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TRAVEL
IN THE FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST.
London: C. J. CLAY AND SONS,
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[All Rights reserved.]

TRAVEL
IN THE FIRST CENTURY AFTER CHRIST
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO ASIA MINOR
BY
CAROLINE A. J. SKEEL,
FORMER STUDENT OF GIRTON COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE;
LECTURER IN HISTORY, WESTFIELD COLLEGE, HAMPSTEAD.
CAMBRIDGE:
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
1901
Cambridge:
PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY,
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
*
!
THIS
PREFACE.
HIS essay was originally written in competition
for the Gibson Prize founded in 1889 by
Mrs J. Y. Gibson in connection with Girton College.
Much of it has been based upon a study of the
original sources, but great help has been gained
from modern writers, especially Friedländer. For
the section on Asia Minor I am indebted mainly to
Professor Ramsay's works on the subject, which he
has made his own.
When so much has been written on a period,
originality is difficult for those who cannot adduce
fresh evidence. The general plan, however, and the
concluding section, I can claim for the most part
as my own. Also my own reading has furnished
the references to the following authors:-Horace,
Juvenal, Tacitus, Suetonius, the younger Pliny,
Philo Judaeus, Dio Chrysostom, Plutarch, and Philo-
stratus. The same may be said of the majority of
205774
vi
PREFACE
references to Strabo, Ovid, Seneca, Martial, and the
elder Pliny. A list of modern works consulted is
prefixed to the essay.
I would venture to express my grateful thanks
to the Syndics of the University Press for under-
taking the publication of this book. I am also
much indebted to Professor Ramsay both for
reading part of the proofs and for kindly allowing
me to adapt a map from his Historical Com-
mentary on the Epistle to the Galatians. Lastly,
I am glad to have this opportunity of acknow-
ledging the kindness of the Rev. C. E. Graves,
who has read all the proofs, and whose suggestions
have been a constant help and encouragement.
C. A. J. S.
July, 1901.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL.
Introduction-Motives for travel in the first century A.D.
The Imperial post-The vehiculatio-Commerce-Estab-
lishment of peace by Augustus-Travelling for pleasure, for
health and for the acquisition of knowledge-Beggars, jugglers,
strolling musicians, athletes-The Jews.
CHAPTER II.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL.
Pp. 1-21.
Authorities on the Imperial road-system-Milestones and
other inscriptions-The Antonine Itinerary-The Peutinger
Table-The Vicarello cups-Classification of roads-public,
private and village-Chief lines of communication from Rome
to the South, East, North, and West.
CHAPTER III.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND.
pp. 22-43.
Construction and maintenance of roads-Activity in road-
making under the Empire-Bridges over the Tiber and other
rivers--Vehicles used in travel-Luxury of travel-Letter
carriers-Night-travelling-Inns-Rate of travelling-Se-
curity of travel-Efforts to suppress brigandage, how far
successful.
pp. 44-76.
viii
CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV.
COMMUNICATION BY SEA.
Communication by sea-Roman naval power under the
Republic and the Empire-Classes of ships, their construction
and equipment-Life on board ship-Harbours-Danger of
storm and shipwreck-Votive offerings to the marine deities.
-Piracy-Speed of sailing and rowing vessels respectively-
River and lake travelling.
pp. 77-109.
CHAPTER V.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR.
Asia Minor, physical features-Greek influence — High
development of city life-Relations with Rome and provin-
cial organization-Road-system, (1) the pre-Persian, (2) the
Persian, (3) the Hellenistic period, (4) the Roman period-
The great trade route with its branches-The Northern road
and its branches-Safety of travelling-Communication by
sea and river-St Paul's journeys in Asia Minor.
CHAPTER VI.
EFFECTS OF COMMUNICATION.
pp. 110-139.
Conclusion-Effect of the above system of intercourse in
government, commerce and social life-Reasons why it failed
to last.
PP. 140–145.
MAPS.
The chief lines of Road in the Roman Empire.
To face page 1.
Asia Minor, showing chief Roads in 1st Century A.D. etc.
To fuce page 111.
ERRATA.
Page 47, line 8 for Municipialis read Municipalis.
94 ad fin. for Narbonnensis read Narbonensis.
LIST OF MODERN AUTHORITIES.
W. T. ARNOLD. Roman system of Provincial Administration.
BAUMEISTER. Various articles, Seewesen etc.
BECKER. Gallus.
BERGIER.
Histoire des grands chemins de l'empire romain.
3rd edition, 1728.
BUNBURY. History of Ancient Geography.
BURY. Student's Roman Empire.
>>
History of the Later Roman Empire.
CONYBEARE and Howson. Life and Epistles of St Paul.
1862.
FARRAR. Life and Work of St Paul.
FRIEDLÄNDER. Sittengeschichte Roms. 5th edition, 1881.
GIBBON. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.
GUHL and KONER. Life of the Greeks and Romans. 3rd
edition, 1889.
HARDY. Pliny's Correspondence with Trajan.
HATCH. The early organization of the Christian Church.
HOGARTH. A Wandering Scholar in the Levant.
A. H. KEANE. Asia.
LANCIANI. Ancient Rome.
Pagan and Christian Rome.
LIGHTFOOT. Epistle to the Galatians.
X
LIST OF MODERN AUTHORITIES
MAHAFFY. The Greek World under Roman Sway.
MANNERT. Edition of the Peutinger Table.
MAYOR. Edition of Juvenal.
MERIVALE. History of the Romans under the Empire.
MIDDLETON. Remains of Ancient Rome.
MOMMSEN. History of Rome.
""
Provinces of the Roman Empire.
""
Römisches Staatsrecht.
PARTHEY and PINDER. Edition of the Itineraries.
PERROT. Exploration archéologique.
PERRY. Art. Viae' in last edition of Smith's Dict. of
Antiquities.
RAMSAY.
>>
""
༤
""
Historical Geography of Asia Minor.
The Church in the Roman Empire.
Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia.
St Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen.
Impressions of Turkey during twelve years'
wanderings.
SEYFFERT. Dictionary of Antiquities.
STERRETT. Epigraphical Journey through Asia Minor.
TORR. Ancient Ships.
TOZER. History of Ancient Geography.
Also the following collections of Inscriptions:-
Вöскн. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum.
BÖCKн.
GRUTER. Inscriptiones Antiquae totius orbis Romani.
MOMMSEN. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.
RUSHFORTH. Latin Historical Inscriptions illustrating the
history of the early Empire.
CHAPTER I.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL.
IN the history of the early Church, as recorded Rapid dif-
in the New Testament, there are two features which Christi-
fusion of
seem especially worthy of remark: the rapidity anity in
the first
with which Christian communities were formed, and century
the constant intercourse maintained amongst them. A.D.
Within thirty years after the Resurrection of Our
Lord the Christian faith had been preached not
only in the regions immediately adjoining Palestine,
but in Asia Minor and Macedonia, Achaia and
Illyricum, and even in Rome itself. The life of
St Paul after his conversion is the life of one
who for years was a constant traveller by land
and sea, who in early manhood preached the Gospel
at Damascus, and when old age was approaching
looked forward to a journey into Spain. St Peter
addresses his First Epistle to the strangers scattered
through five provinces of Asia Minor, and in the
concluding chapter sends them a message from
the church at Babylon. No less do Pagan writers
bear witness to the rapid diffusion of Christianity¹.
Pliny's correspondence with Trajan' shows that by
2 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 96 (97).
1 Tac. Ann. xv. 44.
S.
1
2
[CH.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL
Inter-
course
between
112 A.D. a province so insignificant as Bithynia
contained numerous Christians not only in the
cities but also in the villages and country.
The founders of these widely scattered communi-
ties realized the importance of intercommunication.
Christian By personal visits, by letters, and by messengers.
munities. they sought to strengthen the ties which bound
com-
them and their converts together into one Church.
The result is seen in the kindly feeling which
prompted the Christians of Antioch to send help
in time of famine to their brethren of Jerusalem,
and the Christians of Philippi to supply the neces-
sities of St Paul. Hospitality is one of the duties
expressly mentioned by St Paul in the Epistles to
Timothy and Titus as incumbent on bishops, while
St Peter and the author of the Epistle to the
Hebrews enjoin it on all Christians.
This rapid diffusion of a faith which could count
at first on little human aid, and this maintenance
of intercourse between its adherents, imply that the
means of communication in the first century after
Christ had reached a high stage of development.
It is the object of this essay to investigate the con-
ditions of travel during that period; especially in
Asia Minor, where Christianity made some of its
earliest, though not most permanent conquests.
Before travelling can become a habit, men must
in the first place be supplied with motives strong
enough to overcome their shrinking from the un-
familiar; they must also have attained enough
mechanical skill to conquer the difficulties put by
Nature in the way of locomotion; and lastly they
I]
THE IMPERIAL POST
3
State pur-
poses.
must be assured that travel is at least tolerably
free from risk. In the first centuries of the
Roman Empire these conditions were fulfilled with
a completeness never attained before, and never
attained afterwards till quite modern times. The Travel for
Roman Empire extended from the Atlantic to the
Euphrates, from the German Ocean to the borders
of Ethiopia. It comprised within its boundaries
nations differing as widely as possible in race,
language, religion, and in political relations to the
mistress-city. The problem of welding together
this heterogeneous mass tested Roman energy and
enterprise. Common subjection to Rome and wor-
ship of the emperor suggested the idea of unity;
the material bond was found in the network of
roads which connected the several provinces with
Rome and facilitated the defence of the frontiers.
Post.
The system of provincial government as estab- The
lished by Augustus could not have been carried Imperial
on a year had not communication with Rome been
frequent and rapid. The sending out of proconsuls
and legati, of financial agents and officials of various
grades, to say nothing of the changes in the dis-
position of the troops and fleets, all necessitated
an elaborate system of communication. Hence the
establishment by Augustus of the Imperial Post,
which according to Suetonius¹ was intended for the
use of the Princeps, his servants and messengers,
or of those to whom he granted a special permission.
Between each of the stations or 'mansiones' there
1 Suet. Aug. 49.
1-2
4
[CH.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL
Vehicu-
latio.
were in general about six mutationes' where relays
of horses (veredi) were kept, also mules, vehicles.
and a number of public slaves. These arrangements
were strictly reserved for imperial officials or for
those who received a special passport called a
'diploma.' This consisted of two folding tablets
inscribed with the name of the reigning emperor,
the name of the person authorized to use the post,
and the period for which the permit was available.
Thus the younger Pliny feels obliged to inform
Trajan that he has given a diploma' to his own
wife, so that she might the more quickly pay a
visit of condolence to a relative¹. The emperor
replies that he approves, seeing that the grace of
the visit would be marred by long delay. From
another letter of Trajan's we learn that a stock of
dated passports was sent by the emperor to each
provincial governor, and that none might be used
whose dates had expired. The death of an emperor
rendered the 'diplomata' issued by him invalid, as
is shown by a passage in Tacitus. Coenus, a
freedman of Nero's, spread a report that the Four-
teenth Legion had defeated the Vitellians, who really
had just gained a victory at Bedriacum: his object
was that the 'diplomata' of Otho, which were
disregarded, might regain their force.
The horses and mules required for the Imperial
Post were at first supplied free of charge by the
neighbouring communities. This 'vehiculatio' was
1 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 120 and 121.
3 Tac. Hist. 11. 54.
2 Ibid. 46 (55).
I]
MILITARY COMMUNICATION
5
however transferred by Claudius to the fiscus,
according to an inscription found on the site of
Tegea¹ and dating from A.D. 49-50. This states
that Claudius had long endeavoured to shift the
burden not only from the 'coloniae' and 'municipia
of Italy but also from all the provinces and cities;
yet he had found much difficulty in so doing. The
old state of things revived under Nero², and became
especially burdensome under Domitian. One of
Nerva's most popular reforms was to transfer the
cost of vehicles, etc. in Italy to the fiscus. His
act is recorded in one of his first brasses, struck
in A.D. 97, which shows two mules feeding, just
liberated from their yokes: the legend is VEHI-
The provincials, how-
ever, were not exempted till the time of Severus
Alexander, when the entire expense of the post-
then called the cursus publicus-fell on the fiscus.
CVLATIO ITALIAE · REMISSA³.
•
C
Of vital importance for the safety of the Empire.
was the communication between Rome and the
armies on the frontier. Mommsen holds that
Augustus established a regular system of legionary
centurions' who served as couriers, commissariat
agents and warders. They belonged to the legions
stationed in the provinces; when at Rome they
were considered to be on detached duty and were
called 'peregrini.' They lived on the Caelian Hill
in the Castra Peregrinorum under the Princeps
¹ Rushforth, No. 82, C.I.L. iii. Suppl. 7251.
2 Plut. Galb. S.
3 Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome, Vol. 1. p. 356.
Ramsay, St Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, p. 348.
6
[CH.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL
Peregrinorum (Greek σтρатоπedáруns). Naturally
in course of time they became detested as govern-
ment spies. In all probability the centurion who
conducted St Paul and other prisoners to Rome
belonged to this class.
Under the same head of travel for State purposes
must be reckoned the frequent journeys of the
emperors themselves. Suetonius says of Augustus¹
that he visited every province except Africa and
Sardinia; these he had prepared to visit after the
defeat of Sextus Pompeius but he was prevented by
severe storms, and afterwards had neither the motive
nor the opportunity. The principate of Tiberius
was a complete contrast to his predecessor's in this
respect for the first two years he did not set foot
outside Rome². Between that time and his retire-
ment to Capreae he never went further than Antium,
though he often promised to visit the provinces and
armies, and made elaborate preparations almost
every year. At various points vehicles and pro-
visions were collected and many vows were offered
for his safe return; but in the end he found some
excuse for remaining in Rome, and thus earned his
nickname of Callippides, the man who ran hither
and thither and never advanced a step. Gaius
visited Germany and Gaul, besides meditating an
invasion of Britain, which his successor Claudius
carried out. Nero spent a year in Greece, while
all three Flavian emperors took part in campaigns.
Imperial caprice often disorganized traffic. Among
1 Suet. Aug. 47.
2 Suet. Tib. 38.
I]
JOURNEYS OF THE EMPERORS
7
other mad freaks of Gaius we are told that when
in Gaul he sold off by public auction his sisters'
furniture, ornaments and slaves; delighted with the
result he sent to Rome for the old court furniture;
so large a number of beasts of burden and vehicles
was required to transport it to Gaul that the bread
supply of the city ran short, and several litigants
lost their cases through inability to appear in time¹.
Domitian's journeys seem to have been especi-
ally dreaded. In the Panegyric on Trajan' Pliny
exclaims: Now there is no disturbance over re-
quisitioning vehicles, no haughtiness in receiving
entertainment. The same food suffices for the
emperor as for his suite. How different was the
journeying of the other emperor in days not long
past, if indeed that was a journey, not a devastation,
when he carried off the goods of his hosts, when
everything right and left was brought to rack and
ruin, just as if those very barbarians from whom he
was fleeing were falling upon the place."
Less often recorded, but still worthy of mention,
are the journeys undertaken by the bearers of
petitions or complimentary addresses to the emperor
or to provincial governors. The Byzantines spent
12,000 sesterces (£96) yearly on the travelling
expenses of a legatus bearing to Trajan a formal
honorary decree; also 3000 sesterces (£24) on
sending an envoy to salute the governor of Moesia.
Pliny with the emperor's approval cut down these
expenses, doubtless to the delight of the citizens³.
1 Suet. Cal. 39.
2 Plin. Pan. 20.
3 Plin. ad Trai. 43 (52) and 44 (53).
8
[CH.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL
Commerce.
In spite of all the efforts of the government the
journey from the East to Rome had its perils; we
still have a marble on which the envoys sent from
Mehadia on the Danube engraved their thanks to
the Divinities of the Waters for having brought
them back safe and sound'. These complimentary
decrees formed part of the business transacted at
the annual meetings of the provincial concilia or
Koιvά, which must have given rise to a good deal
of travelling. Lastly, the appeal unto Caesar'
allowed to Roman citizens by the Lex Iulia de
Appellatione, brought many accused persons to the
capital. Besides the famous instance of St Paul,
we have a reference to the custom in Pliny's letter
to Trajan, which states that orders have been given.
for those Christians who were Roman citizens to be
sent ad urbem³.'
Next in importance among the motives for
travelling comes the hope of gain by trade. Rome
in the first century A.D. was the emporium for the
Mediterranean, indeed for the whole known world.
Both for her necessaries and for her luxuries she
depended mainly on foreign imports. The traffic
in corn between Rome and the provinces of Gaul,
Spain, Sardinia and Sicily, Africa and Egypt, was
regularly organized under the Praefectus Annonae.
Year by year the convoy from Alexandria was
eagerly awaited; a letter of Seneca's describes how
when the corn-fleet was sighted with its despatch
1 Duruy, quoted by Bury, Student's Roman Empire, p. 442.
2 Hardy, "Provincial Concilia," Eng. Hist. Rev. 1890.
3 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 96 (97).
[]
TRADING VOYAGES
9
boats (naves tabellariae), its escort of war galleys,
and its topsails flying, all Puteoli streamed out to
the harbour-moles. Among other imports were
objects of luxury from the East, such as ivory,
cotton, silk, pearls, gums and spices; manufactures,
such as paper from Egypt, woollen dyed stuffs from
Asia Minor, and the finest wines from Greece and
the islands of the Aegean. To these must be added
silver from the Spanish mines, wild animals for the
sports of the amphitheatre, and marbles for the
buildings which in a few decades utterly transformed
the capital of the Empire. Rome had become a com-
mercial as well as a military State; her traders were
found not only in every province, but in the wild
regions of the Marcomanni, in the far East, and
even in the Irish Sea'. Eager pursuit of wealth is to
Horace and to Seneca one of the marked features of
the age. "A busy trader, you rush off to the farthest
Indies, flying from poverty over sea, over crags, over
fires." "Another man," writes Seneca, "through his
eagerness as a merchant is led to visit every land and
every sea by the hope of gain." The same author in
a well-known denunciation of Roman habits writes
as follows: "May the gods and goddesses bring ruin
upon those whose luxury transcends the bounds of
an Empire already perilously wide. They want to
have their ostentatious kitchens supplied with game.
from the other side of the Phasis, and though Rome
has not yet obtained satisfaction from the Parthians,
are not ashamed to obtain birds from them: they
tr
1 Tac. Agric. 24; Ann. II. 62. Plin. H. N. vi. 101, 173.
3 Sen. De brev. vit. 2.
Hor. Epp. 1. 1. 45, 46.
10
[CH.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL
Peace es-
tablished.
Travelling
for plea-
sure and
health.
bring together from all regions everything, known
or unknown, to tempt their fastidious palate."
Closely connected with this wide-spread com-
merce were the peace and order ensured by Augustus
and his successors. The last years of the Republic
had seen wars with hardly a break, pirates making
descents not only on the shores of the Aegean but
on Sicily and even on Italy itself, brigands render-
ing traffic insecure within a few miles of Rome.
Augustus by his vigorous administration made the
'Pax Romana' a reality, and for more than fifty
years after his death peace continued with the
exception of frontier wars. Greek though he was,
Strabo was impressed as strongly as Horace or
Vergil by the safety of life and property, the security
for commerce and the advantages to civilization
which arose from a centralized administration.
"Never," he says, "have the Romans and their
allies enjoyed such peace and prosperity as that
conferred on them by Augustus Caesar, and now
by his son and successor Tiberius?." Half a century
later the elder Pliny speaks in the same strain of
the "immensa Romanae pacis maiestas," and prays
for the long continuance of that blessing which has
been "little less than a new sun to the human race"."
This comparative immunity from danger enabled
many other classes besides officials to indulge in
travelling. The elder Pliny remarks that mankind
is ever eager to hear new things, and the younger
4
1 Sen. Cons. ad Helv. 10, translated by A. Stewart.
2 Strab. vI. 4. 2.
4 Plin. H. N. xvII. 66.
3 Plin. H. N. xxvII, 1.
I]
2
TRAVELLING FOR PLEASURE
11
Pliny speaks of Greece, Asia Minor and Egypt as
places which every cultivated man must desire to
see¹. The account of Germanicus' journey given by
Tacitus is especially noteworthy from this point of
view. After a stormy voyage over the Adriatic and
Ionian Seas to Nicopolis, he spent a few days in
repairing his ships and inspecting the relics of the
battle of Actium. He then sailed round Cape Malea
to Athens, where he was received with enthusiasm.
Pursuing his course, he visited Euboea, Lesbos,
Perinthus and Byzantium, "being desirous of ac-
quaintance with ancient regions celebrated in
history." On his return journey he was anxious
to see the mysteries at Samothrace, but was pre-
vented by contrary winds. After a visit to Ilium,
the reputed cradle of the Roman race, he coasted
along Asia and touched at Colophon to consult
the oracle of the Clarian Apollo. The remainder of
A.D. 18 was taken up with his expedition to Armenia
and his open quarrel with Piso. Next year he set
out for Egypt to study its antiquities. Sailing from
Canopus up the Nile to the ruins of Thebes, he
visited the statue of Memnon, the Pyramids, and the
lake to hold the overflow of the Nile waters. Still
further south he reached Elephantine and Syene,
then the frontier cities of the province of Egypt.
In Italy itself too there was a great amount of
travel, partly for pleasure, partly for health. Rome
was deserted in the summer and early autumn owing
to the heat and risk of fever; all who could, retired to
1 Plin. Epp. VIII. 20: cf. Hor. Epp. 1. 11.
2 Tac. Ann. II. 53.
12
[CH.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL
their country seats or to the seaside resorts. During
the hot weather Augustus, we are told, stayed on the
shore or islands of Campania, or else at Lanuvium,
Tibur, or Praeneste'. Nero spent much time at
Baiae, where the season was at its height in March
and April. The fashionable Roman would spend
his midsummer in cooler retreats, such as Tusculum,
Tibur, Aricia, the Anio district or Mount Algidus.
Even those whose business detained them in the
city would often spend their evenings in the country:
this was the case with the younger Pliny, who had
a villa at Laurentum, seventeen miles from Rome,
and enjoyed travelling from one abode to another¹.
Few epigrams of Martial are more beautiful than
that in which he describes the villa of his friend
Apollinaris at Formiae":
"O temperatae dulce Formiae litus
Vos, cum severi fugit oppidum Martis
Et inquietas fessus exuit curas,
Apollinaris omnibus locis praefert.”
Life at Rome was burdensome at the best, with
its numberless social duties and public shows, its
frequent fires and its noisy crowds. Yet often men
sought in their country seats not so much rest
and quiet as relief from ennui and dissatisfaction.
"This," says Seneca, "is the reason why men under-
take aimless wanderings, travel along distant shores
1 Suet. Aug. 72.
3 Mart. IV. 60.
2 Mart. x. 51.
Plin. Epp. II. 17, III. 19. Cf. Lanciani, Ancient Rome (The
Roman Campagna).
5 Mart. x. 30.
1]
TRAVELLING FOR KNOWLEDGE
13
and at one time by sea, at another by land, try to
soothe that fickleness of disposition which is always
dissatisfied with the present. 'Now let us make for
Campania now I am sick of rich cultivation let us
see something of wild regions, let us thread the
passes of Bruttii and Lucania: yet amid this wilder-
ness one wants something of beauty to relieve our
pampered eyes after so long dwelling on savage
wastes. Let us seek Tarentum with its famous
harbour, its mild winter climate and its district,
rich enough to support even the great hordes of
ancient times. Let us now return to town; our
ears have too long missed its shouts and noise: it
would be pleasant also to enjoy the sight of human
bloodshed.' Thus one journey succeeds another, and
one sight is changed for another¹."
for know-
Of a higher stamp than these idle pleasure- Travelling
seekers were the numerous writers on antiquities, ledge.
geographers, naturalists, and explorers. Such were
the two 'holy men' who, as Plutarch tells us, met
at Delphi from the very ends of the earth. Deme-
trius the grammarian was returning home out of
Britain to Tarsus, and Cleombrotus the Lacedae-
monian had long been wandering in Egypt, reaching
even the country of the Troglodytes and voyaging
beyond the Red Sea. He had gone thither not for
trading purposes but through love of seeing and of
learning. Chief among such travellers was Strabo
the geographer. It is true that in his day the limits
of geographical knowledge were small indeed as
1 Sen. De Tranq. ch. 2, translated by Aubrey Stewart.
2 Plut. De defect. Orac., ad init.
i
14
[CH
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL
compared with modern times. In western Europe,
Spain, Gaul, the Atlantic coast and south-eastern
Britain were known with tolerable exactness; in
the north little was known beyond the Elbe and
the Danube: the information collected by Pytheas
was excluded by Strabo from his work as fabulous.
In Asia the lands on the further side of the Palus
Maeotis were still unexplored and the descrip-
tions of Herodotus, like those of Pytheas, found
little credence. Pompeius however in his Syrian
campaign had traversed the region between the
Euxine and the Caspian, and an account of it had
been written by his friend and companion Theo-
phanes of Mytilene. But the Caspian was still
believed to communicate with the Northern Ocean,
and the Jaxartes was still the limit of discovery to
the east. With regard to India, the peninsula of
Hindostan was unknown, and the Ganges was
thought to flow into the Eastern Ocean beyond the
Red Sea. Still, between the time of Strabo and
that of the elder Pliny intercourse between Egypt
and India had greatly increased, and a fair know-
ledge was gained of the coast between the Indus
and the port of Nelcynda. In Africa nothing was
known by Strabo south of the Cinnamon country
and the territory of the Sembritae about the Upper
Nile, while in the more westerly regions no one had
penetrated south of the Garamantes'.
Only a small portion even of this limited area
was known to Strabo from actual visits: his travels
1 This section is summarized from Tozer's Ancient Geography.
I]
TRAVEL FOR EDUCATION
15
were probably confined to Asia Minor, parts of Italy
and Egypt, and a few places in Greece. But his
comprehensive and laborious work shows how keen
was the interest he took in the outward world.
Geography was to him a term of wide significance;
it included the history, antiquities and political
condition of a country as well as its physical features.
Hence the great value of his records, especially for
Asia Minor, which he described largely from personal
knowledge¹.
The encyclopaedic work of the elder Pliny, some
fifty years later in date, shows the desire of the age
for information. He was however a compiler rather
than a traveller: the modern reader cannot help
wishing that on his journeys he had been less
industrious in taking notes from others and had
made more observations of his own. Had he done
this his Natural History would have been less full,
but would certainly have gained in vividness. Yet
with all its defects it is an invaluable work for the
information given on exploration and commerce and
for its ample statistical details.
८८
education.
Even more frequent was travel for the sake of Travel for
education. Are young men," says Epictetus, “to
leave their homes only to hear a pseudo-philosopher
repeat mere words, and cry out Oh! to him??"
There was an ample choice of places for study;
besides Athens, Rome, and Alexandria, the three
greatest, several towns in Asia Minor attracted
students. The Syrian Antioch had been famous
1 Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, p. 73.
2 Epict. Diss. III. 21. 8.
16
[CH.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL
2
in Cicero's time¹ for its men of learning; to Smyrna
came youths not only from the neighbouring dis-
tricts, but from Greece, Assyria, Phoenicia and
Egypt. Of Tarsus Strabo says that its schools of
philosophy surpassed even those of Alexandria and
Athens though few strangers visited them however
the Tarsians visited other places of learning and in
many cases never came back. Teachers as well as
learners constantly travelled. Dio of Prusa when
bidden by the Delphic oracle to "go on as he was
doing till he came to the world's end" put on a
beggar's dress and wandered everywhere, "being taken
by some for a vagabond, by others for a beggar,
by others again for a philosopher." Rhetors too
journeyed from place to place to deliver those
discourses in which "they talked at large on every-
thing which was not practical and not instructive "
(Mommsen).
Needy persons were often attracted to Rome by
the almost gratuitous distribution of corn, by the
frequent shows and largesses, or by the hope of dole
from some rich patron. Martial's epigrams give a
lively picture of the miseries that such new comers
often endured, living or rather starving in wretched
garrets, and tramping through cold or wet to pay
the duty visit which brought only a meagre dinner
in return. More than once he roundly advises his
friends not to come to Rome if they wish to gain a
1 Cic. pro Arch.
Arch. 3 § 4.
3 Dio Chrys. Or. XIII. 422 R.
2 Strab. p. 673.
4 Cf. Epict. Diss. 1. ch. 10. 'Against those who eagerly seek
preferment at Rome.'
I
1]
OTHER TRAVELLERS
17
livelihood by honest means. If you are honest,"
he tells Sextus', "you may possibly keep alive," and
asks Fabianus what a man who is poor and truthful
can hope to find in the city. Wiser was the
'esuritor Tuccius,' who came from Spain to find a
patron, but on hearing that no dole was to be had,
turned back from the Mulvian Bridge".
travellers.
Among other classes of travellers may be men- Other
tioned the physicians and quacks*, the jugglers,
conjurers and spell-mongers, the musicians and
athletes, on their way to fairs or the great festivals
which formed the serious business of many towns in
Greece and Asia Minor. Plutarch tries to console a
friend condemned to exile by telling him that he
can be present at the Eleusinian mysteries, at the
Dionysiac festival at Athens, at the Nemean games
of Argos, at the Pythian games of Delphi, and can
pass on and be a spectator of the Isthmian and
Corinthian games if he is fond of sight-seeing".
The mysteries of Eleusis and Samothrace, famous.
temples, such as those of Artemis at Ephesus and of
the Great Mother at Comana Pontica, continued to
attract crowds of worshippers. The oracles, though
some were strangely silent, were still consulted, as
for instance by Titus, who after hearing of Galba's
death came from Corinth to the temple of Venus
at Paphos".
1 Mart. III. 38.
3 Mart. I. 14.
2 Mart. IV. 5.
4 Cf. Cic. pro Cluent. 24, L. Clodium pharmacopolam circum-
foraneum.
5 Plut. de exil.
6 Tac. Hist. II. 2.
S.
2
18
[CH.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL
{
Temples were visited not only for worship, but
for the recovery of health: they were in fact the
ancient equivalents of our hospitals and medical
schools. Chief among them were the temples of
Aesculapius at Cos and at Epidaurus. Thither
pilgrimages were made in the hope that as the
sick folks slept in the precincts the god would
appear and tell them the proper remedies.
In a
temple of Aesculapius at Aegae near Tarsus, Apol-
lonius of Tyana spent some years of his boyhood :
among the patients whom he is said to have met
there was a young Assyrian, who however was for a
long time too self-willed to benefit by the treatment
he had come so far to seek¹. Patients who had
been cured often hung up in the temple votive-
offerings, usually limbs or figures modelled in
terra-cotta, of which great numbers have survived.
Professor Lanciani says that he has been present
at the discovery of no fewer than five deposits of
votive-offerings, each marking the site of a place
of pilgrimage. Perhaps the most interesting of
those which he describes are the temples of Diana
Nemorensis and of Juno at Veii. At the latter
place a mass of ex-votos has accumulated under a
cliff on the north side of a ridge connecting the
fortress and the city. When excavations were made
in 1889 four thousand objects were collected in a
fortnight2.
Health-seekers were often sent by their physicians
to milder or more bracing climates as their case
1 Philostrat. Vit. Apoll. 1. 9.
2 Lanciani, Pagan and Christian Rome, p. 59 et seq.
I]
THE JEWS
19
required'. An example is to be found in the letter
of the younger Pliny to Paulinus. Zosimus, Pliny's
freedman, had become seriously ill through overstrain
of his voice in reading aloud; his patron had sent
him to Egypt for a long stay with beneficial results.
Exertion however brought back a return of the
malady, and Pliny proposed to send him to Paulinus'
farm at Forum Iulii to get good milk and good air'.
One more class of travellers remains to be The Jews.
mentioned, the Jews, whose wide dispersion is
attested both by literary evidence and by the
number of inscribed tombstones they have left³.
Many of them came up periodically to the Feasts
at Jerusalem, as we read in the Gospels and the Acts
of the Apostles. Every year too the 'didrachma¹'
was sent up by each Jew to the Temple, and the
conveyance of these sums from almost every part of
the known world led to a great amount of travel.
Thus Philo Judaeus writes of the Jews beyond the
Euphrates, "Every year the sacred messengers are
sent to convey large sums of gold and silver to the
Temple, which have been collected from all the
subordinate governments. They travel over rugged
and difficult and almost impassable roads, which
however they look upon as level and easy, inasmuch
as they serve to conduct them to piety5.”
Such then are some of the most important classes
of travellers in the first century of our era. They
1 Epict. Diss. III. 16. 2.
2 Plin. Epp. v. 19.
* See the last vol. of C. I. G.
4 S. Matt. xvii. 24.
5 Phil. Jud. On the Virtues and Offices of Ambassadors, 31.
2-2
20
[CH.
OBJECTS OF TRAVEL
belong to all grades of society, from the Princeps to
the beggar, from the rich merchant to the strolling
actor. A frequented Roman road such as the Appian
or Flaminian must have presented an animated
appearance even on ordinary days, not to speak of
such occasions as the return of a popular emperor
like Trajan from a successful campaign. "When will
the day be," asks Martial¹, "for the Campus to be
thronged even to the trees, and for every window
to be bright with Roman matrons in festal garb?
When will be those halts to please the crowd, and
the whirlwind of dust raised by Caesar's suite?
When will all Rome stream out on the Flaminian
Way? When will the Moorish cavalry dash past in
their broidered tunics, and when will the shout of
the people rise, 'He comes'?"
Perhaps the crowds that flocked to a great city
cannot be better described than in a passage of
Seneca which deserves to be quoted in full. He is
seeking to console his mother Helvia for his exile,
and argues that many men leave their homes of
their own accord. "It is unbearable,' say you, 'to
lose one's native land.' Look, I pray you, on these
vast crowds for whom all the countless roofs of
Rome can scarcely find shelter: the greater part of
those crowds have lost their native land: they have
flocked hither from their country-towns and colonies.
and in fine from all parts of the world. Some have
been brought by ambition, some by the exigencies
of public office; some by being entrusted with
1 Mart. x. 6.
2 Cons. ad Helv. c. 6 (translated by A. Stewart).
I]
SENECA ON TRAVEL
21
embassies; some by luxury which seeks a convenient
spot rich in vices for its exercise; some by their
wish for a liberal education, others by a wish to see
the public shows. Some have been led hither by
friendship, some by industry, which finds here a
wide field for the display of its powers. Some have
brought their beauty for sale, some their eloquence;
people of every kind assemble themselves together
in Rome, which sets a high price both upon virtues
and vices. Bid them all to be summoned to answer
to their names, and ask each one from what home
he has come; you will find that the greater part of
them have left their own abodes, and journeyed to
a city which, though great and beauteous beyond all
others, is nevertheless not their own. Then leave
this city, which may be said to be the common
property of all men, and visit all other towns: there
is not one of them which does not number a large
proportion of aliens among its inhabitants."
1 Cf. Dio Chrys. Or. vIII. 277, 278 R for the motley collection of
people at Corinth.
Authori-
ties on
the road-
system.
CHAPTER II.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL.
THE foregoing evidence, which might be greatly
amplified, proves that abundant motives for travel
existed in the first century A.D. The next point to
consider is what may be called the mechanism of
travel, the routes followed, the construction and
repair of roads, and the means of conveyance by
land and sea. But before entering on this subject
something must be said as to the authorities on
the Roman road-system and their value. First in
importance come the actual remains of roads, also
milestones and inscriptions. Of course a milestone
may often have been carried from the spot where
it was originally set up: still, such stones are
usually fairly heavy, and will therefore rarely be
carried far. Next must be reckoned information
from literary sources, especially the classical authors
of the first century. But both earlier and later
writers may be used in addition: references to
Italian roads are found in Horace and Livy, and
a description of an Alexandrian corn-ship is given
by Lucian. In fact the topography, and therefore
the road-system of a Roman province, cannot be
CH. II] AUTHORITIES FOR ROMAN ROAD-SYSTEM
23
satisfactorily settled without a full knowledge of its
history as well as its physical features. For example,
the Byzantine authorities have been largely used by
Professor Ramsay in working out the Roman road-
system of Asia Minor.
In the third place we have certain works which
professedly deal with the imperial roads, viz. the
Itinerary of Antoninus and the Peutinger Table.
The Romans were nothing if not thorough; every
landowner was accustomed to have his property
accurately measured, and the State was not behind-
hand. Under the Republic the measurements of
every acre of public land were registered under the
care of the censors. According to the fourth-century
writer Vegetius, generals used to be furnished with
some kind of plan, so that the roads in the provinces.
were not only noted for them but actually depicted¹.
Julius Honorius says that Julius Caesar ordered a
measurement of the whole Empire to be undertaken
and that it was carried out in four divisions, north,
south, east, and west, through a period of five-and-
twenty years. Neither Strabo nor Pliny confirms
this statement, but it is quite certain that meas
ments of some kind, mainly for financial
were made under Augustus. The

collected in the for
statistics, refe
Chorogra
24
[CH.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL
V
Campus Martius¹; also a list of the chief places on
the roads radiating from Rome was inscribed on the
so-called Golden Milestone in the Forum. In all
probability the Orbis Pictus and the Chorographia,
corrected from time to time, formed the basis of the
'itineraria adnotata' and the 'itineraria picta.' The
Antonine Itinerary is a specimen of the former
class, the Peutinger Table of the latter. Private
persons seem to have possessed copies: Mettius
Pompusianus was put to death by Domitian on the
charge of carrying about "depictum orbem terrae in
membrana"."
The Antonine Itinerary probably dates from the
reign of Diocletian. It is simply a list of the
great roads of the Empire, some three hundred and
seventy-two in all, with their lengths. For the first
century its evidence must be used with caution.
Errors in the spelling of names are frequent, and in
many cases the roads given are not direct between
two given points, but go along two sides of a
triangle. Ancient maps represented the face of a
country very imperfectly, and it is useless to expect
racy from a document depending on them.
mark applies with even greater force to
Its history has been a curious

th century A.D.
transcribed
Colmar.
II]
THE PEUTINGER TABLE
25
publication to his friend Conrad Peutinger of Augs-
burg. But the multitude of errors he found deterred
Peutinger from fulfilling this request. The veteran
geographer Ortelius begged in vain for the honour
of the task, which was finally undertaken by Moretus
of Antwerp. The Table was printed in 1682 in a
posthumous edition of Velserus' works. In 1720
the original transcript was bought by Prince Eugene
of Savoy for a hundred ducats, and after his death
it passed to the Imperial Library of Vienna, where
it has since remained. The western part has been
lost; the remainder comprises all the ancient world
between the east coast of Britain and the limits of
Alexander's eastern conquests. The course of the
great roads is marked, and the distance given in
miles from station to station.
The principle on which the Table was drawn has
little in common with that of the modern map.
The section dealing with Asia Minor (as given in
Mannert's reproduction) begins with a horizontal
strip of sea, underneath which is a band about an
inch-and-a-half deep representing the region of the
Amazons and the Caucasus. Then comes a narrower
strip for the Pontus Euxinus, and underneath a
much wider one for the bulk of Asia Minor.
this is the Aegean Sea, and last of all is a strip
showing Egypt, the Nile Delta, the blazing beacon
of the Pharos, and a piece of information evidently
supplied by the monk of Colmar, “Desertum ubi
quadraginta annos erravt filij isrt ducente Moyse."
The chief towns of Asia Minor are denoted by two
tiny penthouses side by side, e.g. Pergamus, Synnada
Below
26
[CH.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL
and Pessinus; once a fort of a very
a fort of a very mediaeval
character is drawn with six towers and a high wall
all round. Needless to say no attention is paid
to the points of the compass, e.g. Pergamus and
Smyrna are almost on a horizontal line. The
draughtsman often fell into difficulties; for instance
he was compelled to draw the course and the mouth
of the Sangarius in two disconnected bits. The
spelling is erratic; Iuforbio and Euforbio are found
for Euphorbio, and even Duse pro Solympum for
Prusa pros (πpòs) Olympum. In fact the student
who attempts to extract information from this
tantalizing document is tempted to re-echo the
words of Cluverius: "ingentis usus opus si barbarum
illud saeculum quo librariorum incredibili imperitia
incuriaque corrupta fuerunt, salva ad nos sanaque
transissent. Nunc inutile, manca, detorta, ac plurima
ex parte depravata, nil nisi meras tenebras geogra-
phiae antiquae ignaris offundunt." Yet the Table
is of value as confirmatory evidence, and of interest
as the only Roman road map that has come down
to us.
Before this list of authorities is concluded a word
must be said as to the three silver cups in the form
of milestones, found in 1852 at the baths of Vicarello
on the Lake of Bracciano, and now in the Kircherian
Museum at Rome. Engraved on them is a list of
stations and distances between Gades and Rome.
They are of great value as being older than the
Antonine Itinerary and showing that a considerable
number of Spaniards must have come for health to
1 Quoted by Bergier, Vol. 1. Bk. III. Ch. 9.
II]
CLASSIFICATION OF ROADS
27
the baths, and made thankofferings to the local
deity. Such itineraries served the purpose of the
modern guide-books. In the fourth century a name-
less pilgrim, who had journeyed from Bordeaux to
Jerusalein, recorded the distances, the mutationes'
and the 'mansiones' with brief notices on points
of interest¹. For example, against the 'mutatio
Euripidis' he writes 'ibi positus est Euripides poeta,'
and to the civitas Pellae' adds 'unde fuit Alexander
Magnus Macedo.'
By the help of these authorities it is possible to
ascertain with tolerable accuracy the main lines of
communication in the first century. After this lapse.
of time complete knowledge can scarcely be hoped
for, at any rate not without more systematic explo-
ration than is likely to be attempted.
The primary aim of the road-system was to Classifi-
connect the provinces with the capital. The great roads.
cation of
public roads (also called military, consular and prae-
torian) extended into almost every part of the
Empire. Branching off from them were the private
or rural roads, constructed originally by private land-
owners who had the power of dedicating them to the
public use. Often they were subject to a right of way
in favour of the public or the owner of a particular
estate. Lastly there were the 'viae vicinales,' which
were village, district, or cross roads leading through
or towards a village: these were considered public or
private according as the expense of making them
had fallen on the State or on private persons. The
¹ See Wesseling, pp. 604–606.
28
[CH.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL
private and cross roads have left no traces, as they
would not probably be paved or provided with mile-
stones. The public roads, however, can be traced
in every province though with varying certainty
and fulness. They may be most easily classified
according to the region which they connected with
Rome.
Chief lines The list begins with the oldest, the 'queen of
of commu- Roman roads,' the Appian Way, along which went
1. South. the traffic between Rome and the South.
nication.
It was
made in 312 B.C. by the Censor Appius Claudius
Caecus from the Servian Porta Capena as far as
Capua later it was extended to Brundisium.
Procopius, writing in the first half of the sixth
century A.D., describes it as broad enough for two
carriages to pass each other, and built of hard stones
hewn smooth these were fitted exactly together,
without metal or connecting material, so that the
whole seemed to have grown together notwithstand-
ing the great traffic that had passed along it³. From
Capua a road ran along the coast of Lucania and
Bruttium to Rhegium, whence an hour-and-a-half's
crossing brought the traveller to Messina. Thence
he followed the Sicilian coast road past Himera,
Panormus and Segesta to Lilybaeum. In another
twenty-four hours he had crossed to Carthage. The
1 The direction of such roads can of course be fixed when the
position of a Roman villa is known. A villa would necessarily
imply a road of some kind.
2 The account of the main routes is mainly taken from Fried-
länder, Vol. 11. p. 7 et seq., who follows Stephan (Verkehrsleben),
p. 101 et seq.
3 Procop. De Bell. Goth. 1. 14, quoted in Becker's Gallus.
II]
COMMUNICATION WITH THE SOUTH
29
great city destroyed by the brutal selfishness of the
Republic had prospered after its restoration by
Julius Caesar. Governed at first as a Phoenician
city under sufetes, it soon obtained Italian organiza-
tion and full rights of Roman citizenship. It rose
to importance as the capital of the African province
garrisoned by imperial troops, a distinction which it
shared with Rome and Lugdunum alone among the
cities of the West. Hence was exported the African
corn, which amounted to one-third of the consump-
tion of Rome. Among other articles of commerce
which passed through it were slaves, especially the
swift Numidian runners, horses, wild beasts for the
shows, purple-dyed woollen stuffs, and leather goods¹.
In the sailing season the journey to Carthage
could be more easily accomplished by taking ship
from Ostia or Puteoli direct. With favourable winds
the time required was about three days. From
Carthage and the other great coast-cities of Africa
and Numidia, such as Leptis, Hadrumetum and
Hippo Regius, roads converged to Theveste, the
headquarters of the Legion III, Augusta, and thence
to the coast of the Lesser Syrtis. By the time of
the Antonine Itinerary a road ran near the coast from
Carthage to Tingi (Tangier) whence Spain could be
reached in four hours. But probably the road dates
mainly from the second century onward, when we
have abundant evidence of activity in road-making.
In Nero's time at any rate there was no road between
1 Cf. Plin. Epp. vi. 34. The African panthers provided by
Maximus for a gladiatorial show at Verona did not arrive in time
through stormy weather.
30
[CH.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL
Tingi and Caesarea, and all the traffic went by sea.
Hence the ease with which the Mauretanian hordes
crossed over to Hispania Baetica and menaced the
Roman subjects¹.
Eastward from Carthage a road led past the
Syrtes and Cyrene to Alexandria, the second city
of the Empire and the first commercial city of the
world2. It exported vast quantities of corn to
Rome, manufactured goods, such as paper, linen and
glass, spices from Arabia and Africa, granite from
Syene, and porphyry from the mountains above
Myos Hormos. Nor did Alexandria supply the neces-
sities and luxuries of the Empire alone: it sent
linens to Arabia, cloth of gold and glass to India:
its beads were bartered for African ivory, and its
corn for the tin of Britain. Alexandria owed much
to the imperial rule. Once as Augustus was sailing
past Puteoli he was greeted by the crew of a ship
hailing thence with shouts of gratitude "for life
itself, for liberty of trade, for freedom and fortune.”
By way of acknowledgment the emperor gave his
suite forty aurei to be spent on the purchase of
Alexandrian wares. The Alexandrian Jew Philo
magnifies the benefactor "who did not only loosen
but utterly abolish the bonds in which the whole
habitable world was previously bound and weighed.
down; who destroyed both the evident and unseen.
wars which arose from the attacks of robbers; who
rendered the sea free from the vessels of pirates and
filled it with merchantmen"."
¹ Bury, p. 89 (Student's Roman Empire).
2 Dio Chrys. Or. xxx11. 670 R. et seq.
3 Phil. Jud. De Leg. 21.
II]
COMMUNICATION WITH EGYPT
31
Indeed the emperors had weighty reasons for
developing the resources of Egypt and encouraging
its trade. On Egyptian corn the overgrown popula-
tion of Rome largely depended for its food, and the
strongest emperor might quail before a famine-
stricken mob. A proof of the attitude of the
emperors towards Egypt is seen in the ordinance
of Augustus forbidding any senator to visit it
without permission, and in Vespasian's resolve to
send subordinates to gain Italy, but secure Egypt
himself. In the second place as the customs levied
at Alexandria were very lucrative, the imperial.
policy aimed at securing direct communication with
Arabia and India¹. Under the weak rule of the
later Lagidae the prosperity of Egypt had waned,
and the control of the Red Sea had to a great
extent passed to the Axomites and to the Arabians
of Arabia Felix (Yemen). Departing from his usual
policy Augustus sought to extend the Roman
dominion in Arabia by a great expedition under
Gallus, in which Strabo took part. Mismanagement 25 в.C.
and disease combined to ruin the project, but
twenty-five years later it was resumed. The young
prince Gaius was sent to the East in the hope that
he would, like Alexander's admiral Nearchus, make
an exploring voyage from the mouth of the Euphrates
along Arabia Felix. The untimely death of Gaius
once more frustrated Augustus' hopes; all that was
done was to send a small expedition to destroy
Adane (Aden), the chief emporium on the south
1 See Mommsen, Provinces, Vol. 11. (Egypt).
1
32
[CH.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL
Arabian coast. The Romans gained something
thereby, but still had to reckon with the traders
of Muza, who in their own ships sailed along the
east coast of Africa and the west of India taking
their own frankincense and the purple stuffs and
gold embroideries of Alexandria, and bringing back
spices, pepper and silks from the far East.
The Axomites on the other hand did not come
into collision with Roman power. Their territory at
the end of Nero's reign included the African coast
from the site of Suakin to the Straits of Bab-el-
mandeb. Later their sphere of influence extended
to the coast of Arabia between the Roman and the
Sabaean territories, and from the entrance of the
Arabian Gulf to Cape Guardafui. The king con-
temporary with Vespasian was able and energetic
and acquainted with Greek writing. His capital
Adulis was the emporium of the Ethiopian trade,
and he did much to secure freedom of communication
with the Roman frontier both by land and sea.
Coming to the actual routes by which the
Eastern traffic was carried on, we find that from
Alexandria roads led on either side of the Nile past
Coptos, Thebes and Syene to Hiera Sykaminos, on
the frontier of Aethiopia. From Coptos roads led
north-east to Myos Hormos on the Arabian Gulf,
while a march of eleven days to the south-east
led to Berenice, the port for the country of the
Troglodytes. Both these desert roads were provided
with stations and cisterns (hydreumata). Camels
were employed and the journeys mostly made by
night. At the time of Strabo's Egyptian visit a
II]
COMMUNICATION WITH INDIA
33
hundred and twenty ships sailed from Myos Hormos
through the Arabian Gulf to India, a number which
showed the impetus given to commerce by the
imperial government.
For our knowledge of the communication between
Egypt and India we are indebted chiefly to the elder
Pliny and the author of the Periplus Maris Erythraei,
a Greek trader living in Egypt during the Flavian
era. Myos Hormos, as in Strabo's time, was the
starting point of the Indian fleet, which was
provided with archers as a defence against the
poisoned arrows of the Arabian pirates. A voyage
of thirty days past Adulis led to Ocelis and Cane
on the southern coast of Arabia. Further east the
promontory of Syagros (C. Fartak) was the point of
departure for the direct voyage to India. This was
first tried by Hippalus, a Greek of the post-Augustan
period, who used the south-western monsoon hence-
forth called after him. The author of the Periplus
shows a very fair knowledge of Western India from
the mouth of the Indus to the Malabar coast. He
mentions the large inlet Eirinon (Runn of Cutch),
the bay to the south of Baraces (Gulf of Cutch),
and the gulf (of Cambay), at the head of which was
the seaport of Barygaza, the most famous emporium
for perfumes, precious stones, ivory, muslin and silk.
Further south were the ports of Musiris and Nel-
cynda; the latter was the seat of the trade in
pepper, which was brought down to the coast by
natives in canoes hollowed out of tree-trunks.
Hippalus probably sailed from Arabia to Barygaza,
but his successors established a regular line of traffic
S.
3
34
[CH.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL
with Musiris and Nelcynda. The profits of this
trade were enormous, the goods selling in the West
for a hundred times their cost price¹.
The return voyage was made in December or
January by the help of the wind called Vulturnus.
(S.S.E.) and of the Africus (S.W.) or Auster (S.)
after entering the Red Sea. Under favourable cir-
cumstances the double journey took six or seven
months, from the summer solstice to February.
Indian imports, instead of going on to Alexandria,
were sometimes landed at Leuce Come in Arabia
and thence taken to Syria by way of Petra and Gaza.
The sea-route however was found less costly and
tedious.
With China no regular communication was
established. The silk of the Seres, who lived north-
west of Tibet, was chiefly brought by land to Syria,
where it was worked up and then exported. Sailors
however are known to have reached Further India,
and the Romans at the beginning of the second
century knew of the port of Cattigara, which was
perhaps Hang-chow-foo at the mouth of the Yang-
tse-kiang.
Central African trade came chiefly north to
Adulis; a long list of articles is given by Pliny,
including, besides sphinxes and slaves, ivory, rhino-
ceros horns, hippopotamus hides, and tortoise-shell.
The author of the Periplus knew the entrepôt
Opone south of the promontory of Aromata (C.
Guardafui), and the island of Menuthias, probably
Pemba or Zanzibar. The coast-line further south
1 Cf. Dio Chrys. Or. xxxv. 72 R. Vol. II.
•
II]
COMMUNICATION WITH THE EAST
35
was beyond his knowledge: from Menuthias he
thought it trended sharply to the west.
Communication between Rome and the East 2. East.
likewise began by the Appian Way. From Capua
there was a choice of routes to Brundisium; the
carriage road led through Venusia to Tarentum, the
bridle-road through Beneventum. From Brundisium
a voyage of some twenty-four hours brought the
traveller to Dyrrachium or Aulon, the termini of
the great Egnatian highway to the East. This led
through Illyria into Macedonia, passing Edessa,
Pella and Thessalonica, then along the neck of
Chalcidice to Thrace, and so to Byzantium. Among
its important branches were the roads down the
east and west of Greece meeting at Athens, and
the road from Aphrodisias to Calliupolis (Gallipoli)
in the Thracian Chersonese. A crossing of an hour
led to Lampsacus, whence the route lay across Asia
Minor to the Syrian Antioch. Here it met the
roads from the Euphrates and from Alexandria.
An alternative route was from Byzantium across
the Bosporus to Chalcedon and thence to Tarsus
and Antioch, by way of Nicomedia, Nicaea and
Ancyra. That this second route was much used is
proved by Trajan's letter to Pliny¹ mentioning the
military assistance given to the magistrates of
Byzantium as being a great city where a number
of strangers land.
In the first century A.D. Syria was the great
rival of Egypt in trade and manufacture. Agri-
culture too was in a thriving state; a good portion
1 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 77 (81).
3-2
36
[CH.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL
of what is now called desert is rather, says Mommsen',
"the laying waste of the blessed labour of better
times." But important as the corn, wine and oil of
Syria were, its manufactures were more important.
still. The purple-dyed stuffs and silks of Tyre and
Berytus, the glass of Sidon, and the fine linen of
some half-dozen Syrian towns were exported all over
the world. In spite of the development of the
Egyptian route for Arabian and Indian imports,
Syria maintained its connection with the East by
the caravan routes. One of these ran from Antioch
to Zeugma, where was the bridge of boats over the
Euphrates. Others led from Apamea, Emesa and
Damascus to Palmyra, whence a desert route lay to
the Euphrates at Sura opposite Nicephorium. The
Palmyrenes by way of return for semi-independence
seem to have guarded the crossing of the Euphrates
at Sura, the desert road up to their own city, and
possibly a part of the road west to Damascus.
The importance of Syrian commerce is attested
by the numerous records extant of the factories
throughout the Empire. At Puteoli were settled
merchants from Berytus and Tyre, the latter re-
ceiving a subvention from their mother-city for
religious purposes. Syrians have also left records
of settlement at Malaga, and Gazaeans at Portus,
and we have a dedication made to L. Calpurnius
Capitolinus by the merchants trading in Alexandria,
Asia and Syria². These busy traders were successors,
with happier fate, of the Syrian whom Theocritus
1 Provinces, Vol. 11. p. 136.
2 See C. I. L. x. 1797; C. I. G. 5853, 5892.
II]
COMMUNICATION WITH THE NORTH
37
had mourned; "Unhappy Cleonicus, thou wert
eager to win rich Thasus, from Coele-Syria sailing
with thy merchandise-with thy merchandise, O
Cleonicus at the setting of the Pleiades thou didst
cross the sea-and didst sink with the sinking
Pleiades¹."
Of less importance commercially but greater in 3. North.
a military point of view were the roads to the
imperial provinces of the North and West. The
chief Northern road was the Via Flaminia, made by
C. Flaminius the censor from Rome to Ariminum, 220 b.c.
and continued by M. Aemilius Lepidus to Placentia, 187 B.C.
and ultimately to Mediolanum. At Placentia it was
crossed by the Postumian road from Genua by way 148 B.C.
of Dertona to Verona and Aquileia. This road some
thirty years later (109 B.C.) was directly connected
with Rome by the Via Aemilia Scauri between Luna
and Genua.
From Mediolanum branched several routes lead-
ing to Gaul, Germany, Rhaetia and Noricum. Past
Placentia the road to Gaul lay through Augusta
Taurinorum (Turin) north to Eporedia (Ivrea) and
Augusta Praetoria (Aosta), which commanded two
great Alpine routes. The southern crossed the
Graian Alps (Little St Bernard) and led to the
upper waters of the Isara and to Grenoble, thence
to the Rhone at Vienna and north to Lugdunum.
According to Strabo this route was for the most
part fit for wheeled traffic. In the wars of 69–71 a.d.
it was often traversed, as for instance by the Four-
2
1 Theocr. Epig. 9 (A. Lang's translation).
2 Strab. p. 208.
38
[CH.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL
teenth Legion' which Vitellius sent back to Britain
in 70 A.D. and by Cerealis and Annius in the
campaign against Civilis. A second Alpine route
lay over the Cottian Alps (Mont Genèvre) to the
Druentia and Arelate this was used by Valens the
general of Vitellius in 69. Yet a third was the
direct but difficult pass from Augusta over the
Pennine Alps (Great St Bernard), down the Rhone
valley to the Lake of Geneva, then through Helvetia
and across the Jura till the Rhine was struck at
Augusta Rauracorum (above Bâle). Following the
course of the Rhine the road ran north to Argento-
ratum (Strasburg), Noviomagus (Speyer), Borbito-
magus (Worms) and thence to Moguntiacum (Mainz);
nor did it stop here, but trending slightly to the
north-west it passed Colonia Agrippina, Novesium
and Vetera, on to Lugdunum Batavorum (Leyden) at
the mouth of the Rhine.
These Alpine routes had been developed in the
Republican period, though often unsafe through the
attacks of mountain-tribes. Those that remain to
be described date from the extension of the northern
frontier of Italy and the organization of Rhaetia and
Noricum by Augustus and his step-sons. The starting
point for the connection with Rhaetia was Verona,
thence up the Athesis valley (Adige) the road lay
across the Brenner to Augusta Vindelicorum (Augs-
burg). This 'Via Augusta' was made in 15 B.C. by
the elder Drusus after the conquest of Rhaetia.
Thirty-two years later it was restored by Claudius
1 Tac. Hist. 11. 66.
2 Ibid. IV. 68.
3 Ibid. 1. 61.
II]
THE ALPINE PASSES
39
and renamed as the Via Claudia Augusta. Near
Feltre (Feltria) a milestone has been found stating
that Claudius as censor had restored from Altinum
to the Danube the road made by Drusus after
the opening of the Alps. Another stone has been
found near Meran. Some of the Roman roads in
Rhaetia are used to the present day, and are less liable
than the modern ones to destruction by floods¹.
The communications with Rhaetia were completed
by a road over the Splügen to Brigantia, north-east
to Augusta Vindelicorum and west to Vindonissa
(Bâle).
For the passes over the Julian Alps the starting
point was Aquileia, reached from Verona by the Via
Postumia or from Ariminum by road to Ravenna,
thence by boat over the 'Seven Seas' at the mouth
of the Padus and by road again from Altinum. From
Aquileia important roads diverged in three directions.
The first ran north-west through the Carnic Alps.
and Noricum to Veldidena (Wilden) where it merged
in the Via Claudia Augusta. To the north-east the
old amber trade-route led over the Julian Alps into
Pannonia past Aemona (Laybach), Poetovio, Savaria,
to Carnuntum and the Danube. Pliny mentions.
that in Nero's time a Roman knight was sent by
the manager of a gladiatorial show to get amber.
He brought back such vast quantities from the bar-
1 Friedländer, quoting from Planta, Das alte Rätien.
2 Cf. Tac. Germ. 45. The Aestyi "on the right shore of the
Suevic Sea" collected amber, for which they had no use themselves,
and received with astonishment the large sums paid for the shape-
less masses.
i
40
[CH.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL
4. West.
barians of North Germany that it was used for knots
on the netting that kept the beasts from the podium,
as well as for other decorations. Apparently he
reached the Baltic coast where the amber was found,
and calculated the distance from Carnuntum to be
six hundred miles. Along the Danube roads led
west to Vindobona and east to Aquincum, parallel
to the great Limes Rhaeticus,' which reaching its
final form under Hadrian extended from the junction.
of the Danube and the Alcimona¹ (Altmühl) to
Lauriacum (Lorch), the starting point of the 'Limes
Germanicus.' Here may be mentioned too the roads.
made by Vespasian in the Agri Decumates between
Germany and Vindelicia. The third road from
Aquileia led east through Siscia and Sirmium to
Viminacium, up the Morava valley to Naissus, then
through the Balkan passes to Serdica and Philippo-
polis to Byzantium. This was laid out immediately
after the annexation of Thrace in 46 A.D. and under
Nero was furnished with resting-places (tabernae)
for ordinary soldiers and travellers, as well as
'praetoria' for officials.
Communication with the West was afforded
partly by the Alpine routes already described, but the
easier way was by the Via Aurelia from Rome past
Centumcellae (Cività Vecchia) to Pisae and Luna to
Genua, thence by the Via Domitia along the Ligurian
coast to Massilia and Arelate. Still following the
coast-line, the road, now the Via Augusta, was con-
tinued to Narbo and over the Pyrenees to Tarraco,
1 Bury, Student's Roman Empire, p. 405. 2 C. I. L. III. 6123.
II]
COMMUNICATION WITH THE WEST
41
thence across the Iberus through Valentia to the
mouth of the Sucro. It then turned inland over
the watershed of the Baetis, through Corduba and
Hispalis to Gades. In the first period of the Empire
much was done to improve communication in Spain,
as is evident from the number of milestones and
other inscriptions existing.
The same may be said of the roads in Gaul laid
out under the supervision of Agrippa with Lugdunum
as their centre. Thence diverged the southern route
to Arelate along the Rhone, and the western into
Aquitania through the Arverni and Augustoritum
(Limoges). Northwards the route lay up the Arar
valley to Cabillonum, whence communication with
the Rhine was afforded by a road up the Dubis
valley striking ultimately into that from the Pennine
pass. From Cabillonum Northern Gaul was reached
by way of Augustodunum (Autun), Durocortorum
(Rheims), Samarobriva (Amiens) to Gesoriacum
(Boulogne) the port for Britain.
By the date of the Antonine Itinerary the road-
system in Britain was very complete. Even in the
first century all the more important stations were
connected by roads radiating from Camalodunum
and Londinium. The chief were Watling Street.
leading to Uriconium (Wroxeter) and Isca (Caerleon),
Ermine Street from Londinium to Camalodunum,
Lindum and Eboracum. A continuation of Watling
Street connected Londinium with the coast at
Rutupiae (Richborough), while the Fosse Way ran
right across the country from Isca (Exeter) to
Lindum.
42
[CH.
THE MECHANISM OF TRAVEL
An account of the great lines of communication
would be incomplete without some mention of the
customs-duties levied at various points on them.
The 'portoria' were strictly levied at the frontiers,
all imported wares paying duty, while some wares,
iron especially, were forbidden to be exported. We
know of nine specially organized taxation provinces ;
thus Asia formed one, Bithynia, Paphlagonia and
Pontus another, and so forth¹. The amount of duty
was usually 2 per cent., but all Arabian and Indian
goods had to pay 25 per cent. on being landed at
any Red Sea harbour. Ethiopian goods paid duty
at Syene: Egyptian exports paid at Schedia near
Alexandria or at some other of the Nile mouths.
The strictness with which dues were levied is illus-
trated by a chance allusion in Plutarch's essay on
Curiosity. "We are not vexed," he writes, " with the
custom-house officers if they levy tolls on goods bonâ
fide imported, but only when they seek for contra-
band articles and rip up bags and packages; and yet
1 These taxation provinces were:—
1. Sicily, duty of 5%-
2. Spanish provinces, duty of 2%-
3. Gallia Narb., duty of 21%.
4. The three Gauls, duty of 21%.
(5 custom-houses known.)
5. Britain, duty of 23% probably.
6.
Moesia, Ripa, Thracia, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Noricum,
duty of 24%.
7. Asia, duty of 21%.
8. Bithynia &c., duty of 21%.
9. Egypt.
(From Arnold, Roman System of Provincial Administration,
based on Marquardt.)
II]
LENGTH OF IMPERIAL ROADS
43
the law allows them to do so and it is injurious to
them not to do so."
:
Such is the outline of the road-system in the
Empire, extending from the northern frontier of
Britain to the borders of Ethiopia a thousand miles
away, and to an even greater distance measured
from east to west. A calculation has been made
by Stephan of the length of a circular tour as
follows from Alexandria to Carthage, Gades, Lug-
dunum, Gesoriacum, across to Londinium and the
frontier of Britain on the north, back to Lugdunum
Batavorum, Moguntiacum, Mediolanum, Aquileia,
Byzantium, thence to Antioch and back to Alexan-
dria. The total length he makes to be 1824 miles,
of which all but about 180 miles could be traversed
by Imperial roads.
Making
CHAPTER III.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND.
THE next point to consider is the construction of
of roads. this vast network of communications. A Roman
road was intended to last; planned with utter dis-
regard of expense and labour it was indeed 'fortified'
rather than made¹. Straightness and uniformity of
level wherever possible were secured, no matter the
difficulty of aqueducts or tunnels. Thus the Via
Appia is built on solid masonry through the valley
of Aricia, and in the time of Augustus a tunnel, still
in use, was cut to a length of half-a-mile out of the
solid rock. Vitruvius, the writer on architecture in
the Augustan period, gives full details as to making
pavement; the process is also described by Statius
in the poem which celebrates the paving of the
Via Domitiana from Sinuessa to Puteoli. The poet
rejoices that the muddiness caused by the inunda-
tions of the Vulturnus is now removed, and that a
3
1 In inscriptions the phrase for paving a road is silice
sternere, elsewhere munire.'
2 Cf. Middleton, Remains of Ancient Rome, Vol. 11. p. 353.
3 Silv. IV. 3.
CH. III]
ROMAN ROAD-MAKING
45
journey which formerly took the whole day was
accomplished in under two hours:
"At nunc quae solidum diem terebat
horarum via facta vix duarum."
He then goes on to describe the marking out of the
road by digging two parallel ditches (sulci or fossae)
within which the bed was first excavated (gremium).
The width between the trenches varied with the
importance of the road. On the Appian and
Flaminian Ways it was from 13 to 15 feet, while
the road up the Alban Mount to the Temple of
Jupiter Latiaris measured only 8. If a firm bed
for the pavement or dorsum could not be otherwise
obtained, wooden piles (fistucationes) were driven
in. Then came the work of filling in, first with the
'statumen,' stones as large as the hand could grasp,
then with the rubble (rudus), a mixture of stones
and lime about nine inches thick, well rammed down
with wooden beetles; above this came the 'nucleus,'
a six-inch layer of pounded pottery or burnt brick
mixed with lime. Lastly was laid the pavimentum
itself, usually polygonal blocks of lava (silex) most
carefully jointed together¹. In the Forum at Rome
a fragment of old road still remains, but in most
places the blocks have been relaid in later times.
At the sides of the lava paving were kerbs of
tufa, peperino or travertine (crepidines). On one of
these Marius sat when " an exile among the ruins of
Carthage." They were the favourite resting-places
1 Cf. Tibull. 1. 7. 60, apta iungitur arte silex.
2 Sen. Rhet. Contr. 17 § 6, p. 198, quoted by Mayor, Juv. 11.
p. 150.
46
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
of beggars, as we learn from Juvenal, who asks the
poor client if he can find no vacant kerb-stone or
bridge rather than endure the meanness of a rich
patron'. The side-paths or 'margines' seem to
have been laid with gravel outside Rome, and inside
with rectangular slabs of hard stone (saxum quad-
ratum). The centre of the road was raised to let
the water run off, and cloacae were formed along
both sides with pipes at intervals. According to
Plutarch, horseblocks were placed here and there
along the Italian roads by C. Gracchus for the con-
venience of riders. Gracchus also paid much
attention to the erection of milestones, though it
is scarcely likely that none had been put up before,
as Plutarch seems to imply. The total expense
of a mile of Roman road has been calculated by
Friedländer as 100,000 sesterces or about £800 of
our money,
This elaborate system of paving was adopted
from the Carthaginians. By the end of the Republic
it had been so fully carried out in Italy that there
were at least eleven important roads radiating from
Rome. In the provinces comparatively little had
been done, but Polybius mentions a road in the
Narbonensis, and Cicero the repair of the Via
Domitia by the lieutenants of M. Fonteius³.
Further, the Via Egnatia was constructed after
the revolt of Macedonia in 149 B.C.
During this period the care of the roads was a
1 Juv. V.
8.
2 Isidore, Lib. 15, quoted by Bergier, Bk 1.
3 Cic. pro M. Font. c. 4.
III]
REPAIR OF ROADS
47
roads.
duty of the censors', with whom the aediles were often Repair of
associated. They were superseded by a board of
four commissioners for roads inside the city and of
two for those outside it, an arrangement which
shows the comparative insignificance as yet of the
provincial highways. The date of this change is
unknown, but it is first mentioned in the Lex Iulia
Municipialis of 45 B.C.2 These commissioners
formed part of the body known as the viginti
sexviri, reduced by Augustus to the vigintiviri.
Already, however, curators had been sometimes ap-
pointed for some of the great roads. Julius Caesar
had been curator of the Appian Way: the care of
the Flaminian had been entrusted to Thermus, a
friend of Cicero's. Augustus made the office
permanent, and put the holders on a level with
the ordinary magistrates. Under them were con-
tractors (mancipes) and a staff of workmen. Com-
plaints against these contractors for fraud seem to
have been frequent. The actual makers of the
road, besides skilled workmen, civil and military,
¹ Cf. Liv. IX. 29, Ix. 43, x. 23. Epit. xx., XII. 27. Strabo, p. 217.
2 See Mommsen, Staatsrecht, Vol. I. p. 588, p. 50 et seq.
quominus aed(iles) et vir(ei) vieis in urbem purgandeis,
IIvir(ei) vieis extra propiusve urbem Rom(am) passus [M] pur-
gandeis queiquomque erunt vias publicas curent eiusque rei
potestatem habeant ita utei legibus pl(ebei) sc(itis) s(enatus)
c(onsultus) oportet oportebit, cum h(ac) l(ege) n(ihil) r(ogatur).
p. 69, quorum locorum quoiusque porticus aedilium eorum-
ve mag(istratuum) quei vieis loceisque publiceis u(rbis) R(omae)
propiusve urbem) R(omam) p(assus) м purgandeis praerunt,
legibus procuratis erit.
3 Cic. ad Att. 1. 1, § 2.
5 See Tac. Ann. III. 31.
4 Dio Cass. 59. 15.
6 Ibid. 1. 35.
48
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
Expense
of main-
taining
roads.
were in many cases the provincials and condemned
criminals. Road-making is one of the hardships
mentioned by the chief Galgacus in his speech
before the battle of the Graupian Mount¹. Criminals
imprisoned in Italy were by Nero's orders conveyed.
to Lake Avernus for the construction of his projected
canal to Ostia; in fact some were condemned ex-
pressly for the work. Trajan mentions road-making
as one of the occupations 'nearly penal' and fit for
criminals who had eluded punishment". Gaius,
among other enormities, condemned men of good
station to the mines, to the making of roads, or to
the wild beasts".
Under the Empire the expense of making and
maintaining roads in Italy fell theoretically on the
aerarium, those outside were kept up by the fiscus.
In practice the two funds were amalgamated when-
ever the aerariumn was empty. Roads in Rome and
doubtless in other cities were paved by the owners
of property. The viae vicinales were kept up by
the local authorities called 'magistri pagorum,' who
levied a kind of parish rate. Augustus spent much
of his private means on the roads, even melting
down his silver presentation statues. His muni-
ficence is attested by the repair of the Flaminian
Road; as a memorial a triumphal arch was set up at
Ariminum. At the same time (17 B.C.) an aureus
was struck "showing on the reverse part of the Via
1 Tac. Agric. ch. 31.
3 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 32 (41).
2 Suet. Ner. 31.
4 Suet. Cal. 27.
5 Sic. Flacc. De Cond. Agr. ed Goes, p. 9, quoted by Middleton.
6 Dio Cass. 53.
7 Gruter, p. 149, No. 2.
III]
•
THE EMPERORS AS ROAD-MAKERS
49
of the
Flaminia, carried over a bridge, and surmounted by Activity
a triumphal arch on which was a statue of the emperors
emperor, in a biga, crowned by Victory. The legend in road-
making.
is QVOD VIAE MVNitae SVNT" (Middleton). Another
coin of Augustus struck in gold and silver states that
he had given from his privy purse to the aerarium
for the repair of the roads. He was heartily seconded
in his efforts by his son-in-law Agrippa, who when
aedile in 33 had spent large sums in paving the
streets of Rome. Many contributions too were
received from men who had received triumphal
ornaments and a share in the spoil¹ from the enemy.
Not only Italy, but the provinces, especially Gaul,
Rhaetia, Noricum and Spain owed the beginning or
the development of their roads to Augustus. This
side of his work of reorganization is therefore fitly
commemorated in the Monumentum Ancyranum²:
"In my seventh consulship I paved the Flaminian.
Way from the city to Ariminum, and repaired all
the bridges save the Mulvian and Minucian3."
Under Tiberius we find much evidence of activity
in the same direction in Dalmatia, Moesia, Gaul and
Spain. An instance of his practical turn is given
by Suetonius: he advised that the inhabitants of
Trebia might be allowed to spend on a new road the
pecunia manubialis.
2 $ 20.
3 Cf. an inscription at Emerita in Spain (Grut. p. 149) which
states that "Augustus after pacifying the world by land and sea,
closing the Temple of Janus, and benefiting the Roman people
by salutary laws, had widened and repaired the road (sc. passing
Emerita) and extended it to Gades.'
4 See C. I. L. III. 3198, 3201, 1698. Rushforth, Nos. 88, 89.
Grut. 153. 5 and 7. C. I. L. v. 698, vv. 8-10.
S.
4
50
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
sum bequeathed for a new theatre. The senate
however disagreed with him, and decided that the
testator's wishes should be respected'. Gaius, as
might be expected, did not interest himself in any-
thing so commonplace and useful as a road, but his
successor Claudius resumed the policy of Augustus.
His repair of the Via Augusta over the Rhaetian
Alps has been mentioned in another connection²:
Pliny the elder speaks with approval of the roads he
hewed out between the mountains and the bridges
he constructed at enormous expense. Nero's reign,
at least the later part, was a repetition of that of
Gaius. Still we find that besides the above-
mentioned improvements in the Thracian roads,
milestones bearing his name were set up at Errea
and Cordova. Of Vespasian's work there are many
traces, especially in Spain; for example he restored
at his own expense the road from Coppara to
Emerita. Aurelius Victor speaks of the excellent
roads he constructed throughout the Roman do-
minion, notably a tunnel 200 paces in length cut
through the Apennines on the Flaminian Road near
the modern Furlo. So wonderful was the work that
it received a special name, the Pertusa Petra; the
inscription on the arch records that Vespasian had
1 Suet. Tib. 31.
2 C. I. L. III. pt 1, p. 61, No. 346, date 59/8 A.D.
3 Cf. 152. 9; Grut. 153. 9.
4 Grut. 154. 1, 2.
pt 1, p. 61, No. 346.
5 Grut. 154. 3.
A.D. 75.
Bergier, Vol. 1. pp. 50, 51. Cf. C. I. L. III.
Cf. C. I. L. III. pt 1, p. 88, No. 470,
III]
THE ROADS OF TRAJAN
51
acted in the capacity of censor'. Again, a senatus
consultum is extant which was passed in gratitude
for the money he spent on restoring the roads of the
city "which through the neglect of former times had
fallen into disrepair." Titus in his brief reign seems
to have followed his father's policy: a milestone of
his remains in which the affection borne to him is
commemorated in the words Generis Humani Amor
et Desiderium³. Domitian too was a great road-
maker: the Via Domitiana celebrated by Statius.
was but one of his undertakings. A milestone of
his records that he had ordered the completion of
the road planned by his father and left unfinished
through the knavery of the contractors: they were
now severely punished and disabled from holding
public office again³.
But perhaps the emperor who, after Augustus,
did most for communications was Trajan: his
harbour works will be described later, but his road-
making is equally important. A description of it
comes from a somewhat unlikely quarter. Galen in
his Method of Medicine compares the works of his
great predecessor Hippocrates to roads that need
improvement and cleaning. He goes on to say that
Trajan paved and embanked the roads in Italy that
had become damp and muddy, cleaned those that
were overgrown with weeds and thorns, and carried
bridges over unfordable rivers, besides making short
cuts and gentler ascents wherever possible". Among
2 Ibid. 243. 2.
1 Grut. 149. 7.
C. I. L. III. 1, p. 57, Nos. 312, 318.
6 Galen, Meth. Med. Bk 9; cf. Grut. 151. 2.
3 Ibid. 155. 3.
5 Grut. p. 155.
ን
4-2
52
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
Road-
private
persons.
his most important undertakings was the draining of
the Pontine marshes and the continuation of the Via
Appia from Forum Appii to the Temple of Feronia
near Tarracina. Before this the Via Appia had
made a détour to avoid the marshes, and travellers.
to save time used to cross by night in barges, as
Maecenas and Horace did on their journey to
Brundisium'.
Such benefactions as those above described came
making by from private persons as well as from the emperors.
In honour of Augustus seven citizens of Falerii,
holding the office of Augustales, paved the Via
Augusta from the Via Annia outside the gate to the
Temple of Ceres. So too a physician, once a slave,
leaves 307,000 sesterces to be spent for the public
good on making roads. Lacer at Alcantara built a
stone bridge and inscribed it with a dedication in
elegiacs to Trajan. So too the Aquiflavienses dedi-
cated to the same emperor a bridge made at their
own cost. A similar act of generosity is recorded
four or five miles from Ephesus on the road to
Tralles the inscription in Greek and Latin on the
remains of an aqueduct states that Sextilius and his
wife and family have erected a bridge at their own
expense in honour of the Ephesian Diana, Augustus,
Tiberius and the city of Ephesus. Often the off-
cial curators themselves would defray part of the
necessary charges; thus we find that a certain
:
1 Hor. Sat. 1. 5. Strab. v. 232.
2 Panvini, In urbe Rom., Bergier, p. 88, Vol. 1. Bergier ad
loc. cit.
3 C. I. L. III. 1, p. 81.
III]
BRIDGES
53
L. Appuleius "duumvir, curator viarum sternen-
darum" made 10,000 feet of road with his own
purse'. Such liberality was often rewarded with
honorary distinctions; the senate, for instance, with
Trajan's consent, conferred the triumphal ornaments
on certain officers who had acted as commissioners
of roads2.
In order to complete the subject of road-making Bridges.
something must be said of the bridges in Rome and
the provinces. Most is known of course about those
across the Tiber. In the first century A.D. they
numbered at least eight. By far the oldest was the
Pons Sublicius, so called from the 'sublicae' or
wooden beams composing it. Only wood was used
for repairs, a custom originating in the legend that
Rome had been saved from Lars Porsenna and the
Tarquins by the cutting down of the bridge. The
real reason had been forgotten, viz. the belief that
to erect a bridge was to deprive the river-god of the
victims who would otherwise have been drowned in
trying to cross. A compromise between piety and
convenience was found by making a slight structure
which was less likely to offend the god than solid
masonry. In 69 A.D. it was carried away by a
sudden inundation of the Tiber: the site is not
certain but probably was near the Forum Boarium.
The first stone bridge in Rome was the Pons
Aemilius, begun in 179 B.C. by M. Aemilius Lepidus,
and finished in 142 B.C. by Scipio Nasica, the
adversary of Tiberius Gracchus, and L. Mummius,
1 Panvini, Urbs Romae, Middleton, Vol. I. p. 357.
2 Bergier, Vol. 1. p. 8.
Uor M
54
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
the conqueror of Corinth. It led straight to the
Forum Boarium and the Circus Maximus¹. Next
in age comes the Mulvian (Milvian) Bridge built in
109 B.C. by the censor M. Aemilius Scaurus, who
played so ignoble a part in the Jugurthan War.
On it the Via Flaminia crossed the Tiber. From
the left bank to the Insula Tiberina still runs the
Pons Fabricius, built in 62 B.C. by L. Fabricius, a
curator viarum². It is built of two semicircular
arches of peperino and tufa faced on both sides
with massive blocks of travertine. From the Insula
to the Janiculan bank rose the single arch of the
Pons Cestius built by L. Cestius (praefectus urbi) in
46 B.C. Of less importance are the Pons Neronianus,
begun by Gaius and finished by Nero; the Pons
Agrippae, discovered in 1887 near the Ponte Sisto;
and the Pons Aurelius, probably on the site of the
Ponte Sisto. The date of the last-named is not
known, but as it was restored in the time of Hadrian
it must have been used in the first century A.D.³
Of the bridges in the provinces only a few can
be mentioned important commercially was the
bridge of boats at Zeugma, the great crossing of the
Euphrates. The most famous was Trajan's bridge
over the Danube at the Iron Gate, probably below
Orsova. According to Dio Cassius it was made of
1 Ov. Fast. VI. 477.
2 Repeated both sides on one of the arches is this inscription:
L. Fabricius C. F. Cur. viar. faciundum coeravit eidemq. probavit.
3 The section on Roman bridges is taken from Middleton,
Remains of Ancient Rome, Vol. 11. ch. xii.
4 Tac. Ann. XII. 12.
III]
THE BRIDGE OVER THE DANUBE
55
square stones and contained twenty arches, each
60 feet in breadth, 120 feet above the foundation,
and 170 feet apart. Merivale, however, concludes
from the representation on Trajan's Column that
only the piers were of masonry, the superstructure
of wood, and refuses to accept Dio's measurements¹.
However that may be, there is no doubt that the
bridge was a triumph of engineering skill, for it was
thrown over the narrowest part of the river where
the current was strongest. The architect was
Apollodorus of Damascus, who left a description of
his masterpiece. The arches were broken down by
Hadrian for fear lest the barbarians should cross
over into Roman territory, but Dio Cassius saw the
piers still standing. To this bridge Pliny doubtless
refers in the letter² to his friend Caninius who was
planning a poem on Trajan's Dacian wars. "You
will sing," he writes, "of fresh rivers taught to
penetrate the soil, of fresh bridges thrown over
rivers, of mountain steeps occupied by camps, of a
king who, though palace and life were lost, rose
superior to despair." Besides the Danube, the
Rhine, Euphrates and Tigris were also bridged by
Trajan. The best idea of a Roman bridge may
perhaps be gathered from the description of the
Pont du Gard near Nismes (Nemausus), erected
probably under Antoninus. It is about 880 ft. long
and 160 ft. high and is composed of three tiers of
arches, each less wide than the one below. The
whole is constructed of large stones, and no cement
has been used except for the canal on the top.
2 Plin. Epp. VIII. 4, § 2.
1 Meriv. VIII. p. 37 et seq.
UorM
56
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
Vehicles.
More than two thousand miles away from Nismes
is a bridge which must bring home even more
forcibly the enduring nature of Roman work. In
a desolate region' near Samsat, the ancient Samo-
sata, whose only inhabitants now are a few Kurdish
herdsmen, is a Roman bridge consisting of a single
arch 112 feet in span, the keystone being 56 feet
above mean water-level. It formed part of a frontier
road following the Euphrates line, and was restored
by Septimius Severus so perfectly that it has lasted
till to-day.
With regard to the vehicles used in travelling
much information exists. There was an ample
choice ranging from the luxurious litter (lectica)
borne by eight sturdy slaves to the humble reda or
family coach and still humbler waggon or plaustrum.
Beginning with the litter we find that it was carried
by means of poles' running probably through rings
fixed at the sides or perhaps attached by cords or
thongs. The poles were often useful for thrusting
the crowd out of the way and as weapons.
Gaius was murdered, at the first sound of the scuffle
his litter-bearers with their poles ran up to help.
Nothing was left undone to make the reclining
traveller comfortable. Pliny the younger says that
when he was suffering from weak eyes" he was
as well sheltered in a litter as in a chamber.
3
When
1 Kiakhta is the modern name of the nearest village. Hogarth,
Wandering Scholar, p. 116.
2 asseres.
3 Juv. vII. 132, perque forum iuvenes longo premit assere
Maedos.
4 Suet. Cal. 58.
Mчou
5 Plin. Epp. vII. 21.
III]
USE OF LETTERS
57
The
A leather head and curtains kept off the heat¹,
but not always the intrusive basiator, from whose
inconvenient affection, says Martial, there is no
escape. In later times greater seclusion was ob-
tained by the use of 'lapis specularis' or glass.
Tiberius was hard-hearted enough, after his daughter-
in-law and nephews had been condemned, never to
let them travel except in litters with curtains sewed
up all round. Many luxurious fops lolled on pillows
which seemed to Juvenal fit for king Sardanapalus,
and drew from Seneca the indignant protest that
the youths of his day were put to shame by the
equestrian statue of the maiden Cloelia³.
litter-bearers were usually Syrian or Cappadocian
slaves, six or eight in number*, dressed in bright
red travelling cloaks made often of fine wool from
Canusium; hence their name of canusinati³. Litters
might be hired at Castra Lecticariorum in the 14th
region of Rome (trans Tiberim). The bearers formed.
guilds, as is seen from an inscription found in
Wallachia; Cornelius Cornelianus defensor lecti-
cariorum and his wife Bessa record a dedication to
the goddess Nemesis. As a rule litters were only
used by women or by rich and luxurious men.
Martial ridicules a youth, who was poorer than Irus
and younger than Parthenopaeus, and yet was
carried by six Cappadocian slaves'. Julius Caesar
1 Mart. vII. 95, XI. 98, XII. 26.
3 Sen. ad Marc. 16, § 1.
2 Suet. Tib. 64.
+ hexaphoron (Mart. 11. 81). octaphoron (Suet. Cal. 43).
5 Mart. IX. 22.
7 Mart. vi. 77, II. 81.
6 C. I. L. Vol. III. pt 1, No. 1438.
58
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
restricted their use to certain persons and times, but
this was only a temporary regulation¹.
The sedan-chair or sella was likewise much used;
in this the traveller sat, hence it was not nearly so
comfortable as a litter. Augustus when consul used
to go about in a chair, as did also the elder Pliny,
dictating all the while to his secretary to save time".
Like the lectica the sella gestatoria could be closed
with curtains, thus making possible the trick which
Juvenal's client whose wife is away at home plays
on his patron³.
Vehicles proper may be classified as two-wheeled
and four-wheeled. The most often mentioned of
the former kind is the essedum, properly a two-
wheeled chariot used by the Gauls and Britons.
It was used especially on state occasions; thus Gaius
was accompanied in his journey over the bridge of
boats at Baiae by a suite of friends 'in essedis''; in a
chariot he crossed the Rhine between his troops, and
in a chariot he rode, as the story tells, while certain
grave and reverend senators, in their hot togas,
had to race by the side. These vehicles were often
profusely decorated; one of Claudius' noteworthy
acts as censor was to order the purchase and de-
struction in his own presence of a magnificent silver
chariot exposed for sale in the image market.
'Silver' here probably means ornamented in Etruscan
fashion with embossed metal plates. Pliny the
elder too speaks of the extravagance with which the
1 Suet. Jul. 43.
3 Juv. 1. 124.
5 Suet. Claud. 16.
2 Plin. Epp. III. 5, § 15, 16.
4 Suet. Cal. 19, 26, 51.
6 Becker, Gallus, p. 348 etc.
III] THE CARPENTUM, COVINUS, REDA, ETC. 59
precious metals were used' for the decoration of all
sorts of vehicles.
covered two-wheeled
The carpentum was a covered
carriage used especially by women on state occa-
sions, as for instance by Messalina and Agrippina³
in pursuance of a decree of the senate¹.
"Coins of
2
the elder Agrippina, of Livia, of the Domitillae,
wife and daughter of Vespasian, have the carpen-
tum" (Mayor). It was also used for travelling, as
by Cynthia the mistress of Propertius, who drove to
Lanuvium in a carpentum with silk curtains.
A vehicle especially praised by Martial is the
covinus, a sort of travelling chariot or tilbury which
could be driven by the traveller himself. He had
received a present of one from his friend Aelianus
and writes an epigram praising its 'pleasant solitude,'
for “the driver is nowhere, and the nags will hold
their tongues"." Of much the same kind was the
cisium or cabriolet in which Cicero's enemy Antonius
travelled at full speed from Saxa Rubra to the city;
but few references to it occur.
Of larger four-wheeled vehicles the most used
was the reda or coach, drawn by two or four horses
and constructed to carry both passengers and goods.
At first it was a family coach; thus Juvenal's
Umbricius, who was driven away by the worries of
1 Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 17.
3 Tac. Ann. XII. 42.
4
2 Suet. Claud. 17.
* Carpenta often carried the effigies of the dead in processions.
Suet. Claud. 11; Cal. 15.
5 Juv. 11. p. 33.
7 Mart. Ep. XII. 24.
6 Prop. IV. 8, 53.
8 Cic. Phil. II. 31. 77.
60
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
Rome, packed his whole household into a single
reda¹; later it served as a stage-coach. It was a
cumbrous thing, as appears from the passage in
which Juvenal says that at Rome the noise of
passing coaches (redae) in the narrow streets, to-
gether with the din' when a herd of cattle was
blocked, would awaken "even the Emperor Claudius.
or sea-calves." Lavish decorations were often seen
on the body and even on the wheels; state coaches
had gilded wheels, rich silver mountings and purple
hangings. A leather hood was provided to keep off
sun and rain.
While the master travelled in his coach, the
servants usually were accommodated in the less
fashionable petòrritum or waggon. The necessity of
taking a train of these on a journey is reckoned by
Horace as one of the drawbacks of wealth and
position³. Of the same class was the carruca, which
appears from a reference in the Digest to have been
fitted up sometimes as a sleeping-car¹ (carruca
dormitoria). Occasionally it was gorgeously orna-
mented, as for instance the one which Martial says
cost as much as a farm5. Then there was the
pilentum, a car used for state occasions like the
carpentum, but on four wheels; the basterna, some-
thing between a carriage and a litter, being carried
by two mules in shafts one before and one behind,
1 Juv. III. 10.
3 Hor. Sat. 1. 6, 104.
2 Juv. 111. 236—8.
Scaev. Dig. XXXIV. 2. 13, quoted by Becker in Excursus in
Gallus on vehicles.
5 Mart. III. 72.
III]
RIDING
61
and lastly the rough plaustra and serraca, waggons
for heavy goods; and axes or drays for marble and
stone.
These wheeled vehicles were drawn by horses or
mules which were changed at stages on the journey.
A small breed of Gallic nags (manni or mannuli)
was much esteemed for speed and endurance¹.
Drivers and porters seem to have been under some
kind of supervision; we find a superiumentarius, i.e.
'an ex-superintendent of drivers' filling the office of
pedagogue to the young Claudius', and the porters
(geruli) were mulcted by Gaius of one-eighth of their
day's earnings.
Carriage-traffic seems to have been so general
for people of any means that but few references
occur to riding. Domitian, according to Suetonius,
disliking exertion, did not walk much in the city,
seldom rode when on campaigns and was constantly
carried in a litter. A century earlier, however,
Horace congratulated himself on being able to ride
on a mule to Tarentum with nothing but a saddle-
bag; the praetor Tillius had to take five slaves to
carry his cooking utensils and wine basket. Per-
sons who had not even Horace's modest competence
travelled on foot, with companions whenever possible.
Dio Chrysostom in the account of his wanderings
lays stress on the fact that during his exile he was
1 Cf. Mart. XII. 24. Suet. Jul. 31; Aug. 36; Cal. 39.
Juv. III. 317.
2 Suet. Cl. 2.
3 Suet. Dom. § 19.
4 Hor. Sat. 1. 6. 107.
62
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
not only without hearth and home but without a
single attendant¹. The poor had at least this ad-
vantage, that highwaymen left them alone. In the
Euboean Idyll² Dio says that he was not afraid of
following the two huntsmen because he had “only a
wretched himation." Few lines of Juvenals have
become as proverbial as
"Cantabit vacuus coram latrone viator."
The luxury of the age showed itself clearly in
the elaborate preparations made for travelling. In
the preceding century Lucullus had been censured
by old-fashioned persons for taking mosaic pave-
ments and magnificent furniture on his Asiatic
campaigns; Julius Caesar¹ had done the same; but
the extravagance of the early Empire exceeds
anything we read of under the Republic. Gaius.
on his journey to Germany sometimes went so fast
that the praetorian cohorts were compelled to have
their standards put on baggage-animals, and follow
in most unmilitary haste. Sometimes again he had
a fancy for travelling slowly in a palanquin and
making the common people of the cities he passed
sweep the roads for him and sprinkle them to lay
the dust. He left an imitator in Nero who, we
are told, never made a journey with fewer than a
hundred travelling chariots; the mules were silver-
shod, the muleteers dressed in bright red travelling
cloaks, while the crowd of Cappadocian slaves wore
1 Or. XL. 159 R, II. 1. 59 R, XIII. 421 R.
2 D. Chrys. Or. VII. 223 R.
4 Suet. Jul. 46.
3 Juv. x. 19-21.
5 Suet. Cal. 43.
III]
LUXURY OF TRAVEL
3
63
bracelets on their arms and ornaments on their heads
and breasts¹. Vitellius floated down the rivers of
Gaul, to win and lose the Empire, on flower-decked
barges carrying a quantity of dainties that disgusted
even the Romans2. The number of slaves taken on
journeys was enormous: in the cities harbingers or
anteambulones went in front of the litters to clear
the way with the words "Give place to my lord."
If words did not suffice, elbows and hands were
brought into play: among the minor miseries of
Roman life Juvenal mentions the risk of being
poked with the elbow or with a hard pole in a
dense crowd. Martial wittily suggests to his patron
that a freedman who can keep off the crowd with a
shove will be a far more serviceable visitor than
an 'honestus cliens.' Outside the city walls swift
Numidian riders and runners were much in vogue:
we hear too of scouts to find out the condition of
the road. Once on a march Tiberius' litter was
stopped by the way being overgrown with brush-
wood; the scout by his orders was put on the
ground and scourged almost to death. Augustus in
spite of his simple habits liked to be attended on
his journeys by his grandsons", who drove in front or
rode at the side of his carriage.
carriers.
Moralists like Seneca were indignant at such Letter-
unnecessary pomp and wished "that Cato the censor
could see some of the rich coxcombs with their
Numidian runners stirring up a cloud of dust"."
1 Suet. Ner. 30.
s Juv. 11. 245.
5 Suet. Aug. 64.
2 Suet. Vitell. 16.
4 Suet. Tib. 60.
6 Sen. Ep. 87, § 9.
64
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
Yet these served for use as well as for show, in
carrying letters. Official despatches, as already
stated, were sent by the imperial post, but in the
first century A.D. private letters were still sent by
messengers (tabellarii or cursores)'. Letter-writing
was very frequent, as the ten books of Pliny's
correspondence show. A ready writer himself, he
expected his friends to follow suit; in a letter to
his wife Calpurnia, who was recovering in the
country from an illness, he makes the rather
unreasonable request that she will calm his fears
by writing once and even twice a day. Again and
again he asks his friends to let him hear oftener of
their welfare". Letters naturally did not arrive with
great speed or regularity: "Your letters," writes Pliny
to Romanus, "have at length reached me, and I
received three at once"." On the borders of the
Empire, e.g. at Tomi, the time occupied between
sending the letter and receiving an answer might
be as long as a year; at least Ovid makes this
complaint when he sends to Gallio a letter of
condolence on his wife's death". Runners were
also employed to convey despatches of the emperor's
in or near Rome. Among the kindly acts of Titus
it is recorded that he sent his own messengers to
tell the mother of a conspirator that his life was
safe. With very different feelings, according to
1 Plin. Ep. VII. 12 § 6. Mart. III. 100. 1.
2
e.g. Plin. vIII. 17.
4 Ov. Ep. ex Pont. iv. 12,
"6
3 Plin. Ix. 28.
Dum tua pervenit, dum littera nostra recurrens
Tot maria ac terras permeat, annus abit."
5 Suet. Tit. 9.
III]
STREET TRAFFIC
65
Tacitus, did Domitian receive by relays of runners
between Alba and Rome the news of Agricola's
death¹.
An explanation of the number of running foot- Street
traffic.
men, litters and sedan-chairs employed lies partly in
the fact that driving in Rome and the Italian cities
was forbidden except at night. The streets of Rome
before the rebuilding under Nero were inconveniently
narrow even for litters2. Augustus, we are told,
when suffering from sleeplessness at night, would
take a nap in his litter if it had to be put down
because of a block. The tabula Heracleensis forbids
carts or carriages to pass through Rome during the
first ten hours of the day, the only exception being
vehicles employed in public work, and those con-
veying the Vestal Virgins, the rex sacrorum, flamens
at public sacrifices, and generals celebrating a
triumph. The same grace applied to processions
at public games, especially the Circensian, and to
market and farm carts which had entered the town
by night³.
This heavy night traffic was an annoyance almost
unendurable to sleepers in poor and crowded quarters
of the city. "It costs a fortune," says Juvenal, "to
be able to sleep in Rome*." There seems reason to
doubt whether, in spite of prohibitions, vehicles did
not sometimes drive within the walls by day. Seneca
at one time had a town house near the Meta Sudans,
the fountain close to which the Colosseum was after-
wards built; he reckons the passing chariots as no
1 Tac. Agr. 43.
3 Mayor, Juv. II. p. 77.
2 Tac. Ann. xv. 38.
4 Juv. III. 235.
S.
10
5
66
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
Inns.
less a nuisance than his neighbours the blacksmith
and the sawyer¹. That the practice of driving was
not frequent is however shown by the few remains
of stables and coach-houses found at Pompeii,
and also by the curious stones placed across the
road evidently for the benefit of foot-passengers
in wet weather. To these Horace probably refers
when he speaks of the 'pondera' which the would-
be magistrate must cross to greet influential voters.
Such blocks would present insuperable obstacles to
wheeled traffic, but not to riders or pedestrians.
The start on a long journey was usually made
from one of the city gates, where the chariot or
coach would be in readiness. So Umbricius in
Juvenal's third Satire lets the coach wait by the
Porta Capena while he bids his friend farewell³.
While actually on the journey travellers would
read, write or sleep according to
to taste. The
Emperor Claudius, indeed, had his chariot so con-
structed that he could play dice in it comfortably;
this habit doubtless furnished the point to Seneca's
jest that his fit doom was to play with a bottomless
dice-box to all eternity. Variety was afforded by
change of horses or mules and by stopping for the
night at inns or with friends. Very rich people
rarely used inns; they would find plenty of friends
along their route, or might even take tents and
furniture and provisions for camping out of doors.
Inns were frequented mainly, though not entirely,
1 Sen. Ep. 56.
2 Hor. Ep. 1. 6, 1. 51.
4 Mart. XIV. 188. Juv. III. 241.
3 Juv. III. 1–11.
5 Seneca, Apocolocyntosis.
III]
INNS
67
by the lower classes. Maecenas and Horace on the
journey to Brundisium¹ found inns at Aricia and
Appii Forum and near the shrine of Feronia: they
seem to have been uncomfortable, and at one the
water was so bad that Horace went supperless to
bed. At Formiae the travellers slept at a house
belonging to Murena, Maecenas' brother-in-law, next
day at a villula, the seventh at Cocceius' villa beyond
Caudium and on the eighth near Trivicum. Cynthia
when travelling with Propertius to Lanuvium stopped
at a taberna, while the scenes of Petronius' narrative
are mostly laid in inns. Often the building of an
inn was the beginning of a hamlet, as in the case of
the Tres Tabernae on the Appian Way". Owners of
estates found it profitable to build a tavern on the
road hard by, make a freedman the host, and sell off
their wine and farm produce³. Sometimes inns were
built by municipal authorities; at the source of the
Clitumnus the Hispellates furnished in Pliny's time
a public bath and entertained all strangers at their
own expense. Sometimes again the cost of erection
was borne by the fiscus in thinly populated or un-
civilized districts, e.g. in Thrace, as mentioned above³.
In the East the inns must often have been like the
khans and caravanserais of the present day, where
travellers often furnish themselves with food, and
merely get lodging. When food was provided by
the host, it does not seem to have been dear.
1 Hor. Sat. 1. 5, ll. 2, 8, 25.
2 Acts xxviii. 15.
3 Vitruv. vI. 8. Varro, R. R. 1. 2. 23, quoted by Becker, Gallus.
Suet. Cl. 38.
4 Plin. Epp. VIII. 8.
5 p. 40.
5-2
68
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COMMUNICATION BY LAND
Friedländer describes a relief from Aesernia in
Samnium, dating from imperial times, on which is
depicted a man in travelling dress leading a donkey
and reckoning with his hostess; the bill is given
above. Wine, like cider in Normandy, was supplied
gratis; bread was 1 as, relishes 2 asses, attendance
8 asses, and hay 2 asses, the total being 13 asses or
about 4d. of our money. Inns were provided on all
roads where there was much traffic; when their
resources were exhausted, officials and soldiers were
billeted on the inhabitants, a burden from which
philosophers, grammarians, rhetoricians and doctors
were relieved by Vespasian and Hadrian. At health
and pleasure resorts they were doubtless fairly com-
fortable. Strabo speaks of inns at Canopus¹ which
were noted for their luxury, of inns at Mount Etna
for the use of tourists who came to see the volcano,
and at Carura on the Phrygio-Carian border for
visitors to the hot springs. Inn life furnished many
illustrations to the moralists of the period. Epictetus*
compares those who do not pass on quickly from
rhetoric to philosophy to loiterers at an inn. "Men,”
he declares, “generally act as a traveller would do
on his way to his own country when he enters a
pleasant inn and being pleased with it remains there.
'Man, you have forgotten your purpose; you were
not travelling to this inn, but you were passing
through it.' 'But this is a
But this is a pleasant inn.' 'And
how many inns are pleasant?'
And how many
meadows are pleasant? yet only for passing through."
1 Strab. p. 801, 578.
2 Epict. Diss. II. 18. 2.
III]
RATE OF TRAVELLING
69
One of the great drawbacks to travelling by road
in the South and East was the heat. Pliny the
younger, writing to Septicius, says that he has had
a good journey to the country, but that some of his
servants had been made ill by the excessive heat:
his reader Encolpius' had been injured internally
through the dust settling on his lungs. Wherever
possible journeys in hot weather were made by
night2: when there was no moon torches were
carried, which no doubt often diversified the mono-
tony of the journey by going out. This happened
to Julius Caesar on the night before he crossed the
Rubicon in the darkness he lost his way and did
not recover it for some hours.
With regard to the speed of travelling we are Rate of
told that Mallius Glaucia who brought to Ameria travelling.
the news of Sextus Roscius' death travelled 56 miles
in 10 hours of the night: the vehicle he used was
the light two-wheeled cisium or cabriolet³. Such
a speed was of course extraordinary. The Dictator
Julius was famed for his rapid journeys; in a hired
coach he travelled 100 miles a day. The highest
speed recorded is that of Tiberius, who hastened.
from Ticinum through Rhaetia to Germany, reaching
his brother Drusus just in time to be with him.
before he died. He covered a distance of 200 miles
in 24 hours: ordinary travellers would take at least
1 Plin. Epp. VIII. 1, 2.
2 See Suet. Aug. 29, 53 and Iul. 31. Juv. x. 19—21. Suet.
Tib. 6. Tac. Hist. III. 79.
3 Cic. pro Rosc. Amer. 7. 19.
5 Val. Max. 5. 3.
• Suet. Iul. 57.
70
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
four days. Another very quick journey was that of
the freedman Icelus, who brought the news of Nero's
death to Galba in Spain within seven days, a time
which seemed incredibly short. The speed of the
imperial post averaged five miles an hour: the
distance between Antioch and Byzantium (747 miles)
was accomplished in a little under six days: hired
vehicles would take longer. From Ostia to Tarraco
(163 miles) usually took five days, but Pliny the
elder once took only four2. From Naples to Toledo
took six days with post-horses; from Brundisium to
Rome was a ten days' leisurely journey according
to Ovid:
3
"Luce minus decima dominam venietis in urbem
Ut festinatum non faciatis iter."
Maecenas and Horace however took fifteen days*.
It seems that travellers in carriages as
a rules
covered from forty to fifty miles a day or a little
over: if they wished for speed, they had, as Seneca
says, to cut down their baggage and dismiss their
attendants. A foot-passenger in good training might
6
1 Plut. Galb. 7.
3 Ov. Epp. ex Pont. iv. 5. 3.
2 Plin. H. N. xIx. 4.
4 Hor. Sat. 1. 5.
5 The ordinary rate of 40 miles a day for carriages is given by
Martial, who tells his friend Flavus that Bilbilis is reached from
Tarraco (200 miles away) in five days (x. 104).
Hispanae pete Tarraconis arces;
Illinc te rota tollet, et citatus
Altam Bilbilin et tuum Salonem
Quinto forsan essedo videbis.
(i.e. in the fifth stage and so on the fifth day).
6 Sen. Cons. ad Helv. c. 12.
III]
SECURITY OF TRAVEL
71
expect to walk from twenty-six to twenty-seven
Roman miles in the day.
2
of travel.
A question of some interest with regard to first Security
century travel is that of security. The evidence is
rather contradictory; some writers extol the safety
conferred by the imperial rule, while others lament
over the effrontery of highwaymen near Rome itself.
On the whole it is clear that brigandage had been
rife during the last century of the Republic but was
vigorously suppressed by the emperors except in
mountainous or outlying districts. The punish-
ment for robbers was crucifixion. In Strabo's time
the Pamphylians and the dwellers on the Mysian
Olympus¹ were much given to brigandage, and the
Corsicans gained their living by the same means.
The preventive measures taken in Asia Minor by
Augustus will be dealt with in a later section; those
for Italy are described in some detail by Suetonius
in a passage which clearly shows their necessity.
"Several disorders most pernicious to the state
had either continued through habit and the licence
of civil war or had even arisen through peace:
numbers of highwaymen openly showed themselves
armed with swords as if for self-defence; travellers.
all over the country were carried off without
distinction between freeman and slave, and kept
in barracoons (ergastula): many associations were
formed, under the guise of new clubs, for the
committal of every kind of villainy³. The emperor
checked brigandage by setting military posts in
1 Strab. pp. 570, 574.
3 Suet. Aug. 32.
2 Strab. p. 224.
72
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY LAND
suitable spots, ordered an inspection of the barra-
coons and dissolved the associations except those of
ancient date and lawful character." Tiberius wast
equally vigorous in searching for those who had
been kidnapped and increasing the number of mili-
tary posts throughout Italy. Sardinia in particular
was infested by brigands; to suppress them he sent
four thousand freedmen, chiefly Jews, with the cynical
remark that if they were killed by the detestable
climate it would be small loss¹. Inscriptions in the
Jura region show that a prefect existed in the first
century especially for suppressing robbers: similarly
we learn that an official under Drusus Caesar extir-
pated the robber-bands on the Hellespont².
The success of such efforts was, of course, only
partial; "so long," says Dio Cassius3, "as human
nature remains unchanged, brigandage will continue."
In the time of Augustus we are told that the praetor
Quintus Gallus was ostensibly banished from Rome
on the charge of conspiracy, but really murdered
in secret in the hope that his disappearance might
be put down to death by shipwreck or robbers¹.
The execution of two brigands was commanded
by Nero on the occasion of his uttering his famous
wish that he had never learned to write5. Umbricius
1 Tac. Ann. 11. 85.
2 C. I. G. 3612, ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἐτείμησαν Τίτον Οὐ(α)λέριον
Πρόκλον τὸν φροντιστὴν Δρούσου Καίσαρος, καθελόντα τὰ ἐν Ἑλλησ-
πόντῳ λῃστήρια καὶ ἐν ἅπασιν ἀνεπιβάρητον φυλάξαντα τὴν πόλιν.
(Fragment of a column found near Halileli in the rubbish of a
temple, probably to the Thymbraean Apollo.)
3 Dio Cass. XXXVI.
5 Sen. de Clem. 11. 1.
4 Suet. Aug. 27.
III]
SECURITY OF TRAVEL
73
in his long catalogue of Roman plagues mentions
the highwayman who often sets to work with the
sword while the rest of the gang lie concealed in the
Pontine marshes or the wood near Cumae¹. Pliny
the younger is informed by a friend that Robustus,
an 'eques splendidus,' has not been heard of since
he reached Ocriculum; he fears that the fate of the
missing man has been that of a fellow-townsman of
his own who set out for the army, but disappeared
without a trace². In Palestine especially travelling
was unsafe, as is shown by Josephus and the New
Testament. Theudas, Tholomaeus, Judas the Gali-
laean and his sons Jacobus and Simon were the most
prominent of those who were driven to brigandage
in their desperate resistance to Roman rule. How
far they succeeded in interrupting communication
is seen from the account of St Paul's hurried ride
from Jerusalem to escape from the conspirators
against his life. He was accompanied to Antipatris
by no fewer than four hundred and seventy soldiers,
horsemen and spearmen, the horsemen continuing
to escort him as far as Caesarea³.
4
Inscriptions give abundant evidence in the same
direction for the first and succeeding centuries. At
Mehadia is recorded the murder of a magistrate of
the municipium Drobetarum' by brigands. Near
the same place Bassus, the quaestor of the same
township, met a like death. Similarly at Salonae
1 Juv. III. 305-8, cf. XIII. 145, x. 20.
Plin. Epp. vi. 25.
+ C. I. L. II. 1, 1559.
5 C. I. L. III. 1, 1579.
3 Acts xxiii. vv. 23, 31, 32.
74
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COMMUNICATION BY LAND
C. Tadius, a municipal magistrate (sevir) was carried
of by highwaymen¹. Most pathetic of all is the
record at Spalatum of the little Iulia Restituta,
ten years old, who was killed by robbers for the
sake of her jewels. "Dis Manibus Iuliae Restitutae
infelicissimae interfectae annorum x causa orna-
mentorum Iulius Restitutus et Statia Pudentilla
parentes.'
Yet the above evidence must not be pressed too
far. If communication was often insecure under the
early Empire, it had been insecure before, and has
often been so since. Mommsen's words may apply
to other things than the imperial government.
"Even now there are various regions of the East,
as of the West, as regards which the imperial period
marks a climax very modest in itself but withal
never attained before or since." Syria and Palestine,
Anatolia, Turkey and Morocco are far worse off with
respect to communication than they were then.
The route which Aurelian took to Palmyra is now,
according to Merivale, too desolate to be traversed
by an army.
Asia Minor is studded with the
ruins of what were once flourishing towns in close
communication with one another. Even in the
West it is only since the introduction of railways
that ancient travel has been surpassed by modern
in speed and safety. In 1846, says Friedländer,
1 C. I. L. 2544.
2 C. I. L. 2399, cf. ibid. 158.
3 Mommsen, Provinces, Vol. 1. p. 5.
For French roads in the 17th century see M. Hanotaux,
Richelieu, 1. pp. 164 and 174.
III]
SECURITY OF TRAVEL
75
the King of Naples and his troops, when on a
military promenade, lost their way and were not
heard of in the capital for a fortnight. In 1872
there were scarcely any good roads in Sicily and
travelling in the interior was very difficult, yet in
Roman days there were 220 miles of road connecting
all the towns of the coast, and the chief of the
interior with Panormus (Palermo). The complete-
ness of the imperial road-system in Spain has been
referred to above. In 1830 there was only one main
route from Madrid to the other chief towns of the
peninsula; a few provincial roads were passable for
carriages, but the greater part of the country was a
perfect wilderness save for foot and bridle paths.
From Madrid to Toledo, a distance of 25 miles, there
was not a single branch road¹.
Up to the eighteenth century the state of the
roads in England was just as bad; in 1685 the main
lines were still those traced out in Roman days:
one of the things for which the nation might have
thanked William III. was his vigorous action against
the highwaymen of Hounslow Heath. The lack of
communication between town and country is vividly
described in the Annual Register for 1761. "It is
scarce half a century ago since the inhabitants of
distant counties were regarded as a species almost
as different from those of the metropolis as the
natives of the Cape of Good Hope....A journey
into the country was then considered almost as
great an undertaking as a voyage to the Indies.
1 From Friedländer.
2 Lecky, Hist. of the 18th Cent. Vol. vII. p. 216.
76
COMMUNICATION BY LAND [CH. III
The old family coach was sure to be stored with
all sorts of luggage and provisions, and perhaps in
the course of the journey a whole village together
with their teams were called in to dig the heavy
vehicles out of the clay." The 'gentlemen of the
road' need only be mentioned; they disappeared
with the improvement of roads and the introduc-
tion of stage-coaches. Yet even twentieth-century
England might well imitate the foresight and
thoroughness which were the characteristics of the
imperial system of communication.
CHAPTER IV.
COMMUNICATION BY SEA.
sea.
So far, only that mode of communication has Communi-
cation by
been described which the Romans carried out with
a definite aim, viz., the road-system. Their maritime
communications were far more the result of circum-
stances, geographical and political. Not till several
centuries after the foundation of the city did Rome
become a naval power. "The sea," said Arnold,
"deserved to be hated by the old aristocracies,"
and as late as 218 B.C. Flaminius carried a law
forbidding any senator or senator's son to own a
vessel of greater burden than 300 amphorae¹. Yet
Rome was admirably situated to be the emporium
of Latin commerce; long before she had traded
with Massilia, Sicily, and even Greece. The naval
supremacy of Carthage, threatening her long sea-
frontier and limiting her commerce, drove her,
however, unwillingly, to create a war-navy. There
was abundance of triremes and merchant-ships
belonging to the Romans themselves and their
allies; what were needed were ships of the line
(quinqueremes) for which a stranded Carthaginian
1 Liv. XXI. 63.
2 Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, I. p. 49.
78
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY SEA
penteres served as a model. The fleet played an
important part in the first Punic war, and when the
struggle was resumed one of the main causes of
Hannibal's defeat was the fact that the Romans
held the Tuscan Sea. He was thus driven to his
long and disastrous Alpine march, and cut off from
his base in Spain¹.
2
In the most inglorious epoch of Roman history,'
the years between the fall of Carthage and the
death of Sulla, the feet fell into utter neglect.
There was hardly any longer a Roman vessel of
war, and the vessels which the subject cities were
required to build and maintain were not sufficient,
so that Rome was not only absolutely unable to
carry on a naval war, but was not even in a position
to check the trade of piracy." Rome smarted for her
negligence in the Mithradatic wars, when the pirate
fleets were ranged on the side of her enemies.
Commerce was almost at a standstill, corn was
scarce in Italy and the city, temples and islands
were ransacked; "the provinces equipped squadrons
and raised coastguards, or at any rate were taxed for
the purpose, and yet pirates appeared to plunder
the provincials with as much regularity as the
Roman governors³." So insupportable was the evil
that at length the duty of suppressing it was con-
fided to Pompeius by the Gabinian Law of 67 B.C.
The result was that, within forty-nine days after his
1 Mahan, in The Influence of the Sea Power upon History,
ad init.
2 Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, г11. p. 405.
3 Ibid. IV. p. 76.
IV]
WAR-SHIPS
79
appearance in the Levant, the great pirate-haunt,
Cilicia, was subdued. Few circumstances show the
incapacity of the government at that time more
clearly than the way in which the performance of
such an elementary duty was celebrated as a glorious
victory. After this, piracy did not for centuries
appear in the Mediterranean as an organized system.
The importance of maritime command was
realized by Augustus in his contest with Sextus
Pompeius, who for some time was master of the
sea, and stopped the Roman corn-supplies. The
victories of Naulochus over Sextus, and Actium
over Antony and Cleopatra, among other great
issues, decided that Italy should enjoy a maritime
supremacy; from them date the completeness of
communication which for centuries turned the
Mediterranean into an 'Italian lake.'
The ships afloat in the first century A.D. were of War-ships.
various kinds. The imperial fleet was permanently
stationed off Italy in two squadrons at Ravenna and
Misenum; it consisted mainly of triremes and the
light Liburnian¹ biremes which had done good
service at Actium. The construction of rowing
1 These are frequently mentioned throughout the first and
following centuries; in time Liburna came to mean a man-of-war.
See the following passages :-
Tac. Hist. v. 23. In the sea-fight between Civilis and Cerealis
the former had biremes and boats with tackling like Liburnian
vessels.
Tac. Hist. III. 47. Mucianus collected at Byzantium "lectis-
simas Liburnicarum.
Suet. Nero, 34. Agrippina came from Bauli to Baiae in a
liburnica."
80
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY SEA
vessels had not altered much in principle since the
days of the Athenian navy though much larger
ships had been built, such as the sixteen-ranked
ship of Demetrius Poliorcetes and the forty-ranked
of Ptolemy Philopator, which latter could only
venture to sea in smooth water¹. The trireme was
manned, it has been calculated, by 175 men; pen-
teres by 310. The length of a trireme judging from
the remains of the docks at Zea was 149 ft. and the
breadth 14 feet; the tonnage 232. The arrangement
of oars in three tiers was doubtless the same as in
Athenian days. War-ships were not meant to keep
the sea for long and therefore had hardly anything
to carry besides their crew. Even one with ten
banks of oars could not carry more than three
thousand talents2.
The timber used for war-ships was fir, which
was carefully seasoned; the seams were caulked
with tow, etc., and fixed with wax or tar. The
same materials, mixed with paint, protected the
outer planking. Often the hulls were painted with
designs; the pirates had theirs coloured to match
the waves. As regards masts and sails, there seem
to have been a mainmast with a yard that carried
a square sail below, and a triangular sail above.
Besides the mainmast there were sometimes two
1 Guhl and Koner, p. 261.
2 In the time of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (30-8 B.C.) the
Tiber was navigable up to Rome for ten-banked war-ships; we
know also that any merchant-ship carrying more than 3000
talents had to anchor at Ostia and discharge part of her cargo.
Hence 3000 talents was the limit for the weight on board a
war-ship. (Torr, Ancient Ships.)
7.
་
IV]
MERCHANT VESSELS
81
smaller masts, a foremast or bowsprit with a yard
and square sail only, and also a mizen with perhaps
a similar yard and sail. War-ships, however, used
the oar rather than sails, so as to be independent
of the wind. Hence as a recent naval writer has
pointed out, the ancient galley had some features
in common with the modern man-of-war¹.
men.
For merchant-vessels speed was not so essential Merchant-
as cheapness of transit; hence they carried large
sails and only a few oars (about twenty) to bring the
ship's head round, and for use in emergencies. A
merchantman trying to make some headway with
her oars only is compared by Aristotle to an insect
feebly buzzing along on wings too small for its body,
after the manner of cockchafers and bees; whereas
the war-ship under way, rhythmically dipping her
vast mass of oars, was commonly compared to a bird
on its flight. The bulky proportions of a merchant
vessel compared with the slenderness of a war-galley
accounted for the epithet given to it of στρόγγυλος.
The ratio of its length to its breadth was usually
3 or 4 to 1, whereas in the case of war-ships it was 15
to 2. The sails were large, especially on Alexandrian
vessels up to the time of Augustus they were made
of hemp often coloured and painted with devices³;
later Egyptian linen was used as being lighter".
The keels were of pine, but all large merchantmen
:
1 Mahan, Influence of Sea Power upon History, ad init.
2 Arist. de animalium incessu, quoted by Torr.
3 The edges were bound with strips of hide, especially of hyena
and seal, which were thought to keep off lightning.
4 Plin. H. N. XIX. 1. Meriv. IV. p. 390.
S.
6
82
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY SEA
had false keels of oak for protection when they were.
hauled ashore or dragged overland'. Fir or pine was
used for the mast and oars, papyrus, flax or hemp,
occasionally hide, for the ropes.
朵
​Some sort of flag seems to have been used for
signalling, and to distinguish the admiral's ship in
the case of war-vessels. Large and slow merchant
ships had a corbes or basket on the top of the mast
and were hence called corbitae.' As in Aristo-
phanes' days the ship's 'eyes' were painted on her
bows*. War-ships showed a helmet, swift cruisers
the petasus, and ships on a mission of truce the
caduceus. Ships seem to have had names as in
modern times, e.g. the ship in which Ovid sailed to
Tempyra from the Corinthian Gulf was named the
'Minerva'; the Alexandrian vessel in which St Paul
performed part of his journey to Rome had for a
sign Castor and Pollux.' Among other appurte-
- nances of an ancient ship may be mentioned the
sounding lead which was greased in use to bring
up samples of the sea-bottom, the gangway for
getting on board and the poles for pushing off from
shore, also the 'fenders' (àσкóμaтa) for preventing
1 Suetonius says that Gaius ordered the triremes on which he
had sailed the Northern Ocean to be conveyed to Rome by land
for the most part. Suet. Cal. 47.
2 Cf. Tac. Hist. v. 22, "navis praetoria vexillo insignis.”
3 Cf. Plaut. Poen. 3. 1. 4, "homines spissigradissimos, tardiores
quam corbitae sunt in tranquillo mari.
* Arist. Ach. 97.
6 Arist. Ach. 97.
Aesch. Supp. 716.
5 Acts xxvii. 28.
For representations of ancient ships, see
Torr's Ancient Ships, and Baumeister, Art. Seewesen, especially
pp. 1624 and 1634.
IV]
MERCHANT VESSELS
83
the ship's side from getting rubbed against the
landing place. A merchant ship of any size had a
boat, sometimes two or three, towed astern. This
was meant for the safety of the crew in case of ship-
wreck or for communication with the shore; the boat
could be hoisted up in stormy weather as was done
on St Paul's voyage:-" And running under the lee
of a small island called Clauda we were able with
difficulty to secure the boat!" Another reference is
found in a letter of Pliny's describing Lake Vadimon,
on which were floating islands. "You may frequently
see one of the larger islands sailing along with the
lesser joined to it like a ship with its longboat"."
<
The average tonnage of a merchant ship is a
difficult point to determine. Pliny speaks of vessels
carrying 3000 amphorae; the highest figure men-
tioned is 10,000 talents or 250 tons. Huge vessels
were built especially in Alexandria for the transport
of obelisks or of marble in the rough. The Acatus,'
the first Alexandrian ship that entered the roadstead
at Ostia during Augustus' principate, brought an
obelisk which was erected by Gaius in the Circus
Maximus. It carried 1200 passengers besides a
cargo of papyrus, nitrum, pepper, linen and spices.
Another enormous vessel under Gaius brought the
obelisk for the Vatican Circus and four blocks of
stone for the base: the mast was so huge that it
could only be clasped by four men. Claudius used
the hull to form part of the foundation for his new
1 Acts xxvii. 16 R.V.
2 Plin. Epp. VIII. 20; cf. Philostrat. Vit. Apoll. iv. 9.
3 Plin. H. N. xvi. 201, and xxxvi. 2.
6-2
84
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY SEA
harbour at Ostia: towers were built on it at Puteoli,
then it was towed to the required spot and sunk.
Specially important were the large vessels used
for corn transport. These usually voyaged in fleets,
but we have instances of single ships making a
voyage, as that in which St Paul went from Myra in
Lycia to Melita. Probably it had run directly across
the Levant from Alexandria, as was possible if the
wind were westerly¹. While the Etesian winds
were blowing-from July 20th to the end of
August-Alexandrian ships ran to the Syrian coast
and thence tacked along Cilicia and Pamphylia
using the land-breezes and the steady westerly
current along the coast. The slowness of the pro-
cess is shown by an addition in the Syriac version of
the Acts, viz. that fifteen days were spent in beating
along the southern coast of Asia Minor. Of course
the reverse run from Lycia to the Syrian coast was
an easy matter.
Lucian in his dialogue 'The Ship2' describes an
Alexandrian vessel which had tried to run direct to
Myra and had met with foul weather. On the
seventh day of the voyage it was off the westernmost
point of Cyprus, C. Acamas, whence it was blown to
Sidon by westerly gales. On the tenth day from
Sidon it was caught in a storm at the Chelidonian
islands and would have been wrecked but that “the
sailors' gods in pity showed a light," and the Lycian
coast was recognised. Even after this escape its
1 Ramsay, St Paul the Traveller, p. 314 et seq.
2 Lucian, Navig. 1—6.
IV]
CORN-SHIPS
85
course was slow, and not till the seventieth day
after first starting did it reach Athens.
Its arrival, says the story, caused great excite-
ment; for by Lucian's day the port of Athens was
almost deserted. Samippus seizes the opportunity
to go aboard, and comes back to his friends eager to
tell all the wonderful things he has seen.
"What a
big ship she is, a hundred and twenty cubits long,
the shipwright said, and more than a quarter of this
in breadth from deck to bottom there are nine and
twenty cubits. And then how huge the mast is,
and what a great yard-arm and what forestays! To
see the stern curving up gently like a goose's neck,
and the prow stretching out so far, with the image
on both sides of Isis, after whom the ship is named!
Then the decoration, the paintings and the bright-
coloured topsail, the anchors and capstans and
windlasses and the cabins aft-all this seemed to
me simply wonderful. Why, you might compare
the number aboard to an army, and enough corn
was there, I am told, to feed the whole of Attica for
a year!"
The numbers carried on the Egyptian ships do
indeed seem to have been large. Josephus says
that 600 were on board a ship that took prisoners
from Judaea to Rome. The rhetor Aristides writing
in the second century A.D. gives one thousand as the
1 Cf. Epict. Frag. 14. "As you would not choose to sail in a
large and decorated ship ornamented with gold, and be drowned;
so do not choose to dwell in a large and costly house and be
disturbed by cares."
2 Vit. 3.
86
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COMMUNICATION BY SEA
maximum. Philo Judaeus extols the merits of his
fellow countrymen as mariners, "When Agrippa
was about to set out to take possession of his king-
dom, Gaius advised him to avoid the voyage from
Brundisium to Syria, which was long and troublesome,
and rather to take the shorter one by Alexandria
and to wait for the periodical winds: for he said
that the vessels which set forth from that harbour
were fast sailers, and that the pilots were most
experienced men who guided their ships as skilful
drivers drive their horses, keeping them straight in
the right course!" Agrippa took this advice; “going
down to Dicaearchia (i.e. Puteoli) and seeing some
Alexandrian vessels in the harbour looking all ready
and fit to put to sea, he embarked with all his officers,
and had a good voyage, arriving after a few days at
his journey's end." In all probability the Alexandrian
corn-fleet was part of the Imperial service, as ocean-
liners are now subsidized by Government for carrying
the mails. Any delay might have serious conse-
quences for the emperor himself. Suetonius tells
us that during scarcity of bread at Rome, Claudius
was mobbed, and had to get into his palace by a
back-door. We are not surprised to hear that after
this he tried every possible expedient for keeping
up the supplies even in winter. He offered a
fixed amount of profit to the dealers, and under-
took the risk of loss by storm, besides affording
every convenience to the builders of merchant-
vessels 2.
1 Phil. Jud. In Flacc. v.
2 Suet. Claud. 19.
IV]
COASTING-VESSELS
87
For coasting voyages smaller vessels (called ora-
riae) were naturally used. Pliny writes to Trajan¹
that he has safely sailed past C. Malea' to Ephesus,
and intends thence to reach his province of Bithynia
partly ‘orariis navibus,' partly by conveyances, since
the Etesian winds prevented continuous sailing. The
coasting trade must have been very considerable in
the Mediterranean it would be comparatively little
liable to contrary winds, since the land breezes could
be utilized. An instance is to be found in the Acts
of the Apostles: St Paul coasted to Myra in a ship
bound for Adramyttium in Mysia. Again Plutarch
in one of his most amusing essays asks the borrower
of money, "Can you not be a schoolmaster or tutor,
or porter, or sailor, or make coasting voyages'?" In
the Aegean ships are scarcely ever out of sight of
land, and for many places in Greece communication
by sea was far quicker than by road.
Passengers seem to have often travelled by
merchant-ships, especially for long voyages. One of
these conveyed Titus on his hasty journey from
the East to Rhegium and Puteoli. A passage in
Plutarch shows that triremes were sometimes used
by the very rich. But just as people on sea, timid
and prone to sea-sickness, think they will suffer less
1 Plin. Epp. ad Trai. 15 (26).
2 On account of the danger in sailing round C. Malea the
phrase ὑπὲρ Μαλέαν became proverbial.
3 Acts xxvii. 2, 5.
4 Plutarch Against borrowing money. Cf. Phil. Jud. De leg. &c.
§ 33.
5 Suet. Tib. 5.
88
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY SEA
on board a merchantman than on a boat, and for the
same reason shift their quarters to a trireme, but do
not attain anything by these changes, for they take
with them their timidity and qualmishness; so
changes of life do not remove the troubles and
sorrows of the soul." With this may be com-
pared Horace's 'priva triremis' and the 'aerata
triremis, which nevertheless "is not free from
care2."
We read also of vectoriae, apparently for pas-
sengers, not for cargo. In one of these Julius Caesar
crossed the Hellespont after Pharsalia". In the
second century they were more used than in the
first. From about 50 B.C. to 100 A.D. the vessel
specially constructed for passenger traffic was the
phaselus. This seems to have served the purpose of
the modern yacht; Martial' speaks of the "waves
lively yet quiet, carrying the painted gondola with
the aid of the breeze." It was however fit for a
long voyage in fair weather, even, according to
Catullus, from Pontus to Italy. The epithet ‘fra-
gilis' applied to it by Horace shows that it could
not stand a gale.
With regard to life on board in fair weather
there is a curious lack of information; it is the
exceptional rather than the ordinary that has come.
down to us, and we hear far more of storms than of
safe voyages. The plan of St Luke's narrative
1 Plut. On Contentedness of Mind (trans. by Shilleto).
2 Hor. Epp. 1. 1. 93. Od. III. 1. 37.
4 Mart. x. 30.
6 Hor. Od. III. 2. 28.
3 Suet. Iul. 63.
5 Cat. 4.
IV]
HARBOURS
89
precluded needless digressions; Ovid might have told
much about his journey to Tomi, but has omitted
nearly all that could interest anyone but himself.
One or two chance allusions, however, may be worth
quoting. Dio Chrysostom in his third oration says:
"Many in calm weather pass their time in dicing or
in singing or in feasting all day long, but when the
storm overtakes them, they cover their heads and
wait for what is to happen. Others again settle
themselves to sleep, and do not even get up till they
have reached the harbour'." The passengers seem
to have provided their own food, to judge from
Epictetus, who asks, "What do you do when you
leave a ship? Do you take away the helm or the
oars? What then do you take away? You take
what is your own, your bottle and your wallet?." It
may perhaps be possible that in the opening of
Lucian's dialogue 'The Ferryboat' he is parodying
the custom of keeping a passenger list. Clotho
before setting sail for Hades receives from Hermes
and enters on Charon's way-bill the names, nation-
ality and manner of death of the various passengers.
Among the greatest aids to navigation in the Harbours.
first century A.D. was the attention paid by the best
of the emperors to the improvement of harbours
of refuge. A work, which to Vergil and Horace³
was one of the noblest achievements of Roman
engineering, was Agrippa's Portus Iulius. This was
constructed by Octavius' orders to secure a harbour
1 Dio Chrys. Ог. ш. 122 R.
Epict. Diss. 1. 24; cf. Juv. XII. 60.
3 Verg. Georg. II. 160-4. Hor. A. P. 63–65.
}
}
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COMMUNICATION BY SEA
on the west of Italy equal to those at Ravenna
and Brundisium. On the Campanian coast between
Misenum and Puteoli lay the lagoons of Avernus
and Lucrinus: together they made something like
the figure 8, the two loops being connected by a
neck of land a mile wide; the southern or Lucrine
lake was sheltered from the Bay of Baiae only by a
ridge of shingle. Agrippa seems to have united the
lakes by a canal, faced the outer ridge with stone-
work and driven through it a channel to admit
ships. According to Suetonius the possession of
this harbour largely contributed to the victory of
Augustus over Sextus Pompeius'.
In the time of the first Emperor Ostia, the port
of Rome, was a city without a harbour," on account
of the mud brought down by the Tiber. Large
vessels were therefore forced to ride at anchor in the
open roadstead at great risk, while their cargoes were
unloaded into barges and towed up to Rome. Other
vessels were themselves towed up the Tiber after
part of their cargo had been landed. The Dictator
Caesar had planned docks at Ostia, but nothing was
done till Claudius constructed that magnificent
harbour which was one of the most useful of his
public works. In spite of the timidity of his engi-
neers and the enormous expense and labour involved,
a basin was dug about two miles north of Ostia,
communicating with the river by a canal. Two
3
1 Suet. Aug. 16. Strab. 245.
2 Strab. 231, 232.
3 Suet. Cl. 20. Dio Cass. LX. 11. Plin. H. N. ix. § 14, xvi.
202. Juv. XII. 75 (with Mayor's notes).
IV]
HARBOURS
91
moles, right and left, with a breakwater between
them, protected the port. A lighthouse was erected
on the breakwater, modelled on the Pharos of
Alexandria.
Yet even this magnificent structure was inade-
quate for the growing needs of the city. Trajan
added an inner basin or dock, hexagonal in form,
surrounded with quays and extensive ranges of
buildings for magazines. The same emperor, who
'built the world over,' made at Ancona a haven of
which an arch still remains, and his harbour at
Centumcellae furnished a theme for the rhetoric of
the younger Pliny. He describes the breaking of
the force of the waves by the artificial island, which
was being raised with huge stones sunk from pon-
toons and surmounted by large piles: the under-
taking, he adds, will prove of vast benefit by affording
a safe refuge to ships on a long and dangerous coast¹.
The improvements at Ostia caused the decline of
Puteoli, which had been the great harbour of Rome,
especially for the corn-trade. Massilia and Forum Iulii
in the Narbonensis possessed good harbours, and the
same may be inferred for Galles from the importance
of its trade and the habit of its merchants to "live
for the most part at sea?" The harbours of Asia
Minor, Ephesus especially, will be described in an-
other section. Syria was not so fortunate, and Seleucia
the port of Antioch was not fitted for much commerce
in spite of the efforts of the Flavian and succeeding
emperors to construct dock's and piers³.
1 Plin. Epp. vI. 31.
2 Strab. III. 5. 3.
Meriv. VIII. p. 52.
3 Mommsen, Provinces, II. p. 128.
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Most famous of all the harbours of the Empire
was that of Alexandria, which is mentioned by Dio
Chrysostom in his oration to the Alexandrians as one
of the chief glories of their city'. The light on the
Pharos or white marble tower, built by Sostratus of
Cnidus and visible for more than seven geographical
miles out to sea, served as a model for the lights at
Ostia and even on the shore of the Northern Ocean?.
That such protection to sailors was regularly pro-
vided at harbours we gather from a fragment of
Epictetus which compares the services of a bene-
factor of a troubled state to the fire-lights in harbours,
which by a few pieces of wood raise a great flame
and give sufficient direction to the ships which are
wandering on the sea³.
A strong motive for carrying out harbour works
lay in the fact that navigation as a rule was confined
to the summer months, hence accommodation had
to be found for the large number of ships necessarily
employed in this brief time. The familiar instance
may be quoted of the desire felt by the majority on
board St Paul's vessel to reach Phoenice in Crete
because it was 'more commodious to winter in' than
the Fair Havens'. The common practice is described
by Philo in the following passage. "The news was
spread abroad that Gaius was sick while the weather
was still suitable for sailing; for it was the beginning
of autumn, which is the last season during which
1 Dio Chrys. Or. xxxII. 36 R.
2 Strab. p. 792. Suet. Cal. 46.
4 Acts xxvii. 8, 12; cf. the phrase
Geogr. Min. 2. 459.
3 Epict. Frag. 78.
unν параxεiμаσTIKÓS,
IV]
THE SAILING SEASON
93
mariners can safely make voyages, and during which
in consequence they all return from foreign parts to
every quarter to their own native ports and harbours
of refuge, especially all who exercise a prudent care
not to be compelled to pass the winter in a foreign
country¹." So too Gyges in Horace's Ode tried too
late to cross from Epirus to Italy on his way home from
Bithynia and had to wait at Oricus till spring should
open the sea. The custom furnished the same poet
with the fine simile of Rome watching for Augustus
even as a mother for her sailor-boy who is in Egypt
or Syria, waiting for the spring to cross the Carpa-
thian sea. The sailing season which began in spring
(February or March) ended with the setting of the
Pleiades on the 11th of November. The remainder
of the year counted as winter, but the pirates had in
the day of their power "compelled men from fear of
death to rush upon death, while now greed of gain
gave the like impulse."
Some strong motive certainly was needed to
make men face the winter storms in days when
the mariner's compass was unknown. Winter voy-
ages are therefore spoken of as exceptional and
dangerous. Only under the compulsion of religion
would Philo and his companions have sailed in mid-
winter from Alexandria to Italy to deprecate the
erection of a colossus in the Holy of Holies. The
strength of Jewish feeling is seen in his words,
"yet we found a winter of misery awaiting us on
shore far more grievous than any storm at sea³."
1 Phil. Jud. De Leg. II.
2 Plin. II. 17 et seq.
3 Phil. Jud. De Leg. 29.
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COMMUNICATION BY SEA
Storms
and ship-
wrecks.
Flaccus, the enemy of the Jews who, says Philo,
"had filled all the elements with his impieties," set
sail from Alexandria at the beginning of winter, and
by a just doom suffered innumerable hardships
before reaching Italy'. Communication between
Rome and the provinces had to go on to some
extent during the winter, certainly for official pur-
poses; exiles too were then deported, as is seen by
the case of Ovid, who reckoned his misfortunes as
infinitely increased by the hardships of the winter.
In the Tristia he describes his voyage from Cen-
chreae to Samothrace and his fervent hope that his
ship, the 'Minerva,' which he left off Tempyra may
have a safe passage to Tomi. By taking the land
route through the region of the Bistones he escaped
much of the misery of a winter voyage, yet he
laments most piteously over the waves rising moun-
tains high, the wilderness of sea and air, and the
helpless terror even of the captain.
The voyagers of ancient
of ancient times even in the
summer were often liable to storm and shipwreck.
Sudden squalls had at all times to be dreaded,
to say nothing of such local and violent winds
as the circius' off Gallia Narbonnensis, which
on two occasions nearly wrecked the Emperor
Claudius, or the 'Caicias'' which, centuries before,
destroyed the Persian ships off Magnesia, or the
'sciron' which was unknown except at Athens³.
1 Phil. in Flacc. 13.
3 Suet. Claud. 17.
3
2 Ov. Trist. II. 11.
4 Called also Hellespontias, Herod. 7. 188.
5 Strab. XXVIII. 391. Plin. H. N. ш. 117 et seq. says of the
sciron that it was "reliquae Graeciae ignotus." In the same
IV]
STORMS AND SHIPWRECKS
95
St Luke's account of St Paul's voyage¹ to Italy
is the fullest description we have of storm and ship-
wreck in the Mediterranean during the first century.
We read of the slow progress against the wind past
the Lycian coast to Crete, of the tempestuous
Euraquilo which suddenly caught the ship, and of
the various expedients tried to escape destruction.
The longboat was hoisted and the ship was 'frapped'
or undergirt with cables passed beneath the hull.
passage he gives a list of the chief winds in the Mediterranean,
as follows:-
(1) ab oriente aequinoctiali
brumali
""
(2) ab occasu brumali
(3)
aequinoctiali
(4)
solstitiali
**
(5) a septentrionibus.
(6) inter eum (sc. Sept.) et
exortum solstitialem
from S.E. Subsolanus (Apeliotes).
""
"}
N.E. Volturnus (Eurus).
S. Auster.
from S. Africus (Notus-Liba).
W. Favonius.
N. W. Corus-Zephyrus. Ar-
Septentrio.
gestes.
Aquilo. Aparcties. Boreas.
The steadiness of the Etesian winds in late summer was a
great obstacle to ships sailing from the east; in 70 they prevented
the news of Vespasian's successes reaching Vitellius (Meriv. vii.
p. 122). Yet Pliny says that as they blew in the daytime only,
from the third hour, it was possible to progress, though slowly,
by sailing at night.
1 Acts xxvii.
2 These vπоšíμаra ('helps' E.V.) were, in the case of triremes,
fastened horizontally round the vessel to keep the timbers firm
under the constant strain from working the oars and from
ramming. But in the case of a merchant-ship what was wanted
was to keep the hull from being dashed to pieces by the storm;
for this purpose vertical ropes would be required.
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The danger then arose of being driven on the
terrible quicksands of the Syrtis; the great yard
was lowered', and the ship was allowed to drift.
The next day as a desperate remedy the ship was
lightened, and the day after even the tackling was
thrown overboard". The ship drifted helplessly up
and down 'in Adria' till it reached Melita; then after
food had been served out to all on board, the
precious cargo of wheat was thrown over, and at
daybreak an attempt was made to land. No lives
were lost, but the ship was completely wrecked.
Elsewhere we read of men cutting down the mast
and even using outspread clothes for sails¹.
3
Doubtless on St Paul's ship there were many
prayers offered to the Dioscuri, the sailors' gods, and
many gifts vowed to Isis if life were granted.
"Be
mindful of God," says Epictetus, "call Him to be thy
helper and defender as men call upon the Dioscuri
in a storm"." Of such invocations we have an
example in the Greek Anthology; Damis prays to
the "queen of Egypt, goddess of the linen robe," to
save him from the sea, and vows even of his
poverty" to sacrifice to her a deer with gilded
horns. We hear much of the votive pictures hung
up in temples or carried about by shipwrecked
((
1 Farrar, St Paul, Vol. 11. p. 374 (after Smith).
2 Cf. Catullus in Juvenal, who sacrificed for dear life all his
treasures; purple garments, silver plate, a chased dinner service
once the property of Philip of Macedon.
3 Juv. xi. 54—6.
4 Juv. XII, 67. Tac. II. 24.
6 Anth. Pal. 6, 231.
5 Ench. 33.
IV]
PIRACY
97
men¹ to excite compassion. Those who could not
a picture, offered their hair, as did
offer even
Lucillius in Lucian's epigram.
Poseidon and all Ocean deities
Lucillius, 'scaped from shipwreck on the seas,
Doth dedicate to you who bade him live
His hair, for nothing else is left to give?."
Such thank-offerings were well deserved, for
besides the dangers of the sea itself, sailors had
to fear wreckers³ and pirates. The former were to
be found among the fishermen of the Cyclades, and
in the second century wrecking was forbidden by
frequent imperial edicts. Often the unfortunate
victims were sold as slaves. In the Euboean idyll
of Dio Chrysostom the countryman who is taken to
the town is accused by the mob orator of plundering
those wrecked off the dangerous Hollows of Euboea*;
the charge is however disproved by the evidence of
a man who had been wrecked there and received
great kindness*.
With regard to pirates the case seems to have Piracy.
been much the same as with brigands. On the
whole the Mediterranean was secure, if we may
believe Pliny, who speaks of the many thousands
of mariners who take advantage of the unbroken
peace. So too Plutarch in his essay on 'Contented-
1 Hor. Car. 1. 5, A. P. 20, 21. Mart. XII. 57. Pers. I. 88—90,
VI. 32, 33.
2 Anth. Pal. vI. 164, trans. by R. Garnett.
3 Cf. Petron. ch. 114, procurrere piscatores parvulis expeditis
navigiis ad praedam rapiendam.
→ Dio Chrys. Or. vII.
5 Plin. H. N. n. 117.
S.
7
98
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COMMUNICATION BY SEA
ness of mind' reckons as one of the everyday
blessings of life that the sea is secure to mariners.
Strabo too in several passages writes to the same
effect¹.
Yet in distant seas pirates flourished still. Dio
Chrysostom² speaks of ransoming men captured by
pirates in a way that reminds us of the like good
deeds in the days of the Barbary corsairs. Seneca
too quotes as instances of cruelty the flogging and
burning alive by pirates of their captives. The
precautions taken in the Indian Ocean against
piracy have been mentioned above. In the Black
Sea much damage to trade was caused by barbarian
tribes who scoured the sea in vessels called 'camarae,'
constructed with high bulwarks to keep off the
waves in stormy weather, and a convertible arrange-
ment of oars so that they could be paddled in either
direction. Strabo says of these tribes that they
attacked merchant vessels and raided the coast,
often finding help from the Bosporani, who supplied
them with provisions and let them have a market
for their booty. In the winter their boats were
hauled ashore and hidden in the forests; they them-
selves kept in practice for the summer by highway
robbery. Even in more frequented regions we
occasionally hear of pirates; after the Jewish revolt
of 66-70 A.D. a band established themselves in
Joppa and for a while stopped communication
between Syria and Egypt. Nicarchus, who pro-
1 Strab. III. 2, 145, and xI. 2, 12.
3 Sen. De Clem. 1. ch. 4.
6 Strab. XI. 2, 12.
2 Dio Chrys. XIV. 440 R.
• P. 33. 5 Tac. Hist. I. 47.
7 Josephus, B. J. 111. 9, 2.
IV]
SPEED OF SAILING AND ROWING
99
bably lived near the beginning of the second century,
has the following poem in the Greek Anthology¹:
"A starry seer's oracular abodes
One sought, to know if he should sail for Rhodes,
When thus the sage 'I rede thee, let thy ship
Be new, and choose the summer for thy trip;
Safe then thou'lt leave, and safe regain this spot,
If those confounded pirates catch thee not.””
sailing
In spite of all hindrances the average speed of Speed of
an ancient vessel which combined the use of oar and
and sail was quite as great as that of a modern rowing.
vessel till the invention of steam-ships. Pliny gives
the time for a voyage from Ostia to Gades as seven
days, to Tarraco four days, Africa two, Forum Iulii
three. For a merchant ship of Alexandria to reach
Massilia in thirty days was thought quick: from
Messina Alexandria could be reached in six days:
Narbo to Utica took five and Utica to Alexandria
seven³. The average speed was therefore from a
thousand to eighteen hundred stades in twenty-four
hours, or about five nautical miles an hour for an
ordinary, to seven and a half for a fast sailing ship.
That sea travelling was general in the first
century may be gathered, if from nothing else, from
the illustrations and metaphors of rhetors and
philosophers. For example, in twelve of Dio's
orations no fewer than fifteen allusions occur to
1 Trans. by R. Garnett. Tomson's Gk. Anthol. p. 191.
Plin. H. N. xix. 1.
3 So Friedländer.
Cf. Diod. Sic. m. 34, from the Palus Maeotis to Rhodes
took ten days with good winds, to Alexandria another four, thence
up the Nile to Ethiopia ten more.
TerM
100
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COMMUNICATION BY SEA
voyaging¹. Yet the sea is mentioned more often
than not with dread. This doubtless was due not
only to the actual perils thereon encountered, but to
the kind of literary tradition which makes Horace
sing of the estranging Ocean' and marvel at the
courage of the man,
<
"Who in frail bark through surging waters first
With heart undaunted burst,
Nor feared conflicting storms that lashed the seas
Or the sad portent of the Hyades?."
Here he repeats the idea, as old as Hesiod, that
commerce and the mingling of nations are against
nature and a source of evil and would cease with
the return of the golden age. Hence tirades
against sea-travelling and restlessness need not be
taken too seriously, as for instance the familiar
lines :
"Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt,
Strenua nos exercet inertia; navibus atque
Quadrigis petimus bene vivere : Quod petis hic est,
Est Ulubris animus si te non deficit aequus."
The first of these, untrue as it is, served as a
text for many philosophers. "He who thinks those
happy," Plutarch writes, "who are always scouring
the country and pass most of their time in inns and
1 A few of these may be cited :—461 R, 471 R, 623 R, 14 R 11,
41 R II, 49 R 11, 51 R II, 136 R г, 157 R II, etc. etc.
II,
The point
is often the unity of will necessary on board ship as in 157 R II,
and 240 R п, or the skill necessary in a pilot as in 346 R II.
2 Hor. Od. 1. 3 (de Vere's translation).
3 Wickham on Hor. Od. 1. 3. 4 Hor. Epp. 1. 11. 27—30.
J
IV]
DREAD OF THE SEA
101
ferry boats, is like a person who thinks the planets
happier than the fixed stars." And again in the
same essay, where he extols the freedom of the exile
from borrowers and duns, he says, "And a man not
altogether silly or madly in love with crowds might
I think not blame fortune for confining him to an
island, but might even praise her for relieving him
from weariness and anxiety and wanderings in
foreign countries and perils by sea and the uproar
of the forum¹." His melancholy tone, in fact, re-
minds us of the sage who reckoned men at sea
neither among the living nor the dead. We find
nothing, in the classical writers of the Empire,
like the fierce joy of the Viking; their odes were
to the 'mild Favonius' not the wild north-easter.'
Neither were the Romans possessed with the passion
of exploration: the elder Pliny complains that in
former days, despite constant wars and piracy, the
Greeks had eagerly sought the advancement of
knowledge, but that in his day men only sailed to
get gain. This may account perhaps for the strange
fact that they failed to accomplish what was done
by the Danes with far fewer resources, viz. the
discovery of that Vinland, whose existence was soon
forgotten again till the days of Vespucci and
Columbus.
Nowhere perhaps is the restlessness and sadness
of life on the sea felt more keenly than in the Greek
Anthology. Many of these poems bewail the fate
of those who have died at sea, and lost the tomb
1 Plut. On Exile.
102
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COMMUNICATION BY SEA
that might have kept their memory alive. Here
is one by Cicero's friend, Archias of Byzantium :
“Crushed by the waves upon the crag was I,
Who still must hear these waves among the dead,
Breaking and brawling on the promontory,
Sleepless; and sleepless is my weary head.
For me did strangers bury on the coast
Within the hateful hearing of the deep,
Nor death, that lulleth all, can lull my ghost,
One sleepless soul among the souls that sleep¹."
ANDREW LANG.
Callimachus strikes a more passionate note in his
lament:
"Now would to God swift ships had ne'er been made!
Then, Sopolis, we had not mourned thy shade-
Dear son of Diocleides seaward sent!
Now somewhere in deep seas thy corse is tost
Hither and thither-and for whom we lost
We find thy name and empty monument2."
WILLIAM HARDINGE.
With this, for the idea, though not for the grace of
expression, may be compared the wail of Ovid, which
is recalled in a stanza of In Memoriam³:
"Nec letum timeo; genus est miserabile leti
Demite naufragium: mors mihi munus erit.
Est aliquid, fatove suo ferrove cadentem
In solida moriens ponere corpus humo."
2 Ibid. p. 92.
1 Tomson's Gk. Anthol. p. 77.
3 In Memoriam XVIII.
"'Tis well; 'tis something; we may stand
Where he in English earth is laid,
And from his ashes may be made
The violets of his native land."
4 Ov. Trist. I. 2. 51-54.
IV]
RIVER AND LAKE TRAVELLING
103
Sometimes again there is no lament, only a prayer
that others may be more fortunate:
"Whose tomb I am, O mariner, do not thou ask of me,
Only be it thy lot to find a less tempestuous sea¹."
Trans. by ALMA STRETTELL.
Yet again, in a poem, characteristic of the Anthology
in its clinging to the 'pleasant light of the sun,' the
sailor envies the shepherd his life of peace:
"O happy swain, I would that unto me
Who roamed rude ocean, the felicity
Of shepherd's crook and carol had been known
Ere yet I came a corpse by Eurus blown
To these delightful shores where thou, most blest,
Thy snowy flock serenely pasturest2."
R. GARNETT.
lake
But it is time to turn from sea-voyages and River and
their perils to the safe travelling by rivers, canals travelling.
and lakes. Most important among navigable rivers
was of course the Tiber: as early as the foundation
of Rome commerce had gone up and down the
'yellow stream,' and in Livy's fifth book we read
that the produce of Latium was thus conveyed to
the sea.
Much effort was expended from time to
time in keeping the channel free from mud. Under 15 A.D.
Tiberius 'curatores alvei et riparum Tiberis' were
appointed, who dredged the river and repaired the
embankment wall and the sewer mouths. The river
was navigable from Trusiamnum in the territory of
Perusia; probably the inland commerce of the regions
bordering the Adriatic went through Ravenna up to
Pisaurum, then by waggons to Trusiamnum and so
1 Tomson, p. 42.
2 Ibid. p. 97.
104
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY SEA
by barges down the Tiber (Bergier). The produce
of Pliny's Tuscan estate, which was watered by the
Tiber, was conveyed down it to Rome in the winter
and spring the chief article would of course be
wine from the Apennine vineyards¹. Several of the
Tiber tributaries were also navigable, especially the
Nar. Tacitus relates that Piso on being summoned
home for trial after Germanicus' death, crossed the
Dalmatian Sea to Ancona, thence went through
Picenum along the Via Flaminia to Narnia, whence
he sailed down the Nar and the Tiber, landing at
the tomb of the Caesars. Even the Umbrian
stream Clitumnus had its barges, which were carried
down by the strong current without need of oars³.
Of far greater importance however was the traffic
up that river, which Pliny the elder in one of his
flights of rhetoric calls “ rerum in toto orbe nascen-
tium mercator placidissimus." Usually large vessels
unloaded their cargoes into barges, while small ones
were lightened and towed up. Especially impor-
tant were the barges and landing-places for the
marble blocks, of which great quantities were brought
to Rome. At the foot of the Aventine was the old
'Marmoratum' of which remains still exist. These
are a number of huge unsculptured travertine
corbels (8 feet long by 3 feet deep), each pierced
1 Juv. vii. 121, vinum Tiberi devectum.
2 Tac. Ann. III. 9.
4 Plin. H. N. v. 3 § 53.
* Plin. Epp. VIII. 88.
5 The noise of the bargees and the shouts of the steersman
giving the "time to the crew are counted by Martial among the
disagreeables of city life, Mart. Iv. 64.
IV]
RIVER AND LAKE TRAVELLING
105
with a hole to receive the hawsers of the ships
fastened here whilst discharging their cargoes of
marble blocks¹. The extensive buildings in the
Campus Martius under Augustus made a new
marble wharf necessary, if a troublesome journey
through the streets from the Aventine was to be
avoided. The new one, of which the remains have
been recently discovered, was about 175 yards above
the Pons Aelius, now the Bridge of St Angelo, and
dates probably from the time of Augustus.
In this connexion may be mentioned also the
vast store-houses for foreign imports of all descrip-
tions which stretched for a mile along the Tiber
bank mingled with bakers' shops and corn-mills.
The chief was the Horrea Galbea et Aniciana at
the foot of the Aventine near the landing quay of
the Tiber. It consisted of a series of open courts
surrounded by chambers two floors high for storage
purposes. In the same region of the city five other
store-houses are known to have existed; while in
312 A.D. the total number for Rome is given as 290.
Professor Lanciani during recent explorations in the
Horrea Galbea found in the various store-chambers
a motley collection of articles, including lentils, sand
for sawing marble, amphorae, and a mass of elephants'
tusks'. The granaries covered a large area, as is
shown by the vast amount imported every year-
144 million bushels even under Augustus, when the
city population was under two millions. The scholiast
on Lucan I. 319 says that in his time 80,000 modii
1 Middleton, 1. p. 148.
I.
2 Lanc. Anc. Rome, p. 250.
106
[CH.
COMMUNICATION BY SEA
were daily consumed in Rome: Septimus Severus
kept enough to last seven years.
Perhaps the most striking proof of the vastness
of the Tiber traffic is the so-called Monte Testaccio.
This is composed of fragments of pottery, mainly
from amphorae in which goods of all kinds were
brought to Rome. According to Lanciani a space
was reserved for the bits of broken amphorae and
the accumulations of centuries have resulted in
a hill 160 feet high, covering an area of 16 acres.
With regard to the other rivers of the Empire
we have no such details as for the Tiber, but there
is no doubt that they were extensively used for
communication. The route from Ravenna to Altinum
has been mentioned already; no doubt there was
barge and boat traffic on the river itself as well as
on the lagoons near its mouth. Especially in Gaul
was river communication frequent; even before the
conquest "the tolls of the river and maritime
ports played a great part in the budget of certain
cantons¹." It was quite possible to traverse Gaul
from north to south by the rivers with the exception
of some few miles between the Sequana (Seine) and
the Arar (Saône). In Egypt up to the First
Cataract the Nile was the easiest route and was
the scene of busy traffic. From scarcity of wood,
other materials for boats had been adopted. Often
they were made of reed, papyrus or rush, a custom
as old as the Book of Job, where the 'swift ships'
1 Mommsen, Vol. iv. p. 220.
2 Strab. IV. 1. 14.
IV]
RIVER AND LAKE TRAVELLING
107
are literally ships of reed'.' Several allusions also
occur to earthenware boats, the brightly coloured
phaseli mentioned by Vergil and Juvenal'. Strabo³
during his visit to Egypt was surprised at the slow-
ness of these makeshifts. The modern reader is
likely to be surprised rather at the marvellous
variety in the means of communication over the
vast area which formed the Empire.
canals and
Closely connected with river traffic is that Traffic on
carried on by canals and lakes. The age saw many lakes.
great projects and some great performances in the
way of canals. Julius Caesar and afterwards Gaius
planned the piercing of the Isthmus of Corinth*,
but the attempt came to nothing. Another unsuc-
cessful venture was Nero's projected canal from
Lake Avernus to the mouth of the Tiber, which
would have required immense outlay and labour
for inadequate results. Among more useful enter-
prises may be reckoned the Fossa Drusiana, con-
necting the Rhine with the Zuyder Zee (then Lake
Flevo). This was constructed by the elder Drusus
in 12 B.C. Equally useful for military purposes was
Corbulo's canal between the Meuse and the Rhine.
A third plan, which would have been of great
commercial benefit, was quashed through jealousy
of its author. L. Vetus, one of the legati of
Germany, proposed in 59 A.D. to connect the
1 Job ix. 26. Cf. Juv. v. 89. Plin. H. N. VII. § 206. Lucan,
Phars. Iv. 136.
2 Verg. Georg. Iv. 287-9. Juv. xv. 126.
3 Strab. p. 788.
5 Tac. Ann. xv. 43.
4 Suet. Iul. 44; Cal 21.
108
[CH.
RIVER AND LAKE TRAVELLING
Moselle and the Saône (Arar) so that communication
between the Mediterranean and the North Sea
might be entirely by water, viz. along the Rhone,
the Saône, Moselle and Rhine. The neighbouring
legatus of Belgica condemned the plan as contrary
to imperial policy¹. A canal much used was that
connecting Canopus" with Alexandria, which was
covered with boats containing the idlest and most
vicious pleasure-seekers of the Empire. The con-
course passed into a proverb, as we see from Seneca,
who writes: The wise man, or he who aims at
becoming so, must avoid certain abodes as unfavour-
able to virtuous practice. Therefore if he be looking
about for a quiet retreat, he will not choose Canopus³."
This canal was only one of a network which covered
a large part of Egypt for irrigation as well as for
transit purposes.
With regard to communication by lakes we have
few details, except for the Sea of Galilee, which as
is shown in the Gospels was the usual way of con-
nexion between Galilee and Decapolis. We may
be sure that, wherever possible, lakes were utilized.
An instance may be quoted from Pliny's letter to
Trajan describing a lake of considerable size near
Nicomedia, on which marble, corn, logs, etc. were
easily conveyed. Pliny suggests the continuation
of this water-traffic to the sea by making a
canal.
The merchants of the Empire had discovered
the comparative cheapness of water-traffic, and the
1 Tac. Ann. XIII. 53.
2 Strab. 800, 801.
3 Sen. Ep. 51 § 3. Mayor, Vol. I. p. 98.
IV]
RIVER AND LAKE TRAVELLING
›
109
State and private individuals were not behindhand.
Beyond doubt the transporting of soldiers was
carried on as far as possible by water, and sea-
voyages were for most men less fatiguing than
land-journeys¹. During the short season of navi-
gation the Mediterranean was crowded to such
an extent that Juvenal can bid his readers 'look
at the harbours and the sea covered with ships;
more men are now afloat than ashore". Prof. Mayor
in commenting on this passage points out that what
is now done by letter or cable had then to be done
by personal visits. The merchant of the first
century well deserved to be called by Horace
'unwearied'; there were doubtless not a few who
could, like Flavius Zeuxis, have it recorded on
their tomb that they had sailed seventy-two times
round Malea into Italy³.
1 Cf. Tac. Hist. i. 33.
2 Juv. xv. 275.
3 C. I. G. 3920.
Φλάουτος Ξεύξις ἐργαστὴς πλεύσας ὑπὲρ Μαλέαν
εἰς Ἰταλίαν πλίας ἑβδομήκοντα δύο.
1
H
CHAPTER V.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR.
THE foregoing sketch, inadequate as it is, shows
first, that the provinces and Rome were during the
first century in constant communication, secondly,
that travellers enjoyed greater security than ever
before and greater than in many centuries after, and
thirdly, that no satisfactory account of the system
of communication in a country can be given without
a full knowledge of its geography, history, and social
conditions. Such knowledge, is for the first century,
imperfect indeed, though a mass of literature has
come down to us. Mommsen¹ is indignant at the
'telling of what deserved to be suppressed, and the
suppression of what there was need to tell.' Still
one generation can never look at itself with the eyes
of another; unless for the benefit of posterity it
seems hardly worth while to write what everybody
knows. Hence there are woeful gaps in our know-
ledge, which however, it is to be hoped, may be filled
up partly by fresh epigraphic evidence.
1 Provinces of the Roman Empire, Introd. Vol. 1.

41
St. Paul's routes......
40
39
37
36
26
27
28
20
30
31
32
33
35
36
37
E
X
ASIA MINOR
to show the
CHIEF ROADS IN THE 1ST. CENTURY A. D.
and the ROUTES of ST. PAUL
Roads of the Roman period
S
U
NT
N
42
U
0
P
Cyzicus
PROVINCIA
ollion M--YS
MT OLYMPUS
roas
MT JOA
P. Rhynodus
Adramýttium
BITHYN LA
ET
PONTUS
S
Halys
Amisusa
+1
Neocaesarea
Amasia
POLEMON
REGN
GNUM
LESBOS
CHIOS
Pergamuso
SAMOS
27
To face p. 11I
Nicomedia
PROPONTIS
PROVIN
Smyrna
AS I
Hermus
R.Cayster
Ephesus
Eastern
Nacoleg
Eukhaita
40
Sebastea
(Later)
R. Sangarius
Dorylacun
Germa
Pil rims Road Ancyra
RHal
om Constantinople to NCIA
Caesareao
uphrates
Halys
CAPPADOCIA
MT.ARGAEUS
Ariarathia
Amorium
A SI A
Tyriacum
е I
A
Prymnessuso
Sardis
Synnada
Pl
Antioch
Homeliumi
Apameao mnae
ad Lycum
Colossae
Seleucia
P
RS
Cremya
Olbasa
Trade Hote
R.Maeander Laodicea
Miletus ARIA
RHODES
3
TAT
stern Trade Route from Bures
Laodicea
Combusta
PHRYGIA GALATI olconium
Parlaiso
LystraoLYCAONIA GALATICA
Caralis
SIS LDI A
PRO
Attaliao
PROVINCIA LYCIA
VINCIA
SAURICA
PAMPHYLIA
Derbe
R.Calycadnus
R
R
Tyana
Cician
Gates
OVINCIA
Tarsuso
Scale of o
20 40
60
80 Statute Miles
28
29
30
31
32
33
35
S
Nsarus
B
TIO
CLLICIA
C
H I
ET SYRIA ET PHOENICE
Seleucia
36
37
CAMB. UNIV. PRESS
39
37
36
:


نيا
CH. V] PHYSICAL FEATURES OF ASIA MINOR
111
It remains to fill up this outline of the system Asia
of communication in the case of Asia Minor. More Minor.
Physical
than in many countries this was determined by features,
physical conditions. The region west of the Tigris
to the Levant consists for the most part of a plateau
whose mean elevation varies from 3500 to 4000 feet
above sea-level, stretching for about 200 miles with
an average breadth of 140 miles. Bordering this pla-
teau south and north are two broken mountain ranges
which branch out from the Armenian uplands. The
southern, or Taurus, range begins near the Euphrates
and continues in a general westerly direction
to the Aegean, sending out spurs to the north
and south at various points. The average height
ranges from 7000 to 10,000 or even 13,000 feet:
in character the chain is rugged and intersected by
many chasms and ravines. There are but few passes
and those snow-covered till May or June. The Anti-
Taurus range runs in two or three parallel chains
close to the Euxine as far as the Bosporus. Thence
it throws off southern spurs, the chief being Mt Ida
and the Mysian Olympus. Several branches also
run into the interior: the highest peak in these and
in the whole peninsula is Mount Argaeus (Ergish
dagh), over 13,000 feet in height. On the north
the mountains are at a very short distance from
the sea; on the south there is a coast plain rising
abruptly to the central plateau; on the west are a
number of river valleys (Caicus, Hermus, Maeander),
separated by spurs of the Taurus which jut out into
the Aegean.
The rivers on the south are short and rapid,
112
[CH.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR
liable to floods in winter, while in the summer their
volume is much diminished. The largest rivers of
the peninsula are the Halys and Sangarius, flowing
into the Euxine. A remarkable feature of the
plateau is the number of fresh and salt water lakes,
the chief being Lake Tatta, some sixty miles north
of Konia (Iconium). Of the fresh water lakes the
largest is the Egerdir (the ancient Limnae) in the
Pisidian mountains. The region round Lake Tatta
is practically desert, as the rainfall is small and un-
certain. The climate of the plateau generally is
sultry in summer and cold in winter, snow lying
deep on the ground for four months. The western
and southern coasts present a great contrast with
their warm but not oppressive summers and their
cooling sea-breezes¹.
The soil of the peninsula is naturally very rich:
in the valleys, even after centuries of neglect, fruits
of all kinds and cereals are grown in abundance; the
soil needs only to be scratched to be productive.
The Taurus slopes are in many places clothed with
pines and firs, and the upland districts, especially
towards the Euphrates, afford good pasturage. In
imperial times, when the land was carefully culti-
vated, Asia Minor was one of the richest countries.
of the world. There were many sources of wealth
besides agriculture; the great cities on the Aegean
coast were important manufacturing centres; produc-
tive marble quarries were to be found at Dorylaeum
and purple fisheries off Miletus.
1 The Pamphylian plain however had a bad climate, malaria
being frequent, as is the case to-day.
v]
CIVILISATION OF ASIA MINOR
113
This sketch of the natural features of the country
gives some clue to the general character of its system
of communication. Given a country with two roughly
parallel mountain ranges running east and west and
a desert in the centre of the enclosed plateau, it is
clear that traffic must necessarily set east and west
either north or south of this desert. The position
of Asia Minor relatively to surrounding countries
shows further that it must always have served to
connect the East with the West. To quote Prof.
Ramsay, "Planted like a bridge between Asia and
Europe, the peninsula of Asia Minor has been from
the beginning of history a battlefield between the
East and the West. Across this bridge the religion,
art and civilization of the East found their way into.
Greece; and the civilization of Greece under the
guidance of Alexander the Macedonian passed back
again across the same bridge to conquer the East
and revolutionize Asia as far as the heart of India.
Persians, Arabs, Mongols, Turks, have all followed
the same route in the many attempts that Asia has
made to subdue the West¹."
tion.
This conflict between the Oriental and European Civilisa-
spirit accounts for the fact that in the first century
A.D. the inhabitants of Asia Minor varied widely in
race and civilization. Greek influence, which had
begun on the north and west coasts in the early days
of colonization, had been extended to the interior
under Alexander and the successors, and later under
the kings of Pergamus. A fresh element had been
1 Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, p. 23 (referred to henceforth as
H. G. A. M.).
S.
8
114
[CH.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR
introduced by the Gallic invasions of the third
century B.C. and the settlement in the district
henceforward known as Gallograecia or Galatia. The
Romans appeared in Asia Minor as the extenders of
Hellenism the urban foundations of the Seleucids.
and Attalids increased in population and wealth till
men could speak of "the province of the five hundred
towns." In spite of the disasters suffered in the
third Mithradatic war, there was, during the first
century of our era, a high degree of prosperity.
Here as elsewhere the imperial rule was for the
provincials an unmixed benefit. The remains of
aqueducts, theatres and temples show to this day
the diffusion of wealth throughout the country; as
an instance may be cited the ruins of the Lycian
town of Cragus-Sidyma, of which Mommsen says,
"In the whole Vilayet Aidin there is at the present
day no inland place which can be even remotely
placed by the side of this little mountain-town, such
as it was then as regards civilised existence"."
2
In the urban life three features are especially
noticeable: the petty rivalries of the cities, which
are severely ridiculed by Dio of Prusa as "Greek
follies"; the splendour and frequency of the spectacles,
athletic and musical contests, and festivals of all
descriptions; and lastly the high development of the
system of Koivά answering to the provincial councils of
the West. The Asiarchs, Bithyniarchs, and so forth,
were high priests of the temple where the emperor
was worshipped, and conducted the festivals in his
1 Mommsen, Provinces of the Roman Empire, vol. 1. p. 356.
2 Dio Chrys. XXVII. 528 R.
v]
GOVERNMENT OF ASIA MINOR
115
honour. Their position was much sought after on
account of its outward magnificence, and they seem
to have formed something like a nobility of office.
ment.
With regard to political relations with Rome, Govern-
the geographical area now known as Asia Minor was
in the first century divided into a number of pro-
vinces, partly imperial, partly senatorial. To the
former class, under proconsuls elected by lot for one
year, belonged first, Asia in the official sense,
including the old districts of Mysia, Lydia, and
Caria, bequeathed to the Roman people by Attalus
III, the last king of Pergamus.
Next came
2
Bithynia-Pontus, gained partly by bequest from
Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, partly by conquest
from Mithradates Eupator. Third came Cyprus.
and Cyrene, each bequeathed by its last ruler to the
people of Rome, and lastly Crete, occupied by
Metellus as a base against the pirates. Under
direct imperial administration were various terri-
tories, mostly acquired during the first century.
1 The boundaries of Asia are thus given by Prof. Ramsay
(H. G. d. M. p. 171). Beginning with the north the line ran
up the Rhyndacus, beyond Hadriani, then east, keeping north of
Dorylaion, then south, keeping east of Accylaion, Trocnades,
Orcistos, and Philomelion; south of Hadrianopolis, N.W. along
the Sultan Dagh, not including Neapolis and Antioch, then S.W.
along a ridge to the valley of Dombai, then south, the boundary
being marked between Apollonia and Apameia by a stone still
preserved; then S.W. through L. Ascania, between Lysinia and
Tymbrianassos, and between Olbasa and the Ormeleis; south
along the upper waters of the Lysis, W. through L. Caralitis and
along the Indos to the sea. (See also the maps in H. G. A. M.
and in Cities and Bishoprics.)
2 These were always reckoned with Asia Minor.
8-2
116
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR [CH.
Road-
system.
The largest was the province of Galatia, which
varied much in extent at different epochs. Towards
the middle of the first century A.D., the time of
St Paul's journeys, it comprised the following
districts :—Galatia proper, bequeathed by king
Amyntas in 25 B.C., Pisidia, Lycaonia, Paphlagonia,
Pontus Galaticus, and small districts of Phrygia and
Isauria'. The kingdom of Cappadocia was added to
the Empire in 17 A.D. and the Lycian city confedera-
tion in 43 A.D. Under Nero in 63 A.D. the
north-eastern frontier was extended from the valley
of the Iris to Armenia, while under Vespasian were
annexed Lesser Armenia and some smaller districts
in Cilicia.
The Romans did not originate the road-system
any more than the city life of Asia Minor: both
have a long history, the beginning of which is lost
in the mists of the past. In the pre-Persian epoch
it seems that a road from the Euphrates led north
of the salt lake region through Pteria to Sardis and
Ephesus; Pteria was connected too with Sinope
on the Euxine. This road is difficult and circuitous,
and owed its origin in all probability to the fact that
Pteria was the metropolis of a great empire. The
Persians adopted the same route under the name
of the Royal Road described by Herodotus. In
course of time when the greatness of Pteria had been
utterly forgotten, intercourse naturally followed the
easier route, viz., that to the south of the great
desert. Hence between 300 and 100 B.C. the great
1 H. G. A. M. p. 254.
v]
THE GREAT TRADE ROUTE
117
use, the result "of the
trade route came into use, the
gradual penetration of commerce and intercourse,
pushing on the one hand west from the Cilician
Gates, and on the other hand east from the
Maeander and Lycus valleys¹."
trade
The Romans naturally adopted the route that The great
had been worked out under the Greek kings and route.
made it the backbone of their system. As in other
provinces, their object was quick communication
with Rome, hence the chief highway terminated
at Ephesus, whence Rome could be reached either
by sea or by land and sea combined. Ephesus, as the
de facto capital' of Asia and the residence of the
proconsul, was the chief city of the whole peninsula.
It had extensive docks and a fine harbour, Panormus.
The engineer employed by Attalus Philadelphus had
built a mole which kept in the mud brought down
by the Cayster, ultimately ruining the harbour; but
as yet the commercial supremacy of the city
remained unshaken. Important manufactures had
their seat at Ephesus, e.g. the silver shrines made by
Demetrius and his fellows for the worshippers of the
Ephesian Artemis. Religion indeed as well as
commerce attracted crowds to the city; the great
temple of the Nature-goddess, identified with the
Greek Artemis, was celebrated throughout the
world. On its completion, according to the legend,
Mithradates had granted a right of asylum extending
round it as far as a bowshot; by a miracle the
arrow flew a furlong's distance. Naturally criminals
1 H. G. A. M. p. 38.
2 Pergamus was the official capital of the province of Asia.
118
[CH.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR
and scoundrels of all descriptions flocked to the
neighbourhood of the temple, till Tiberius in the inte-
rests of public order restricted the bounds. On Mt
Solmissus, where there were many other temples,
a panegyric festival was held annually at which the
mystic rites of the Curetes were celebrated¹. In
fact the Ephesians passed their life amid the frantic
worship of the mother of the gods, varied by the
celebration of Panionic, Ephesian, or Artemisian
Games².
The great road from Ephesus to the East is
given in the Peutinger Table in only a fragmentary
form; its existence is proved by Strabo, who speaks
of a road from Ephesus to Antioch and the Maeander.
The first great town it passed was Magnesia, south-
east of Ephesus; to the east of this was Tralles,
celebrated in Strabo's time for its wealth and for the
number of its citizens who attained the dignity of
Asiarch³. The next important place was Antioch
ad Maeandrum, where the road crossed the river by
a bridge, probably constructed by M'. Aquillius in
129 B.C. when he laid out the roads of the province
of Asia. It consisted of six arches and is often
represented on coins of Antioch. Keeping still due
east the road passed through Carura, noted for its
number of inns used by visitors to the hot baths, and
then reached Laodicea, which is situated on a small
plateau raised above the lowlands along the Lycus.
1 Strab. XIV. 1.
2 The luxury of Ephesus is probably depicted in the 18th
chapter of the Apocalypse, especially vv. 11—17.
3 Strab. 648.
4 Ibid. 630.
v]
THE GREAT TRADE ROUTE
119
This river-valley is the easiest approach from the
coast region to the great central plateau, and during
the Greek and Roman periods it was the main
artery of communication¹. The city, named after
his wife Laodice, had been founded by Antiochus II.
(261—246 B.C.) to strengthen his hold on the district
by means of Macedonian colonists. In Strabo's time
its prosperity had greatly increased; the territory
afforded pasturage for the glossy black sheep whose
wool was woven into fine cloth, carpets and gar-
ments. The latter are referred to in the letter
to the Church of Laodicea:-"I counsel thee to
buy of me (not the glossy black garments of
Laodicea, but) white garments that thou mayest
clothe thyself?"
From the Syrian gate of Laodicea the road passed
along the glen of the Upper Lycus to Colossae, which
was built originally on the southern bank, though it
had extended to the northern also. Commercially
it had been ruined by the foundation of Laodicea,
only ten miles away. Strabo calls it a small town,
though in the fifth century B.C. it had been "a
populous city, prosperous and great." Its dark
purple wool was almost as much valued as that
of Laodicea, but the town would now scarcely be
remembered but for the connexion with St Paul.
After leaving Colossae the road ascended steadily,
yet gently, to the plateau, passed the Bitter Salt
Lake (Anava) and turned north-east till it reached
Apamea. This, like Laodicea, was a Seleucid foun-
1 Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics, p. 5.
2 Rev. iii. 18; Cities and Bishoprics, p. 42.
120
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR [CH.
dation, built by Antiochus Soter, and peopled with
the inhabitants of the ancient city of Celaenae hard
by. It was according to Strabo the busiest place
in the province of Asia after Ephesus, being an
entrepôt for those coming from Greece and Italy.
KAT
Leaving Apamea the eastern highway bore past
Metropolis, Euphorbium, and Julia to Philomelium,
and then turned south-east to Laodicea (KатакE-
kavμévη), so called to distinguish it from Laodicea
ad Lycum. Now keeping due east it traversed the
bare plateau of Lycaonia, past Savatra and Coro-
passus, and then through Cappadocia, past Archelais
to Caesarea Mazaca. This town under its old name
of Mazaca had been the capital of Cappadocia : it
received its name of Caesarea on the annexation of
the country under Tiberius. Near it was Mt Argaeus,
the highest mountain of the peninsula, the top of
which was always covered with snow. Strabo notes
that in a clear sky a view can be gained from it to
the Euxine on the north and the Sinus Issicus to
the south, but that very few have been on the
summit. He adds further that the city of Mazaca
had been purposely left unwalled lest the inhabitants
should take to brigandage. Thence the route kept
due east, passing various important military stations,
til it reached Melitene, the head-quarters of the
frontier defence system and the standing camp of
the Legio XII Fulminata. From Melitene a caravan
route crossed the Euphrates near Domisa to Armenia.
For the sake of clearness no branches of this
great trade great road have yet been mentioned, but every
route. place of any importance along its course was a
Branches
of the
v] BRANCHES OF THE GREAT TRADE ROUTE 121
:
knot' where various side routes came in. First
of all, from Ephesus, the starting point, a road ran
on the left bank of the Cayster for about twenty-
five miles, then crossed, and continued in a general
north-easterly direction over Mt. Tmolus to Sardis.
Another crossed the Cayster close to Ephesus, went
north-east to Dios Hieron, then north-north-west to
Smyrna. Hence was
a twofold connexion with
Sardis the direct one through Nymphaeum and
Sosandra, the circuitous one following the Hermus
past Magnesia. From this second route branched
the coast road through Cyme, Myrina, Elaea to
Adramyttium, whence two roads led to Cyzicus on
the Propontis. The direct one was north-east along
the line of the river Aesepus, the other followed
round the coast through Assos, Troas, Abydos and
Lampsacus till it reached Cyzicus. Pergamus, the
official capital of the province, was connected with
the western coast at Elaea, at Atarneus and Adra-
myttium, with the Propontis at Cyzicus, and with
Sardis through Germe, Nacrasa and Thyatira. From
the last-named city a north road ran through
Hadrianoutherae, joining the route from Pergamus
and Cyzicus.
The first great knot after leaving Ephesus was
Laodicea ad Lycum. Here met the road from the
Pamphylian port of Attalia, that from Sardis through
Philadelphia and Hierapolis, and from Phrygia
through Brouzos, Eumenia, Peltae and Lounda.
From Apamea a road ran east to the Pisidian
Antioch and another north-east to Synnada, Docimium
and Amorium. Commercially this route was most
122
[CH.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR
important for by it came the marble quarried two
or three miles from Docimium. The fact that this
marble was known as Synnadic leads to the sup-
position that at Synnada was situated "the chief
office of administration, to which orders for the
marble were sent¹." North Phrygia was connected
with Apamea through Dorylaeum, Nacolea, Hiera-
polis and Eucarpia.
For the mountainous region south of Apamea
the centre of communication was Antioch, called
Pisidian to distinguish it from the more famous
Syrian Antioch on the Orontes. Under the Re-
public the Roman power had never been secure on
the Pamphylian coast or in the Pisidian mountains.
The subjugation of the robber tribes was entrusted
by M. Antonius to the Galatian officer Amyntas,
who soon became King of Galatia and extended his
power over Lycaonia, Pisidia, Isauria, Pamphylia
and western Cilicia. Up to his death in B.C. 25 he
did much to extirpate brigands and suppress piracy.
Later on we find that Antipater, the ruler of Derbe
and Laranda, drove the Pisidians out of southern
Phrygia, but was killed in an expedition against
the Homonadenses. This untoward event compelled
Augustus to take action. Pamphylia was placed
under a governor of its own; western Cilicia was
placed under Cappadocia, with the understanding
that the prince of the latter district should help
1 H. G. A. M. p. 54.
2 Its full description at the time of St Paul's visits would have
been, "a Phrygian city on the side of Pisidia."
3 Mommsen, Provinces, 1. ch. 8.
v]
ROADS BRANCHING FROM ANTIOCH
123
to pacify it; the remainder of Amyntas' dominions
formed the new province of Galatia.
The policy of coercion was vigorously carried
out on the usual Roman lines. About B.C. 6 a
number of roads were made connecting the colonies.
of Antioch, Olbasa, Comana, Cremna, Parlais and
Lystra¹. The distances were probably counted from
Autioch, as the number of miles stated on a mile-
stone found on the site of Comana exactly corre-
sponds with that given in the Peutinger Table
between Antioch and Comana vid Apollonia. The
importance of Antioch continued for nearly three-
quarters of a century till the mountaineers were
incorporated in the Empire. Scattered notices in
Tacitus show that this was no easy task. We read
that the Syrian army had once to be called in to
chastise the Homonadenses; that their territory was
invaded and laid waste by P. Sulpicius Quirinus²,
who distributed the old inhabitants among the sur-
rounding townships. In this connexion may be
mentioned also the Clitae of western Cilicia, who
when placed under Archelaus refused to submit to
census and tribute, and held out against his forces
on the heights of Mount Taurus. More than four
thousand troops from Syria were needed to reduce
them by sword and famine. Undaunted, they re-
peated the same tactics in A.D. 53, making raids on
the coast cities or committing piracy on trading
vessels. Once more a Syrian force was sent, com-
posed however of cavalry, who from the nature of the
1 C. I. L. III. Supp. 6974, Rushforth, pp. 22—4.
2 Tac. Ann. III. 48.
3 Tac. Ann. vI. 44.
=
i
124
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR [CH.
ground were unable to act. The commander was
reduced to employ bribes and treachery to bring
them to submission¹.
These roads branching from Antioch are especially
noteworthy as exceptions to the general rule that
communication in Asia Minor was for trading pur-
poses.
Returning to the eastern highway, the next knot
was Laodicea Combusta (kaтakekaνµévŋ), whence
roads ran south to Iconium and north-west to
Dorylaeum. Iconium was a centre for the roads
of Lycaonia and Cilicia. It was connected with
Tarsus by a road over the Taurus through the pass
of the Cilician Gates, then so narrow that a loaded
camel could only just pass between the rocky walls.
From a military point of view this pass has always
been the most important in Asia Minor. At the
northern entrance was the town of Tyana, which
had direct communication with Iconium, as had
also Lystra and Isauria. Further, from the port
of Seleucia on the Calycadnus a road ran from
Selinus to Rossus. Besides the Gates other passes
led over Anti-Taurus, direct from Lycaonia to the
Cilician coast, the most used being that leading vid
Andrasus to Celenderis.
For Cappadocia the road-knots were Archelais
and Caesarea. At Archelais four roads met the
eastern highway :-from Tyana through Nazianzus
and so ultimately from Tarsus; from Tavium in
North Galatia through Mocissus; from Ancyra
through Parnassus on the Halys, and lastly from
1 Tac. Ann. XII. 55.
2 H. G. A. M. p. 58.
V] OTHER BRANCHES OF GREAT TRADE ROUTE 125
the old Galatian capital Pessinus. Caesarea was
an even more important centre, for to it converged
the roads over Anti-Taurus either from Cocussus
and Comana¹, a road frequented at the present
time, or from Arabissus and Ptanadaris, still of
some importance and practicable for wheeled traffic".
Sebastia to the north-east and Tavium to the north-
west also had direct connexion with Caesarea.
Melitene, the last knot, had a military import-
ance similar to, though far greater than, that of
the Pisidian Antioch. It was the centre of the
roads guarding the frontier of the Empire towards
the Euphrates. A road which roughly followed
the course of the great river ran from Satala, the
station of Legio XV Apollinaris through Arauraca
and Dascusa to Melitene and thence to Samosata (the
modern Samsat) in the province of Syria. Melitene
was connected with the passes over Taurus by a road
to Arabissus and Cocussus. From the last named
a road ran through Comana to Sebastia and thence
along the Halys to Nicopolis and Satala. This set of
roads formed roughly an ellipse, the chief points on
the circumference being Satala, Melitene, Arabissus
and Sebastia; the two latter were connected by
cross roads with Melitene, and from Germanicea
due south of Arabissus two roads diverged to the
Euphrates at Samosata and Zeugma, whence lay the
caravan routes to Edessa.
This great route and its branches furnished the
means of communication for Asia, southern Galatia,
1 The emporium for the Armenian trade. Strab. XII. 3, § 35.
2 Ibid. p. 271.
126
[CH.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR
Northern
road.
Lycaonia, Cilicia and Cappadocia. There remains
to be described the road-system of the north in
Bithynia, northern Galatia, Pontus, and its con-
nexion with the main route from Ephesus.
The backbone of this northern system is a road
running eastwards corresponding to the eastern
highway. It started from Nicomedia, the northern
Ephesus, as it were, and was united with the
southern route by branches from Dorylaeum and
Ancyra. Dorylaeum was the meeting point of the
Phrygian roads, being connected with Apamea and
Philadelphia to the south. Ancyra was the centre
of the north Galatian system; it was linked with the
eastern highway by a road to Parnassus forking to
Archelais and to Mazaca; with Amasia and Amisus
by Gangra and Euchaeta; lastly Amasia was con-
nected with Comana Pontica and with Sebastia.
The above-mentioned road from Nicomedia
through Nicaea, Dorylaeum, Ancyra, Archelais, Tyana,
to Tarsus became one of the most important in Asia
Minor when Constantinople was the capital of the
Empire and all roads no longer led to Rome.' It
was then used by pilgrims to the Holy Land, and
was therefore constantly described. Even now
considerable trade passes along it.
Before leaving the subject of the road-system
of Asia Minor it may be well, even at the risk of
repetition, to summarize its leading features. In the
first place, the roads were trade routes with the ex-
ception of those radiating from Antioch and Melitene.
Hence they were not made with such elaborate care
as in other parts of the Empire, Italy especially.
v]
COMPLETENESS OF COMMUNICATION
127
Secondly, they preferred ease to straightness and
were adapted when possible to the line of rivers and
mountains. Thirdly, the main routes ran west and
east, the skeleton of the system being as follows:-
a highway from Ephesus to Melitene, sending out
branches northwards to a roughly parallel road (Nico-
media to Satala) and southwards to the coast.
Lastly, the road-system was very complete, as is
obvious from the large number of cities existing
in the country in the first century A.D.
The truth of this last statement is more clearly
realized by comparing the communications of Asia
Minor at the present time and nineteen hundred
years ago. The unanimous evidence of travellers is
that the country is infinitely worse off now than it
was then. A passage from Prof. Ramsay's Impres-
sions of Turkey is so much to the point that its
length may be pardoned. "Though occasionally one
finds a good new road built by some European in the
Government service, the great majority of the roads.
which have been made in recent years in Asia Minor
are bad. In more cases than one the line of the new
road was indicated to our eyes by the deeper green
of a more luxuriant crop of grass; the natives care-
fully avoided it because its surface was not so good
for the horses' feet, and the track which they followed
kept away from the road, only cutting across it oc-
casionally. It is quite common to find an isolated
piece of modern road without beginning or end. It
is still commoner to find an elevated causeway, built
at great expense, leading to the bank of a ravine or
stream in preparation for a bridge; but the bridge
128
[CH.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR
{
Safety of
travelling.
has never been built....... When a new road is pro-.
jected an entirely new line is selected, often one that
requires engineering works of some magnitude;
scraps of the road are made by forced labour; a
certain amount of money is spent, three times as
much money is embezzled by officials of various
ranks then the whole enterprise is abandoned." M.
Perrot, some years earlier, wrote': "Whenever by
some lucky chance the traveller does find a bridge
or causeway, he nearly always has to thank the
builders of Roman or Byzantine times. In the East.
the generations of to-day live off the remnants and,
if the expression may be used, the crumbs of the
past." Mr Hogarth found that the high road from
Konia (Iconium) was severely left alone, being grass-
grown, with rotten bridges, and often disconnected
from the embankments2.
With regard to the safety of travellers the
contrast between now and then is not so strongly
marked. The police arrangements of the Empire
were by no means its strong point, and in Asia Minor
several causes contributed to make travelling rather
insecure. The mountainous nature of the country
was a direct incentive to brigandage, which went on
unchecked till the days of the Empire. Strabo gives
in some detail the story of the robber-chief Cleon,
who lived in a strong castle called Callydium, near
Gordium; by attacking those who were collecting
money for Labienus, governor of Asia, he rendered
considerable service to M. Antonius, but basely
1 Exploration archéologique, Vol. 1. p. 1.
2 Wandering Scholar, p. 36.
v]
SAFETY OF TRAVELLING
129
deserted him for Octavian at the battle of Actium.
His treachery was rewarded, inappropriately enough,
with the priesthood of Zeus Abrettenos,' the god
of the Mysians, and with a part of Morena in Mysia
by way of territory. He also received a priesthood
at Comana Pontica, where he shocked his colleagues.
by sacrificing pigs according to the custom of Lydia
and Phrygia. Within a month he was smitten with
disease and died, the priests at Comana attributing
his end to the wrath of the goddess.
The peace which prevailed in the country on the
establishment of the Principate put a stop to such
flagrant crimes as those committed under the Re-
public, but the laxity of the senatorial administration,
coupled with the fact that many cities possessed
powers of self-government within their own territories,
and in some cases rights of asylum as well, tended
to make brigandage a profitable means of livelihood.
In some districts even military force could not stamp
out robbers; in spite of Augustus's efforts they con-
tinued in the Pisidian mountains. St Paul, in the
description of what he had undergone during his
journeys, mentions "perils of robbers," thinking
doubtless of the journey from Pamphylia to Pisidian
Antioch. A number of inscriptions¹ found near the
site of Antioch show the extreme insecurity that
prevailed. Thus an epitaph is erected by Patroklos
and Douda over the grave of their son Sousou, slain
by robbers.
Another refers to armed policemen
(ὁροφύλακες and παραφυλακῖται), and a third to a
1 Ramsay, St Paul the Traveller, &c. p. 23.
}
S.
9
130
[CH.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR
Communi-
cation by
sea and
rivers.
stationarius, whose duty it was to catch runaway
slaves turned brigands.
Now-a-days brigandage usually has a place in
accounts of travel through Asia Minor. Thus Mr
Hogarth in his Wandering Scholar in the Levant
writes, "We have climbed three thousand feet and
the waggon is drawn aside for the night by a little
spring in a hidden hollow; the spot is chosen to
escape the highwaymen who patrol the road¹" Later
on he says that the armed shepherds near the coast
are often potential robbers if they see the odds to be
clearly in their favour, and refers to the case of Mr
Macmillan, who was killed on the Mysian Olympus
in 1888. On the whole however it seems that there
is no general sympathy with the brigands and that
a little timely severity can make a province safe. In
fact, the inhabitants of the plateau are so miserably
poor that there is nothing for robbers to take.
Passing from the road-system to communication.
by water we find that in some districts this was
much easier than by land, e.g. on the northern coast.
The Cyreian soldier Antileon told his comrades at
Trapezus that he was weary of marching, and now
that the sea was before him he longed to sail the
rest of the way, and “arrive in Greece outstretched
and asleep like Odysseus'.' Such communication
was even more tempting on the western coast with
its numerous indentations and good harbours.
Strabo, it may be remarked, in his description of
Ionia, gives the distances from city to city by sea as
¹ Pp. 53, 54.
2 Xen. Anab. v. 1, 3-13.
v]
COMMUNICATION BY SEA AND BY RIVERS 131
well as by land. His details as to harbours are
worth quoting; Panormus at Ephesus has been
mentioned already; Smyrna, which in later times
succeeded to the importance of Ephesus, had a
harbour that could be closed (κλειστός λιμήν); 50
had Rhodes and Chios, the latter possessing also
a roadstead (vaúστaðµos) for eighty ships, and
several good anchorages. Samos had a roadstead,
Icaria anchorages, Teos and Erythrae harbours.
On the north coast were the harbours of Cyzicus,
Heraclea Pontica, Sinope and Amisus. Sinope had
lost the importance of its early days when it was the
harbour for the Cappadocian trade. A relic of this
period is to be found in the name Sinopic earth given
to the red earth (μíλros) of Cappadocia used for
making pencils¹ and exported to Greece and Italy
from Sinope. It was still however noted for its
tunny fisheries and its maple and mountain nut-
trees (opоkáρvov), used for making tables (orbes)².
In the Graeco-Roman period the trade of Cappa-
docia went west to Ephesus, so that the ports east
of Cyzicus were not very important with the excep-
tion of Amisus. The same may be said of those on
the south coast, Attalia, Side and Seleucia: they
only served the trade of the coast-plain up to the
Taurus.
With regard to river traffic little need be said,
as the rivers, generally speaking, are swift and apt
to be dried up in summer. Yet Strabo mentions
the Pyramus as navigable, also the Sangarius*; the
1 Strab. XII. 2, 10.
3 Ibid. XII. 24.
2 Ibid. XII. 3.
Ibid. XII. 3, 7.
9_2
132
[CH.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR
St. Paul
in Asia
Minor.
Cestrus was navigable, certainly up to Perga, also
the lower courses of the Maeander, Cayster and
Hermus. We may add to the list the Cydnus, the
river of Tarsus on which Cleopatra "first met Mark
Antony¹." On the southern coast the rivers were
often dangerous through floods; in the mountains
of Pisidia an inscription has been found which
records a dedication and thank-offering to Jupiter,
Neptune, Minerva and all the gods, for escape from
drowning in a swollen river. This adds point to
the "perils of rivers" mentioned by St Paul.
Of St Paul's journeys in Asia Minor³ we have
indeed fuller details than for any other traveller
in the first century. He made three distinct
journeys in the west and south-west districts of the
country. The first lasted for two years probably,
from the spring of 47 A.D. to the late summer of
49 A.D. The months between April and July seem
to have been spent by St Paul and his companion
Barnabas in Cyprus, Salamis and Paphos being
specially mentioned. From Paphos they sailed to
the Pamphylian coast and up the river Cestrus
to Perga. Their stay here does not seem to have
been long; soon, probably by way of Adada, they
made to the north for the Pisidian Antioch, where
they taught without opposition, indeed with success,
till the Jews "raised persecution against them and
expelled them out of their coasts." The next place
mentioned by St Luke is Iconium: as to the route
Shakespeare, Ant. and Cleop. 11. ii.
2 Ramsay, St Paul the Traveller, &c. p. 23.
3 See St Paul the Traveller.
v]
ST PAUL IN ASIA MINOR
133
they took thither different views are held. Prof.
Kiepert thinks that they went over the Sultan Dagh
to Philomelium on the Eastern Highway, thence
to Laodicea Combusta, then by a branch road to
Iconium. Prof. Ramsay holds that they travelled
nearly due south for some six hours by a new Roman
road to Neapolis, thence to Misthia on the eastern
shore of Lake Caralis, whence is a hill road leading
to Iconium in twenty-seven hours. This route is
both easier and shorter than that via Philomelium¹.
At Iconium as at Antioch they were first welcomed,
then expelled, and forced to escape to Lystra and
Derbe, "cities of Lycaonia and the region that lieth
round about"." Lystra was the easternmost of
those old cities which had been remodelled as
Roman colonies to pacify Pisidia and Isauria³: its
site was discovered by Dr Sterrett in 1885, the
modern name being Khatyn Serai, and the distance
from Iconium (Konia) six hours in a S.S.W. direction.
Derbe was probably at the modern Gudelissin, three
miles W.N.W. from Zosta, and was the frontier of the
Roman province on the S.E. They were both
situated in the district officially known as Lycaonia
1 The evidence is fully stated in St Paul the Traveller. It
consists of
(1) An inscription found at Comana (C. I .L. 6974) commemo-
rating the making of a "royal road" made at Augustus' orders by
his legatus Cornelius Aquila: two such roads existed, (1) Olbasa-
Comana-Cremna, (2) Parlais-Lystra.
C
(2) A reference in the Acts of Paul and Thekla.' Onesiphorus
living at Iconium went as far as the royal road leading to Lystra
and stood waiting for St Paul.
2 Acts xiv. 6.
3 See above.
134
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR [CH.
Galatica, ie. that part of Lycaonia which was
comprised in the province of Galatia. Similarly
Iconium was a city of Phrygia Galatica. The
preaching at Lystra and Derbe must have occupied
the autumn months of 48 and the early part of 49;
then the travellers returned by stages, through
Lystra, Iconium, Antioch and across Pisidia, up to
May probably, and after a short stay at Perga
returned by Attalia to the Syrian Antioch.
The second journey was not confined to Asia
Minor, though it began there. St Paul and Silas in
the early summer of 50 A.D. probably "went through
Syria and Cilicia confirming the churches," and then,
doubtless through the Cilician Gates, came to Derbe
and Lystra¹. St Paul's movements on this journey
have been the subject of keen controversy. St Luke
goes on to say that they went "through the cities
delivering the decrees ordained of the apostles and
elders which were at Jerusalem," and that "they
went throughout Phrygia and the region of Galatia.”
With this statement must be coupled the passage in
the Epistle to the Galatians which states that
through infirmity of the flesh" St Paul first
preached to them. The theory most usually adopted²
is that by "Galatians" are here meant the inhabit-
ants of Galatia in the old, narrow sense, viz. that
part of the great Roman province which had been
the original kingdom of Amyntas. This was a
1 Acts xvi. 1.
2 The best brief statement of this view is to be found in the
Introduction to Bp Lightfoot's Epistle to the Galatians.
v]
ST PAUL IN ASIA MINOR
135
sparsely populated district, hot and dusty in summer
and covered with snow in winter.
The objections to this view are many. First,
the Roman province of Galatia comprised, in addition
to Galatia proper, parts of Phrygia and Lycaonia :
the inhabitants of the province had to be called
by some name; if St Paul in writing to them had
called them Phrygians or Lycaonians he might
as well have said "slaves" and "robbers" at once, for
Phryx was a common slave-name and the Lycao-
nians were in the worst repute for brigandage.
Again, it is strange that St Paul should depart from
his usual custom in seeking out the great cities
in which to begin his work, and should visit
a number of places such as Ancyra, Tavium or
Pessinus, where he would not be understood by the
Gallic population without an interpreter. The
climate too would be most unsuitable for an invalid,
as he clearly was at the time. Far more probable
does it seem that by Galatians are meant the
inhabitants of Phrygia Galatica and Lycaonia Gala-
tica, men who spoke Greek, and were able to
appreciate Christian teaching as the rude northerners
could scarcely have done. In fact, later history
shows that Paganism continued dominant in North
Galatia till the third or fourth century. It is not
unlikely that St Paul's infirmity was malarial fever,
which is endemic in the enervating climate of
Pamphylia. The cure recommended would be
either a sea-voyage or removal to the interior, and
he chose the latter alternative as not likely to
interrupt his work so materially.
136
[CH.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR
After spending the summer then in preaching in
the district already visited during the first journey,
St Paul and Silas were forbidden of the Holy
Ghost to preach the word in Asia"; when they
had reached Mysia (doubtless by the Eastern High-
way and its branches through Phrygia) they were
similarly prevented from visiting Bithynia, though
this could easily have been done by the road from
Dorylaeum to Nicomedia. At Troas came the vision
to St Paul of the "man of Macedonia," leading to his
journey, still with Silas, to Macedonia and Achaia.
This seems to have lasted from the autumn of 50 to
the spring of 53.
The third journey began in the summer of 53,
immediately after the Apostle's fourth visit to
Jerusalem and his brief stay in the Syrian Antioch.
After passing through the Cilician Gates he must
have spent July and August in "going over all the
country of Galatia (την Γαλατικὴν χώραν) aud
Phrygia in order, strengthening all the disciples¹."
His aim on this occasion was to break new ground
in Asia, that province which had been forbidden
to him on his second journey. Ephesus, as the
centre of the road-system, would be his natural
starting-point: from Derbe and Lystra it could
be reached either through Antioch to Apamea and
Laodicea (i.e. along the great highway) or through
Cappadocia and Northern Galatia. The former route
was so much more usual that it would be implied
unless any other were specially mentioned. There
1 Acts xviii. 23.
v]
ST PAUL IN ASIA MINOR
137
is however one slight difficulty to be noticed. If St
Paul travelled by the great trade-route, he must
have passed through Colossae, ten miles distant from
Laodicea. Yet in the Epistle to the Colossians
he definitely states that he had not seen them nor
the Laodiceans "in the flesh¹." It is however
possible that a traveller on foot as St Paul doubtless
was on all his journeys in Asia Minor, might prefer
the shorter route across the plain of Metropolis
through Eumenia and down the Cayster valley.
The stay at Ephesus occupied more than two
years (probably October 53 to January 56). The
number of Churches addressed in the Book of the
Revelation shows that much evangelizing had gone
on in the surrounding districts, though there is no
necessity to assume that all the Seven Churches
were founded by St Paul in person.
After the disturbances at Ephesus caused by
Demetrius and his fellow-craftsmen, St Paul "de-
parted for to go into Macedonia." Thence he struck
south for Achaia, then back to Philippi, whence a five
days' voyage took him and his companion, St Luke,
to Troas. Here a stay of seven days was made,
at the end of which St Luke and seven others sailed
round the Troad to Assos, whither St Paul journeyed
on foot. He then went on board and sailed past
Mytilene, Chios and Samos, making a brief stay
at Trogyllium. After the farewell at Miletus to the
elders of the Ephesian Church, the voyage continued
by way of Coos and Rhodes to Patara.
There
1 Col. ii. 1.
2 Acts xx. 1.
138
[CH.
COMMUNICATION IN ASIA MINOR
Spread of
Christi-
anity in
Asia
Minor.
a Phoenician ship was found which had a good run
along the west coast of Cyprus to Tyre. This was
the last journey of St Paul in Asia Minor, or at any
rate the last of which we have any knowledge.
This mere sketch of St Paul's travels brings out
at any rate some facts of cardinal importance for the
history of the Early Church. First he used all the
facilities offered for easy communication, as far as he
could; secondly he aimed at visiting the cities which
were the centres of life and thought. In pursuance
of this aim we find that he made his longest sojourn
at Ephesus. Unconsciously he was following the
policy of the Macedonians and the Romans when
they sought to spread civilization in the backward
districts by means of colonies. The Macedonians
had done something to spread Hellenic culture, the
Romans did far more, but it was left to Christianity
to raise the inhabitants of Asia Minor out of semi-
barbarism. "Christianity," says Prof. Ramsay¹,
"conquered the land, and succeeded in doing what
Greece and Rome had never done; it imposed its
language on the people."
The new religion spread most rapidly in districts
already Hellenized. In cities like Ephesus and
Antioch, open to new ideas and accustomed to the
moral teaching of philosophers, Christianity took
root but where Greek education had not spread
it made no progress.
Hence its development
followed the great lines of communication in the
Empire, the chief being the route from the Syrian
¹ H. G. A. M. p. 24.
v]
SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY
139
Antioch, where "the disciples were
the disciples were first called
Christians," through the Cilician Gates and across
Lycaonia to Ephesus. Subsidiary to this was the
route through Philadelphia to Troas, whence Rome
could be reached by the Via Egnatia and Brundisium;
also that through the Cilician Gates to Tyana,
Caesarea and Amisus¹.
for
Asia Minor was the highway by which Chris-
tianity passed to the capital of the world;
a hundred years after St Paul's death it was the
spiritual centre of the new faith. Now all is changed;
the tide of Christianity, as of empire, has set
westward, and Anatolia is but a broken shrine for
the memories of the past.
1 Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire.
Con-
clusion.
CHAPTER VI.
EFFECTS OF COMMUNICATION.
IN conclusion two questions need some answer:
What effects had this system of intercourse on govern-
ment, commerce, and social life? and Why did it
fail to last? To give a complete answer would be
to write a history of the Roman Empire or rather of
European civilization to the present day. Yet each
student may work out some fragment of the truth.
From the point of view of government, we may say
that the Roman system of communication by sea,
and still more by land, drew tight the bonds of
empire. The Roman roads were the symbol of the
mistress city to the provincials who might never
visit her, and perchance could not even speak her
tongue. The Romans had grasped one of the great
secrets of government, that the mass of men are
swayed by their imagination rather than by their
reason; the roads from north and south, east and
west, all converging at Rome, pointed more eloquently
than official proclamation or sophists' harangue to
the unity of the Empire.
CH. VI]
SURVIVAL OF EXCLUSIVENESS
141
Yet this unity was far from perfect; that East
and West had little really in common is shown by
the foundation of Constantinople; and even in the
first century the imperial policy had to battle with
the exclusive spirit of the republicans, who regarded
Rome still as a city-state, with dependencies indeed
as Athens before her, but with dependencies that
must never rise to be anything more.
Of this spirit
Juvenal and Tacitus may serve as types; they cared
little for the new world that was growing up around
them. Court intrigue and city vice seemed to them
better worth describing than the government or the
social life of the provinces. Even when Tacitus
describes the German tribes he has his thoughts
fixed on the Romans with whom they so strongly
contrasted. To Juvenal one of the worst tokens of
the degradation of the times is that "the Syrian
Orontes has flowed into the Tiber," in other
words, that the provinces had begun to react upon
Rome.
The survival of this exclusive city-spirit, this
dislike to intercourse with other lands, is curiously
portrayed in a passage of Philostratus' romance.
The incident is probably invented, but it points to
a feeling which was undoubtedly entertained by
some. "A young Lacedaemonian, descended from
Callicratidas, was accused of transgressing the laws
of Sparta. He had sailed to Carthage and to Sicily
in vessels of his own construction and was so devoted
to naval affairs as to forget those of his own country.
Apollonius asked him if the mode of death of his
great ancestor had not given him an aversion to the
142
[CH.
EFFECTS OF COMMUNICATION
sea, 'No,' he said, 'I do not fight.' Apollonius then
descanted on the woes of merchants and mariners,
and so worked on the young man's feelings that “he
wept bitterly when he became sensible of his own
degeneracy and quitted the sea where he had spent
the most part of his life. As soon as Apollonius
found that the youth had come to his right mind
and gave his preference to the landed interest, he
introduced him to the notice of the ephors and
obtained his acquittal and pardon."
There is no need to say that Juvenal and Tacitus
failed to read the signs of the times: Rome and
Italy could be exclusive no longer. The roads that
strengthened their hold on the provinces strength-
ened likewise the hold of the provinces on them, till
at length the Caesars themselves were the once-
despised provincials.
Commerce naturally benefited by improved com-
munication, but one may well doubt whether
increased luxury was not bought too dear. The
spices and jewels, the silks and frankincense of the
East had to be paid for in coin, since the products.
of the West were in little demand. Hence the
constant drain of silver to the East, which in a
century or two brought the Empire to the verge of
bankruptcy.
Socially, ease of travel promoted the spread of
new ideas and of all that is meant by that vague
word civilization. Not only Christianity, but
philosophy and Eastern mysticism travelled along
the highways of the Empire. Other citizens besides
the Athenians spent their time "in nothing else, but
VI]
THE BREAK-UP OF THE SYSTEM
143
The
either to tell or to hear some new thing¹."
great cities of the Empire were, so to speak, whirl-
pools in which met opposing currents of thought.
Paul the Christian preacher, Dio the heathen mo-
ralist, Apollonius the wonder-worker with his strange
medley of Greek philosophy and Eastern magic, may
all have visited Ephesus within a few years of one
another. Perhaps in this mingling, more than in
any other respect, lies the fascination of the epoch,
which saw the birth of the new world and the begin-
ning of the end for the old.
"The beginning of the end": this brings us to
the second question, "Why did the great system of
intercourse fail to last?" It was of course bound up
with the existence of the Empire and fell with its
fall in the West. The Empire in the East still kept
up the old imperial traditions: the roads in Asia
Minor were maintained as well as ever, perhaps even
better, because they were now military as well as
commercial highways. But in the West the system
slowly crumbled away. May one cause have been
that it was too complete in one sense and not
complete enough in another, that "all roads led to
Rome" and few from province to province? Where
Rome failed was in not binding her subjects together.
Gaul and Greek, Asiatic and Spaniard, were linked
with Rome, but not with one another. Again, the
very ease of travel over the known world tended to
educate the future conquerors of Rome.
"The
barbarians would not have conquered, had they been
1 Acts xvii. 21.
144
[CH.
THE BREAK-UP OF THE SYSTEM
merely barbarians'." Those who served in the Roman
armies or as slaves in Roman households carried back
to their distant homes ideas which stood their de-
scendants in good stead when they established the
barbarian kingdoms of the sixth century.
When Rome grew powerless, her system of inter-
course was bound to fall to pieces. Perhaps the
most striking instance of this is seen in the strange
legend told by Procopius of Britain. The island had
in the fifth and sixth centuries "passed completely
out of the sphere of the Empire's consciousness?."
The story went that "the fishermen and farmers
who live on the northern coast of Gaul pay no tribute
to the Frank kings, because they have another
service to perform. At the door of each in turn,
when he has lain down to sleep, a knock is heard,
and the voice of an unseen visitant summons him to a
nocturnal labour. He goes down to the beach as in
the constraint of a dream, and finds boats heavily
laden with invisible forms, wherein he and those
others who have received the supernatural summons.
embark and ply the oars. The voyage to the shore
of Brittia is accomplished in the space of an hour in
these ghostly skiffs, though the boats of mortals
hardly reach it by force of both sailing and rowing
in a day and a night. The unseen passengers dis-
embark in Brittia, and the oarsmen return in the
lightened boats, hearing as they depart a voice
speaking to the souls³."
1 Arnold, Roman System of Provincial Administration (ad fin.).
2 Bury, vol. II. History of the Later Roman Empire, pp. 32,33.
3 Bury, p. 33.
THE BREAK-UP OF THE SYSTEM
145
In the Middle Ages legend was busy with the
remains of Roman skill. The origin of the great
Limes Germanicus was wholly lost; it was counted as
the work of the Evil One and called the Teufelsmauer.
Asia Minor, after the era of the Crusades, was un-
visited by western travellers for centuries till it was
opened up to some extent by explorers sent out
under Louis XIV. For Roman life in this and other
lands the words of Ajax hold good :-
...ὁ μακρὸς κἀναρίθμητος χρόνος
φύει τ᾽ ἄδηλα καὶ φανέντα κρύπτεται.
Yet Time, though he hides much, reveals much too;
and year by year throws more light on that mar-
vellous system which for ages helped to make Rome
the centre of the world.
S.
10
INDEX.
Abydos 121
Acamas, C. 84
Achaia 1, 136, 137
Actium 11, 79, 129
Adada 132
Adane 31
Adige, R. 38
Adramyttium 87, 121
Adria 96
Adriatic Sea 11, 103
Adulis 32, 33, 34
Aegae 18
Aegean Sea 9, 10
Aelianus 59
Aemilius Lepidus 37, 53
Scaurus 54
aerarium 48, 49
Aesepus 121
Aesernia 68
Africa 6, 8, 14, 29, 30, 32, 99
Agri Decumates 40
Agricola 65
Agrippa 23, 41, 49, 89, 90
Ajax 145
(Herod) 86
Agrippina 59, 79 n.
Alba 65
Alban Mt. 45
Alcantara 52
Alcimona (Altmühl) 40
Alexandria 8, 15, 30, 31, 32,
Alexander 25, 27, 31, 113
34, 35, 42, 43, 81, 83, 84,
86, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 99,
108
Algidus 12
Alps
Carnic 39
Cottian 38
Graian 37, 39
Julian 39
Pennine 38, 41
Raetian 50
Altinum 39, 106
Amasia 126
Amazons 25
Ameria 69
Amisus 126, 131, 139
Amorium 121
Amyntas 116, 122, 123, 134
Anatolia 74, 139
Anava 119
Ancona 91, 104
Ancyra 35, 124, 126, 135
Andrasus 124
Anio 12
Annius 38
anteambulones 63
Anthology (Greek) 96, 97 n.,
99, 101, 103
Antileon 130
Antioch
(ad Maeandrum) 118
(Pisidian) 121, 122, 123,
10-2
148
INDEX
124, 125, 126, 127, 132, 134,
136
Antioch (Syrian) 2, 15, 35, 36,
43, 70, 91, 118, 122, 136, 138,
139
Antiochus II. 119
Soter 120
Antipater 122
Antipatris 73
Anti-Taurus 111, 124, 125
Antoninus (Emperor) 55
(Itinerary of) 23
Antonius 122, 128
Antony 79, 132
Antwerp 25
Apamea 36, 119, 120, 121, 122,
126, 136
Apennines 50
Aphrodisias 35
Apollinaris 12
Apollo (oracle of) 11
Apollodorus 55
Apollonia 123
Apollonius 18, 141, 142, 143
Appii Forum 67
Appius Claudius 28
Appuleius 53
Aquiflavienses 52
Aquileia 37, 39, 40, 43
Aquillius 118
Aquincum 40
Arabia 30, 31, 32, 33, 34
Arabissus 125
Arar (Saône) 41, 106, 108
Araureca 125
Archelais 124, 126
Archelaus 123
Archias 102
Arclate (Arles) 38
Argentoratum (Strasburg) 38
Aristides 85
Aristophanes 82
Aristotle 81
Arnold 42 n., 144 n.
Aromata 34
Arverni 41
Asia (continent of) 14, 36, 42,
113
""
(Minor), diffusion of Christ-
ianity in 1, 2, 138, 139;
trade of 9; travel to 11,
15, 17; road-system 23,
25, 35, 74, 117-128; bri-
gandage 71, 122–124, 128–
130; harbours 91, 117;
physical features 111–113;
political divisions 114-
116; St Paul's journeys
132-138
Asia (province of) 36, 117, 118,
120, 125, 136
Asiarch 114, 118
ἀσκώματα 82
Assos 121, 137
Assyria 16
Atarneus 121
Athens 11, 15, 35, 85, 141
Athesis 38
Atlantic Ocean 3
Attalia 121, 131, 134
Attalus Philadelphus 117
III. 115
Attica 85
Augsburg 25
Augusta Praetoria (Aosta) 37,
""
17
38
(Rauracorum) 38
Taurinorum (Turin) 37
Vindelicorum (Augsburg)
38, 39
Augustodunum (Autun) 41
Augustoritum (Limoges) 41
Augustus 3, 6, 10, 12, 23, 31,
38, 44, 48, 49, 50, 52, 58, 63,
65, 71, 72, 79, 81, 83, 90, 93,
105, 122, 129
Aulon 35
Aurelian 74
Aurelius Victor 50
Aventine 104, 105
Avernus, Lake 48, 90, 107
axis 61
Axomites 31, 32
Bab-el-mandeb, Straits of 32
Babylon 1
Baetica 30
Baetis 41
Baiae 12, 58, 79 n., 90
Bâle 38
Balkan Mts. 40
Baraces 33
Barbary 98
Barnabas 132
Baryzaga 33
basiator 57
Bassus 73
basterna 60
Bauli 79 n.
Baumeister 82 n.
INDEX
Becker 28 n., 58 n., 60 n., 67 n.
Bedriacum 4
Belgica 108
Beneventum 35
Berenice 32
Bergier 26 n., 46 n., 50 n., 52 n.,
53 n., 104
Berytus 36
Bruttium 13, 28
149
Bury 30 n., 144 n.
Byzantium 11, 35, 40, 43, 70,
79 n., 102
Cabillonum 41
Caelian Hill 5
Caesarea (in Mauretania) 30
""
Caicias 95
Mazaca 120, 124, 125,
139
(in Palestine) 73
Caicus 111
Callicratidas 141
Bessa 57
Bilbilis 70
Bistones 94
Bithynia 2, 42, 93, 115, 126, 136
Bithyniarch 114
Borbitomagus (Worms) 38
Bordeaux 27
Bosporani 98
Bosporus 35, 111
Bracciano (L. of) 26
Brenner Pass 38
Bridges
Aelian 105
Aemilian 53
of Agrippa 54
Aurelian 54
Cestian 54
Fabrician 54
Minucian 49
Mulvian 17, 49, 54
Neronian 54
Pont du Gard 55
Ponte Sisto 54
St Angelo 105
Sublician 53
Trajan's bridge over the
Danube 54
bridge at Zeugma 54
Brigantia 39
Britain 6, 13, 14, 25, 30, 41,
42, 43, 144
Brittia 144
Brouzos 121
Brundisium 28, 35, 67, 70, 86,
90, 139
Callimachus 102
Callioupolis 35
Callippides (nickname of Ti-
berius) 6
Callydium 128
Calpurnia 64
Calycadnus 124
Camalodunum 41
camarae 98
Cambay (Gulf of) 33
Campania 12, 13, 90
Campus Martius 24, 105
Cane 33
Caninius 55
Canopus 11, 68, 108
Canusium 57
canusinati 57
Capitolinus, L. Calpurnius 36
Cappadocia 57, 62, 116, 120,
122, 124, 126, 131, 136
Capreae 6
Capua 28, 35
Caralis, L. 133
Caria 115
Carnuntum 39, 40
carpentum 59
carruca 60
Carthage 28, 29, 30, 43, 45, 77,
141
Carura 68, 118
Castra Lecticariorum 57
Cato 63
Peregrinorum 5
Cattigara 34
Catullus 88
>>
96
Caucasus 25
150
INDEX
Cauda 83
Caudium 67
Cayster 117, 121, 132, 137
Celaenae 120
Celenderis 124
Celtes, Conrad 24
Cenchreae 94
Centumcellae (Civita Vecchia)
40, 91
Cerealis 38, 79 n.
Cestius, Lucius 54
Cestrus 132
Chalcedon 35
Chalcidice 35
Chelidonian Islands 84
Chersonese (Thracian) 35
China 34
Chios 131, 137
Chorographia 23, 24
Christianity, spread of 2, 138,
142
Cicero 10, 16, 17 n., 46, 47, 59,
69 n., 102
Cilicia 79, 84, 116, 122, 123,
124, 126
Cilician Gates 117, 124, 126,
136, 139
Circensian Games 65
Circus Maximus 54, 83
""
Vaticanus 83
cisium 59, 69
Claudius 5, 6, 38, 39, 50, 58,
60, 61, 66, 83, 86, 89, 90, 95
Cleombrotus 13
Cleon 128
Cleonicus 37
Cleopatra 79
Clitae 123
Clitumnus 67, 104
cloacae 46
Cloelia 57
Cluverius 26
Cnidus 92
Cocceius 67
Cocussus 125
Coenus 4
Colmar 24, 25
colonia 5
Colonia Agrippina 38
Colophon 11
Colossae 119, 137
Colosseum 65
Columbus 101
Comana 17, 123, 125, 126, 129,
133
Commentarii 23
Constantinople 126, 141
Coos 137
Coppara 50
Coptos 32
corbitae 82
Corbulo 107
Corduba 41, 50
Corinth 17, 21, 54, 82, 107
Cornelius Cornelianus 51
Coropassus 120
Cos 18
covinus 59
Cragus Sidyma 114
Cremna 123
crepidines 45
Crete 92, 95, 115
Cumae 73
curator viarum 47, 52, 53, 54
cursores 64
cursus publicus 5
Cutch (Gulf of) 33
Cyclades 97
Cyme 121
Cynthia 59
Cyprus 84, 115, 132, 138
Cyrene 30, 115
Cyzicus 121, 131
Dalmatia 42, 49
Damascus 1, 36, 55
Damis 96
Danes 101
Danube 8, 14, 39, 40, 54, 55
Dascusa 125
Decapolis 108
defensor lecticariorum 57
Delphi 13, 17
Demetrius (Ephesian craftsman)
""
117, 137
(grammarian mentioned
by Plutarch) 13
Poliorcetes 80
Derbe 122, 133, 134, 136
Dertona 37
Dicaearchia (Puteoli) 86
didrachma 19
Digest 60
INDEX
Dio Cassius 47 n., 48 n., 54,
55, 72
Dio of Prusa (Chrysostom) 16,
21, 30 n., 61, 62, 89, 92, 97,
98, 99, 100, 114, 143
Diocletian 24
Diodorus Siculus 99 n.
Dionysius Halicarnassus 80 n.
Dioscuri 96
Dios Hieron 121
diploma 4
Docimium 121, 122
Domisa 120
Domitian 5, 24, 51, 61, 65
Domitilla 59
dorsum 45
Dorylaeum 112, 122, 124, 126,
136
Douda 129
Druentia (Durance) 38
Drusus 39, 69, 72, 107
Dubis (Doubs) 41
Durocortorum (Rheims) 41
Dyrrachium 35
Eboracum 41
Edessa 35, 125
Egerdir (Limnae) 112
Egypt 8, 9, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16,
19, 25, 31, 35, 42, 81, 85,
93, 96 n., 98, 106, 107, 108
Eirinon 33
Elaea 121
Elbe 14
Eleusis 17
Elephantine 11
Emerita 49 n., 50
Emesa 36
Encolpius 69
Ephesus 17, 52, 87, 91, 116,
117, 118, 120, 121, 126, 127,
131, 136, 137, 138, 139, 143
Epictetus 15, 16, 68, 85, 89,
92, 96
Epidaurus 18
Epirus 93
ergastula 71
Ermine Street 41
Errea 50
Erythrae 131
essedum 58
Ethiopia 3, 32, 43, 99 n.
Etna (Mt.) 68
Euboea 11, 97
Eucarpia 122
Euchaeta 126
Eugene of Savoy 25
Eumenia 121, 137
Euphorbium 26, 120
151
Euphrates 3, 19, 31, 35, 36,
55, 56, 111, 112, 116, 120,
125
Euraquilo 95
Euripides 27
Europe 113
Fabianus 17
Fabricius 54
Fair Havens 92
Farrar 96 n.
Fartak, C. 33
Feltre (Feltria) 39
Feronia 67
fiscus 5, 48
fistucationes 45
Flaccus 94
Flaminius, C. 37, 77
Flavius Zeuxis 109
Flavus 70
Flevo, Lake 107
Fonteius, Marcus 46
Formiae 12, 67
Forum Appii 52
""
fossa 45
Boarium 53, 54
Iulii 19, 91, 99
Romanum 24, 45
Fossa Drusiana 107
Fosse Way 41
Friedländer 28 n., 39 n.,
39 n., 46,
68, 75, 99 n.
Furlo 50
Gades 26, 41, 43, 91, 99
Galatia, settlement of 114; ac-
quisition by Rome 116, 123;
under king Amyntas 122;
roads in 124, 125, 126;
St Paul's preaching 134-136
Galba 17, 70
Galen 51
152
INDEX
Gaius (Emperor) 7, 50, 54, 56,
""
82 n., 83, 86, 92, 107
(grandson of Augustus)
31
Galgacus 48
Gallio 64
Gallograecia 114
Gallus 31
Quintus 72
Ganges 14
Gangra 126
Garamantes 14
Gaul, visits of Emperors 6, 7;
trade in corn 8; geographical
knowledge of 14; road-system
of 37, 41, 42, 49; Vitellius in
63; river-traffic in 106
Gaza 34
Geneva, L. of 38
Genua 37, 40
Germanicea 125
Germanicus 11, 104
German Ocean 3
Germany, visit of Gaius to 6,
62; road-system of 37, 40 ;
journey of Tiberius to 69
Germe 121
geruli 61
Gesoriacum (Boulogne) 41, 43
Golden Milestone 24
Gordium 128
Gracchus, Gaius 46
Tiberius 53
Graupian Mount 48
Greece, stay of Nero in 6;
trade of 9, 77, 87; visit of
Germanicus 11; visit of
Strabo 15; Greek students
at Smyrna 16; festivals 17;
roads of 35; contact with
the East 113
gremium 120
Grenoble 37
Gruter 48 n., 49 n., 50 n., 51 n.
Guardafui, C. 32, 34
Gudelissin 133
Gyges 93
Hadrian 40, 54, 55, 68
Hadrianoutherae 121
Hadrumetum 29
Halys 112, 124, 125
Hang-chow-foo 34
Hannibal 78
Hanotaux 74
Hellenism 114
Hellespont 72, 88
Hellespontias 95
Helvetia 38
Helvia 20
Heraclea Pontica 131
Hermus 111, 121, 132
Herodotus 116
Hesiod 100
hexaphoron 57
Hierapolis 121, 122
Hiera Sykaminos 32
Himera 28
Hindostan 14
Hippalus 33
Hippo Regius 29
Hippocrates 51
Hispalis 41
Hispellates 67
Hogarth 56 n., 128, 130
Homonadenses 122, 123
Horace, on the eagerness for
wealth shown by all 9, 109;
on the advantages of the im-
perial system 10; reference
to Italian roads 22; journey
to Brundisium 52, 67, 70;
journeys of wealthy persons
60; journeys on horseback
61; reference to 'pondera'
66; reference to triremes
and 'phaseli' 88; to the Por-
tus Iulius 89; to harbours of
refuge 93; dangers of the sea
97 n., 100
Horrea Galbea et Aniciana 105
hydreumata 32
Iberus (Ebro) 41
Icaria 131
Icelus 70
Iconium 112, 124, 128, 132,
133, 134
Ida, Mt. 111
Ilium 11
Illyria 35
Illyricum 1
INDEX
Juvenal
India, how far known 14; trade
153
with 30-34
Indus 14, 33
Ionia 130
Iris 116
Iron Gate 54
Irus 57
Isara (Isère) 37
Isauria 116, 122, 124, 133
Isca (Caerleon) 41
(Exeter) 41
Isidore 46 n.
Isis 85, 96
Italy, peace established 10;
travelling in 11; travels of
Strabo in 15; roads in 46,
48, 49, 51, 126; brigandage
71; scarcity of corn during
the Mithradatic wars 78;
voyages to 88, 93-95, 120
Itinerary of Antoninus 23, 24,
26, 29, 41
Iulia Restituta 72
Iulius Restitutus 72
Jacobus 73
Janiculum 54
Jaxartes 14
Jerusalem 19, 27, 73
Jews 19, 72
Job (Book of) 106, 107 n.
Joppa 98
Josephus 73, 85, 98
Judaea 85
Judas the Galilaean 73
Julia 120
Julius Caesar, statement as
to his measurements of the
empire 23; restoration of
Carthage by 29; Lex Iulia
Municipalis 47; curator of
the Via Appia 47; restriction
of the use of litters by 57;
luxury of 62; rapid journeys
of 69; travelling in a vec-
toria' 88; planning of docks
at Ostia by 90; plan for
piercing the Isthmus
Corinth 107
Julius Honorius 23
Jura, Mts. 38
of
reference to 'crepidines' 46;
asseres' 56, 63; luxury in
travel 57; the sella gestatoria
58; the reda 59, 66; the
manni 61; highwaymen 62,
73; night-driving in Rome
65; storms 96; phaseli 107;
traders 109; the reaction of
the provinces on Rome 141,
142
Khatyn Serai 133
Kiepert 133
Konia (Iconium) 112, 128
Labienus 128
Lacer 52
Lagidae 31
Lampsacus 35, 121
Lanciani 12 n., 18, 105, 106
Lanuvium 12, 59
Laodice 119
Laodicea (ad Lycum) 118, 119,
120, 121, 136, 137
(Combusta) 120, 124,
133
lapis specularis 57
Laranda 122
Lars Porsenna 53
Latium 103
Laurentum 12
Lauriacum (Lorch) 40
Laybach (Aemona) 39
Lecky 75
lectica 56, 58
Leptis 29
Lesbos 11
Leuce Come 34
Levant 79, 84, 111
Lex Gabinia 78
""
Iulia de Appellatione 8
Iulia Municipalis 47
Liburna 79 n.
Lilybaeum 28
Limes Germanicus 40, 145
Raeticus 40
,,
Lindum 41
Livia 59
Livy 22, 47 n., 103
Londinium 41
{
154
INDEX
Louis XIV. 145
Lounda 121
Lucan 105, 107 n.
Lucania 13, 28
Lucian 22, 84, 85, 89, 97
Lucillius 97
Lucrinus, L. 90
Lucullus 62
Lugdunum (Lyons) 29, 37, 41,43
Batavorum (Leyden)
38, 43
Luke, St 88, 95, 134, 137
Luna 37, 40
Lycaonia, government 116, 120,
122; road-system of 124, 126;
brigandage in 135
Lycaonia Galatica 134, 135
Lycia 84, 95, 116
Lycus 117, 118, 119
Lydia 115, 129
Lystra 123, 124, 133, 134, 136
Macedonia 35, 46, 136, 137
Macmillan 130
Madrid 75
Maeander 111, 117, 118, 132
Maecenas 52, 67, 70
magistri pagorum 48
Magnesia 95, 121
Mahan 78 n., 81 n.
Mainz 38
Malabar 33
Malaga 36
Malea 11, 87
Mallius Glaucia 69
manceps 47
Mannert 25
manni (mannuli) 61
mansio 4, 27
Marcomanni 9
margines 46
Marius 45
Marmoratum 104
Martial, on country life 12; on
the misery of clients 16, 17;
on the aspect of Roman roads
20; on vehicles 57, 59, 60,
61 n., 63, 66 n., 70 n.; on
letters 64 n.; on phaseli 88;
on storms 97 n.; on the dis-
agreeables of city life 104
Massilia 40, 77, 91, 99
Maximus 29
Mayor 45 n.
Mediolanum 37, 43
Mehadia 8, 73
Melita 84, 96
Melitene 120, 125, 126, 127
Memnon (Statue of) 11
Menutbias 34, 35
Meran 39
Merivale 23, 55, 74, 81, 91
Messalina 59
Messina 28, 99
Meta Sudans 65
Metellus 115
Metropolis 120, 137
Mettius Pompusianus 24
Meuse, R. 107
Middleton 3, 5 n., 44 n., 49,
53 n., 54 n., 105
Miletus 112, 137
Misenum 79, 81 n., 90
Misthia 133
Mithradates 115, 117
Mocissus 124
Moesia 7, 42, 49
Moguntiacum 38, 43
Mommsen 5, 16, 31, 36, 47 n.,
74, 77, 78 n., 91 n., 106 n.,
110, 114, 122 n.
Monte Testaccio 106
Monumentum Ancyranum 49
Morava 40
Moretus 25
Morocco 74
Moselle, R. 108
Mucianus 79 n.
Mummius 53
municipium 5
Murena 67
Musiris 33, 34
mutatio 4, 27
Muza 32
Myos Hormos 30, 32, 33
Myra 84, 87
Myrina 121
Mysia, 71, 87, 115, 129, 136
Nacolea 122
Nacrasa 121
Naissus 40
Naples 70, 75
Nar 104
Narbo 40, 99
Narbonensis 46, 91, 94
Narnia 104
Naulochus 79
naves tabellariae 9
Nazianzus 124
Neapolis 133
Nearchus 31
Nelcynda 14, 33, 34
INDEX
Nero 4, 5, 6, 29, 32, 39, 48,
50, 54, 62, 65, 70, 72, 107,
116
Nerva 5
Nicaea 35, 126
Nicarchus 98
Nicephorium 36
Nicomedes 115
Nicomedia 35, 108, 126, 127,
136
Nicopolis 11, 125
Nile 11, 14, 25, 32, 42, 99 n.,
106
Nismes (Nemausus) 55, 56
Noricum 37-39, 42, 49
Normandy 68
Novesium 38
Noviomagus (Speyer) 38
nucleus 45
Numidia 29, 63
Nymphaeum 121
Ocelis 33
Ocriculum 73
octaphoron 57
Octavian 89, 129
Olbasa 123
Olympus, Mt. 26, 71, 111, 130
Opone 34
orariae (naves) 87
Padus 39
Palestine 73, 74
Palmyra 36, 74
155
Palus Maeotis 14, 99 n.
Pamphylia 71, 84, 112, 121,
122, 129, 132, 135
Pannonia 39, 42
Panormus (Sicily) 28, 75
""
(at Ephesus) 117,
131
Paphlagonia 42, 116
Paphos 17, 132
Parlais 123, 133
Parnassus 124, 126
Parthenopaeus 57
Parthians 9
Patara 137
Patroklos 129
Paul, St, travels of 1, 2, 6,
8; in Asia Minor 116, 119,
122 n., 129, 132, 135, 136,
137, 138; voyage to Italy 73,
83, 87, 92, 95, 96
Paulinus 19
pecunia manubialis 49 n.
Pella 27, 35
Peltae 121
Pemba 34
peregrini 5
Perinthus 11
Periplus Maris Erythraei 33,
34
Perga 132
Pergamus 25, 26, 113, 115, 117,
121
Perrot 128
Persius 97 n.
Pertusa Petra 50
Perusia 103
Pessinus 26, 125, 135
Peter, St 1, 2
Orbis Pictus 23, 24
Oricus 93
petorritum 60
Petra 34
Orontes 122, 141
Orsova 54
Ortelius 25
Ostia 48, 70, 80 n., 83, 84, 90,
91, 92, 99
Otho 4
Ovid 54 n., 64, 70 n., 82, 89,
94, 102
Petronius 97 n.
Peutinger, Conrad 25
Table 23, 24, 118,
123
Pharos 25, 90, 92
Pharsalia 88
phaselus 88
Phasis 9
156
INDEX
Philadelphia 121, 126, 139
Philip of Macedon 96 n.
Philippi 2
Philippopolis 40
pondera 66
Philo Judaeus 19, 30, 86, 92-
94
Philomelium 120, 133
Philostratus 18, 83, 141
Phoenice 92
Phoenicia 16
Phrygia 116, 121, 122, 129, 135,
136
Phrygia Galatica 134, 135
Picenum 104
pilentum 60
Pisae 40
Pisaurum 103
Pisidia 112, 116, 122, 129, 132–
134
Piso 11, 104
Placentia 37
plaustrum 56, 61
Plautus 82 n.
Pliny (the Elder)
on trade 9 n., 14, 33 (India),
34 (Africa), 93, 97, 101, 104,
107; on travel 10, 70 (rate
of); on the roads made by
Claudius 50; on the magnifi-
cence of vehicles 59 n.; on
the material of sails 81 n.;
on the tonnage of ships 83;
on the harbour at Ostia 90;
the Natural History 15
Pliny (the Younger)
correspondence with Trajan
1, 7, 8, 35, 48, 87, 108; corre-
spondence with his friends
64; on travel 11, 12, 19, 56,
58 n., 69; on trade 29 n., 39;
on the Danube Bridge 55; on
the inn at the source of the
Clitumnus 67; on brigandage
73; on the harbour at Cen-
tumcellae 91
Plutarch 5 n., 13, 17, 42, 46,
87, 88 n., 97, 100, 101 n.
Poetovio 39
Polybius 46
Pompeii 66, 78
Pompeius 14, 78
Pontine Marshes 52, 73
Pontus 42, 88, 115, 126
Galations 116
Porta Capena 28, 66
Portico of Octavia 23
portoria 42
Portus 36
Portus Iulius 89
praefectus annonae 8
Praeneste 12
princeps peregrinorum 5
Procopius 28 n., 144
Propertius 59
Propontis 121
Prusa 26
Ptanadaris 125
Pteria 116
Ptolemy Philopator 80
Puteoli 9, 29, 30, 36, 44, 84, 86,
87, 90, 91
Pyramids 11
Pyramus 131
Pyrenees 40
Pytheas 14
Quintus Gallus 72
Quirinius 123
Raetia 37, 38, 39, 49, 69
Ramsay 5 n., 15 n., 23, 84 n.,
113, 119 n., 127, 129 n., 132 n.,
138, 139 n.
Ravenna 79, 90, 103, 106
reda 56, 59, 60
Rhegium 28, 87
rhetor 16
Rhine 38, 41, 55, 58, 107, 108
Rhodes 99 n., 131, 137
Rhone 37, 38, 41, 108
Ripa 42
Robustus 73
Romanus 64
Rome 1, 3, 6, 8-10, 12, 15, 16,
21, 23, 26, 29, 31, 40, 48, 49,
60, 65, 70–72, 77, 78, §0 n.,
85, 90, 91, 93, 94, 103, 106,
-110, 115, 117, 126, 139, 140-
145
Rossus 124
Royal Road 116
Rubicon 69
rudus 45
Rushforth 5 n., 49 n., 123 n.
Rutupiae (Richborough) 41
Salamis 132
Salonae 73
Samarobriva (Amiens) 41
Samippus 85
Samos 131, 137
Samothrace 11, 17, 94
Samsat (Samosata) 56, 125
Sangarius 26, 112, 131
Sardanapalus 57
Sardinia 6, 8, 72
Sardis 116, 121
Satala 125, 127
Savaria 39
Savatra 120
Saxa Rubra 59
saxum quadratum 46
Schedia 42
Scipio Nasica 53
Sea
Adriatic 11, 103
INDEX
Aegean 9, 10, 25, 87, 111,
112
Baltic 40
Black (Euxine) 14, 25, 98,
111, 116
Carpathian 93
Caspian 14
Dalmatian 104
of Galilee 108
Ionian 11
Irish 9
{
Mediterranean 8, 79, 94, 95,
97, 108, 109, 111, 112, 117,
120
North 108
Red 13, 14, 31, 42
Tuscan 78
Sebastia 125, 126
Segesta 28
Seleucia 91, 124, 131
Selinus 124
sella 58
Sembritae 14
Seneca
on trade and travel 8, 9,
10 n., 12, 13 n., 20, 70; on
157
luxury in travel 57, 63, 108;
on the noise of wheeled traffic
at Rome 65, 66; on brigand-
age 73; on piracy 98
Seneca Rhetor 45
Septicius 69
Septimius Severus 56, 106
Sequana (Seine) 106
Serdica 40
Seres 34
serra cum 61
Severus Alexander 5
sevir 74
Sextilius 52
Sextus 17
""
Pompeius 6, 90
Roscius 69
Sicily 8, 10, 28, 42, 75, 77, 141
Siculus Flaccus 48 n.
Side 131
Sidon 36, 84
Silas 136
silex 45
Simon 73
Sinope 113, 116, 131
Sinuessa 44
Sinus Issicus 120
Sirmium 40
Siscia 40
Smyrna 16, 26, 121, 131
Solmissus, Mt. 118
Sosandra 121
Sostratus 92
Sousou 129
Spain 1, 8, 14, 17, 29, 41, 49,
50, 70, 75, 78
Spalatum 74
Sparta 141
Splügen Pass 39
Statia Pudentilla 74
stationarius 130
Statius 44, 51
statumen 45
Stephan 28, 43
Strabo
on imperial rule 10; on bri-
gandage and piracy 98, 128;
his travels 13, 14, 31, 32;
references to-Asia Minor 16,
71, 118-120, 125 n., 130, 131;
Egypt 33, 68, 92, 107, 108;
158
INDEX
Gades 91; Gaul 37, 106 n.;
Greece 95 n.; Italy 47, 52 n.,
90
Strasburg 38
Suakin 32
sublicae 53
Sucro 41
Suetonius
on the Imperial post 3; on
Imperial journeys 6, 7 n., 12,
61, 62, 63 n., 69 n., 82 n.,
87 n., 88 n., 94; references
to-road-making 48, 49, 50,
51; vehicles 56 n., 57 n., 58 n.,
59 n.; cursores 64 n.; brigand-
age 71, 72 n.; corn-traffic 86;
the Portus Iulius 90
sulcus 45
Sultan Dagh 133
Sura 36
Syagros 33
Syene 11, 30, 32, 42
Synnada 25, 121
Syria 34-36, 74, 86, 91, 93,
98, 123, 125
Syrtis 29, 30, 96
tabellarii 64
tabernae 40
tabula Heracleensis 65
Tacitus
his exclusiveness 141, 142;
references to-the diffusion of
Christianity 1; diplomata 4;
trade 9 n., 39 n.; travel and
communication 11 n.,
17 n.,
38 n., 47 n., 48 n., 54 n.,
59 n., 65 n., 79 n., 96 n.,
98 n., 104, 107 n.; brigands
72 n., 123 n., 124 n.
Tadius, C. 74
Tarentum 13, 35, 61
Tarquins 53
Tarracina 52
Tarraco 40, 70, 99
Tarsus 13, 16, 18, 35, 124,
126
Tatta, L. 112
Taurus 111, 112, 123-5, 131
Tavium 124, 125, 135
Tegea 5
Temple of
Aesculapius 18
Artemis 17, 117
Ceres 52
Diana at Ephesus 52, 117
Nemorensis 18
Feronia 52, 67
the Great Mother 17
Janus 49 n.
Juno 18
Jupiter Latiaris 45
the Thymbraean Apollo 72
Venus 17
Tempyra 82, 94
Teos 131
Thasus 37
Thebes 11, 32
Theocritus 36
Theophanes of Mytilene 14
Thermus 47
Thessalonica 35
Theudas 73
Theveste 29
Tholomaeus 73
Thrace 35, 40, 42, 67
Thyatira 121
Tiber 53, 90, 103, 104–107, 141
Tiberius 6, 10, 49, 52, 57, 63,
69, 72, 118, 120
Tibet 34
Tibullus 45 n.
Tibur 12
Ticinum 69
Tigris 55, 111
Tillius 61
Timothy (Epistle to) 2
Tingi (Tangier) 29, 30
Titus (Emperor) 17, 51, 64, 87
(Epistle to) 2
""
Tmolus, Mt. 121
Toledo 70, 75
Tomi 64, 89, 94
Torr 80, 81, 82 n.
Tozer 14
Trajan 1, 4, 7, 8, 20, 35, 48,
51, 52–5, 87, 91, 108
Tralles 52, 118
Trapezus 130
Trebia 49
Tres Tabernae 67
Trivicum 67
INDEX
159
Troad 137
Troas 121, 136, 137
Troglodytes 13, 32
Trogyllium 137
Trusiamnum 103
Tuccius 17
Turkey 74, 127
Tusculum 12·
Tyana 18, 124, 126
Tyre 36, 138
Umbricius 59, 66, 73
υποζώματα 95
Uriconium (Wroxeter) 41
Utica 99
Vadimon, L. 83
Valens 38
Valentia 41
Valentinian II. 24
Valerius Maximus 69 n.
Varro 67 n.
vectoriae 88
Vegetius 23
vehiculatio 4
Veii 18
Veldidena (Wilden) 39
Velserus 25
Venusia 35
veredi 4
Vergil 10, 89, 107
Verona 29. 37-39
Vespasian 31, 32, 40, 50, 59,
68, 116
Vespucci 101
Vestal Virgins 65
Vetera 38
Vetus 107
Via
Aemilia Scauri 37
Annia 52
Appia 20, 28, 35, 44, 45, 47,
52, 67
Augusta 52
Augusta (in Gaul) 40
(in Raetia) 38, 50
Aurelia 40
Claudia Augusta 39
Domitia 40, 46
Domitiana 44
Egnatia 35, 46, 139
Flaminia 20, 37, 45, 47-50,
104
Postumia 37, 39
viae consulares 27
militares 27
""
""
praetoriae 27
vicinales 27
Vicarello cups 26
Vienna (in Gaul) 37
(modern) 25
vigintiviri 47
Viminacium 40
Vindelicia 40
Vindobona 40
Vindonissa (Bâle) 39
Vinland 101
Vitellius 4, 38, 63, 95 n.
Vitruvius 44, 67 n.
Vulturnus 44
Wallachia 57
Watling Street 41
Wesseling 27
Winds 34, 95 n. (Pliny's list),
101
Worms 38
Xenophon 130 n.
Yang-tse-kiang 34
Zanzibar 34
Zea 80
Zeugma 36, 54, 125
Zosimus 19
Zosta 133
Zuyder Zee 107
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APR 23 1910
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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