 427. Kara (mythological Fish), 211. Karapan, 140, 174, 357, 379. Karduchi (Kurds), 235. Karşvar (seventh of earth), 42, 138, 276. Kasaoya, Lake, 89, 123, 278, 310. Kassite, 422 f. Kavi, 83, 174, 357, 375. Kayanians, 56, 89. Kahrp (body), 163. Keresaspa, 176, 278, 406. Khorassan, 85, 234. Khshathra (Vairya), 13, 50, 74, 97–100, 104 f., 111–14, 155 f., 168, 294, 300, 344, 355, 401, 433, al. See Amshaspands. Xsayabiya (O.P., King), 41, 45 f, 52, 89. X&māvant (one like you), 359, 361, 367, 374, 381. X"aétu (clan), 117, 355, 373, 379, 381, 388. X"afna (in vision), 132, 210, 349. X"aronah (Glory), xii, 149, 275–7, 283 f., 307. X"affra (bliss), 364. Khvetuk-das (X"ačtvadaffa, next- of-kin marriage), xi, 205 f., 223, 249, 322, 371, 413 f. Kingdom. See Khshathra. “Kingly Glory.” See X"aronah. Killing Ahriman's creatures, 322, 330, 400. Kipling, 181. Kleinjahr. See Intercalary days. Koitapu, 194. Kurds, 138. See Karduchi. Kurumba, 193. Kutu, 53. Laertius, 410. Languages of Behistan, 185, 229 f. Later Avesta: dialect, 13,90, 170, 230, 434; geographical separa- tion from Gathas, 90; differ- ences of Yashts (etc.) and Vendidad, 183; religion of, 104, 116 f., 120, 149, 163, 172, 180, 182, 243, 251, 261, 265, 293; metre of, 13–15. Laughing at birth, 91 f. Legends of Zarathushtra, 19, 91. Legislation, Moses and Zara- thushtra's, 301. Leprosy, 397. Liar. See Dragvant. Libations, 71, 73, 129. Lie: comprehensive term for Evil, 50, 142; for rebellion, 50, 131 ; O.P. and Babylonian versions, 55. See Druj. Life, present and future, 346. 460 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Light, 64. Limbo, 174–7. Limitation of Mazdah's sovranty, 96. Living, fravashis of the, 256, 259, 273. Logos, 10, 1 11, 298. Loki and Thor, 71. Longimanus, Artaxerxes I., 56, 68, 207, 412,426,429. maéða (?), 360. maeg § 370. maga (?), 348 f., 375, 386. magavan (?), 359, 386. playeta, 208, 415, 428. Magi: x f., 182–253; their name, 428–30; had sacred books, 33; their variance from Zarathush- tra, 39, 89 f., 105, 139 f., 291, 350, 367, 413; their apotheosis of him, 48, 412 ; and claim that he was a Magus, 118, 323, 410; burial attributed to, 57, 129; and nocturnal sacrifice, 58; their guardianship of Avesta, 72, 79, 123; Hero- dotus' knowledge of, 76, 116, 398; their traces in Tobit, 99, 332 ft., 416; Artaxerxes II. their patron, 104; treatment of Amshaspands, 105, 113,407; and fravashis, 324; sole trans- mitters of the Religion to the West, 123, 322 f.; their dual- ism, 126, 322, 401 f., 420; non- Avestan traits in Plutarch, etc., 127 f., 130, 406; alien from Iranians, 403, 407, 418 ; their syncretism, 128; divina- tion, 421; star-lore, 436 f.; selected title Angra Mainyu, 136; their ritual and ethics, 152 f.; the dakhma and khve- tuk-das, q.v.; attitude to im- mortality, 177 f., 329, 405,407, 416; their antitheses, q.v.; compared with Scribes, 289; at Babylon, 319, 430; general estimate, 330; legendary suc- cession after Zoroaster, 410 f.; Diogenes' account,410–421, al. Magic, xi, 160, 208 f., 249, 415, 418. Mayoqāva, 76, 186f. Magu (O.P., Magus), 428–30. Maidyoimaongha, 82,387. Mainyu (spirit). See Spenta and Angra. manah (thought), 349, 362. Mandaism, 213. Manes, xi, 257. Mani, Manichaeans, 30, 234, 403. manóra (utterance), 160,218, 345, 348, 352. Manthravāka, 278. Marduk, 41 f., 212. Marlowe, 171. Marriage, Zarathushtra's view of, 147. Mars (planet), 107, 211. Massagetae, 192. Masudi, 209. Măzana, Mazindaran, 338. Magdadāta, 417. Mazdāh, 30 f., 56,61. See Ahura. Mazdaka, 30, 422. Medes, Media, 30, 44 f., 185 187, 229–35, 247 f., 332. Median Tribes, the six, 60, 93, 183 f., 229. Meherdates, 233. Mercury (planet), 27, 436. Marazu (?), 211. Mearírms, Mithra as, 62, 65, 141. Metals: Khshathra's province, 98, 109, 157; test of culture, 244. Metempsychosis, 273 f. Metrical tests, 12 f. metru (Assyr., rain), 66. Micah, 194. Middle Persian, 102, 233 f., 358, 434. 3. INDEX III 461 “Middling” souls, 174–6. Mihir (M.P., Mithra), 233, 434. Milton, 2, 49, 113, 157, 171, 173, 177, 307, 330. misva gåtu (intermediate place), 175 f., 358. Mitanni, 6 f., 45, 139, 235. Mithra: in Aryan pantheon,63 f., 139; problems of name, 65 f., 427 f.; relation to mióra, 63–5, 69, 151; and original function, 61–6, 69; peoirms, 65, 141 ; twin with Varuna, 32, 61 ; chief of deva-dačva, ix, 140 f., 149; a baga in Persia, 52; Zarathushtra's treatment of, x, 67, 139 f.; cult never destroyed, 139 f.; holds place in Calendar, 432; returned purified in LAv., 139, 150 f.; lord of Truth, 63 f., 139, 151; becomes Sun-god, 62 f., 107, 407; relations with Haoma, 72; and Gäuš tašan, 347; and Anahita, 66, 72, 78, 394 ; in Triad, 298 f.; Slayer of Bull, 72, 149, 181; hence gives im- mortality, 149; as Judge, 167; Semitic affinities, 65, 238 f.; leading towards Mithraism, 7, 108; figures in Indo- Scythian coins, 103; in Cap- padocia, 104 ; in Commagene, 106 f., al. Mithraism, 32, 37, 63, 67, 108, 128–30, 133, 149, 151, 181, 210, 226, 320, 399, 406. miórödruj (pledge-breaker), 151, 270 Mitra (Skt or Aryan), 6, 32, 61, 117, 141. See Mithra. miträ-mióra (compact), 63, 67, 69, 139, 151, 373. Mnemon, Artaxerxes II., 22, 42, 77, 104, 139, 238 f., 298 f., 428, 432, Molten Metal. See ayah Xàusta. MôAv, 219, 399 f. Mongolians, 200, 224. Monotheism: the rise to, 94, 300; compromised in Hap- tanghaiti, 122; pre-eminently characteristic of Parsism, 288. Monsoon, 25, 436. Months, names of, 104 f., 279, 430–7. Moon : and Soma 71, 199; Tpoöéktop for Persians, 199 f.; Babylonian Sin, 199, 244; in Yashts, 393. Morality, divine guardians of, 74, I 50. Moses and Zarathushtra, 300–2. Moses of Chorene, 103. Mother Earth, 112. Mother-goddesses, 238 f. Motu, 193. Mountains, xi, 213 f., 403, 406. Murghab, 41, 89. Mūšpar, Müş pairikā, 213,400. “My God” (Babylonian), 255. myazda (food-offering), 361. Mysticism, 146. Mythic Ox, 129. Nabonidus, 42. Nahitta, Nahunti, 238. Nakš-i-rustam, 195. Names: of angels, 323; of planets, 211 f.; and person- ality, 416 f. Nánhaitya, 115, 139. Naotara, 206 f. narö, 379. See Castes. Năsatyau, 6, 115, 139. Nasu (corpse-fiend), 253, 333. Nature-worship, 47, 59 f., 87, 108, 120. Nearness of the End, 159, 366, 372. Nebuchadrezzar, 187. Nectar and ambrosia, 178, 363. Negative, Evil, 134. Neit, 44, 53 f. 462 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Nemi, 225. Nereids, 216. Nergal, 128, 188,212. Nergal-sharezer, 188. Neriosengh, 170, 271, 304, 376. Nerthus, 112. Neuter names, 113 f. New Testament and Zarathush- tra, 126 f. Next of kin. See Khvetuk-das. Nicolaus Damascenus, 204, 210, 41 1. Night-heaven, 61. Nine Ways, 57. nmāna (house), 389. Nobles (caste), 117. Nocturnal sacrifices, 58, 129, 180, 357, 409. Nomadic period, 71, 395. Nomads, 51, 72, 85, 94, 138, 142, 193, 333, 353. North, demons in, 172, 281. Northern invaders, 5, 26, 85, 229, 333. Nova, Star of Magi as a, 283f. Numeral system, 244. 71 f., Obedience. See Sraosha. Ochus, Artaxerxes III., 52, 239. Olympians, 74. Omanus, 68, 100 f., 108. Omniscience, 95, 290. See Wise. omomi, 399 f. Oneiromancy, xi, 187, 196, 200, 209 f., 283. Onesicritus, 192. Ordeal, 74, 158. Order of Amshaspands, 96, 110 f. Oreitae, 192. Origin of Evil, 125, 132, 148– 50. Originality of Zarathushtra, 127. Ormazd, 'Qpop.aorèms. See Ahura Mazdah. Ossetes, 235. Oüpavim, 394. Oüpavós, 64. Ox-Creator, Ox-Soul. See Gäuš tašan, urvan. Oxus, 239 f. Pahlavi, language and books, 34, 86, 101, 133, 149, 163 f., 170 f., 176, 180, 205–7, 220, 250, 272, 306, 312, 315, 319, 332, 355, 363, 365, al. Pairika, 278. Palestine and Media, trilingual, 185. Panjāb, 7. Pānini, 12. Paradise, 311, 330, 351. Garðnmāna, Vahista. of Fools, 177. Parentalia, 265. Pårsa, 184. Parsi influence on Judaism. See Judaism. Parsis, modern, xiv, 1 ; under Arsacides, 322 f. Parthia, 45 f., 85, 90, 228, 233. Pasargadae, 195. See Paul, 154, 175, 323. See Index II., ii. (b). Pausanias, 33, 208. See Index II., iii. (a). Penalties, 221. Persepolis, 260, 274. Persia, 45, 57 f., 233. Persian ; and Magian, 193, 196, 202–14, 403, 407,418 ; burial, 163, 398; language, Old, 34–6, 77, 183–5, 251, 332, 432, al.; law, 144, 170; religion, popu- lar, 59 f. Personification, 100. Peshdadians, 56. pašotanu (beyond atonement), 390. Philo, 9 f., 102 f., 110. Phraortes, 74, 232, 268 f. “Pillar” passages in Gathas, 348. pištra (caste), 117. INDEX III 463 Planets, xi, 98 f., 211–4, 241, 283, 436. Plants, 74, 98, 109, 114, 257, 271, 275,277, 401. See Ameretat. Platonism and the Gathas, 17, 401. Plautus, 110. Pliny, 415, 418. iii. (c). IIXodros and Haurvatat, 401. Plutarch, 27, 51, 110–2, 123, 127 f., 132 f., 141, 327, 426. See Index II., iii. (a). IIveopa, 257, 299. - Poetical tradition, 365. Polytheism: of Darius P 54 f. ; of pre-reform Iran, 183; holy triads in, 299. Poor, care of, 289. Porphyry, 29 f., 67, 287. Index II., iii. (a). Pourucista, 82, 351, 388. pourumahrka (many-slaying), 132, 177. Pourushaspa, 82. “Powers,” Philonic, 10, 111. Prayers for dead, 313. Precedence among 274. Precession, 237, 243. Pre-existence, 272. Prexaspes, 82. Priests, vi, 76, 116 f., 354. Primeval Ox, 149, 199. “Prince of this world,” 306. “Princes” of nations, 325. Principles, the two, 77. IIpoèéktop, 199. Prometheus, 275. Propaganda, 119. Prophecy and apocalyptic, 154 f. Prophet and Priest, 116–8. Prose: of Haptanghaiti, 20, 120 ; in LAv., 15, 34, 123, 183, 198, 204. Proverbs, Book of, Index II., ii. (a). See Index II., See Fravashis, 113. See Prthivi (Skt., Earth), 112. Ptolemies, 208. IIºpauðot, 117, 408. Quantity in verse, 13 f. Rab-Mag, 187 f., 230, 430. Raga, 46, 247 f., 269, 335. Rains in Iran, 25. raoyma zaramaya (spring butter), 179, 415. Raphael, 252. Rashnu, 167, 210, 280, 331. raffaëstar(charioteer—caste), 117. Ratu (Judge), 160, 175, 179, 347, 351, 358, 365, 385. Reading, 397. Reckoning, 112. Record of merits, 160, 162. Regeneration. See Frašo'karati. Regent Stars, 23, 90, 201, 210 f., 242, 280. Religion: of Israel, 286–331; of Persia, 36; of Achaemenians, 39 ft., 432 f. Religious degeneration, 301. Representative spirits, 278. Resurrection, 163, 289, 378, 405. Retribution, 155, 172 f., 259,288. Reward : here, 155, 159; here- after, 155, 170–2, 259, 288. Right. See Asha. Rigveda. See Veda. Ritual, 118, 153, 183, 189, 198, 221. Rivers: genius of, 21; patronym- ics in Greece, 272; sanctity of, 398. See Waters. Rods, Magian use of, 189. Roman religion, 63 f., 244, 263, 391. Rta (Skt, cf. Asha), 73, 110, 159. rubat bàlit (Assyr.), 239. Rustem, 339. Sacae, 100. Sacaea, 101. 464 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM Sacerdotalism, 116 f. Sacred Books of the East, 9, 34, 296. Sacrifice, 395,417. Saddar Bundahish, 259. Index II., ii. (d). Sadducees, 323. Saena, 19, 22, 29. Sag-did (glance of dog), 250, 253, 333 f. See Sagittarius, 436 f. Saistán, 89, 209. Sandan, 435. Sanskrit, 26, 271, al. Saoshyant : name, 145, 346; original idea, 158, 309, 372, 381 ; function in Gathas, 372; extension in LAv. religion, 27, 159, 273, 310, 405; birth of, 89, 92, 310; destiny, 171,395; application to Matt. ii., 284, al. Sapiential Books of O.T., 137. Sargon, 247. Sarmatae, 235. Sassanian, xi, 11, 29 f., 33, 120, 123 f., 130, 134, 147, 177, 180, 183, 204–6, 226 f., 243, 246, 257 f., 260, 273, 282 f., 305, 319, 403, 405–7, 434. Satan, 304–6, 325 f. Satavaesa, 211, 281. Satam dialects, 26, 115. Saurva, 115. savah (blessing), 346. Sayana, 10. See Index II., i. (g). Scribes, 289. Scythians, 13, 70, 73, 200, 410. Sea, 58 f., 216 f. Sea-urchin, 400. Seed: plants and animals, 211 ; of Zarathushtra, 89, 278, 310. Self, as determining destiny, 162, 310. See Dačná. 2epwéAm, 392. Semitic : influence, see Baby- lonian, Judaism; population in Media, 185, 196. Separater. See Cinvant. Serpent, 307. See Aāi. Seven Amshaspands. See Six. Sex; distinctions of gods, 113 f., 122, 238, 394, 413. Sexagesimal reckoning, 244. Sexual morality, 153. Shah Nameh. See Firdausi. Shahrevar, 13, 100. Shahpuhr, 11. Shelley, 92, 172, 254 f., 297. Shrines. See ayadanã. Silences: Behistan, 48 f.; Hero- dotus, 59 f. Sin, 144, 152. Sirius, 23 f., 402. Six Amshaspands, 96f., 113, 145, 432; seven, 98 f., 240 f., 252, 327. comrades of Darius, 186, 195, 276. siyātiš (O.P.), śāitiš (Av., joy), 50 f., 291. Sky-god, 43, 59 f., 62, 95, 245, 391 f., 407. Sogdiana, 86, 234, Sol Invictus, 63, 140. Solar character of Mithra, 62 f. See Mithra. Soma, 71, 199. See Haoma. Sondergötter, 69 f., 105, 150. 20%ía : Gnostic, 113; rendering Aramaiti, l 12, 290, 401. Sotion, 412. Souls: five, 256; Plato's two, 419. See urvan. S(p)andaramet, 435. Spanyah (holier), 399. Spayatra (?), 351. Spells, 118, 153, 160,217 f., 322, 417. Sponta (holy), 96, 99, 112, 144 f., 263, 294, 387, 435. Mainyu, 97, 111, 127, 134 f., 211, 262, 298–300. Sphere of Z.'s preaching, 83 f. 26 f., 90, 210, INDEX III 465 Spirit, I 11, 299. See Sponta Mainyu. Spitama, 82, 375. Spityura, 150, 276. Spring butter, 311. Sraosha, 97, 99, 111, 114, 167–9, 172, 241, 252, 294, 338, 360, 366. star (spread), 190, 394. Star of the Magi, 282–5. Stars: and Fravashis, 280 f., 283 f.; cult of, 99, 201, 210, 212, 281, 406. Steppes, 71, 302. Stevenson, R. L., 255. Stoics, 242. Strabo, 68, 86, 100, 105, 117, 192, 204 f. See Index II., iii. (a). Subordination of Ahriman, 305. Suetonius, 91. Suidas, 411. Sun-worship, 58, 189, 191, 198 f., 217, 393. Supererogation, 162, 313. Susianian Version, 52, 55, 60, 93, 185, 230, 238. Suttee, 192. Symmetrical: grouping of Am- shaspands, 113 f.; antitheses, 180, 214, 322. Syncretism, 79, 287, 321. szveſitas (Lith.), 145. Tabiti, 70. Tacitus, 85, 112. iii. (c). Talmud, 319, 323, 325. Tamarisk, 190, 408. Tammuz, 189, 191. Tansar, 30. tanu (body), 163. taramaiti (heresy), 359. Taurobolium, 129, 141, 181, 357. Taxila, 192. Tchang K'ien, 85. Teispes, 45. See Index II., Temples, 53, 225. Ten Tribes, 247, 318. *tepos (Ind.-Eur, heat), 70. toviši utayiſiti (strength and con- tinuance), 114, 372, 379. 6eoyovim, 116, 395,409. Theodicy, 154 f., 329–31. Theopompus, 177, 273, 403–5, 415 f, 424. Thetis, 216. Thor, 71. Thought, Word, Deed, I 11, 142, 146, 168, 170 f., 179, 278, 310, 376. Thrace, 392. Thraetaona, 338. Three days, the, 242, 289, 313. Three Heavens, 328, 350, 402. G)nyasa, 391. Tira, 27, 103, 435–7. Tiridates, 216, 418 f., 435. Tishtrya, 23 f., 26 f., 103 f., 201, 237, 281, 401 f., 417, 432 f., 436 f. Tobias, 250. Tobit, Book of, xi, 99, 203, 227, 246–53, 285, 315, 327 f. Tortoise, 219. Tower of Silence. See Dakhma, Tradition, Parsi, 7 f., 11, 18 f. Travels of Herodotus, 76. Treasury. See ganj. Tree cult, 189. Triads, 1 12, 142, 299, 433. Tribes, Median, 60, 117, 183. Trilingual Media, 185. Trinity, 297 f. Truth, 94, 130, 140, 142, 151, 186, 202, 304, 397. See Asha. Uganda, 222 f. ugnis (Lith.), 70. Ux:yat’arata, 310. Ux$yatºnomah, 310. o Understanding. See hudānhö. Universalism, 157 f., 312. Unnatural vice, 148, 386, 396. 30 466 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM §trakoſ, and sraoša, 294. Urheimat, of Indo-Europeans,244. urvāiti (vow), 67. urvan (soul), 162 f., 257, 259, 261–3, 382. usij, 140. uštå (will), 364, 410. uštåna (life), 163. uštra (camel, q.v.), 426. utayiiiti (continuance), 114, 173 f, 372, 379. See tavāśī. vaëpayó (wanton), 386. vaēšah (corruption), 389. vaf (weave), 365. vahista (best), 99, 171 f., 336,346, 359, 364, 371, 421. vairya (desirable), 99, 156. Valkhash, 11. War, Yima's, 308, 327. varademgm (?), 171, 375. vārangan, bird, 209. varna (Skt, colour), 117. Varro, 64, 266. Varuna, 6, 32, 61, 64, 95, 117, 139, 244 f. vasasā’)(Šaffra (ruling at will), 365. Wästrya fåuyant (husbandman— caste), 117, 410. Vaumaniša, 109. Vayu, 206, 328. Veda, 13 f., 18, 20, 89, 98, 117, 123, 138, 143, 200, 244, 356. Vedic, 19, 170, 200. Vega, 23 f. Vegetation spirit, 191. Wohrküna (Hyrcania), 400. Vendidad, xi, 34, 102, 152, 183, 202 f., 206, 211, 301, 322,409. See Index II., i. (c). Venus (planet), 211–3. Verethraghna, 69, 103, 106, 108, 427. varažāna (husbandmen), 117, 355. Verse: Avestan, 123; preserved by Magi, 198. Vesta, 70. vidāiti (separation), 312. viduš. See “He that knows.” viðaibiš or viðibiš (O.P.), 51, 53, 274. Vifarnah, Vindafarnah, 276 f. Virgil, ix, 91 f. See Index II., iii. (c). vis (clan), 389. Vishtaspa, 27, 30, 43, 45, 47, 80, 82, 86, 88, 90, 102, 142, 206, 373 f., 379, 426. vispaiti (clan-lord), 86. Vivahvant, 149. Vocabulary, separate, for Ahri- manians, 218 f., 385. Vocative of divine names, 424. vohugaona (frankincense), 285. Vohumanah, 10, 50, 68, 72, 96, 99 f., 101, 104 f., 109, 111–4, 134, 161, 171 f., 275, 293 f., 300, 382, 401, 409, 433. See Amshaspands. Vouru-kasha, 276, 278. vrata-urvata, 64. Vrtra, 69. vrtrahan, 427. Vultures. See Dakhma. Warrior Mithra, 139 f. Water-dog, 152, 222. Water-rat, 400. Waters, 74, 98, 109, 114, 121, 129, 215 f., 257, 271, 277, 393, 401, 413, 432. See Anahita, Haurvatat. Waters above and below, 66. Wax, corpse covered with, 163, 202, 398, 410. Weighing of merits, 144, 158, 169 f., 311, 313 f., 379, 397. White horses, 59, 216, 408. Whiteness, 397, 415. Wind, 393. Winged solar disk, 68, 243, 396. Wings in Persian art, 260. Wisdom, 112 f., 137, 290, 351. INDEX III 467 Wise Lord, 31 f., 93, 120, 156, 290 f. Wise men, xii, 2, 227, 282–5. Witchcraft, 209. Wives of Mazdah, 121, 393, 413. Wolf, 400. Women, position of, 85,221. Words, Ahrimanian, 218 f. Wordsworth, 39, 113, 280. World-year, 243, 403–6. Worst Thought, 137, 312. Xanthus and Scamander, 219. Xanthus Lydus, 77, 204, 399, 411 f., 426,428 f. Xenophon, 42, 428. Xerxes, 44, 56 f., 73, 104, 129, 199, 203, 209, 215–7, 418, 431. gāh maz(išta), 158,242. Yahweh, 41, 51, 54, 194, 220, 247, 286, 288, 290, 292–4, 300, 305 f., 325. Yama, 74, 170, 205. See Yima. Yang and Yin (Chinese), 303. Ayaozdāta (purified), 408. Yashts, 13,21 f., 24, 26, 116, 122f., 150, 182 f., 198, 245, 260. See Index II., i. (c). Yātu, 209. yag (adore), 388. Jagata (adored one), 121, 432, . 434, 436, al. Yazdgard, 147. Ayāmā (twins), 132. Yezd, 408. Yima, 74, 148 f., 205, 276, 308, 402. Yöišta, 28. Zápoxćts, 392. zantu (district), 389. zantupaiti (district-lord), 86. gaotar (priest), 76, 116, 194, 359. 2a00ra, (libation), 361, 427. Zarathushtra : general estimate, 2; historical, ix, 8 f., 80 f., 365; Gathic and LAv. picture, 16; as author in Gathas 17, 345, 348, 358, 364 f., 369, 383; name explained, 77, 82, 201, 426 f.; legends, ix, 19, 91 f., 319 f.; dated in 7th millen- nium, 77 f., 243, 411 f.; first mention in Greek authors, 76 f., 412, 426; ignored by Darius, 48, 55; by Haptang- haiti, 20, 121 ; by Herodotus, 59 f.; doctrine knownto Darius, 56; apotheosis in (Haptang- haiti once and) LAv. 22, 49, 78, 142, 302; history and teaching, 80–124; abstract- ness of his thought, 33, 60, 94, 99; but intensely practical, 94, 142, 146; his caste, 117; not a Magus, 93, 118 f., 197 f., 265, 323, 399; his date, 8–22, 87, 103 f., 412; death, 89; Monotheistic, 140, 296; his Ahuras (q.v.); not Dualist, 126, 201,291, 367; makes devil Falsehood, 131, 202; counter- action of Good, 133; general doctrine of Evil, 125–53; ejects Mithra, 139-41 ; and Haoma. 7 I f.; and Fravashi, 162, 263–5; casually names Angra Mainyu, 49, 135 f.; adapted from him by Magi, 202; pro- pitiation of demons forbidden by, 127 f.; as Judge at last, 118, 361, 369, 376, 385; as Advocate before Mazdah, 166–8; as Saoshyant, 158 f., 379, 381 ; as ahū and ratu, 160 f.; Ethics: triad of Word, Thought, Deed, 143 ; no provision for atonement, 144; use of sponta and asavan, 145 f.; neither ascetic, 146 f., 387 ; nor mystic, 146; as “the Ašavan,” 354, 361 ; earliest apocalyptist, 154 f., 326; uses 468 EARLY ZOROASTRIANISM old mythus, 158; retains rev- on Immortality, 329–31 ; a erence for Earth, 164; and prophet without successors, Fire, 200; the Bridge mythus, 329. 165; and Aryan hell, 173; Zaraóuštrotama, 118, 274. imminence of End, 309; as 2āvar (strength), 234, 426. “shepherd of poor,” 161 f.; Zela, 101. overstepped popular religious || Zend, 8. capacity, 182; indifferent to Zervan akarana, 107 f, 133, 153. ritual, 118, 221; no priest, Zervanites, 153, 281. 116-8; his teaching not trace- Zeus, 60, 392; Greek equivalent able in Tobit original, 247; or for Mazdah, 77, 106; South in Plutarch, 406; or in neigh- Ind.-Eur, sky-god, 60, 138, bourhood of Israel’s exile, 321; 391 f. 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Prof. L. P. Jacks, 13. Analysis of Ores. F. C. Phillips, 21. Analysis, Organic. F. E. Benedict, 2. Analytical Geometry, Elements of. — Hardy, 11. Anarchy and Law, Theories of. H. B. Brewster, 3. Ancient Art and Ritual. Harrison, 12. Ancient Asia Minor, Wall Map of, 16. Ancient Assyria, Religion of. Prof. A. H. Sayce, 26. Ancient Greece, Wall Map of, 16. Ancient Italy, Wall Map of, 16. Ancient Latium, Wall Map of, 16. Ancient World, Wall Maps of the, 15. Anglican Liberalism, 1. Animal World, The. Prof. F. W. Gamble, 9. Antedon. Vide L.M.B.C. Memoirs, 39. Anthems. Rev. R. Crompton Jones, 14. Anthropology. R. R. Marett, 19. Antwerp and Brussels, Guide to, Io. Anurida. Vide L.M.B.C. Memoirs, 39. Apocalypse of St. John, 40. Apologetic of the New Test. E. F. Scott, 27. Apostle Paul, the, Lectures on. Otto Pfleiderer, 23. Apostolic Age, The. Carl von Weizsäcker, 32. Arabian Poetry, Ancient. Sir C. J. Lyall, 19. Architecture. Prof. W. R. Lethaby, 18. Arenicola. Vide L.M.B.C. Memoirs, 39. Aristotelian Society, Proceedings of, 22. Army Series of French and German Novels, 33. Ascidia. Johnston, L.M.B.C. Memoirs, 39. Assyriology, Essay on. George Evans, 8. Astigmatic Letters, Dr. Pray, 24. Astronomy. A. R. Hinks, 13. Athanasius of Alexandria, Canons of, 37. Atlas Antiquus, Kiepert's, 17. Atlas, Topographical, of the Spinal Cord. Alex. Bruce, 4. Atonement, Doctrine of the. Auguste Sabatier, 25. Auf Verlornem Postem. Dewall, 33. Avesti, Pahlavi. Persian Studies, 1. Prof. Babel and Bible. Friedrich Delitzsch, 6. Bacon, Roger. “Opus Majus” of, 2. Basis of Religious Belief. C. B. Upton, 31. Beet-Sugar Making. Nikaido, 21. Beginnings of Christianity. Paul Wernle, 32. Belgium, Practical Guide to, Io. Belgium Watering Places, Guide to, Io. Bergson's Philosophy. Balsillie, 2 ; Le Roy, 18. Bible. Translated by Samual Sharpe, 3. Bible, a Short Introduction to, Sadler, 23 ; Bible Problems, Prof. T. K. Cheyne, 5; How to Teach the, Rev. A. F. Mitchell, 20 ; Remnants of Later Syriac Versions of, 37. Bible Reading in the Early Church. Adolf Harnack, II. Biblical Hebrew, Introduction to. Rev. Jas. Kennedy, 16. Biology, Principles of. Herbert Spencer, 28. Blaise Pascal. Humfrey R. Jordan, 15. Book of Prayer. Crompton Jones, 15. Books of the New Testament. Von Soden, 27. Britain, B. c. Henry Sharpe, 27. British Fisheries. J. Johnstone, 14. Brussels and Antwerp, Guide to, Io. Buddhism. Mrs. Rhys Davids, 6. Calculus, Differential and Integral. Axel Har- nack, 12. Canada. A. G. Bradley, 3. Cancer. Vide L.M.B.C. Memoirs, 37. Cancer and other Tumours. Chas. Creighton, 5. Canonical Books of the Old Testament. Cornill, 5. Cape Dutch. J. F. Van Oordt, 22. Cape Dutch, Werner's Elementary Lessons in, 32. Capri and Naples, Guide to, Io. Captain Cartwright and his Labrador Journal, 4. Cardium. Vizie L.M.B.C. Memoirs, 39. Catalogue of the London Library, 17. Celtic Heathendom. Prof. J. Rhys, 25. Channing's Complete Works, 4. 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O. Winstedt, 32. Crime and Insanity. Dr. C. A. Mercier, 20. Crown. Theological Library, 34. Cuneiform Inscriptions, The. Prof. E. Schrader, 26. Date, The, of the Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels. Harnack, 11. Dawn of History, The. Prof. J. L. Myres, 21. Delectus Veterum. Theodor Nöldeke, 20. Democracy and Character. Canon Stephen, 29. Democracy, Socialism and, in Europe. Samuel P. Orth, 22 De Profundis Clamavi. Dr. John Hunter, 14. Descriptive Sociology. Herbert Spencer, 26. Development of the Periodic Law. Venable, 31. Differential and Integral Calculus, The. Axel Harnack, 11. Dipavamsa, The. Edited by Oldenberg, 6. Doctrine of the Atonement. A. Sabatier, 25. Dogma, History of. Adolf Harnack, 11. Dolomites, The, Practical Guide to, Io Dresden and Environs, Guide to, Io. Early Hebrew Story. John P. Peters, 23. Early Christian Conception. Otto Pfleiderer, 23. Echinus. Vide L.M.B.C. Memoirs, 36. Education. Herbert Spencer, 28. Education and Ethics. Emile Boutroux, 3. Egyptian Faith, The Old. Edouard Naville, 21. Egyptian Grammar, Erman's, 7. Eighth Year, The. Philip Gibbs, 9. Electric Furnace. H. Moisson, 20. Electricity. Prof. Gisbert Kapp, 15. Electrolysis of Water. V. Engelhardt, 7. Electrolytic Laboratories. Nissenson, 22. Eledone. Vide L.M.B.C. Memoirs, 39. Elementary, Chemistry. Emery, 6. Elementary Organic Analysis. F. E. Benedict, 2. Elements of English Law. W. M. Geldart, 9. Engineering Chemistry. T. B. Stillman, 30. England and Germany, 6. 14 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London, W.C. 46 WILLIAMS & NORGATE'S German Idioms, Short Guide to. T. H. Weisse, 30. German Literature, A Short Sketch of. V. Phil- lipps, B.A., 23. Germany, England and, 6. Germany of To-day. Tower, 30. Germany, The Literature of. Prof. J. G. Robert- Son, 25. Glimpses of Tennyson. A. G. Weld, 32. God and Life. Dr. John Hunter, 14. Gospel of Rightness. C. E. Woods, 33. Gospels in Greek, First Three. Rev. Colin Campbell, 4. Grammar, Egyptian. Erman, 7. Grammar, Ethiopic. A. Dillman, 6. Greek-English Dictionary, Modern, 17. Greek Ideas, Lectures on. Rev. Dr. Hatch, 11. Greek, New Testament. Prof. Edouard Nestle, 19. Greek Religion, Higher Aspects of. L. R. Farnell, 8. Greeks: Hellenic Era, 27. Grieben's English Guides, 9. Gulistan, The (Rose Garden) of Shaik Sadi of Shiraz, 23. Gymnastics, Medical Indoor. Dr. Schreber, 24. Harnack and his Oxford Critics. T. B. Saunders, 26. Health and Disease. Dr. W. L. Mackenzie, 19. Hebrew, New School of Poets, 20. Hebrew Religion. W. E. Addis, 1. Hebrew Story. John P. Peters, 23. Hebrew Synonyms, Studies in. Rev. J. Kennedy, 16. Hebrew Texts, 12. Hellenistic Greeks. Mahaffy and Goligher, 27. Herbaceous Garden, The. Mrs. A. Martineau, 20. Heredity in Relation to Eugenics. C. B. Daven- port, 6. Hibbert Journal Supplement for 1909, entitled: Jesus or Christ? 13. Hibbert Journal, The, 13. Hibbert Lectures, 35. Highways and Byways in Literature. H. Farrie, 8. Hindu Chemistry. Prof. P. C. Ray, 24. 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Incarnate Purpose, The. G. H. Percival, 21. India, Peoples and Problems of. Sir T. W. Holderness, 13. Indian Buddhism. Rhys Davids, 6. Individual Soul, Genesis and Evolution of. J. O. Bevan, 2. Individualism and Collectivism. Dr. C. W. Saleeby, 26. Indoor Gymnastics, Medical. Dr. Schreber, 26. Industrial Remuneration, Methods of. David F. Schloss, 26. Infinitesimals and Limits. Hardy, 11. Influence of Greek Ideas upon the Christian Church. Rev. Dr. Hatch, 12. Influence of Rome on Christianity. E. Renan, 24. Initiation into Philosophy. Emile Faguet, 6. Inorganic Chemistry. J. L. Howe, 14. Inorganic Qualitative Chemical Analysis. Leaven- worth, 18. Interpretation of Rudolf Eucken's Philosophy. W. Tudor jones, 15. Introduction to Biblical Hebrew. Rev. J. Kennedy, 16. Introduction to the Greek New Test. Prof. E. Nestle, 21. Introduction to the Old Test. 5, 39. Introduction to the Preparation of Organic Com- pounds. Emil Fischer, 8. Introduction to Science. Prof. J. A. Thomson, 30. Irish Nationality. Mrs. J. R. Green, Io. Isaiah, Hebrew Text, II. Prof. Carl Cornill, Jesus. Wilhelm Bousset, 3. Jesus of Nazara. Keim, 16. Jesus or Christ? The Hibbert Journal Supplement for 1909, II. Jesus, Sayings of. Adolf Harnack, 11. Job. Hebrew Text, 11. Job, Book of. G. H. Bateson Wright, 30. Job, Book of Rabbinic Commentary on, 30. Johnson, Dr., and His Circle. John Bailey, 13. Journal of the Federated Malay States, 40. Journal of the Linnean Society. Zoology, 15. Journal of the Quekett Microscopical Club, 15. Journal of the Royal Microscopical Society, 15. Justice. Herbert Spencer, 29. Botany and Kantian Ethics. J. G. Schurman, 26. Kea, The. George R. Marriner, 19. Kiepert's New Atlas Antiquus, 15. I4 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London, W.C. CATALOGUE OF PUBLICATIONS. 47 Kiepert's Wall-Maps of the Ancient World, 15. Kindergarten, The. H. Goldammer, 9. King, The, to His People, 17. Kingdom, The, Mineral. Dr. Reinhard Brauns, 3. Laboratory Experiments. Noyes and Mulliken, 20. Lakes of Northern Italy, Guide to, Io. Landmarks in French Literature. G. L. Strachey, 3O. Latter Day Saints, The. Ruth and R. W. Kauff- man, I5. Law, English, Elements of. W. M. Geldart, 9. Lays of Ancient Rome. Macaulay, 19. Leabhar Na H-Uidhri, 41. Le Coup de Pistolet. Merimée, 33. Lepeophtheirus and Lernea. Vide Memoirs, 39. Letter to the “Preussische Jahrbücher.” Harnack, 11. Les Misérables. Victor Hugo, 14. Liberal Christianity. Jean Réville, 24. Liberalism. Prof. L. T. Hobhouse, 13. Life and Matter. Sir O. Lodge, 18. Life of the Spirit, The. Rudolf Eucken, 7. Ligia. Wide L.M.B.C. Memoirs, 39. Lineus. Vide L.M.B.C. Memoirs, 39. Linnean Society of London, Journals of, 15. Literature, English Mediaeval. Prof. W. P. Ker, 16. Literature, Highways and Byways in. Hugh Farrie, 8. Literature of Germany. Prof. J. G. Robertson, 25. Literature of the Old Testament. Kautzsch, 16. Literature, The Victorian Age in. G. K. Chester- ton, 4. 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