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significance of CERTAIN
COLORS IN ROM ºn RITUAL
A DISSERTATIC
- subMITTED ºn tº BoARD of UNIVERSITY STUTIES OF THE JOHNs
Hopkins UNIVERSITY IN confoRMITY W. aſſº REQUIREMENTS
- ºr THE DEGREE of Doctor of ſºil. OPHY
- ººſtegiste §ress
GEORGE BANTA PUBLISHING COMPANY
MENASHA, WISCONSIN
1917
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Úhe Julius impkins iniuersity
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CERTAIN
COLORS IN ROMAN RITUAL
A DISSERTATION
SUBMITTED TO THE BOARD OF UNIVERSITY STUDIES OF THE JOHNS
HOPKINS UNIVERSITY IN CONFORMITY WITH THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
BY
MARY EMMA ARMSTRONG
‘ſhe qſailegiate #ress
GEORGE BANTA PUBLISHING COMPANY
MENASHA, WISCONSIN
1917
CONTENTS
PAGE
PRELIMINARY NOTE................................................................................... V
CHAPTER I: SCARLET............................................................................ 1
CHAPTER II: PURPLE.......... * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * > 9 tº e º e º is e º g º f * * 21
CHAPTER III: BLACK AND WHITE.......................................................... 32
CHAPTER IV: GOLD...................................................... * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 39
BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * g º ºr e º e º w w e º tº º is tº € e tº 51
PRELIMINARY NOTE
The significance of color in religion has never been made the subject
of extended or thorough study. In recent years students of folk-lore,
recognizing the importance of color in primitive life, have begun to record
its uses among semi-civilized tribes. The prominence of the color red
in the religious rites of these tribes and of ancient nations, especially
in the cult of the dead, has attracted attention, and several explanations
of its use have been offered. Yet even here there has been no serious
attempt to distinguish between the different shades of red, and to deter-
mine the meaning of each. Among very primitive peoples, it is true,
no such distinction exists, but it was evidently made by the Greeks and
Romans before historical times. The symbolic use of black and white
among the Greeks, the Romans, and the Germans has also been given
some consideration. Yet with the exception of a few scattered articles
on these colors and brief references in works dealing with other phases
of ancient life, nothing has been written upon the symbolism of the dif-
ferent colors used in early religions. -
The religious feeling of the ancient Romans permeated so large a
part of their life, and formed the basis of so many customs, that a com-
plete study of their religious use of various colors would be a very difficult
and lengthy task. In the following pages, therefore, the subject has
been limited to Roman ritual and its use of five particular colors—scarlet,
purple, black, white, and gold. Even here explanations are necessary
and certain limitations have been made.
When it was realized that purpureus and puniceus must be treated
separately, it was the intention to investigate their use in Greek ritual
also. But it soon became evident that in this respect Greek customs
were not entirely parallel with those of the Romans, and that they
varied in different parts of the Greek world. The evidence collected
suggests that these colors had the same religious significance in both
nations. But a complete investigation of this matter would require
more time than can be spared for it now, and it may be enough for
present purposes to discuss only the Roman usage. The usual term
“purple” has been adopted as the translation of purpureus, since there
is no exact English equivalent of the Latin word. “Dark-red” would
be only less unsatisfactory, and “purple” has the advantage of being
generally accepted.
vi SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
#
Though black and white are not colors in the scientific sense, they
are so regarded in decoration and in ritualistic use, and therefore have
their place in the present investigation. Black has been treated only
as opposed to white, since it is connected only with the underworld
and the full discussion of that obscure phase of religion, with the colors
belonging to it, is beyond the scope of this article.
The employment of gold in ritual seems clearly due to its color,
not to its value or its other qualities as a metal; hence it is legitimately
included in this discussion. -
It may seem strange that so important a color as luteus, used in
marriage ceremonies, has been omitted, but a brief investigation showed
that, in order to determine its meaning, a careful consideration of the
relation between the cult of Vesta, the duties of the Flaminica Dialis,
and the marriage rites would be necessary. That, too, would prove
sufficient for a separate study.
There has been no attempt to decide why any color was more promi-
nent in the worship of one deity than in that of others; only the general
use of the colors has been considered, with the reasons for their original
connection with Roman ritual. In many places it has been impossible
to give a complete list of references to Latin authors, owing to the great
abundance of such material. It is hoped, however, that the references
given are sufficient for purposes of illustration.
CHAPTER I
SCARLET
The color red embraces so great a variety of shades that even highly
civilized man does not readily distinguish them. We recognize that
there is a difference between crimson, scarlet, magenta, and vermilion,
for example, but in referring casually to any one of these shades we call
it red. This carelessness has brought an added element of confusion
into the study of that already confused subject, Roman religion. Many
eminent Scholars have paid no attention to the difference between
purpureus and puniceus, a distinction which was sharply made by
the Romans in religious matters. Other writers, notably Helbig,
consider the distinction important, but have not yet endeavored to
trace the original meaning of both colors. It is the purpose of this
chapter to show briefly what the difference was, to point out the use of
Scarlet in various phases of Roman religion, and, to some extent, at least,
to account for that use. t
The term purpureus (Topſpipeos) included many shades of dark red,"
ranging from a shade which was not far from scarlet” to a deep violet. I
The best varieties were made at Tyre from the liquor secreted by certain
salt-water Snails, the murex or bucinum and the purpura or pelagia,”
though the Romans also used the purple made in other countries
from vegetable dyes.
Scarlet (coccineus) was often called puniceus or phoeniceus (botvikeos)
because it was manufactured chiefly at Carthage. It was made from
an insect living on the scarlet oak which was thought to be the berry
(coccum, kökkos) of that tree.*
Many passages of both prose and poetry" show that the distinction
existed even in common speech, but, naturally, as in modern times, the
* Dig. 32, 70, 13: “Purpurae autem appellatione omnis generis purpuram con-
tineri puto, sed coccum non continebitur; fucinum et ianthinum continebitur.”
*This color was not permanent unless combined with other dyes; cf. Pliny, N. H.
IX, 134: “bucinum per se damnatur, quoniam fucum remittit: pelagio admodum
alligatur nimiaeque eius nigritiae dat austeritatem illam nitoremdue qui quaeritur
cocci. Ita permixtis viribus alterum altero excitatur aut adstringitur.”
* Pliny (N. H. IX, 125–140) describes the Tyrian processes of manufacture. A
full account is given by Blümner, Tech. und Term. I, pp. 233-248. .
* Pliny, N. H. XVI, 32; IX, 141; XXII, 3.
* E. g., Plaut. Menaech. V, 5, 19; Tib. II, 3, 57 f.; Mart. IV, 28, 1-3; Isid. Orig.
XIX, 24, 9; Lucan X, 123-126; Suet. Nero 30.
2 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
terms were often used loosely. Blümner" has found that purpureus
in poetry and pathetic prose often has the general signification red,
and that puniceus also may be so used, but that, on the other hand,
coccineus is generally confined to its special meaning. Religious con-
servatism prevents this tendency from being very troublesome in our
present investigation, though it will be necessary to scrutinize carefully
the statements of the later poets.
There can be no doubt that Scarlet was used on certain Sacerdotal
garments and on others worn in the performance of specified duties.
The infulae worn by priests and victims, and hung upon temples, trees,
or other consecrated objects," were often of white and Scarlet.* This
seems to have been true in the worship of Bona Dea,” and is probable
in that of Vesta, as Jordan” and Dragendorff" have seen. The Flaminica
Dialis, however, wore a purple fillet,” while “caeruleae vittae” were
placed on the victims dedicated to certain sea deities,” on altars which
were set up to the Manes of Polydorus,” and on the animals sacrificed
yearly to the Manes of L. Caesar.” -
The distinguishing mark of the Arval Brothers’ priesthood was a
wreath of grain bound with white fillets.” The emphasis placed upon
* Blümmer, Die Rote Farbe im Lateinischen, Archiv VI, 1889, 401.
7 Fest. 113 M, 100 Lindsay: “Infulae sint filamenta lanea, quibus sacerdotes et
hostiae templaque velantur”; Stat. Silv. IV, 4, 92: “votiferaque meas suspendit
ab arbore vittas”; IV, 8, 1: “Pande fores superum vittataque templa Sabaeis nubi-
bus”; Appian, B. C. II, 108; v. Pley, Relgesch. Versuche XI, 1911, 40-43; see 48-79
for full discussion and references.
* Serv. Aen. X, 538: “Infula, fascia in modum diadematis, a qua vittae ab utraque
parte dependent: quae plerumque lata est, plerumque tortilis de albo et cocco”;
cf. Isid. Orig. XIX, 30, 4.
* Prop. IV, 9, 27: “Devia puniceae velabant limina vittae”; IV, 9, 52: “Puniceo
canas stamine vincta comas.” Doubtless for poetical reasons, only one of the two
colors is mentioned.
* Jordan, Der Tempel der Vesta, p. 49.
*Dragendorff, Rh. M. LI, 1896, p. 286.
*Fest. 355M, 484 L.: “Tutulum vocari aiunt Flaminicarum capitis ornamentum,
quod fiat vitta purpurea innexa crinibus et extructum in altitudinem.”
* Val. Flac. Arg. I, 188 ft.
*Aen. III, 62 ft.
* Cenotaphia Pisana, Orelli-Henzen 642 (= Dessau 139).
* Pliny, N. H. XVIII, 6; “Arvorum sacerdotes Romulus inprimis instituit
. Spicea corona quae vitta alba colligaretur, sacerdotio ei pro religiosissimo insigni
data”; Gell. VII, (VI), 7, 8: “Sabinus Masurius in primo memoralium, secutus
quosdam historiae scriptores, . . . inquit . . . collegium mansit fratrum arvalium
. . . cuius Sacerdotii insigne est spicea corona et albae infulae.”
SCARLET. - 3
this may seem to support the interpretation of Servius' comment, which
has been adopted by certain scholars, that infulae were generally white
and scarlet, whether they were twisted or not. Yet the fillets of the
laurel wreath on Caesar's statue which were so strenuously objected
to by the tribuni plebis were white.” If we could trust references in the
poets implicitly, we should have no hesitation in recognizing white as
the usual color,” but it is possible that in many cases some other color
(scarlet?) was combined with it.” Very likely the fillets differed as
the worship of the particular deity required, white usually being predomi-
nant. Bards are represented as wearing either white or purple fil-
lets;” the brows of the victors in Aeneas' boat-race are bound with
scarlet;” the Parcae in Catullus’ epyllion wear white or bright red bands
on their sacred heads;” the dancers in the pompa circensis were clad in
scarlet;” but in all these instances Grecian practices, not Roman, were
followed, and the descriptions are of no service in the present investi-
gation.
” Suet. Caes. 79: “cum . . . quidam e turba statuae eius coronam lauream
candida fascia praeligata imposuisset, et tribuni plebis . . . coronae fasciam detrahi
. iussissent”; cf. Appian, B. C. II, 108. -
*a) Ceres: Ov. Met. V, 109 f.: “Cererisque sacerdos I Ampycus, albente velatus
tempora vitta.” Since white garments were especially suited to Ceres (v. Ov. Fast.
IV, 619 f.; V, 355 f.; Met. X, 432; Her. IV, 71; Val. Max. I, 1, 15) and her fillets were
a distinctive emblem in Tertullian's time (De Pallio 4; De Test. Animae 2), it is pro-
bable that the fillets also were pure white. The similarity of her worship to that of
Dea Dia is obvious; Fowler, Rom. Fest., p. 74, considers the two identical. b) Apollo:
Lucan V, 142 f.; “Tum torta priores | stringitvitta comas, crinesque in terga solutos |
candida Phocaia complectitur infula lauro.” This, if taken literally, would indicate
that not even twisted fillets were always of two colors; v. Ov. Met. XIII, 643; Stat.
Theb. IV, 217; VI, 330 f. c) Diana: Ov. Met. II, 413: “vitta coèrcuerat neglectos
alba capillos.” d) Aesculapius: Ov. Met. XV, 676: “evinctus vitta crines albente
sacerdos.” Isidorus' statement: “infula est fasciola sacerdotalis capitis alba”
(Orig. XIX, 30, 4) may be based on such passages. e) Cumaean Sibyl: Stat. Silv.
IV, 3, 114 ff. f.) King Syphax: Sil. It. XVI, 241 f. g) Bards, inventors, and good
men in general: Aen. VI, 660-665; cf. IV, 457 ff.
*Note Stat. Theb. II, 737 f., of a ceremony in Pallas' honor: “ab arbore casta |
nectent purpureas niveo discrimine vittas.”
* Sil. It. XIII, 779 f.: “Effigem—castam, cui vitta ligabat I purpurea effusos
per colla nitentia crines”; Stat. Silv. VI, 7, 5-11: “ipsi quos penes est honor canendi
. . . purpureas novate vittas”; Achil. I, 11 (of himself as bard): “nec mea nunc
primis albescunt tempora vittis” (Klotz reads augescunt for albescunt); cf. Theb.
III, 466 f.; Verg. Aen. VI, 665.
* Aen. V, 269: “punicelsibant evincti tempora taenis.”
* Cat. LXIV, 309: “At roseo niveae residebant vertice vittae.” See Ellis'
note on this much-discussed line.
* Dion. Hal. VII, 72.
4 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
One article in the picturesque garb of the Salii was a trabea with a
purple border and Scarlet stripes.” Its groundwork was perhaps
white, like that of the toga, as Helbig suggests.” Scarlet seems to have
been the chief color of their tunica picta, but the other colors are
unknown.” -**s---sº.... . . - - - - - * : * *
Another purple and Scarlet trabea was worn by the equites at their
annual transvectio (July 15)” and on all other public occasions.” Its
groundwork was purple, the stripes scarlet.”
Of a third, devoted to the augurs' use, we know only that it com-
bined the same two colors;” which color formed the groundwork and
which the stripes is not stated. Servius' assertion that the flamens of
Jupiter and Mars wore the trabea” has justly caused surprise;” as Helbig
says, it is so strange that it cannot have been invented. No ancient
source mentions the color of this trabea, yet it is hardly correct to say
that there is no hint that it differed from the color of the toga praetexta.”
In the passage referred to, Servius is commenting upon the attire of King
Picus as an augur,” and attributes both ancile and trabea to the augurs
and the two flamens named. It is at least possible that he definitely
meant the augural trabea with its scarlet and purple. How probable
this is will be seen later.
* Dion. Hal. II, 70: xurðvas troukl}\ous xa)\ka’s puttpats kate; axopuévot kai r^{3évvas
êutretropirmpiévot treputropºpúpous dowworaptºbows às ka)\odot rpaşâas (éatt ö’étrix&ptos
aúrm ‘Pogators tot}}s év roſs trävv ruta); cf. Marquardt, Privatleben II*, 507, n. 2,
and 545; Helbig, Sur les attributs des Saliens, p. 56.
* Livy I, 20; Dion. Hal. II, 70; Plut. Numa 13: $otvikoús . . . .xtravtorkovs;
Helbig, op. cit., p. 50.
* Val. Max. II, 2, 9; Pers. III, 29; Dion. Hal. VI, 13.
” Suet. Domit. 14; Tac. Ann. III, 2; Stat. Silv. IV, 2, 32 f.; Mart. V, 35; 23,
1-6 and Friedländer’s note; cf. Momm. Staatsr. III°, 1,513 n. 2.
* Dion. Hal. VI, 13: tropºpupās pouvukotrapūqous . . . riflévvas, rås ka?\oupévas
rpaflèas; cf. Helbig, Hermes, XXXIX, 1904, p. 178. -
* Serv. Aen. VII, 612: “Suetonius in libro de genere vestium dicit tria genera
esse trabearum: unum dis sacratum quod est tantum de purpura; aliud regum, quod
est purpureum, habet tamen album aliquid; tertium augurale de purpura et cocco”;
cf. Serv. Aen. VII, 188.
* Serv. Aen. VII, 190: “Ancile et trabea communia sunt tauguri] cum Diali
vel Martiali sacerdote.”
* Momm. Staatsr. I*, 429, n. 6; Wissowa, R. K.”499, n. 1; Helbig, Hermes XXXIX,
1904, 167.
*Helbig, Hermes XXXIX, 1904, 178.
* Cf. Serv. Aen. VII, 187, 188; IX, 4.
SCARLET 5
Other garments were entirely scarlet. If Tertullian is to be credited,
devotees of Saturn wore a scarlet cloak.” The paludamentum, worn
by the imperator, his lictors,” and even by common soldiers,” was usually
scarlet,” though it might be purpureus, or even white.”
In this connection should be mentioned the Saliae virgines who sacri-
ficed “in Regia cum Pontifice paludatas cum apicibus in modum Salio-
runn.”39
As primitive medicine was based upon the idea of possession by
evil spirits, it is natural to find articles possessing a religious significance
used to help along the cure or as a preventive. Marcellus is constantly
prescribing scarlet for such purposes. Where it is employed to cure
bloodshot eyes,” or white spots on the eyes,” “sympathetic” magic
is doubtless the reason, the bright red cloth being supposed to draw
to itself the excess of color in the over-charged veins, or to substitute
the healthful hue for the unnatural whiteness. It should be noticed
that fresh blood is also a part of such charms. In various other cases,
however, the use of this particular color is not so easily explained, and
a deeper significance must be sought,” especially where it is used as a
“blanket prescription.”
* Tertull. De Test. Animae 2: “pallio Saturni coccinata . . . in ipsis denique
templis deum iudicem imploras?”; De Pallio 4: “cum . . . Galatici ruboris super-
iectio Saturnum commendat.”
* Cic. in Pis. 23, 55; Livy XXXI, 14, 2; XLI, 10, 13; Sil. It. IX, 419 f.; Appian,
Hist, Rom. VIII, 66; cf. Varro, L. L. VII, 37.
* v. Marquardt, Prſ. II*, 567.
* Pliny, N. H. XXII, 3: “Galatiae, Africae, Lusitaniae, grani coccum impera-
toriis dicatum paludamentis”; Hor. Epod. 9, 27 f. and Porphyrio's comment; Val.
Max. V, 1, 6; Sil. It. IV, 517; XVII, 391 ff.; cf. Lamprid. Alex. Serv. 40, 7; Val. Max.
V, 1, 7; Lydus, De Mag. II, 4.
* Livy XXX, 17, 13; Hirt., Bell. Afr. 57; Val. Max. I, 8, 8; I, 6, 11; Acr. on Hor.
Epod. 9, 27. The use of gold upon it was of late origin; cf. Suet. Calig. XIX, 2.
Aurel. Vict. Epit. 3 extr.; Pliny, N. H., XXXIII, 63; Tac. Ann. XII, 56; Cass.
Dio LX, 33, 3. The variation of colors accounts for Isid. Orig. XIX, 24, 9; “Paluda-
mentum erat insigne pallium imperatorum cocco purpuraque et auro distinctum.”
* Cincius and Aelius Stilo in Festus 329 M, 439 L.
* Marcellus VIII, 135: “Ranam de lacu prendes et spina oculos ei subtiliter erues
atdue in panno coccineo de licio ligatos oculis interius cruentis superpones, cito mede-
beris” cf. also VIII, 50-51, VIII; 26.
* Marcellus VIII, 129: “Ad albuginem oculorum detergendam efficax hoc reme-
dium: vulpem vivam capies eique linguam praecides ipsamgue vivam dimittes, linguam
autem eius arefactam phoenicio ligabis et collo eius qui albuginem patietur suspendes.”
* Marcellus XV, 89; XII, 25; XXII, 44; XIV, 30; XIV, 25 f.; XIV, 23; XIV, 20;
XVI, 11; XXXI, 18; XXVII, 140; XX, 104; XV, 47; XXII, 41; XXXVI, 4.
- * Marcellus, XXV, 33: “Ad nesciam physicum remedium: testudinis aquaticae
crus praecide et phoenicio involutum ex ea parte, qua quis nesciam patitur, adpone,
potenter remediabitur.”
6 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
The use of scarlet feathers or cloths in hunting,” or in bull fights,”
is probably due to the physico-psychological effect thus produced on
the animal, while Vergil’s indifferent assignment of purple or scarlet
hunting-boots to Diana and to her devotees” indicates only that some
shade of red was used. With purely poetical phrases" and the use of
brilliant hues by a luxurious” age we are not concerned.
We have, therefore, to consider the significance of scarlet on the tra-
beae worn by the augurs, knights, Salii, and the flamens of Jupiter and
Mars, on the infulae of the Vestals and the priestess of Bona Dea, on
the paludamentum, and in medicine; in addition, the reference to the
cloak worn by Saturn's worshiper is to be kept in mind.
Of the birds observed in augury, one of the most important was the
woodpecker.” It was therefore connected with Jupiter, for the augurs
were “interpretes Iovis Optimi Maximi.” Yet it was called “picus
Martius,” and was sacred to Mars throughout Central Italy. Tradi-
tion said that a little band of Sabines setting out to find a new home had
been guided by a woodpecker to the destined land, which for that reason
was named Picenum;” at Tiora Matiene, in the territory of the Aequi,
there was an ancient oracle of Mars similar to that of Zeus at Dodona,
but the prophecies were uttered by a woodpecker perched on a wooden
column;” in the tabulae Iguvinae a field is named “Picius Martius,”
and the woodpecker is one of the augural birds.” The Latins also
“Verg, Georg. III, 372 “punicaeve agitant pavidos formidine pinnae”; Aen.
XII, 750; Sen. Phaed. 46 f.
* Ov. Met. XII, 102-104: “Haud secus exarsit, quam circo taurus aperto, cum
sua terribili petit inritamina cornu, jpoeniceas vestes.”
* Verg. Ecl. VII, 32; Aen. I, 336 f.
* Sil. It. XVI, 354; Mart. XIV, 131, 1 (coccum and coccinus used for russeus of
the circus-faction); Ciris, 500 f. (pumiceus used for the usual purpureus); Apul. Met.
3, 1; Verg. Aen. XII, 76, etc.
* Mart. II, 39; IV, 28, 1-3; I, 96, 4ff.; X, 76, 9; II, 29, 7 f., and Friedländer's
note; Juv. III, 283. This includes the adoption of scarlet by the Roman emperors;
cf. Suet. Nero, 30, 3; Domit. 4, 2; Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 40, 11.
* Pliny, N. H. X, 40–41: “Sunt et parvae aves uncorum unguium, ut pici Martio
cognomine insignes et in auspiciis magni. . . . Ipsi principales Latio Sunt in auguriis
a rege qui nomen huic avi dedit”; cf. Festus 197 and 246 M.; Isid. Orig. XII, 47.
* Cic. De Leg. II, 20; III, 43; Phil. XIII, 12; Arnob. IV, 35; cf. Aust, Religion
der Römer, 1899, p. 121.
* E. g., Varro, De Wit. Pop. Rom. III (in Nonius 518 M.); Pliny, N. H. XI, 122;
XXV, 29; Serv. Aen. VII, 190.
*Strabo V, 4, 2; Paul. 212 M., 235 L.
* Dion. Hal. I, 14, 5.
*Buecheler, Umbrica, pp. 37, 42 f.
SCARLET 7
revered the sacred bird." It helped the wolf nourish Romulus and
Remus, Mars' children,” and possessed certain other unusual qualities.”
It is not strange, then, that from this prophetic bird, connected
with both Jupiter and Mars, and endowed with magical powers, there
developed the idea of a deity, and later that of a king.” This deity
was sometimes worshipped under the name of Picumnus, and, with his
brother Pilumnus, watched over new-born children” and certain pro-
cesses of agriculture.” In this latter connection his father is Sterces
(Stercutus), identified with Saturn.” The better-known legends call
him Picus, the son of Saturn,” and the father of Faunus,” the oracular
wood-deity.” Sometimes he is apparently identified with Mars.”
Ovid" names Picus and Faunus “di nemorum,” a title readily ascribed
to Picus because of the forest life of the woodpecker.
As one of the early kings of Latium his wife was Pomona,” Canens,
the daughter of Janus,” or even Circe,” who changed the royal youth
into a woodpecker. Ovid's gives the details of the transformation
delightfully: the youth, hunting with a band of friends, was seen and
55 Plut. Q. R. 21.
* See Fabius Pictor in Nonius 518 M. (cf. Peter, Hist. Rom. Frag. p. 75, 11.15-16);
Ov. Fast. III, 37 f.; Plut. De Fort. Rom. VIII, 320 D.
* Plaut. Aul. 701 f. (cf. Non. 152 M.); Pliny, N. H. X, 40–41; Isid. Orig. XII,
47; Preller-Jordan, Röm. Myth. 337.
*See Carter in Roscher, Lex. III”, 2494-2496.
*Non. 518 M.: “Picumnus et avis est Martidicata, quam picum vel picam vocant,
et deus qui sacris Romanis adhibetur;” Interpol. Serv. Aen. X, 76: “Varro Pilumnum
et Pitumnum infantium deos esse ait eisque pro puerpera lectum in atrio sterni, dum
exploretur an vitalis sit qui natus est. Piso Pilumnum dictum quia pellat mala in-
fantiae, Sed Pilumnus idem Stercutius, ut quidam dicunt, qui propter pilum inventum,
quo fruges confici solent, ita appellatus est;” Serv. Aen. IX, 4: “Pilumnus et Pitumnus
fratres fuerunt dii. Horum Pitumnus usum stercorandorum invenit agrorum . .
unde et Sterculinius dictus est . . . Pilumnus vero pinsendi frumenti; unde et a
pistoribus deus coliter . . . Varro coniugales deos suspicatur.”
"Macrob. Sat. I, 7, 25; Varro in Aug. C. D. XVIII, 15; Isid. Orig. XVII, 1, 3.
*Aen. VII, 48 f.; Arnob. Adv. Nat. II, 71; Festus 246 M.; Lactant. Inst. I, 22, 9;
Aug. C. D. XVIII, 15; Sil. It. VIII, 439 ft.
*Prob. on Verg. Georg. I, 10; Aen. VII, 81 ff.; Ov. Fast. IV, 649 f.; Calp. Ecl.
I, 8ff. See W. Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People, p. 81.
* Appian, De Reg. I, 1; Dion. Hal. I, 31; cf. Preller-Jordan, Röm. Myth. I, p. 379.
* Ov. Fast. III, 297.
* Serv. Aen. VII, 190.
* Ov. Met. XIV, 333 ff.
"Aen. VII, 189 f.; Val. Flac. Arg. VII, 232. This is consistent with Aen. XII,
161 ff., in which the Sun is Latinus’ ancestor.
* Ov. Met. XIV, 320 ft. Briefer accounts are found in other authors.
8 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
loved by the Sorceress; enticing him away from his companions, she
revealed herself to him, and when her passion was scorned, she took
her characteristic revenge; his scarlet chlamys” was turned into brilliant
plumage, and the gold fibula which had fastened it became the yellow
feathers around his neck.
But the most famous account of King Picus is that given in the
seventh book of the Aeneid.” Vergil is describing the ancestral palace
of King Latinus, “Laurentis regia Pici.” Within it were statues of
the early Italian monarchs, including Janus and Saturn. Prominent
among them was a seated image of Picus, “equum domitor,” first ruler
of the Laurentines, and grandfather of Latinus. He was clad in the
trabea, held the lituus Quirinalis, and carried an ancile upon his left
arm. Servius interprets this costume as that of the augur, basing his
identification upon the lituus" and the fact that the other kings were
represented standing, whereas Picus, well known as an augur,” kept the
position suitable for that official.” Certainly the woodpecker, of Scarlet
plumage, employed in augury, endowed with magical powers, might
well become an augur and wear the augur's trabea of Scarlet and pur-
ple.” It is, of course, possible that the trabea meant was the royal
cloak, purple with narrow white stripes,” and that the shield indicated
*Cf. Ov. Met. XIV, 345: “poeniceam fulvo chlamydem contractus ab auro” with
l. 393: “purpureum chlamydis pennae traxere colorem.” In the latter line purpureus
may easily have the general meaning red, as it often does (cf. Blümner, Archiv VI,
1889, 401). McCrea's comment on Nisus’ “purpureus crinis” (Ovid's Use of Colour
and of Colour-Terms in Classical Studies in Honor of Henry Drisler, p. 193) indicates
that the adjective might convey an idea of brightness, while his evidence that pumiceas
here means crimson (p. 185) is not convincing. Woodpeckers “are generally of bright
parti-coloured plumage, in which black, white, brown, olive, green, yellow, orange or
scarlet . . . appear” (Encyl. Brit. XXVIII, p. 802); we would, therefore, expect
the young huntsman of the legend to wear a scarlet rather than a crimson cloak.
70 Aen. VII, 170-191.
* Serv. Aen. VII, 190: “augur fuit et domi habuit picum, per quem futura nosce-
bat; quod pontificales indicant libri. Bene autem supra ei lituum dedit, quod est
augurum proprium; nam ancile et trabea communia sunt Diali vel Martiali Sacerdote;
Aug. C. D. XVIII, 15; cf. Cic. De Div. I, 17, 30: “Lituus iste vester, quod clarissimum
est insigne auguratus; cf. I, 48, 107; II, 38, 80; Livy, I, 6, 4; Apul. Apol. 22; Serv.
Aen. VII, 187.
* Serv. Aen. IX, 4: “secundum augures “sedere’est augurium captare; namgue
post designatas caeli partes a sedentibus captantur auguria: quod et supra ipse osten-
dit latenter, inducens Picum solum sedentem, ut [VII, 187] ‘parvaque sedebat suc-
cinctus trabea,' quod est augurum, cum alios stantes induxerit.”
*Serv. Aen. VII, 188: “toga est augurum de cocco et purpura;” cf. Serv.
Aen. VII, 612.
*Serv. Aen. VII, 612, “aliud (genus trabearum] regum, quod est purpureum,
habet tamen album aliquid; v. Helbig, Hermes XXXIX, 1904, 176.
SCARLET 9
warlike characteristics, “so dass er also wie alle alten Könige zugleich
als Augur und als Krieger gedacht wurde,” but there seems no good
reason for rejecting Servius’ explanation, when we cannot prove that
it is wrong and when there is so much in its favor.
We have seen that Picus is bird, deity, and king; that he is closely
connected with Mars and Jupiter, and, as deity and king, with Saturn.
Helbig” has shown the probability of Mycenaean influence upon the
peoples of central Italy. In this connection the identification of Picus
with the Cretan Zeus is interesting; in relation to our investigation it
is significant. Both Suidas" and Diodorus Siculus,” with minor dif-
ferences, relate that Picus, or Zeus, ruled over Italy; that dying he left
the empire to his son and asked that he be interred in Crete; this was
done and an epitaph erected stating that IIlkos & kai Zets was buried
there. Malalas” attributes to Bruttius the story that 6 airós IIºkos &
kai Zets wooed Danaë. Creuzer" quotes from Nicetas (Epithet. Deor.
Meletem. I, p. 18) the adjectives #twos Tikos as applied to Jupiter, and
sees a close connection between the Jupiter Elicius story” and the
Cretan myth. He says, “Der Blitz ist hier in diesen Mythen personi-
ficirt. Als Schreckend und verderbend ist Juppiter der Scharfe and
Strenge; als befruchtend und segnend Völkerhirt und sanfter König.”
Hat der Schrecken des Blitzes und Donners nachgelassen, so ist der
Verderber todt. Das ist der sterbende Picus, der in Creta begraben ist.”
Although this explanation is partially based on the untrustworthy story
of Valerias Antias, it is evident that Picus was sometimes identified with
the lightning god in Greek tradition, and we have seen that the wood-
* Preller-Jordan, Röm. Myth. I, 377. -
*Helbig, Sur les Attributs des Saliens; cf. especially p. 31: “Nous possidons
toute une Série de faits attestant que, pendant la période précèdant la fondation des
premières colonies grecques dans les pays occidentaux, les peuples de l’Italie centrale
Subirent l’influence de la civilisation mycénienne.” Compare Varro in Aug. C. D.
XVIII, 15: “Per ea tempora regnum finitum est Argivorum translatum ad Mycenas,
unde fuit Agamemnon, et exortum est regnum Laurentum, ubi Saturni filius Picus
regnum primus accepit.”
” Suidas: IIſikos é kai Zets . . . He adds: uéuvmvrat roß rāgov robrov tr}\etarot
êv roºs ióiots ovyypāppaoru.
* Diod. Sic. VI, 5, Excerpta ex Ioannis Chronicis. Cramer thinks this Ioannes
is Malalas.
* Peter, Hist, Rom. Frag. 375, 25–27.
* Creuzer, Symbolik IV3, 364 f.; cf. A. B. Cook, Cl. R. XVII, 1903, 412.
* Ov., Fast. III, 285-398.
* Not only Saturn but also his descendants ruled mildly over their people; cf.
Probus on Verg. Georg. I, 10; Aen. VII, 45 f. • * *
10 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
pecker was closely connected with him in Italian ideas. It seems prob-
able that this story of the Cretan Zeus ruling as king of Italy arose from
the confusion of Zeus with Jupiter.” In that case the identification of
Picus with Zeus may point to an early connection of Picus with Jupiter.
We may recall also that Picus, like Jupiter, is the son of Saturn. Kuhn”
has shown conclusively that he is a lightning-bird, fire-bringer, and
soul-bringer, and even considers the possibility of his symbolizing the
lightning itself.
The Romans never officially adopted the Etruscan belief in nine
deities who hurled the thunderbolt,” but ascribed that power to the Sky-
god alone,”—for Summanus who sent lightning by night” was only “a
nocturnal Jupiter.” In very early times, however, like other primitive
peoples, they regarded each separate flash as a god, and the anthropo-
morphic idea developed gradually. Aust” and Wissowa.” have traced
its growth as shown by inscriptions and literature. At first no name
was attached to the miraculous flash, but the place struck was set apart
and the inscription “fulgur dium,” or “fulgur divom conditum” was
* Arnob. Adv. Nat. IV, 14 and 25; Firm. Mat. VI, I; XVII, 1; Commodianus,
Instr. 1, 6, 16; 1, 5, 1.
* Kuhn, Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Götterirankes ed. 1886; cf. especially
pp. 30–31, 92-93, 224-226. To the reference Pliny, N. H. X, 36, may be added Julius
Obsequens 40, (100) and 51 (111): “Ser. Galba M. Scauro consulibus avis incendiaria
et bubo in urbe visae . . . C. Caelio L. Domitio consulibus . . . avis incendiaria
visa occisaque.” Compare the eagle as lightning-bird, Kuhn, pp. 29, 155 ft.; Usener,
Rh. M. LX, 1905, 24 f.; Manilius V, 487-490, 501-504; Julius Obsequens 66 (126).
* Pliny, N. H. II, 138: “Tuscorum litterae novem deos emittere fulmina existi-
mant . . . Romani duo tantum exiis servavere, diurna attribuentes Iovi, nocturna
Summano.” Cf. Müller, Die Etrusker II, p. 168; Thulin, Die Etruskische Disciplin
I, 32ff.
* Serv. Aen. I, 42: “antiqui Iovis solius putaverunt esse fulmen.” For explana-
tion of apparent contradiction cf. Thulin, op. cit. I, 23.
*7 Pliny, N. H. II, 138; Aug. C. D. IV, 23; Festus 229 M, 254 L.
* Fowler, Rom. Fest., 160; Thulin, op. cit. I, 23 and 35.
* Roscher, Lex. II, 1,656.
90 Wissowa, R. K.”, 121 f.
* Dessau 3054, 3055, 3053, 3051; C. I. L. I?, p. 331; VI, 206, 30877; III, 3953.
Paul. 92 M., 82 L.: “Fulguritum, id quod est fulmine ictum, quilocus statim fieri puta-
batur religiosus, quod eum deus sibi dicasse videretur”; Fest. 229 M., 254.L.: “Pro-
vorsum fulgur appellatur quod ignorabatur noctu an interdiu sit factum. Itaque
Iovi Fulguri et Summano fit, quod diurna Iovis, nocturna Summani fulgura habentur.”
Vitr. I, 2, 5: “cum Iovi Fulguri et Caelo et Soli et Lunae aedificia subdiu hypaethraque
constituentur.” For a complete list of inscriptions and for literature cf. Aust, op.
cit. and Wissowa, op. cit.
SCARLET 11
erected. Then the dedication was made to “Iuppiter Fulgur,” or
“Fulmen,” and later still, when the lightning had become only one of
the attributes of the Sky-god, to Jupiter “Fulgerator” (sic), or “Ful-
minator.” A temple in the Campus Martius was dedicated to “Juppiter
Fulgur,” and a festival in his honor was held yearly on October seventh,
but of the ceremonies observed and the priests who conducted them
we know nothing.” Quite as limited is our knowledge of “Juppiter
Pistor,” in whom Preller” and Wissowa" see another form of the light-
ning-god.
The rites for the expiation of thunderbolts seem to have been at
first under the control of the pontifices;” later these duties were shared
by the Etruscan haruspices and the decemviri. Special priests called
strufertarii attended to the necessary rites when trees had been struck
by lightning. Unfortunately, no information, as far as I know, has
come down to us regarding the religious dress worn by any of these
officials.
But the interpretation of lightning as a revelation of the will of
Jupiter was in the hands of the augurs. Indeed, the thunderbolt was
the principal one of the five classes” of signs which the augurs must inter-
pret. It could invalidate the other signs, but was not invalidated by
them;” it alone could break up a meeting of the comitia”—a survival
of the period when every thunderbolt was an evil omen;” if it came from
the left, it was of the best possible significance, except for the comitia.”
We have seen that the augurs wore a special kind of cloak which
combined two colors—scarlet and dark red. There can be no doubt
that these were connected with definite religious ideas. Since observing
the lightning formed a prominent part of the augural tasks, some portion
of the regalia worn would naturally show consecration to the god of the
lightning. And what is better fitted for this purpose than scarlet?
° W. Warde Fowler, Rom. Fest., p. 239.
98 Preller, Röm. Myth. I, 194.
* Wissowa, l. c.
95 Thulin in Pauly–Wiss. VII, 2446ff.
* Fest. 261 M, 316 L. (Paul. 260M, 317 L.): “Quinque genera signorum observant
augures publici, ex caelo, ex avibus, ex tripudiis, ex quadripedibus, ex diris, ut est in
Auguralibus.”
* Sen. N. O. II, 34: “Summam esse vim fulminis iudicant, quia quicquid alia
portendunt, interventus fulminis tollit, quicquid ab hoc portenditur, fixum est nec
alterius ostenti significatione mutatur. Quicquid exta quicquid aves minabuntur,
secundo fulmine abolebitur. . Quicquid fulmine denuntiatum est, nec extis nec ave
contraria refellitur.”
98 Cic. De Div. II, 42–43; 74.
* Thulin, E. D. I, p. 85; Wissowa, R. K.,” p. 533.
12 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
The inter-relation of lightning, fire and the color red is easily recog-
nized. Among very primitive peoples there is little or no separation
of a color into different hues, and even modern investigators are apt to
disregard the possibility of such distinctions. It is most necessary,
therefore, to proceed cautiously in connecting a certain shade with a
definite object and to keep in mind “the obvious fact that there is much
in nature round about man that is red in color.” There is significance,
however, in the fact that in the Atharva-Veda lightning is called a red
bull;” that Thor is red-bearded, “was auf die feurige Lufterscheinung
des Blitzes bezogen werden muss,” and that when angry he blows in
his red beard and “thunder peals through the clouds.” Kuhn has
shown the close relation between heavenly and earthly fire,” and has
called attention to the red legs of the stork, another fire and lightning
bird, and to similar characteristics of other creatures connected with
fire.” Thus, if the nest of the red-breasted robin is disturbed, a storm
breaks upon the offender's house.” The nest of the redstart attracts
lightning.” Among the Germans fire is called “the red hen,” and
“I will set a red hen on your roof” is an incendiary threat.”
Elsewhere the same color is a protection against fire and lightning.
Frazer” tells us of an English belief: “Certain it is that no fire will
break out in a house where a crossbill is kept in a cage, neither will
lightning strike the dwelling; and this immunity can only be ascribed
to the protective coloring of the bird, the red hue of its plumage serving to
ward off the red lightning and to nip a red conflagration in the bud.”
A statement in a recent newspaper” illustrates this tendency to
connect bright-hued, flying creatures with the bright-red, flying objects
of destruction: “The country folk call the scarlet tanager the fire-bird.
His feathers set the woods on fire.” If such a figure of speech is natural
in our civilized modern life, it is to be expected that primitive peoples
would believe in the reality of the connection. .
100 Bloomfield, The Symbolic Gods in Studies in Honor of Basil L. Gildersleeve, p. 42.
101 Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, p. 7, I, 12.
1% Grimm, D. M. I*, 147.
* Kuhn, op. cit., especially p. 17.
104 Kuhn, op. cit., 94 f.
105 Grimm, D. M. II“, 569.
10° Grimm, D. M. II“, 558; I4, 500.
107 Frazer, G. B., The Magic Art I*, 82.
108 Editorial in The Chicago Evening Post, July 31, 1916.
SCARLET 13
Kuhn also considers the reddish bark of the oak significant, and
points out that the Romans were impressed by its color;” for this he
quotes Paulus: “Robum rubro colore et quasi rufo significari, ut bovem
quoque rustici appellant, manifestum est. Unde et materia, quae
plurimas venas eius coloris habet, dicta est robur.” That this tree
was held Sacred to the Supreme deity of various nations and that its
wood was especially used for producing fire by friction is well known.”
The same scholar” has collected instances in which a red cloth repre-
sents fire; upon this a woodpecker or other fire-bringing bird drops the
magic herb (lightning) in order to restore it to its element. He also
records the Roman custom of covering a millstone with a red cloth as
a charm against hail.”
Ceremonial trappings and garments of scarlet were used by the
Persian fire worshipers. Xenophon” describes a procession in the time
of Cyrus the Elder; following the white chariots of the Supreme Deity
and the Sun came a third chariot, drawn by horses covered with scarlet
cloths; behind this came the holy fire, carried on a great altar. Cur-
tius" gives an account of a similar procession which took place two cen-
turies later. This time, the eternal fire was followed by 365 youths
wearing scarlet cloaks.
In China one of the oldest, best-known and most popular deities
is the “Küchengott” or “Herdfürst.” “Er ist in helles Rot gekleidet,
welches dem Feuer gleicht . . . Daraus geht hervor dass die alten
chinesischen Küchengötter mit den Geistern des Feuers identisch sind.”
To represent this divinity many families use only paper with red or yellow
stripes.” .
To return to Rome. Under Etruscan influence the manubiae of
Jove were distinguished from those of other gods by being “rubrae et
* Kuhn, op. cit. 44 f.; cf. p. 170.
110 Paul. 264 M., 325 L.
* See Frazer, G. B.” II, 372.
* Kuhn, op. cit. 188-190.
* Palladius, De Re Rust. I, 35: “Contra grandinem multa dicuntur. Panno
russeo (variant roseo) mola cooperitur.”
*Xen. Cyr. VIII, 3, 12: Merå Ö& rodro &\\o rptrov &ppa ###yero, powuktov Ka-
ratretragévot oi it trou, kal trip Štrugbev abroß &n’ toxápas ueyáXms āvöpes elarovro pépovres.
* Curt. De Gestis Alex. III, 7, 9 f.: “Ordo autem agnminis erat talis. Ignis
quem ipsi Sacrum et aeternum vocabant, argenteis altaribus praeferebatur. Magi
proximi patrium carmen canebant. Magos trecenti et sexaginta quinque iuvenes
sequebantur, punicis amiculis velati, diebus totius anni pares numero.”
*A. Nagel, Arch. Rel. XI, 1908, 23-24; 30. In Maeterlinck’s “Bluebird,” the
Spirit of Fire is garbed in red and yellow.
14 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
sanguineae,” and Horace could speak of him as hurling a thunderbolt
“rubente dextera.” Ruber (rubens) is a general term,” but may be
used of a brilliant red, as is indicated by such expressions as “rubro
cocco tincta . . . vestis,” and “rubentem, in cocco.” Sanguineus
is used for objects whose red color is especially beautiful or intense.”
Similar epithets were applied to lightning by other poets. Ovid writes:
“Ecce deum genitor rutilas per nubila flammas spargit,” and again:
“rutilo missi fulminis igne cremer.” Valerius Flaccus speaks of
rutili – fulminis and fulminis rutilas – alas,” Claudian of rubri – ful-
minis alas.” The thunderbolts of Mars, resembling those of Jupiter,
were called rutili ignis.” The adjective cremantia, applied to them by
Pliny,” refers to their effect, not their color. It may be noted that
though Jupiter's jewel is candida,” his star clarus,” and his shrub
endowed with argented folio,” as benefits the God of Day, his flower
has ruddy tendrils” and is called flamma Iovis. -
Elsewhere we find scarlet compared with fire or the flaming rays
of the sun. Lucan * speaks of coverlets that are “fiery with scarlet.”
Martianus Capella represents Pallas as clad in garments “flammarum
instar e cocco,”* and the Sun as wearing a scarlet pallium on his
* Hor. Od. I, 2, 1-4, and Pseud. Acro. Thulin, op. cit., I, 51, n. 1, compares
Pindar, Ol. IX, 6, Ata Tè gouvukog repôtrav.
* Blümner, Archiv, VI, 1889, 400.
119 Hor. Sal. II, 6, 102 f.
120 Pliny, N. H. XXI, 45.
* Blümner, op. cit. 401.
* Ov. Fast. III, 285; cf. Gell. II, 26, 9; “Nam “poeniceus,’ quem tu Graece
coivuka dixisti, noster est et ‘rutilus' et ‘spadix,’ poenicei ovvævvuos, . . . exuberan-
tiam splendoremdue significant ruboris,” and see Blümner, op. cit., 415.
1% Ov. Her. III, 64.
* Val. Flac. VII, 647; VI, 56. Rutilus indicates a gleaming, fiery red; cf. Blümner,
op. cit. 400, 415.
* Claudian, Rapt. Proserp. II, 229.
1* Serv. Aen. VIII, 429.
127 Pliny, N. H. II, 139.
128 Pliny, N. H. XXXVII, 170.
129 Pliny, N. H. II, 79.
180 Pliny, N. H. XVI, 76.
* Pliny, N. H. XXVII, 44; “Ampelos agria vocatur herba . . . viticulis longis,
callosis, rubentibus, qualiter flos quem Iovis flammam appellemus.” cf. XXI, 59, 67.
* Lucan X, 125: “Pars auro plumata nitet, pars ignea cocco.”
* Mart. Capell. I, 7; cf. I, 40: “peplo quod rutilum circum caput gestabat.”
Pallas is believed to be a lightning-goddess, as Minerva was among the Etruscans;
cf. Kuhn, op. cit. 17, 29; Roscher, Lex. I-1, 675 f.; cf. Jacobstahl, Der Blitz, 16, 20;
cf. also Mart. Capell. I, 14: “rubroque igne rutilantes,” and “flammis coruscantibus
rutilans.”
SCARLET 15
flaming body.” The Sun's statue is described in an Orphic poem
quoted by Macrobius as arrayed in a scarlet robe resembling flaming
rays, like fire.” Helios-Mithras wears a similar mantle, and has a
fiery crown upon his fire-like locks.” It is evident that bright red—
that is, scarlet—was considered appropriate for earthly and heavenly fire.
Naturally, then, the lightning-bringer with scarlet plumage was the prin-
cipal bird of augury, and Scarlet was one of the colors on the augur’s
trabea. If it is permissible to extend Wissowa's suggestion that this
cloak was worn only in performing certain official duties,” we may
think of the augurs as assuming it when they watched the sky for signs
given by lightning or the prophetic birds.
Without entering into the vexed question as to whether the trabea
was originally a war-cloak, a garb of honor in both peace and war, or
a religious dress,” attention may be called to the fact that religion was
not divorced from war. The opening of the temple of Janus and the
throwing of the spear by the fetialis had both a religious and a military
significance, while the auspices must be taken before war could be
entered upon.” During battle the gods might be appealed to for aid,”
while after victory trophies were erected to Mars,” and the triumphing
general paid his vows to Jupiter. It would not be strange, therefore,
to find the invincible weapons of their Sky-god, thunder and lightning,
symbolized in the equipment of the soldiers. The interpretation of
* Mart. Capell. I, 76; cf. I, 29: “pallio rutilante. . . . Sol repente clarus
emicuit,” and I, 13: “Solis augustum caput radiis perfusum circumactumque flam-
mantibus velut auratam caesariem rutili verticis imitatur.”
* Macrob. Sat. I, 18, 22: Tpóra pièv oëv exo-yéats evaxtyktov &krived ouv | Trétrºov
ºpovikeov trupi elkéNov &pouflaxéorffat.
* Dieterich, Mithrasliturgie, p. 10: &pet 0eów veðrepov etetőfi trupuwörpuxa £v xvrövt
Nevkó kal x\apität Kockrium, Éxovra tripwov orépavou . . . "HXue à kùptos too otpavot kal
rfis yās, 6ée 6eóv; f. pp. 67-68. The idea of Apollo and the Sun-god may have been
present to Valerius Flaccus (I, 384 f.) when he described the priest Mopsus: “puniceo
cui circumfusa cothurno | palla imos ferit alba pedes,” but it is not safe to lay stress
upon such a passage in poetry of that period and type.
* Pauly–Wiss. II, 2322.
* For the different views see Momm. Staatsr. I*, 429 f., Helbig, Hermes XXXIX,
1904, 161-181; Samter. Phil. N. F. X., 1897, 394–398.
* Cic. De Leg. II, 21; De. Div. II, 76; cf. N.D. II, 7-9.
* Romulus' appeal to Jupiter (Livy I, 12); the devotio of the Decii (Livy VIII,
9; X, 28). -
*The spolia opima were dedicated to Juppiter Feretius, Mars, and Quirinus, the
usual trophies to Mars; cf. Cook, Cl. R. XVIII, 1904, 364, 368, 372 f.; Folk Lore
XVI, 1905, 320.
16 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
the Spear as lightning hurled against the enemy” is very probable.
Jacobstahl notes many instances of the lightning-symbol engraved on
shields; of the same symbol on Italian vases he remarks: “Einst wohl
apotropaeisch auf irgendein Waffenstücke aufgeklebt.” The same
emblem was often stamped on sling-stones.” A. B. Cook reminds us
that the standard of the legion (the eagle on a staff) was worshiped
by the soldiery “because it symbolized Jupiter,” and adds: “The
thunderbolt on the shields of the legionaries and on the lead bullets
of the slingers was likewise a token that the whole fighting force was
under the command and protection of Jupiter.” Surely the scarlet
stripes on the trabea of knights and Salii had a similar meaning. Why
the two cloaks differed in other respects (that of the knights had a pur-
ple ground, that of the Salii a white ground and a purple border) is
uncertain, but we may conjecture that since the nucleus of the army
was originally composed of patrician infantry,” the cloak worn was
that later sacred to the Salii, and that the cavalry, when formed,”
was given the same mantle with the colors differently arranged. These
red cloaks may account for Varro's russae alae" and for Isidorus' attempt
to make russatus equivalent to coccineus.* If, as seems probable, the
paludamentum was the descendant and successor of the trabea,” it is
* Kuhn, op. cit. 199 f.
*Jacobstahl, op. cit.; cf. index under Blitz and footnote to p. 38. Were shields
considered a variety of thunderstone? Pliny (N. H. XXXVII, 135), following Sotacus,
says that black, round baetuli were sacred: “urbes per illas expugnari et classes.”
The ancile, which was the early warrior-shield (Helbig, Sur les attributes, p. 59.), fell
from heaven. It “recalls the sky-fallen baetylic stone” (Evans, J. H. S. XXI, 1901,
180). In its model, the Mycenaean shield, Evans sees a special attribute of the Cretan
warrior god who is perhaps to be identified with the later Cretan Zeus (Evans, op. cit.
122-30; 179-181).
* Blinkenberg, The Thunder-Weapon in Religion and Folk-Lore, p. 38, n. 1;
Pauly–Wiss. II, 317. -
* A. B. Cook, Folk-Lore XVI, 1905, 319.
* Helbig, Sur les attributs, p. 61 (where see references); p. 71.
* Varro, Sai. Menipp., p. 137, 1. 2, Riese: “Tela dextra vibrant russiaequel
alaemicant.”
* Isid. Orig. XIX, 22, 10: “Russata, quam Graeci phoeniceam vocant, nos
coccinam, repertam a Lacedaemoniis ad celandum coloris similitudine Sanguinem
quotiens quis in acie vulneraretur, ne contemplanti adversario animus augesceret.
Hanc sub consulibus Romani usi sunt milites; unde etiam russati vocambantur.”
Cf. Com. Cruq. on Hor. Epod. IX, 27: “Romani enim milites in bellum euntes coc-
cineis sagis utebantur, utine quis vulneratus, cruoreque suo respersus, terrorem incute-
ret sociis, nam coccineus color cruori similis est.” The rationalistic explanations of
both writers are of course the efforts of late periods.
* Momm. Staatsr. I*, 431.
SCARLET 17
easy to account for the fact that, though usually scarlet, it might be
purpureus or white. The original reason for the choice of colors was
by that time quite forgotten, but Roman conservatism forbade that
they be disregarded.
It would seem fitting, if scarlet represents lightning, for the war-
riors’ crests to be of that hue, but of this we cannot be certain, as the
adjective most commonly applied to them is ruber;” once purpureus”
is used, but the context here implies brightness and consequently a
figurative use of the term. Rutilus” and sanguineus” point to a bril-
liant red, as does the flame streaming from Aeneas' crest.” There is,
therefore, nothing to prove that scarlet was not the color employed.
If Cook's theory that Mars, Quirinus, and Jupiter were originally
different forms of the same god” is correct, the symbolic use of lightning
as both defensive and offensive in war is most natural, and scarlet very
properly finds its place in their worship. Cook's arguments, briefly
stated, are: that the Salii were “in tutela Iovis, Martis, Quirini”;”
that spolia opima were dedicated to Juppiter Feretrius, Mars, and
Quirinus; that the first treaty with Carthage was made in the name of
Juppiter Lapis, the last in the name of Mars and Quirinus; that the
devotio formula named the three jointly; that the oak was sacred to
Jupiter and Mars, both of whom were called Quirinus and Loucetius;
that all three were symbolized by a staff or spear and were called pater;
that the gods recognized by Romulus were Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Picus,
Faunus, etc.; but by Numa Janus, Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus, Vesta, and
that all these were connected with the oak-cult at Rome; that kings and
emperors were connected with Jupiter, Mars, or Quirinus; that Picus
Martius was regularly associated with the oak and was connected with
Jupiter in the Numa legend.
To these points it may be permitted to add that Picus Martius was
identified with the Cretan Zeus and observed by the augurs, who were
150 Aen. IX, 50, 270, XII, 89; Sil. It. XVII, 279, 393.
* Aen. IX, 163: “purpurei cristis iuvenes auroque corusci.”
* Claud. Panegyr. de Quart. Cons. Hon. 524; Carm. Min. 29, 50; cf. Gell. II, 26, 9.
* Aen. IX, 732 f. -
*Aen. X, 270 ff.: “Ardet apex capiti, cristisque a vertice flamma funditur et
vastos umbo vomit aureus ignis; I non secus ac liquida siquando nocte cometae | San-
guinei lugubre rubent aut Sirius ardor.”
** A. B. Cook, Cl. R. XVIII, 1904, 372 f.; Folk-Lore XVI, 1905, 320 f.; cf. Cl. R.
l. c., p. 374: “Mars as a specialized form of Jupiter had probably arisen before the
Italians entered Italy.” -
* Serv. Aen. VIII, 663.
18 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
“interpretes Iovis Optimi Maximi”;” that the Salii and the three
great flamens all wore the apex; that the ancile” was common to the
Salii, the augurs and the flamens of Jupiter and Mars; that a trabea
with Scarlet and purple colors was worn by the Salii, the equites
during their transvectio from Mars' temple, the augurs, and perhaps the
flamens of Jupiter and Mars;” that the lituus, or augural wand, of
Romulus was kept in the curia Saliorum on the Palatine.”
Wissowa” recognizes this union of the three deities; that of Mars
and Quirinus is acknowledged by all. Creuzer” had already noticed
that Picus connects Mars with Jupiter. Evans” believes that the
ancile and possibly Picus help to identify Mars with “the warrior Sun-
god of prehistoric Greece,” who is perhaps the Cretan Zeus. Preller,”
Wissowa,” and Carter,” identify Picus with Mars. Roscher” thinks
the woodpecker’s sacred character and his relation to the God of Growth
rests upon his prophetic ability, since by his cry he foretells rain to the
anxious farmer; but if Mars and Jupiter are one, the lightning-bird
belongs rightly to them both. In the same article Roscher calls atten-
tions to the traces of a Capitoline Mars-cult.”
If originally, so early that the Romans had lost all knowledge of it
by historical times, lightning was associated with Mars as well as with
Jupiter, we would expect to find some trace of it in the equipment of
their flamens. This would accord with our interpretation of Servius'
remark that the trabea was a common possession of these priests and of
the augurs.” Of course, this hypothesis is uncertain, and is not neces-
157 Cic. De Leg. II, 20.
* It is often shown on coins as affixed to trophies. This requires a more com-
plete explanation than that given by Helbig, Sur les attributs, pp. 20 f.
* A purple and white trabea was worn by the kings, the “human Jupiters.”
There is some doubt as to the color of that worn by the flamens.
180 Cic. De Div. I, 30.
in Wissowa, R. K.”, p. 122.
* Creuzer, Symbolik IV*, p. 368.
* Evans, op. cit. especially p. 130 and n. 1.
164 Preller-Jordan, Röm. Myth. I, 379; “Dennoch ist Picus, da er wesentlich nur
Symbol des Mars war, niemals eigentlicher und Selbständiger Cultusgott gewesen; ”
cf. p. 377.
165 Wissowa in Roscher, Lex. I, 2, 1454.
166 Carter in Roscher, Lex. III, 2, 2495; with the reference Dion. Hal. I, 31, may be
compared Appian, Rom. Hist. I, 1, Đačvos 3 roº "Apeals.
197 Roscher, Lex. II, 2, 2431.
* Roscher, op. cit., 2392 f.
16° Serv. Aen. VII, 190: “Ancile et trabea communia sunt [auguri cum Diali
vel Martiali sacerdote”; VII, 612: “Suetonius . . . dicit tria genera esse trabearum:
. . . tertium augurale de purpura et cocco.”
SCARLET 19
sary for the rest of our argument, but at least Helbig is mistaken in saying
that there is no hint that the trabea of the flamens had a different color
than the toga praetexta.” Samter has some ground for considering
that it was entirely purple,” though the Suetonius reference” is more
convincing than his argument from the dress of the Flaminica.
To decide that the twisted fillets of the Vestals were probably scarlet
and white is not difficult. Aside from the statement of Servius already
quoted,” the religious dress of a priestess of fire would naturally contain
Some red, and that, as has been shown, of a brilliant” hue. If the
maintenance of Vesta’s fire indeed symbolized the maintenance of the
sun's forces,” it is all the more probable that the red marble used so freely
in the Atrium Vestae" was connected with that idea. To reproduce
Scarlet in such material is impossible.
The fillets of Bona Dea are less easily accounted for, since so little
is known of her character or ritual. Yet we are told on the authority
of Varro that she was the same as Fauna,” the sister, wife, or daughter
of Faunus. Now, Faunus, the son of Picus (or of Mars), dwelt in groves,
often of oak,” and it was in a grove that the rites of Bona Dea were
celebrated.” It is, therefore, not unlikely that they were connected
with the lightning, and that the scarlet fillets showed consecration to
the deity, or, by representing the flash, warded off the thunderbolt,
on the principle that “lightning never strikes twice in the same place.”
There seems to be no trace in Latin literature of a prayer uttered
to avert lightning from the crops, such as is found in India,” though
17" Helbig, Hermes XXXIX, 1904, 178.
17, Samter, Phil. N. F. X., 1897, 394, n. 3.
* Serv. Aen. VII, 612: “. . . unum dis sacratum quod est tantum de purpura.”
* Serv. Aen. X, 5.38: “infula . . . plerumque tortilis de albo et cocco.”
* The purple used in her service, as in that of every deity, will be accounted
for in another chapter.
** A. B. Cook, Cl. R. XVIII, 1904, 366.
* Jordan, Der Tempel der Vesta, p. 38.
” Lactant. I, 22, 9-11; Arnob. I, 36; cf. Fowler, Rom. Fest. 103 ff. and references;
Peter in Roscher, Lex. I, 2, 1453 f. -
* Ov. Fast. III, 295 f.; Aen. VIII, 314 f.
17° Prop. IV, 9, 24ff. -
* Blinkenberg, op. cit. 68 ff., has collected numerous instances of similar use of
thunderstones. Cf. the red cloth placed over a millstone to ward off hail (Palladius,
De Re Rust. I, 35).
* Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, p. 142, VII, 11: “With thy broad
thunder, with the beacon, elevated by the gods that pervade this all, with the lightning
do not thou destroy our grain, O god; nor do thou destroy it with the rays of the sun.”
20 - SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
it is a temptation to wonder if that thought was included in the “deso-
lation, ruin, damage” which the farmer entreated Mars to keep from
him” at the time when the crops were “in greatest peril from storms
and diseases.”
If we knew more about the worship of the Italian Saturn, light
might be thrown on the question just suggested, but it is impossible
even to tell whether the scarlet cloak of his devotee was of native origin
or a Greek importation. Still, the legend that he was the first king,
father of Picus, is to be remembered, together with the fact that recent
investigations point to a primitive monotheism preceding polytheistic
ideas in all nations.”
Of Vulcan, again, we know little, but we would expect Scarlet to be
present in his cult. It will be recalled that a red calf was sacrificed
to him. * In this connection we may note that at Iguvium red or black
animals were sacrificed to Mars and to “Praestita Cerfia Cerfi Martii.”
The use of scarlet in medicine as already described is now readily
explained. Any great power is able to do harm or good, and its symbol
may be used to avert trouble or drive out evil spirits. Blinkenberg
records many instances of thunderstones used as amulets and for cures.”
Scarlet, also representing lightning, would perform a similar Service.
This use, as was said before, is to be carefully distinguished from “sym-
pathetic magic,” and from the employment of other shades of red.
* Cato, R. R. 141.
* W. Warde Fowler, op. cit. 126.
* W. Warde Fowler, Roman Ideas of Deity, pp. 30 fſ.
185 C. I. L. VI, 826.
* Buecheler, Umbrica, pp. 3, 23, 105-107. Did this custom influence the story
of Decius Mus sacrificing red oxen to Mars (Pliny, N. H. XXII, 9)?
*7Blinkenberg, op. cit., pp. 74, 75, 82, 89, 90, 97, 99, 101, 107, 108.
CHAPTER II
PURPLE
With the exception of white, purpureus was the color most commonly
used in Roman religion. It appeared in the worship of every deity whose
identity and rites are known to us,” and in many relations which at first
sight seem devoid of religious significance. Yet in spite of this wide-
spread use—perhaps even because of it—it is exceedingly difficult, if
not impossible, to determine the religious significance which purple held
for the Romans. This chapter can claim only to pave the way for
further study by showing how extensively it was employed, and by
discussing the various theories about its meaning.
Purple formed the border of the Vestal’s suffibulum” and of the toga
praetexta which was worn by free-born children,” by the kings, by all
the curule magistrates, and by some officials of lower rank when pre-
siding at games,” by the pontifices (including the flamens), augurs,
epulones, quindecimviri” and the Arval Brothers,” and, according to
a statement made by Paulus, by women when offering a certain sacrifice.”
A purple stripe was the distinguishing feature of the tunics worn by
knights and senators,” and was woven into the ricinium used by the
magister of the Arval Brothers,” the high-born lads (camilli") attendant
upon them and other priests, and by mourning women.” Purple was a
* E. g., Juno, Livy XXVII, 37, 13–15: “virginum ordinem sequebantur decemviri
coronati laurea praetextatioue . . . Inde . . . aedem Iunonis Reginae perrectum.”
Cf. Serv. Aen. VIII, 652; Tib. IV, 6, 13; Varro, L. L., Goetz-Schoell, p. 65, 2 ff.
* Fest. 348 M., 474 L.: Paul. 349 M., 475 L; cf. Ambros. Epist. I, 18, 11.
*Livy XXIV, 7, 2-3; cf. Momm. Staatsv. I*, 418 f.; 391, n. 5; 422 f.; Marquardt,
Privatleben I,” 43.
* Livy, l.c.; cf. Marquardt, Privatleben II”, 545.
* Momm. Staatsv. I*, 421 f; Ara Pacis in Mrs. Strong's Roman Sculpture, p. 47,
pls. XI, XV.
"Acta Fr. Arv., Henzen, pp. CCIII-IV; Momm. l.c. A very clear statement of the
uses of the toga praetexta is given by W. Warde Fowler in his note On the Toga Prae-
texta of Roman Children, Cl. R., X, 1896, p. 317.
* Paul. 155 M., 143 L.: “Mutini Titini sacellum Romae fuit. Cui mulieres velatae
togis praetextatis solebant sacrificare.”
* Pliny, N. H. DK, 127; XXXIII, 29.
* Fest. 274 M., 342 L.; Acta Fr. Arv., Henzen p. LXXIV.
"Acta Fr. Arv., Henzen p. CXXVIII; Paul. 93 M., 82 L.; Marquardt, Privatleben
II*, 576, n. 5.
*Cic. De Leg. II, 59; Varro in Non. 542: “Mulieres in adversis rebus ac luctibus,
cum omnem vestitum delicationem ac luxuriosum postea institutum ponunt, ricinia
sumunt.”
22 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
prominent color on the trabeae of kings and consuls, knights, Salii,
augurs, the flamens of Jupiter and Mars; the trabea “consecrated to the
gods” was wholly of purple.” It had its place on the heavy laena of
the flamens, whether that garment was a purple cloak or a special kind
of toga praetexta.” It was lavishly used in the costume of the Flaminica
Dialis, who wore a purple pallium, rica, and tutulus.* A broad purple
stripe characterized the devotee of Saturn.” A wavy line of purple
bordered the limus worn by lictors, servi publici, and priests’ assis-
tants.” The fillets worn by women may have been of purple,” while
certain others were of purple and white.” The general on his day of
triumph and the city praetor at the ludi Apollinares wore the costume
of Jove himself—a toga purpurea (toga picta) and a tunica palmata whose
groundwork was purple.” Caesar was granted the right to wear the
toga purpurea perpetually;” this garment, believed to have been worn
by the kings,” was used by the emperor for certain festal occa-
sions,” and, under the empire, by the consul at his inauguration and
when he presided at games.” The vexilla” and the paludamentum”
were often purple. As the head of the army, the emperor had the sole
1° Serv. Aen. VII, 612.
* Cic. Brut. 14, 56; Serv. Aen. IV, 262; Livy XXVII, 8, 8; Marquardt, Staatsv.
III”, 330; Samter in Pauly–Wissowa VI, 2487.
* Serv. Aen. IV, 137; Gell. X, 15, 27; Fest. 289, 355 M., 368,484 L.; Paul. 288,
354 M., 369, 485 L.
* Tertull. De Pallio 4: “cum latioris purpurae ambitio . . . Saturnum com-
mendat.”
* Gell. XII, 3, 3; C. I. L. V, 1, 3401; Serv. Aen. XII, 120; Isid. Orig. XV, 14, 2;
XIX, 22, 26; 33, 4.
17 Ciris (510 f.) and Statius (Achill. I, 611) represent Greek women as wearing
purple fillets. Perhaps the poets are here introducing a Roman custom, yet in that
case it may be one which had arisen in late times, after purple became a fashionable
color which women demanded the right to wear (Livy XXXIV, 1-7); cf. Samter,
Familienfeste, p. 40, n. 3.
18 See Chap. I, n. 19.
19 Serv. Ecl. X. 27; Livy XXVII, 4, 8 and 10; XXXI, 11, 12; Suet. Nero, 25;
Fest. 209 M., 228 L.; Dion. Hal. III, 62; Müller, Die Etrusker I, 347, n. 64; Momm.
Staatsr. I*, 411 f., 422.
20 Cic. De Div. I, 119; II, 37; Pliny, N. H. XI, 186; Cass. Dio XLIV 4, 1; Appian,
B. C. II, 106; Val. Max. 1, 6, 13.
* Dion. Hal. III, 61, 62; IV, 74; Cass. Dio XLIV, 6, 1; 11, 2; Zonaras VII, 8;
Prop. IV, 4, 53 f. But see Momm. Staatsr. I,” 410 f.
* Momm. op. cit. 416 f.; 439.
* Momm. op. cit. 414 ff.
* Claud. In Rufin. II, 177; Capitol. Gord. VIII, 3.
* See p. 5., n. 38.
PURPLE 23
right to wear the paludamentum; moreover, he alone had the life-long
right to use the triumphal insignia. From these privileges, apparently,
came the final adoption of “imperial purple” by Roman monarchs.”
Like other colors, purpureus was used in medicine, though seemingly
less often than Scarlet. Sometimes the darker shades were insisted
upon. Thus a hair-tonic includes among its ingredients a small amount of
purple wool—“optime in conchylio tinctae.” A cure for the stom-
ach-ache consists of wet poultices made of wool; if they are ineffective,
similar ones are to be made of the twice-dyed purple; after these are
removed, the patient’s body is to be covered with a dry purple cloth.*
Again, three mulberry buds gathered with due solemnity are to be
dipped in Galatian Scarlet, strung on a Scarlet thread, and fastened to
a deep purple cloth; this amulet is to be bound to the patient’s body
while a charm to drive away the disease is recited.”
The shade of purpureus used at Rome changed rapidly in the last
century of the republic as the deeper and more expensive hues became
known. Pliny quotes Cornelius Nepos as saying that in his youth violet-
purple was a favorite, but was soon succeeded by Tarentine red; this
in turn gave way to the Tyrian purple, or dark blood-red, which p. I
Lentulus Spinther (curule aedile in 63 B. C.) was the first to use on the
praetexta.” This dibapha is no doubt the shade represented by the I.
combination of Cyprian copper and lead which Pliny says was used for
the praetexta on statues.” It seems to be reproduced on a bronze statue
(perhaps a camillus) in the Palazzo Dei Conservatori at Rome. Mrs.
Strong, describing the statue,” quotes from Amelung-Holtzinger as
follows: “The dress was a white tunic with two narrow perpendicular
stripes of purple, which are here inlaid with copper.” It is probable
* Momm. op. cit. 433, 440; Marquardt, Privatleben II”, 515; Claud. In Rufin.
II, 346; Peter, Hist. Rom. Frag. p. 344, I. 26; p. 345, ll. 13 ff.
27 Marcell. VI, 30.
* Cassius Felix XLII, 98, Rose . . . “dibafos purpureos diligenter consutos
similiter facies”; p. 99: “et postduam foveris diligenter deterges et purpura sicca
operies et fasciabis.”
* Marcellus XXXI, 33: . . . “mittesque in coccum Galaticum et in phoenicio
lino conchyliatae purpurae conligabis.” For other instances of purpureus used as a
curative see Marcellus VIII, 89; IX, 17 and 115. The use of purpureus in connection
with funeral rites will be described later. -
* Pliny, N. H. IX, 135 fſ. Lentulus was severely blamed for this innovation. See
also Cic. ad Att. II, 9, 2.
* Pliny, N. H. XXXIV, 98: “Cyprio si addatur plumbum, colos purpurae fit
in statuarum praetextis.”
* Mrs. Strong, Roman Sculpture, 98.
24 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
that the same shade was represented on the red mantle of the Prima
Porta Augustus” and on the dress of other imperial or sacerdotal figures,”
though time and weather have affected the remaining traces of paint
and changed the hue.
At least as early as the Second Punic War purple had ceased to have a
purely religious significance, and had become also an article of luxury.”
By the second century B. C. it adorned the horses of nobles,” and hence-
forth its use became more and more common. With the growth of this
tendency to luxury we are not concerned.
Diels” was the first modern scholar to observe the connection between
purpureus and the color of blood, and to deduce from the use of blood
in Sacrifices the lustral and prophylactic meanings of purple. Ancient
writers recognized the similarity in color and expressed it in many
poetic phrases. A few examples of these will serve our purpose. “Pur-
pureus Lunae Sanguine vultus erat”;” “Purpureo suffusus sanguine
candor”;” “Indum sanguineo veluti violaverit ostro.” Pliny” compares
Tyrian purple to the color of clotted blood, and refers to Homer's line:*
aluatu 6é x6&v | detero Topºpvpéq). Servius often compares them; thus
in commenting on the purple robes placed on Misenus’ funeral pyre,
he says:* “purpureas ad imitationem sanguinis, in quo est anima”;
with the same passage in mind, he tells us:* “Varro dicit mulieres in
exsequiis et luctu ideo Solitas ora lacerare, ut sanguine ostenso inferis
* U. Köhler, Annali XXXV, 1863, p. 434, n. 1; Henzen, Bulletino 1863, p. 74.
* Dr. Esther B. Van Deman has very kindly allowed me to use notes made
by her in the museums of Rome and Naples. Besides the Augustus, a statue of
Marcellus in the Naples Museum and a Caesar of the same type, each with a red
cloak over his arm, may be mentioned here.
*This is indicated by the passage of the Oppian Law (Livy XXXIV, 1). It is
significant that the law did not apply to the dress of priests or magistrates, or to
the praetexta of children.
* Livy XXXIV, 7. Rºs
* Diels, Sibyllinische Blätter, p. 70, n. 2. However, Diels confuses purpureus
with puniceus and luteus, assigning the same significance to all.
* Ov. Am. I, 8, 12.
* Stat. Silv. II, 1, 41.
40 Aen. XII, 67.
“Pliny, N. H. IX, 135. “Laus ei summa in colore sanguinis concreti, nigricans
adspectu idemdue suspectu refulgens. Unde et Homero purpureus dicitur sanguis.”
* Il. XVII, 360 f. .
* Serv. Aen. VI, 221; cf. V, 79. Isidorus (Orig. XI, 1, 123) is doubtless referring
to this passage and to Aen. V, 79, when he writes. “Proprie autem sanguis animae
possessio est; inde et purpureae vestes et flores purpurei mortuis praebentur.”
* Serv. Aen. III, 67. -
PURPLE 25
satisfaciant, quare etiam institutum est, ut apud Sepulcra et victimae
caedantur. Apud veteres etiam homines interficiebantur . . . Sed quo-
niam sumptuosum erat et crudele victimas vel homines interficere,
sanguinei coloris coepta est vestis mortuisinici”; and again, commenting
on the lines, “multa morte recepit: purpuream vomit ille animam,”
he says:" “Multi hic distinguunt, ut sit sensus talis: eduxit gladium
multo crurore purpureum.”
It is true that puniceus is also used as an epithet of blood, but this
causes no difficulty if it is remembered that blood differs in color according
to its freshness, the quantity shed, and whether it comes from the veins
or the arteries. Purpureus is the better adjective for the blood of a
victim pouring out in full tide, then standing in the trenches or gradually
becoming absorbed in the earth.
Servius loses no opportunity of mentioning that the blood contains
the life.” This conception is a perfectly natural one, and is easily ac-
cepted, together with the accompanying idea that blood can give strength,
health and life.” It is, therefore, to be expected that the drinking or
application of blood will cure disease. Crooke” gives a number of such
cures from India: “In Sirsa, when a horse falls sick, the cure is to kill
a fowl or a he-goat and let its warm blood flow into the mouth of the
animal.” “Others use the blood of the great lizard in case of Snake
bite. . . . Similarly, among the Dravidians, the Kos drink the blood
of the sacrificial bull: the Malers cure demoniacs by giving the blood
of a sacrificed buffalo.” In Rome epileptics were greatly benefited by
drinking fresh human blood. Pliny relates an especially disgusting but
significant tale:* “Sanguinem quoque gladiatorum bibunt intuentibus
populis comitiales [morbi], quod spectare facientis in eadem harena
feras quoque horror est. At, Hercule, illi ex homine ipso sorbere effica-
cissimum putant calidum spirantemque et una ipsam animam ex osculo
volnerum.” Or a cure could be wrought by eating the flesh of a wild
beast that had been killed with a weapon by which a man had previously
* Serv. Aen. IX, 346.
* Serv. Aen. III, 67: “sanguis enim velut animae possessio est; VI, 221: “. . .
Sanguinis, in quo est anima”; IX, 346: “. . . . eos qui animam Sanguinem dicunt”;
cf. V, 79.
* Fowler, Rom. Fest. 314, 316, n. 4; von Duhn, Rot und Tot, Arch. Rel. IX, 1906,
3: “Der Tote verlangt in dieser Zeit instinktiv nach dem Leben, nach Blut.”
* Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India, I, 70; II, 20.
The use of the blood to “scare evil spirits” is clearly secondary to its use as a health-
giving power.
* Pliny, N. H. XXVIII, 4.
26 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
been slain.” Blood applied externally was very good for quinsy, and
if smeared upon the face enabled the victim of a seizure to rise again
quickly; this blood might come from any part of the patient’s own
body.” Scribonius Largus asserts” that he knew a woman (“quandam
honestam matronem”) at Rome who had been cured of epilepsy by a
remedy containing as much blood as could be taken from a recently
captured tortoise and a dove and still allow the creatures to escape with
their lives. He adds: “Nam Sunt et qui sanguinem ex vena sua missum
bibant.” In view of these instances it is surely significant that epilepsy
and quinsy are also helped by drinking a concoction of purple violets and
water.” Applied externally, the purple violets relieve various other
ailments.
When a vein has been cut, purple wool bound upon the wound will
soon heal it.” Here again is the connection between purple and blood.
The color of the wool seems to indicate that it is believed to reinforce
and renew the diminished life-force. It is probable that in the remedies
previously mentioned” the same thought lingers, though of course it
is quite possible that here the secondary idea of driving out the evil
spirit has become the main one. -
The manner in which similar ideas may overlap is shown in the
story of Nisus. His fateful lock of hair, on which depended his empire
and his life, is usually spoken of as purpureus.” Frazer has rightly
connected it with similar tales of golden hair.” So Atreus’ golden-
fleeced lamb is called purpureus by the scholiast on Persius.”
50 Pliny, N. H. XXVIII, 34: “Orpheus et Archelaus scribunt . . . comitialis
morbos sanari cibo e carne ferae occisae eodem ferro quo homo interfectus sit.”
* Pliny, N. H. XXVIII, 43: “Sanguine ipsius hominis ex quacumque parte
emisso efficacissime anginam inlini tradunt Orpheus et Archelaus, item ora comitiali
morbo conlapsorum exSurgere etiam protinus. Quidam, si pollices pedum pungantur
eaeque guttae referantur in faciem.” -
* Scrib. I argus XVI. -
* Pliny, N. H. XXI, 130. “Purpureae (violae] refrigerant; contra inflammationes
inlinuntur stomacho ardenti; imponuntur et capiti in fronte, oculorum privatim epipho-
ris et sede procidente volvave et contra suppurationes. Crapulam et gravedines
capitis inpositis coronis olfactuque discutiunt, anginas ex aqua potae. Id quod
purpureum est ex iis, comitialibus medetur, maxume pueris, in aqua potum.”
* Ps. Theod. add. XXIII, p. 280, 16 Rose: “Vena incisa si fuerit, floccum pur-
pureum alligato, et mox claudit.”
55 See above, notes 48, 49, 50.
56 Verg. Georg. I, 405; Tib. 1, 4, 63; Ov. Met. VIII, 8–10, 80, 93; Hyginus, Fab. 198.
57 Frazer, G. B., Balder the Beautiful II, 103.
* Schol on Pers. V, 8: “Qui Atreus habere dicebatur agnum purpureis velleribus,
de quo oraculo responsum fuerat, tam diu imperaturum donec esset qui eum immola-
ret.”
PURPLE 27
But the life-blood is capable of being employed in different ways.
Samter, following Diels, explains the use of animal sacrifices as sub-
stitutes for the guilty persons, who are often sprinkled with the victim's
blood as a symbolic act. This sprinkling, in turn, is succeeded by the
wearing of a purple garment to represent the blood.” This gives blood
and its equivalent, purpureus, a lustral significance which is borne out
by Pliny’s “[purpuraj dis advocatur placandis,” and Varro's statement
that women at funerals lacerated their faces in order to satisfy the dead
by a show of blood." The life-blood is offered to appease the angry
deities,” or, by a natural transition, to propitiate the gods that they
may do good and not harm to the sacrificer. The tiwo deas are so
closely connected that it is impossible to be certain which came first,
but it seems reasonable to give the precedence to the lustral thought.
In this connection a statement of Macrobius should be noticed, Tullus *
it may be based on an untrustworthy tradition. Assigning to though’’
Hostilius the introduction into Rome of the Etruscan insignia of nobility,
he says:” “Sed praetexta illo seculo puerilis non usurpabat aetas.”
That purple was considered an effective protection for children is shown
by a story of Aurelian's childhood:* “Ex palliolo purpureo . . . Sacer-
dos mulier crepundia filio fecisse perhibetur.”
Fowler points out that among the Romans there is but little trace
of the mystic use of blood in sacrifice,” and believes that the color purple
has a less primitive meaning. He states his point of view in the follow-
*Samter, Familienfeste, pp. 53 ff; Diels, op. cit., p. 5, n. 4, p. 70, n. 2.
* Pliny, N. H. IX, 127; cf. Clemens Alex. Protr. I, 10: Xú 6é et Toffe's ióeºv &s
&\möös róv fle&v, kaffapalov puera)\ápagave 6eotrpetrów, où 6áçovns treráXav Kai Tauvuòv
twov čplq, kai tropºpúpg tre+rouki)\piévov.
* Interpol. Serv. Aen. III, 67: “Varro dicit mulieres in exsequiis et luctu ideo
Solitas ora lacerare, ut sanguine ostenso inferis satisfaciant.”
* Crooke (op. cit., I, 98) gives an especially interesting example from a tribe of
North India. The village god is usually offered a “thick griddle cake, a little milk,
and perhaps a few jungle flowers; but in more serious cases where the deity makes his
presence disagreeably felt, he is propitiated with a goat, pig, or fowl, which is decapi-
tated outside the shrine with the national and sacrificial axe. The head is brought
inside dripping with blood, and a few drops of blood are allowed to fall on the plat-
form.”
* Macrob. Sat. I, 6, 7. -
* Vopisc. Aur. IV, 5; cf. Peter, Hist. Rom. Frag., p. 360, ll. 22 f. Many instances
of the lustral and protective powers of blood and the color red are collected by Samter,
Geburt, Hochzeit, und Tod, pp. 175 f., 184 f. See also Juynboll, Arch. Rel. VII, 1904,
p. 505.
* W. Warde Fowler, The Religious Experience of the Roman People, pp. 33–34.
28 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
ing words: “If the red color has anything to do with blood-shedding,
it is probably more than merely symbolic; it may mean that the sacri-
ficing priest partakes of that life and strength which he passes on to the
god through the blood, that is the life, of the victim.”
Robertson Smith and Pley” believe that unity of the deity with the
worshiper is thus indicated, but the instances they adduce seem to
show that this idea is connected rather with the use of the victims’
skins than with that of blood and purpureus.”
As was stated at the beginning of this chapter, the correct view
has not been agreed upon, and it may be that investigation can never
go beyond the realm of theory. The following suggestion, however,
may be offered: if indeed the use of purple in religious ceremonies
was brought into Rome from Etruria,” the original connection with
bloodshed may by that time have been forgotten, and the prophylactic
idea may have partially, if not completely, supplanted the lustral con-
ception. Therefore the purple border of the Vestal's suffibulum, one
of the innovations of that period of upheaval, would serve to help ward
off evil influences during the performance of the sacred rites, and would
be appropriate even for the virgin priestesses with their bloodless sac-
rifices.”
For children, whose tender youth needed special protection against
hostile spirits, for priests of every kind and their attendants, for women
praying to Mutinus for the great gift of children, the purple-bordered
garment would be recognized as a necessity. The magistrates, often
assisting at sacrifices," always representing the power of the State,
66 W. Warde Fowler, op. cit., p. 177. The difference between red (scarlet) and
purple is noted in the same paragraph, but it is assumed that both colors may have a
common symbolism. The flammeum is called red, though its color, luteus, is nearer
orange; cf. Blümner, Die Farbenbezeichnungen bei den rämischen Dichtern, p. 126
(Berliner Studien für classische Philologie and Archaeologie, XIII, 3).
*7 Pley, op. cit., pp. 8 ft.
* Fowler, Rom. Fest. p. 318 suggests that the meaning of skins at the Lupercalia
was “one of the many well-known piacula in which the worshipper wears the skin of
a very holy victim, thereby entering Sacramentally into the very nature of the god to
whom the victim is sacrificed”; cf. pp. 315 fſ.
69 For an account of the Etruscan origin of the toga praetexta and the vestis trium-
phalis cf. Mueller, Die Etrusker I, pp. 341 f., 344 f.
70 Fowler (R. E., p. 177) in remarking that the Vestals wore white only, takes no
account of the passage of Festus referred to (p. 35, n. 2), though he mentions it in
Classical Review X, 1896, p. 317.
7i Here should be included the devotio of Decius Mus. See W. Warde Fowler,
R. E. p. 207 and notes.
* PURPLE 29
and thereby especially exposed to the attacks of invisible malignant
forces, must needs wear it constantly, while the clavus of knights and
Senators would afford the protection needed by prominent citizens. In
time of war the extraordinary dangers, unseen as well as seen, which
threatened the army might well account for the purple paludamentum
worn by the general,” for the purple vexilla of the troops” and the purple
on their trabeae.7%
The special garb of the triumphator might have the same prophy-
lactic intention, shown also by the assumption of the bulla, and by the
fascinum Swinging underneath the triumphal car. Or perhaps the
conception of a “religious force” passing from deity to worshiper was
prečminent, since the triumphator wore the robes of Jupiter and acted
as his representative.”
Why purple was used so freely in the dress of the Flaminica Dialis”
and what its exact significance was in that case can be determined
only by a special study of her duties, privileges and taboos.
The decoration of sacred trees with fillets of purple and white, if
a Roman custom, seems akin to the ceremony of sprinkling the boundary-
stone with the blood at the Terminalia, “an act, which all the world
over shows that an object is holy and tenanted by a spirit.” That
this instance of the mystic use of blood survived among the country
folk, who seem never to have adopted the use of purple, ” is a fact to
be seriously considered when the religious meaning of purpureus is
being sought. -
The use of purple in death seems to have been somewhat restricted
among the Romans. It is true that mourning women wore the rici-
nium, " and the man in charge of private funeral games wore a praetexta ...!
”See p. 5, n. 38. .
* See p. 22, n. 24.
”See p. 4, n. 28; p. 16, n. 146.
* Wissowa, R. K., p. 111.
* See p. 22, n. 14.
”W. Warde Fowler, R. E., p. 82; cf. p. 34.
*This may be due to its expense, or to the belief that the common people were
of less value than the patrician element, or to both causes operating together. So
the child of plebeian parents wore a leathern bulla, while the child of noble birth wore
the magic emblems confined in a golden case, giving added protection (See chapter
IV.)
* The ricinium seems to have been worn from the time the death occurred until
that of the funeral ceremonies, when it was changed for a black garment; cf. Varro in
Non. 549; “ut dum supra terram esset, riciniis lugerent, funere ipso, ut pullis palliis
amictae”; cf. Non. 550.
30 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
pulla,” but the corpse itself was clad in the garments belonging to the
highest official position that had been held in life.” The censor was
granted a special honor—that of the toga purpurea—at death, though
it was refused him during life.” The statement that Caesar's funeral
couch was spread with purple and gold” probably refers to the toga
picta, which he had worn as triumphator and which had later been granted
to him by the Senate as a personal garb of honor.” Vergil represents
Aeneas as robing the body of the royal youth Pallas in a robe of purple
and gold for the funeral rites,” and as covering the corpse of the hero
Misenus with purple garments.” To the spirit of each, as to those
of Polydorus” and Anchises,” blood is offered.” Artemidorus' remark
that wreaths of purple violets indicate death, “for the purple color
has some sympathy with death,” represents the Greek feeling. That
of Ovid, addressed to his book, “nec te purpureo velent vaccinia fuco:
... non est conveniens luctibus ille color,” represents the Roman
feeling, when purple garments were for festal occasions, to be laid aside
in times of grief.”
Yet the Romans offered blood to the Manes, not only at a funeral,
but yearly at the Parentalia.” Von Duhn” and Sonny” have shown
that the same custom prevails in many different parts of the world
and that red ochre is often used in place of blood. Von Duhn inter-
prets this custom as the effort to satisfy the dead by giving them life
to protect them against evil influences that might assail them in their
defenceless condition. Sonny rightly contends that this is not the
80 Paul. 236 M., 273 L.; Momm. Staatsv. I. 391, n. 6.
81 Momm. op. cit., 440 f.; Marquardt, Privatleben I*, 347.
* Momm. op. cit., 410, n. 2; 411, n. 3.
* Suet, Caes, 84: “Lectus eburneus auro ac purpura stratus et ad caput tropaeum
cum veste in qua fuerat occisus.”
*See p. 22, n. 20.
* Aen. XI, 72 ft.
& Aen. VI, 220 f.
87 Aen. III, 67.
88 Aen. V, 78.
89 Cf. the custom of gladiatorial combats at funerals.
90 Artemid. I, 77: ol 6& K rôv tropovočv kal 6&varov a muaivovaruv' &xel Yáp rua rö
tropovpoßv xpópa orvpaträffetau Tpós róv 6ávarov.
9. Ov. Trist. I, 1, 5-6.
*Livy XXXIV, 7, 10: “Quid aliud in luctu quam purpuram atque aurum
deponunt?”
* Fowler, op. cit., 308.
* Von Duhn, Rot and Tot, Arch. Rel. IX, 1906, 1 ff.
* Sonny, Rote Farbe im Totenkull, Arch. Rel. IX, 1906, 525 fſ.
PURPLE 31
original idea. Samter” declares for the lustral meaning, and this agrees
in part with the Roman custom. Blood, the purple of the ricinium,
and that of the praetexta pulla, appease and propitiate the dead and
protect the living. The purple on the magistrates' garments doubtless
belongs to a later period of development, when the dead were thought
of as demanding that the conditions of their earthly life attend them into
the spirit-world.
In conclusion, it seems probable that purpureus originally represented
the blood, that is, the life, of a victim offered to appease an angry spirit,
or to win the good-will of one whose favor was desired; that from the
thought of propitiating an indifferent or hostile numen developed the
idea of warding off evil influences, at first by sacrifice alone, then by
wearing the symbolic color; that by the time the use of purple dyes
reached Rome, the original meaning was obscured, though probably
not entirely lost, and the magical prophylactic idea prevailed; that the
conception of a religious force passing between the deity and the wor-
shiper, through the life-blood of the victim and its representative color
may have been present in certain rites. This theory will at least afford
a starting-point for further study.
* Samter, Geburt, Hochzeit, und Tod, 193.
CHAPTER III
BLACK AND WHITE
The dualism of light and darkness in Indo-Germanic religions has
often been discussed, and their connection with black and white assumed
as natural. Yet Gummere in his article On the Symbolic Use of the
Colors Black and White in Germanic Tradition' claims that the assump-
tion will not hold for that branch of the Aryan race, while Stengel's
chapter, Die Farbe der Opfertiere,” raises the question whether the Greeks
considered brightness and whiteness equivalent. When we find red
animals sacrificed to Artemis at Syracuse and at Lusus in Arcadia,”
black,” white,” or red” sacrificed to Poseidon, and either white or red
to Helios at Rhodes,” though none but black were offered to the chthonic
deities,” we must reserve judgment as to the symbolism of color in Greek
worship. It seems evident that the “bright” sacrifices demanded by
the oracle of Apollo" were not necessarily white.
In the Vedas color symbolism as connected with dualism is strongly
apparent. Cakes for sacrifice should be made of black and white grains
of rice; the black should be offered to Varuna, as god of death, the white
to Aditya, the sun.” In the Hymns of the Atharva-Veda” a charm against
disease and death runs as follows: “the sun shall rise here for thee:
rise thou from deep death, yea from black darkness!” And the same
* Haverford College Studies, No. 1, pp. 112-162.
* Stengel, Opferbräuche der Griechen, pp. 187-190,
* Bacchyl. V, 102; XI, 105.
* Homer, Od. III, 6.
* Dittenberger, Syll.” II, 615, ll. 6, 9.
* Pindar, Pyth. IV, 205 (365).
7 Ziehen, Leg. Sacr., no. 149–1. G. XII, 1, 892.
* Stengel, op. cit., 188 f.
* Euseb. Praep. Ev. IV, 9, 3. ‘patópå uèv oëpavious, x6ovious 5” &va\tykua xpotfi,
Cic. De Leg. II, 45 (=Plato, Leges XII, 956A) “color autem albus praecipue decorus
deo est cum in ceteris, tum maxime in textili; tincta vero absint nisi a bellicis insigni-
bus” is not inconsistent with the above. The idea is probably a later development
from the primitive conception and is much the same as that expressed by Porph.
De Abst. II, 45. [ävöpös) iepovuévov rà voepå Övaig kal perú Nevkfis écréſiros . . . . .
Trpoortóvros tº 6eó.
10 Von Negelein, Der Traumschlüssel, Relgesch. Versuche, XI, 92.
* Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva-Veda, Sacred Books of the East, XLII, pp.
60, 191, 211.
BLACK AND WHITE 33
symbolism appears in imprecations against enemies: “all that hate us
shall go to darkness (hell) l’’; “do thou, god Sürya (the sun), when thou
risest, beat down my rivals . . . they shall go to the nethermost dark-
ness!”
Among the Romans the use of black and white was almost as sharply
contrasted as the colors themselves. Black victims for the gods below,
white for the gods above, was the rule,” which admitted of but two
exceptions.” The reason for the rule must have been sought often by
inquiring minds, and Arnobius doubtless expresses the sentiment cur-
rent in his day: “quae in coloribus ratio est ut merito his [diis] albas,
illis atras ſhostias] conveniat nigerrimasque mactari? quia superis diis,
inquit, atque ominum dexteritate pollentibus color laetus acceptus est
ac felix hilaritate candoris, at vero diis laevis sedesque habitantibus
inferas color furvus est gratior et tristibus suffectus e fucis. . . . Nigra
nigris conveniunt et tristia consimilibus grata sunt.”
That the gods of the underworld and their surroundings should be
considered black” is easily understood, as is the idea that the realm of
blackness is one of terror. Primitive man, like the child, dreads the
dark, and fears that from it unknown evil may come upon him. To
these dark deities, then, and to the dead, black animals” and black gar-
ments" were sacred.” -
* Acro on Hor., Od. III, 8, 6: “Superis aptior erat alba victima; nam Diis infer-
nalibus Semper nigra [nigrae?] offeri debent”; Juv. XII, 3: “niveam reginae ducinus
agnam”; Schol. [Henninius]: ‘‘Ut uni ex superis, inferis contra hostia pulla.”
* A red calf was offered to Vulcan (C. I. L. VI, 826=30837), and red dogs were
sacrificed in the spring when the crops were ripening (Fest. 285 M., 358 Lº, Paul.
45 M., 39 L.). Wissowa (Religion und Kulius der Römerº, 230, 41) is doubtless right
in claiming that the red calf is a suitable sacrifice to the fire-god. He thinks (p. 197)
the puppies were offered to ward off the sun’s too intense heat from the tender grain,
but Frazer's interpretation that they were to make the crops ripe and ruddy (The
Golden Bough VII, 261; VIII, 34) seems to be the better. Wissowa has carefully
pointed out that the augurium canarium and the Robigalia were not identical (op. cit.,
p. 196).
* Arnobius, Adv. Nat. VII, 19-20. -
* A few of the numerous instances may be cited: Aen. VI, 127, “atri ianua
Ditis”; Ov. Met. IV, 438, “nigri . . . Ditis”; Hor. Od. II, 13, 21, “furvae
regna Proserpinae”; Tib. I, 3, 71, “niger . . . Cerberus”; Ov. Her. XI, 103, “Erinyes
atrae”; Juv. XIII, 51, “vulturis atri poena”; Prop. III, 12, 33, “nigrantesque domos
animarum intrasse silentum”; Mart. V, 34, 3, “nigras . . . umbras.”
* Verg. Geor. IV, 545 f., Aen. V, 736; VI, 153; Lucret. III, 52 f.; Sil. It. I, 119 f.;
XIII, 429 f.; Cenotaphia Pisana, Orelli-Henzen, 642 (= Dessau 139); Acta Fr. Arv.
CCXIV Henzen, “Summano patri verbeces atros.”
* Prop. IV, 7, 28; Ov. Ibis 102; Juv. X, 244 f.; Tac. Ann. III, 2: “atrata plebes.”
*Twice I have found black connected with Jupiter, the sky-god (Wissowa, op.
cit. p. 113). One instance is in Aen. VIII, 352 f.: “Arcades ipsum |credunt se vidisse
34 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
Black is constantly used to signify bad luck, while white indicates
good fortune. The appearance of a black dog may break off a wedding;”
trees that bear blackberries or fruits are under the guardianship “inferum
deorum avertentiumque” and are unlucky,” as is also the black fig,
whereas the white fig is lucky;” the tell-tale crow is punished for bring-
ing bad news to Apollo by being turned from white to black;” fifty-
seven” days during the year were atri dies on which it was unlawful
for the comitia to meet, for the names of Jupiter or Janus to be
mentioned,” sacrifices offered,” or anything new undertaken.” Horace's
Genius is “albus et ater,” bringing both good and bad fortune; the
day of death is atra or niger;” Martial’s hope is,” “Procul a libellis
nigra sit meis fama, quos rumor alba gemmeus vehit pinna.” Infamia
flits about on black wings, while Victory's wings are white.” Lucky
days are white,” and, according to the Cretan custom,” are marked
with white stones, as the unlucky are marked with black. The Trojans
knew their wanderings were ended when they saw the white sow and
her young.” A white hen fell miraculously into Livia Drusilla's lap,
Iovem, cum saepe nigrantem aegida concuteret dextra nimbosque cieret.” For
this, Servius' note is sufficient explanation: “aegida, id est pellem Amaltheae caprae,
a qua nutritus est . . . Sane Graeci poetae turbines et procellas karatylöas appellant,
quod haec mota faciat tempestates. Ergo ‘nigrantem’ tempestatem commoventerm.”
The second is recorded in Macrob. Sat. III, 9, 10-11. In the devotio of a city, the invo-
cation was uttered to “Dis Pater Veiovis Manes, sive quo alio nomine fas est nomi-
nare,” and three black sheep were sacrificed. Tellus and Jupiter were called upon as
witnesses. Here Jupiter appears as Juppiter Fidius, one of his characteristic rôles,
which is not inconsistent with the fact that the oath is directed to the lower world.
19 Ter. Ph. 706.
20 Macrob. Sat. III, 20, 2.
* Serv. Aen. VII, 761; Ov. Met. II, 534 f.
* Fowler, Rom. Fest., 9.
* Macrob. Sat. I, 16, 24 f.
* Macrob. Sat. I, 15, 22; Gell. IV, 9, 5.
* Varro, L. L. VI, 29 (Goetz-Schoell).
* Hor. Epist. II, 2, 187 ff.; cf. Porph. on 1. 189.
* Prop. II, 11, 4; 24 b, 34.
28 Mart. X, 3, 9 f.
* Sil. It XV, 97 ff.
* Cat. LXVIII, 147 f.; Mart. XII, 34, 5 f.; XI, 36, 1 f.; Ov. Ex Ponto IV, 4, 18;
Pers. II, 1-2; Sil. It. XV, 53.
* Acro on Hor. Od. I, 36, 10: “Cretensibus enim moserat dies laetos albis calculis,
nigris contrarios numerare.” .
* Aen. III, 390 f.; VIII, 43 ff.; cf. Juv. XII, 72 f.
BLACK AND WHITE 35
bearing a sprig of laurel in its beak,” and, with its descendants, was
especially cared for afterwards by direction of the augurs. .
The sacrifice of white animals is so frequently mentioned that only
a few instances can be given. On the Ides a white lamb was Sacrificed
to Jupiter;” Aeneas devoted the famous white sow to Juno;” when the
Ludi Apollinares were instituted, 212 B. C., white goats were decreed
as an offering to Apollo;” to both Apollo and Diana Augustus offered
white cattle;” Horace vowed a white goat to Liber in gratitude at being
saved from death under a falling tree.* To Venus,” Pax,” Salus,”
Mars,” Minerva,” Dea Dia,” and “multis aliis divis” similar honors
were paid. If a white animal could not be obtained, chalk might cover
the obnoxious red,” or a white spot on the forehead would suffice.”
By the third century A. D. even religious conservatism had given way,
for Arnobius writes: “In Albano antiquitus monte nullos alios licebat
quam nivei tauros immolare candoris: nonne istum morem religionemgue
mutastis atque ut rufulos liceret dari, Senatus constitutum sanctione
est?”48
* Pliny, N. H. XV, 136.
* Ov. Fast. I, 56; cf. Acta Fr. Arv. cxiii Henzen; Sen., Med. 59 f.; Secular Or., in
Zosimus H. N. II, 6 (Diels, Sib. Bl. 134); Juv. XII, 5 ft.
* Aen. VIII, 82 ff.; cf. Sib. Or. II, 50 f. (Diels, 114); Aen. IV, 59 f.; Sen. Ag.
363 f.
* Livy XXV, 12, 13.
* Hor. C. S. 49 f.; cf. Sib. Or. II, 44ff. (Diels, 114).
* Hor. Od. III, 8, 6ff.
* Ov. Met. X, 270 fſ.
40 Ov. Fast. I, 719 f.
* Acta Fr. Arv., CXIV Henzen.
*Livy VII, 37, 1 ff. The consul presents P. Decius Mus with one hundred
ordinary oxen and one fine white ox with gilded horns as a reward for conspicuous
bravery. Decius sacrifices the white ox to Mars, and gives the others to his soldiers.
Pliny (N. H. XXII, 9) states that Decius sacrificed the red oxen also to Mars.
*Acta Fr. Arv., Henzen, CXIII.
“Acta Fr. Arv., Henzen, CXLVI, CCXXVII; v. pp. 20-21.
* Livy XXII, 10, 7; cf. Sen. Ag. 585. Interesting in this connection is the sacri-
fice of white animals to favorable winds and black to unfavorable: Aen. III, 120:
“nigram Hiemi pecudem, Zephyris felicibus albam”; cf. Aristoph. Frogs, 847 f. and
Scholiast.
* Lucilius CVI, 140 (L. Müller): “Cretatumque bovem duc ad Capitolia magna”;
cf. Juv. X, 65 f. -
* Hor. Od. IV, 2, 54 f. So at Iguvium cattle with white spots on the forehead
were sacrificed to Vofionis Grabovius; cf. Tab. Iguvinae I, a 20; VI, b 19, Bücheler,
Umbrica, 2, 18; cf. Isid. Orig. XII, 1, 52.
*Arnobius, Adv. Nat. II, 68. Note that at Iguvium red or black animals were
regularly offered to Cerfus Martius and to Praestita Cerfia; cf. Bücheler, Umbrica,
pp. 3, 23, 105-107.
36 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
Not only in sacrificing but also in other religious acts white was
employed. White horses like those of Jupiter and the Sun” drew the
triumphator's car at Rome, as they drew the chariot of Ormuzdº" in
the Persian procession. Romulus yoked a white ox and a white heifer
to mark out the walls of Rome.”
White garments were regularly used in the worship of the heavenly
deities.” Of the Cerealia Ovid tells us, “alba decent Cererem: vestis
Cerealibus albas Isumite,” and there is abundant evidence for the same
custom in the ritual of other deities* and on festal occasions generally.”
A similar use of white garments is found in Greece,” among the priests
of the Syrian goddesses,” and the Druids.” Both priests and victims
wore white infulae and vittae,” which, as Pley” has fully shown, were
also used to adorn statues of the gods and god-like men, temples, sacred
groves, and trees—in short, everything consecrated to the gods of
heaven.
* Livy V, 23, 5-7: “Maxime conspectus ipse est curru equis albis iuncto urbem
invectus. . . Iovis Solisque equis aequiperatum dictatorem in religionem etiam
trahebant”; cf. Plut. Camillus 7; Serv. Aen. IV, 543; Prop. IV, 1, 32; Tib. I, 7, 7 f.;
Ov. Fast. VI, 723 f.; A. A. I, 214; Claud. De Bello Goth. 126 f. -
* Curtius Rufus, Hist. Alex. III, 3, 11. The Persians also sacrificed white
horses to the Sun; cf. Philostratus, Vit. Apollon. I, 31, 2. According to Hehn,
Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere, p. 44, the Slavs sacrificed a white horse to the god
of light, a black one to his evil opponent.
5. Ov. Fast. IV, 826 f.
* Cic. De Leg. II, 45. The one exception seems to be the Floralia, but we are
not told the colors employed. Cf. Ov. Fast. V, 356: “cultu versicolore”; cf. Neapolis:
“Luxuriosis olim proprius hic habitus. Unde forte in his festis receptum puto, quia
ad meretrices, celebritas pertinebat . . . de pallio lenonis comici haec Donatus:
Leno pallio varii coloris utitur. Hoc idem &vôuvöv dicitur a Polluce: Topvoğoalkot
8è xutóvu Battø kai äv6uvé trepušoxaíq Évöéövvrat.
* Ov. Fast. IV, 619 f.; cf. Met. X, 431 ff.
* Serv. Aen. X, 539: “vestes albas . . . quae sunt sacerdotibus congruae”;
Sil. It. III, 694 f.: “ante aras stat veste sacerdos I effulgens nivea’’; Tib. II, 1, 16;
Prop. IV, 6, 71; Ov. Fast. II, 654; Am. II, 13, 23; Trist. III, 13, 13 f.; V. 5, 7 f.; Pers.
II, 39 f.; Dessau 7212, pp. 738 f.
* Schol. on Pers. I, 16; Hor. Sat. II, 2, 60 f. and schol; Mart. VIII, 65, 5;
Cass. Dio LXXIV, 1; cf. A. J. A. XVIII, 1914, p. 343, l. 8 of Sardis inscription.
* Aeschin. c. Ctes. 77; Q. Curtius Rufus, Hist. Alex. IV, 15, 27; 13, 15; C. I. G.
II, 2715 a, 8; Dittenberger, Syll.” II, no. 790, ll. 39 f.; Fränkel, Die Inschriften von
Pergamon, 246, 38; Isid. Orig. XIX, 22, 9.
" Lucian, De Syria Dea 42; Apul. Met. VIII, 27.
58 Pliny, N. H. XVI, 251.
* They are usually white or white and scarlet, occasionally purpureus or caeruleus.
* Pley, De lanae in antiquorum ritibus usu, Relgesch. Versuche, XI, 502ff.
BLACK AND WHITE 37
All these instances prove that among the Romans white was Sacred
to the heavenly deities.” It is true that we occasionally find white
used as a prophylactic,” more often as a curative,” but black, red, green
and yellow are used for the same purposes. Ghosts are clad in white”
or black.” In the realm of magic and medicine there appears to be great
confusion of ideas,” whereas in the religious ritual the lines are much
more sharply drawn. Fehrle” thinks the religious wearing of white
among the most different peoples is prophylactic. Wächter” makes
the same suggestion, but considers it probable that white, on which
every stain is easily perceptible, was recoognized as the cleanest color,
hence was the purest and best suited for worship. This idea is certainly
not primitive, though it could easily develop from the reverence for
light. Prophylaxis may be the original idea where white is used also
for the dead, as among the Persians” and Egyptians;” but since the
Romans made no use of it in burial—whereas they employed purpureus,
which is clearly prophylactic, in the ritual of both chthonic and heavenly
deities—it seems quite impossible to ascribe such a character to their
use of white in ritual. To them white represented the clear light of
* For further references and Christian symbolism, cf. Goetz, Weisz und Schwarz
bei den Römern, Festschrift zum 25 jährigen Stiftungsfest des hist.-phil. Vereines der
Universität München, 1905, pp. 63-70.
* Pliny, N. H. XXVIII, 29: “Mucianus ter consul . . . viventem muscam in
linteolo albo, his remediis carere ipsos lippitudine praedicantes”; cf. the use of haw-
thorn to keep off spirits [Photius and Hesych. puapā āuépa; Dioscorides, De Rhamno
I, 90; Varro ap. Charis. p. 144, 22 Keil; Ov. Fast. VI, 129 f. and Neapolis’ note: “quod
observandum duxi, omnibus spinarum generibus veteres noxarum pellendi vim in-
genitam credidisse: nam et aspalato (arbor est alba cum spinis) eandem tribunt
potestatem,”] and as a torch at weddings (Pliny, N. H. XVI, 75; Fest. 245 M., 282 L.,
Paul. 87 M., 77 L., in connection with which cf. Marquardt, Privatleben der Römer”,
p. 55). So in Ireland the rowan-tree, also white flowered (Cent. Dict., “mountain
ash”), is “put over the door and in the fields on May Eve to save man, beast and crop”;
G. H. Kinahan, Notes on Irish Folk-Lore, Folk-Lore Record IV, 1881, 117. May not
its protective power lie partly, at least, in its color?
* Pliny, N. H. XXIX, 124; XXX, 121; XXXVI, 56; XXIV, 77.
*Livy, XXI, 62, 5; XXIV, 10, 10.
* L. Annaeus Florus IV, 7, 8 (=II, 17, 8 Rossbach); Apul. Met. IX, 30 (cf. III. 8).
*I believe that the confusion is only seeming and that careful study will reveal
the reason for choice of different colors in apparently similar cases. -
** Fehrle, Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum, Relgesch. Versuche VI, 68 ff.
*Wächter, Reinheitsvorschriften im griechischen Kult, Relgesch. Versuche IX, 161.
* Chantepie de la Saussaye, quoted by Wächter, l. c.
7" Ludwig Weniger, Feralis Exercitus, Arch. Rel. X, 1907, 251.
38 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
day, hence was pleasing to the powers of the sky;" black was the color
of night and of the interior of the earth, therefore it was fitting for the
underworld.
* Frazer, G. B., The Magic Art I, 314, tells of the mock sun used by the Banks
Islanders to make sunshine; a stone is tied with a red thread, and white rods are placed
radiating from it to imitate sunshine.
CHAPTER IV
GOLD
To gild the horns of sacrificed animals was a common practice among
both Greeks and Romans. There can be little doubt that it was fol-
lowed even in pre-Hellenic times, since bulls were the chief object of
sacrifice," and a silver bull’s head with gilded horns was found in one
of the graves at Mycenae.” Homer describes the process of gilding;”
Diomede vows to bring Pallas a heifer, xpvačv képagu repuxetas.”
Aeschines is compared to an animal with golden horns ready for the
altar,” while Plato speaks of such offerings as of common occurrence.”
Grimm found the same custom in the North: “Goldhörnige Kühe
verlangteine Stelle der edda Saem. 141* und im mansfeldischen Dorfe
Fienstädt war ein kohlschwarzes Rind mit weisser Blåsse und weissen
Füssen und ein Ziegenbock mit vergoldelen Hörnern zur Entrichtung
auferlegt.” Pliny mentions the Roman custom,” which is met again
and again in literature and in the inscriptions of the Arval Brothers.
Ascanius vows to Jupiter, ‘statuam ante aras aurata fronte iuvencum |
candentem.” In 212 B. C. the senate decreed, ‘ut decemviri sacrum
Graeco ritu facerent hisdue hostiis: Apollini bove aurato et capris dua-
bus albis auratis, Latonae bove femina aurata.” Ovid represents
Pythagoras as complaining, ‘victima labe carens et praestantissima
formal . . . vittis insignis et auro |sistitur ante aras.” Thanksgivings
are offered for the safe return of the Argonauts, ‘inductaque cornibus
aurum | victima vota litat.” Martial promises Apollo, “Felix tunc ego
debitorque votil casurum tibi rusticas ad aras |ducam cornibus aureis
*Williams, in Mrs. Hawes' Gournia, p. 52.
*Jahrbuch des k. d. Arch. Inst. XXVI, 1911, pp. 249 ft., pls. VII-VIII.
* Od. III, 425 fſ.
* Il. X, 294; cf. Od. III, 382.
* Aeschin. c. Ctes. 164.
* Plato, Alc. II, 149 c.
* Grimm, Deutsche Myth. I*, 44.
* Pliny, N. H. XXXIII, 39: “Deorum honoris causa in sacris nihil aliud excogi-
tatum est quam ut auratis cornibus hostiae, maiores dumtaxat, immolarentur.”
* Aen. IX, 627 f.
*Livy XXV, 12, 13; cf. Macrob. Sai. I, 17, 29.
* Ov. Met. XV, 130 fſ.
* Ov. Mei. VII, 161 f.
40 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
iuvencum.” Juvenal advises the husband whose wife is chaste to
‘slay a gilded heifer to Juno.” The Arval Brothers yearly vowed simi-
lar sacrifices to the Capitoline Triad and Salus,” and on extraordinary
occasions to other deities also, including Mars, Victoria, Fortuna redux,
Vesta, Neptune, Hercules, Lares militares and the Genius of the Em-
peror.” In 224 A. D. they sacrified to Dea Dia, in expiation of an
injury done her sacred grove by lightning, ‘b(oves) f(eminas) a(uro)
i(unctas) n(umero) II.” That the ‘vacca honoria alba’ annually
offered to her” had its horns gilded is therefore very probable.
“Like mediaeval painters, the ancients held gold to be the Supreme
J. color, the badge of deity. . . . Gold and white go together,” says
Gummere.” At Sais, during the rites commemorating the death of
Osiris, “an image of a cow, made of gilt wood with a golden sun between
its horns, was carried out of the chamber in which it stood the rest
of the year. The cow no doubt represented Isis herself.” Her white-
clad priests carried golden objects during her gestival at Cenchrae,” -, .
her sacred boat had white sails and a gilded stern,” her ancient image
was a golden urn.” Anubis, “ille superum commeator et inferum,”
appeared with his face half black, half golden.” in China the earthen-
ware cow representing the corn spirit had gilded horns.” The high
priest of the Syrian goddess at Hierapolis wore a golden tiara.” The
Persians guiding the white horses of Ormuzd were robed in white and
carried golden branches.” White and gold marked the contellation
of the Bears, appearing as a god to its worshippers.” Among the He-
18 Mart. IX, 42, 8 ft. -
14 Juv. VI, 48; cf. Schol.: “cornibus inauratis, queis aurea induta vel illita bractea.”
15 Acta Fr. Arv., Henzen, XLI f.; cf. 100 ff.
18 Acta Fr. Arv., Henzen, CXL f.; CXCVIII; cf. 122 ff. There can be no doubt
that the same custom is observed even when the gilded horns are not expressly men-
tioned.
17 Acta Fr. Arv. CCXIII f.; cf. 144 for Henzen's explanation of “auro iunctas”
as equivalent to “auratas.” -
18 Acta Fr. Arv. CXLVI; cf. 20 f.; cf. XLII, 13.
* Gummere, On the Symbolic Use of the Colors Black and White in Germanic
Tradition, Haverford College Studies, No. 1, p. 135. *
20 Frazer, G. B., Adonis, Attis, Osiris, II*, p. 50; cf. p. 91.
* Apul. Met. XI, 10. -
* Apul. Met. XI, 16.
* Apul. Met. XI, 11.
* Frazer, G. B., Spirits of the Corn II, 11.
* Lucian, De Syria Dea, 42. *
* Q. Curtius Rufus, Hist. Alex. III, 3, 11.
* Dieterich, Mithras Liturgie, 14.
GOLD 41
brews, the ark of the Covenant,” Solomon’s temple,” and the altar
of incense” were overlaid with gold, and many of their accessories were
of gold, while gold had its place upon the high priest’s ephod, girdle,
breastplate, robe and mitre.” At Rome the same conditions existed.
To Jupiter” belonged the garments inwrought with gold” which his
representative, the triumphator, wore, the golden crown which was
held over his head,” and the gilded chariot in which he rode.” Juno's
sacred geese were adorned with gold and purple when they went for
their yearly ride,” and Metellus Pius was severely blamed for wearing
golden crowns like a deity.” So Dolon, the Trojan, declares Rhesus’
golden coat of mail is “such as becomes not mortal men to wear, but
the gods only.”
The poets ascribe golden thrones, Sceptres and ornaments to the
gods, to kings (their earthly representatives), and to heroes, who have
much of the divine in their natures.” As we would expect, this is
especially true of the Sun and his race. Helios drives a golden chariotº
all day, and at night is carried in a golden bed” back to the starting-
point of his labors; the golden Cup in which Heracles sails across the
ocean is his;” his cattle are white with golden horns;* his descendants
28 Eacodus XXV.
29 2nd Chron. III–IV.
30 Exodus XXX, 3-5.
3i Exodus XXVIII.
* Livy X, 7, 10; Suet, Aug. 94.
* The “toga picta” and “tunica palmata”; cf. Pliny, N. H. XXXIII, 63: “Tunica
aurea triumphasse Tarquinium Priscum Verrius docet”; Appian, Rom. Hist. VIII, 66;
Marquardt, Privaileben II”, 543; Müller, Die Etrusker I, 347.
* Gell. V. 6; cf. Livy XXX, 15, 11-12.
* Hor. Epod. IX, 21 f.; Prop. I, 16, 3.
* Serv. Aen. VIII, 652: “qua causa postea eo die quo hoc factum est . . . anseres
auro et purpura exornati in lecticis gestabantur.”
* Val. Max. IX, 1, 5: “cum palmata veste convivia celebrabat demissasque
lacunaribus aureas coronas velut caelesti capite recipiebat.”
* Il. X, 439 f. (Bryant’s translation).
*Perhaps the name Chrysostom was due to a similar idea. Pliny’s story (N. H.
VII, 123) of the astrologer Berosus is interesting: “Berosus cui ob divinas praedictiones
Athenienses publice in gymnasio statuam inaurata lingua statuere.” Compare with
this the stone aureo colore which was said to give prophetic dreams (Pliny, N. H.
XXXII, 167).
40 Ov. Mel. II, 107 f.
* Mimnerm. 11 Bergk; cf. Ath. XI, 468-470; Stesich. 6 Bergk.
* Ath. XI, 470 a. . . . .
* Apoll. Rhod. IV, 977 f. . . . . . .
zº &
42 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
are recognized by the far-flashing golden gleam of their eyes,” or wear
a golden-rayed nimbus.” Phrixus sacrificed the golden-fleeced ram, the
gift of the gods,” to Zeus,” but presented the shining pelt to Aeëtes,”
son of Helios.
Zeus's Sceptre,” his armor and scourge "" are of gold; his steeds,”
like Poseidon’s horse,” have golden manes, and his chariot is of gold and
silver.” In “golden Olympus’.” “golden-sandalled Hera” and other
deities sit on golden" thrones. Artemis is “the Huntress with the
golden shaft”* and a stag with golden horns is dedicated to her;” Pallas
wears a golden helmet;” both drive golden chariots;* Dionysus wears
a golden head-band.” Apollo's lyre,” his sword,” and often his bow,”
like Mercury's caduceus and talaria,” are of gold. Delos becomes all
golden after Apollo's birth.” Circe and Calypso wear robes of white
* Apoll. Rhod. IV, 727 ff.
* Verg. Aen. XII, 160-164. “Latinus | . . . cui tempora circum j aurati bis sex
radii fulgentia cingunt, Solis avi specimen.”
* Zenob. IV, 38 (F. H. G. Müller, II, 344); Apollod. I, 9,4; Apoll. Rhod. II, 1144 f.
* Schol. on Apoll. Rhod., Merkel-Keil, p. 534; Apollod. I, 9. 1.
*Apollod. I, 9, 1. Other forms of the legend say the fleece was consecrated to
Zeus (Scholia in Caes. Germanici Aratea, 60 B) or to Ares (Hyginus, Fab., p. 39
Schmidt.)
49 Bacchyl. VIII [IX], 100.
50 Il. VIII, 42 f.
* Apoll. Rhod. IV, 1365 f.
* Il. V, 722 f. May silver, the white metal, represent the light of day? cf. “the
silver spokes of Helios' car” (Ov. Met. II, 108); Apollo “of the silver bow” (Il. I, 49;
Apoll. Rhod. II, 678); Pliny (N. H. XXXIII, 58) “colore, qui clarior in argento est
magisque diei similis.” -
* Bacchyl. X (XI), 4. So Valhalla is roofed with golden shields, and the Friscian
king is shown a house glittering with gold prepared for his use after death; cf. Grimm,
Deutsche Myth. II*, 583, 683.
* Hes. Theog. 11 f., 454.
* Bacchyl. X, XI], 37 f.
* Il. I, 611; VIII, 436, 442; IX. 533; Aen. X, 116 f.
57 Pind. Ol. 3, 51.
58 Il. V, 743 f.; Hes. Scut. Her. 199.
* Bacchyl. XII [XIII], 194 f.; Apoll, Rhod. III, 878.
60 Soph. O. T. 209.
61 Hes. Scut. Her. 203.
* Il. XV, 256; Pindar, Pyth. V, 104.
* Hes. Works and Days 771; Apoll. Rhod. IV, 1709.
“Od. X, 377; XXIV, 1-4; Aen. IV, 239 fi.; Hor. Od. I, 10, 18 f.; Ov. Her. XV, 64;
Mart. VII, 74, 1 f.; cf. Cass. Dio LXXII, 19.
* Callim. Eis AñNov, 260ff.
&
*... . . .”
* ,
GOLD 43
with golden girdles.” Agamemnon’s ancestral sceptre, once the pos-
session of Zeus himself” and worshiped by the Chaeroneans in Pau-
sanias’ time,” is called golden.” Alcinous’ staff of justice,” and Aeëtes’
helmet" are of the same shining metal. A ram with golden fleece,”
perhaps symbolizing the royal power,” caused the strife between Atreus
and his brother. Dido's apparel,” like that of other royal personages,”
is of purple and gold. Amphion sings to the accompaniment of his
golden lyre.” Bellerophon captures Pegasus with a golden bridle.”
given him by Athena. Cos, daughter of the Titan Merops, is changed
by Artemis into a hind with golden horns.” Golden hair is charac-
teristic of divinities and heroes.” A “Golden Race of men” made by
the Olympian gods lived during the Golden Age, which is “a replica
of heaven, a mortal reflexion of the glory of the immortals.”
tº Od. V, 230 f.; X, 543 ff.
‘7 Il. II, 100 ft.
** Paus. IX, 40, 11 f.
69 Il. II, 268.
70 Apoll. Rhod. IV, 1178.
7 Apoll. Rhod. III, 1228.
”See Pauly–Wissowa, Atreus, for a full account of the legend and for references.
* Whether Seneca (Thyestes 225 ff.) introduced this idea or took it from a legend
already existing is uncertain; cf. Schol. Il. 2, 105; Schol. Pers. V, 8; “purpureis”
here has the meaning of “bright.” A. B. Cook formerly considered that Atreus’
ram symbolized the sun, but now believes it was rather the visible embodiment of
Zeus; cf. Zeus, A Study in Ancient Religion, I, 409 f.
74 Aen. IV, 139 f.
is Aem., VII, 251, 815 f.; Livy XXVII, 4, 8-10; Ov. Mei. VII, 103; VIII 33 f.;
Her. XII, 52; Sen. Ag. 877 ff.; Thy. 344 ff.; Q. Curt. Rufus, Hist. Alex. III, 3, 17-18.
78 Apoll. Rhod. I, 740.
77 Pind. Ol. XIII, 92 and 111.
* Eur. Hel. 381 f. Vergil (Georg. IV, 371) represents the Po with gilded horns.
Editors have many explanations to suggest:-the fertility of the adjoining fields, the
tradition of particles of gold in the river, the custom of gilding the horns of victims,
the fact that aureus was a suitable epithet for attributes of the gods. It seems probable
that Vergil was influenced by more than one of these ideas, and also by a desire for
color contrast (auratus . . . Eridanus . . . in mare purpureum). Of the eight rivers
mentioned in the passage, the Po is the only one thus described. Claudianus (Sext.
Cons. Hon. 161) follows Vergil in assigning golden horns to the Po, and Martial (X,
7, 6) assigns them to the Rhine. Ausonius (Mosella 471) imitates Vergil in speaking
of the Moselle.
* See K. F. Smith's Tibullus, p. 189, n. 15, and W. P. Mustard's Sannazaro, p.
78, n. 84, for instances. -
* Cf. K. F. Smith's Ages of the World, Hasting's Encyl. of Religion and Ethics, I,
pp. 192-200.
44 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
The superficial explanation of this use of gold by divine beings and
their human representatives is that its purity” renders it fitting for them
or its costliness makes it obtainable by them alone. But in the reli-
gious lore of India gold represents success, prosperity, glory, health,
long life—even immortality.” The Hymns of the Atharva-Veda”
give us many such instances.” Through the agency of the gods it is
of service in obtaining a good husband or wife” (pp. 94, 95); a gold-
covered amulet aids in transferring to the king the ‘lustre . . . inherent
in man, animals, and brilliant substances” (pp. 116-477); the glint on
the surface of the pearl and its shell suggests gold, and they become an
amulet giving long life and prosperity, protecting against demons and
‘the missiles of the gods’ (pp. 62, 383 ff.); an herb employed in healing
wounds is ‘gold-coloured, lovely, Sun-coloured’ (p. 21); the gods bring
the marvellous plant kustha in a golden ship with golden tackle and
oars” (pp. 4-6); golden spades are used to dig up a remedy for the
serpent’s poison (p. 153); the golden-colored amulet of varana-wood is
“a universal cure’ and ‘will protect thee from all evil!” (pp. 82 ff.);”
another that ‘bestows faith, sacrifice and might’ has “a golden wreath’
(p. 84), and ‘mother earth’ is ‘the golden-breasted resting-place of all
living creatures’ (pp. 200, 207).
Still more significant are the examples collected by von Negelein.”
Gold leaves laid upon the orifices of the body are purifying and healing.
Gold wards off death. In the royal consecration ceremony the priest
throws a small gold plate beneath the king’s foot with the words, ‘Save
him from death!”, then places one on the king's head with, “Might thou
art, victory thou art, immortality thou art!’ ‘gold being immortal life,
81 Cf. Pliny, N. H. XXXIII, 58-59.
* Cf. “New Jerusalem,” a city of “pure gold,” in which is the tree of life. (Rev.
XXI-XXII).
* Bloomfield, Sacred Books of the East, XLII.
* The use of gold together with other yellow objects as a cure for jaundice is
a different matter, due to “sympathetic magic”; cf. pp. 7, 8, 263. The goddess of
misfortune is euphemistically called “golden-locked,” and the goddess of avarice and
grudge, “gold-complexioned, lovely one,” p. 173.
* Cf. Aegisthus’ gifts of gold at the shrine of the gods that they may help him to
win Clytemnestra’s favor, Od. III, 274. -
* Cf. Pliny, N. H. XXI, 66: “Heliochrysus florem habet auro similem. Hoc
coronare se magi, si et unguenta Sumantur ex auro, quod apyron vocant, ad gratiam
quoque vitae gloriamgue pertinere arbitrantur.”
* See p. 415 for Bloomfield's suggestion that the ship may represent the moon.
* Cf. the panacea with a golden flower mentioned by Pliny, N. H. XXV, 32.
* von Negelein, Der Traumschlüssel, Relgesch. Versuche XI, 1912, p. 158.
GOLD 45
he thus lays immortal life into him”; thus the king is ‘enclosed on both
sides with immortal life.” To drink melted butter from a golden dish
is to drink long life from immortality, for melted butter is equivalent
to long life, and gold means immortality.” Gold crowns adorn a victim
and after sacrifice gold is placed on each side of it, because “thereby then
it rests in immortal Hife; and so it rises from hence and so it lives.”
How did such qualities come to be attributed to gold? The answer is
not far to seek. We have already noticed in the Hymns of the Atharva-
Veda” that the plant which heals wounds is ‘gold-coloured . . . sun-
coloured . . . fiery’ (p. 21). Savitar (the Sun in his daily course)
is ‘golden-handed (p. 168). Ushas, the dawn, with whom ‘Sãrya is
probably identical’ (p. 503) is ‘golden-coloured.” Gold is “(endowed
by) the Sun with beautiful colour’ and brings long life, lustre and strength
to him who wears it (cf. p. 668); it is ‘born of fire’; it is “(the gold)
which king Varuna knows, which god Brihaspati knows, which Indra
knows,’ and ‘a source of life’ (p. 63). It is one of the three sources of
light (p. 116), the others being Sūrya (the sun), and Agni (fire). Gold
is the symbol of the sun and ‘all the gods are his (the sun's) rays of
light.”
Crooke” tells us that among a tribe of sun-worshipers in Northern
India “a large painted sun of gypsum in high relief with gilded rays
adorns the hall of audience . . . The sacred standard bears his image,
as does the disc of black felt or ostrich feathers with a plate of gold in
its centre to represent the sun, borne aloft on a pole.” Another tribe,
about 1000 A.D., regarded the sun “as a material being in the form of a
man with golden beard and golden hair.”
The Peruvian Vestals were the wives of the Sun, and all the furni–
ture of their convent, as of the temple of the Sun, was made of gold and
silver; the sacred garden was all golden, even to the very clods.”
* Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, XLI, pp. 92 f.
* von Negelein, l. c.
* Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, XXVI, p. 206.
* Bloomfield, op. cit., pp. 21, 168, 503.
* Varuna, god of the vault of heaven. Brihaspati, lord of prayer and worship;
sometimes he seems to represent the element of light and fire generally; cf. Eggeling,
Sacred Books of the East XII, p. xvi, n. 3. Indra, son of Dyaus (the shining sky) and
Prithivi (the earth); favorite weapon, the thunderbolt.
* Eggeling, op. cit., XXVI, pp. 115, 224.
* Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India, I, p. 8. (The
italics are mine.)
* Crooke, op. cit., p. 6.
* Frazer, G. B., The Magic Art I, 243 f.
46 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
Only the gleaming color of gold fitly represents the life-giving sun.
This gleaming color cannot be reproduced in textiles, hence yellow cloths
or garments are not used with the same significance as gold.
Yet in the Rig-Veda Agni also is ‘golden-coloured,” and to him is
uttered the prayer: ‘Thy Sweetest aspect, O Agni, Shines near us for
glory's sake, now by day, now by night, like gold.
Like purified ghrita is thy stainless body; (it is) brilliant gold: that
(body) of thine has shone, O Self-dependent one, like gold’ (IV, 10. 5-6).
Frazer has most carefully shown the connection of wood, fire, and
sun in the Aryan beliefs, and inclines towards Mannhardt's theory, that
fire-festivals, especially at the summer Solstice, “are intended to rein-
force the waning or waxing fires of the sun.” He has collected many
instances of belief in the impregnating influence of the sun, among them
the story of Danaë and the golden shower, and has recalled Greek tales,
old and new, of life or strength depending on golden hair.”
This connection of fire, Sun, life, and gold is still further shown by
other passages in the Vedas. One tradition declares that at first Agni
was the only immortal; then the gods established fire in their innermost
souls, thus becoming immortal and unconquerable.”
A similar element is found in the Norse legend that only the golden
apples guarded by Iduna kept the gods young and strong. Another
version appears in the tree of life with golden apples of eternal youth
presented to Zeus and Hera as a wedding gift by the earth-goddess.”
Upon the porridge cooked as a gift for the Brahmans the sacrificer
places gold while the priest says: ‘The fires all know one another, that
which lives in plants and lives in the waters and all the (light-) gods that
glow upon the heaven. The gold (here) becomes the light of him that
cooks (the porridge).” Bloomfield comments: ‘Ordinary fire in wood,
lightning in the (cloud-) waters, and the fire of the heavenly luminaries
are reflected in the gold, presented by him that cooks the porridge:
in giving the gold he becomes luminous, illustrious’ (p. 654). A sacri-
ficer gives gold to the priest who represents Agni; “thereby indeed he
preserves his own life, for gold is life. That he (Pragāpati or Varuna)
* Oldenberg, Vedic Hymns, Sacred Books of the East XLVI, part II, p. 325.
100 Frazer, G. B., Balder the Beautiful II, 72; The Magic Art I, 311-313.
101 Frazer, G. B., Balder the Beautiful I, 73–75; II, 103 f.
* Eggeling, op. cit. XII, p. 310.
1° Pherecydes, F. H. G. I, 78, 33; Serv. Aen. IV, 484; see Pauly–Wissowa VIII,
1244 for further references. Perhaps the trees with golden apples in later folk-tales—
e.g., Grimm's Kindermaerchen nos. 29, 57—are derived from a kindred source.
104 Bloomfield, op. cit. 191 f.
GOLD 47
gave to Agni, performing the office of the Agnidh (fire-kindler): where-
fore now also gold is given to the Agnidh'; the priest accepts it with the
words, “be thou life to the giver.”
It is significant that the Romans ascribed both healing and harmful
powers to gold.” Pliny has preserved for us several beliefs and prac-
tices which indicate that the use of gold in medicine and charms was
widespread even in his day: ‘Aurum pluribus modis pollet in remediis
volneratisque et infantibus adplicatur,” ut minus noceant quae inferan-
tur veneficia. Est et ipsi superlato vis malefica, gallinarum quoque et
pecuariorum feturis.” He mentions it as a remedy for ulcers, and
names Varro as authority for the statement that it will cure warts.”
He gives several other examples of its healing power, and describes its
baleful effect on fowls: ‘Non praeteribo miraculum quamguam ad medi-
cinam non pertinens: Si auro liquescenti gallinarum membra misceantur,
consumunt id in se. Ita hoc venenum auri est. At gallinacei ipsi
circulo e ramentis addito in collum non canunt.” Marcellus, who states
that he had not only studied the works of famous physicians, but had
also learned from lowly people of country and town “remedia fortuita
atdue simplicia, quae experimentis probaverant,” often advises the
use of gold to help in curing various diseases or in preventing them.
Charms of different sorts are very effective if enclosed in a gold bulla
or lupine or scratched upon a gold plate and worn around the neck or
on the part of the body affected.” Even a gold ring may be used
under certain conditions.” One prescription is especially insistent on
the use of gold: ‘Ad coli dolorem scribere debes in lamina aurea de
grafio aureo . . . et laminam ipsam mittere intra tubulum aureum
... et ligare in pede dextro.” In early times iron rings, not golden,
were worn by the nobles, but there was one very interesting exception.
Envoys about to set out for foreign countries were given gold rings by
the State. These they wore only in public, changing them for the
* Eggeling, op. cit. XXVI, pp. 347 f.
* Cf. Rudra’s “Yellow, golden bow that slays hundreds,” Bloomfield, op. cit.,
p. 156. .
* Cf. the golden bulla.
* Pliny, N. H. XXXIII, 84; cf. XXX, 138.
10° Pliny, N. H. XXXIII, 85.
110 Pliny, N. H. XXIX, 80.
* Marcellus, Introd. 2.
* Marcellus VIII, 45, 50, 59; XX, 98; XXVI, 43; XXIX, 13, 51.
* Marcellus XXIX, 23. So to-day a gold ring is applied to cure a stye.
* Marcellus XXIX, 26.
48 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
usual iron ones at home. To no one else and for no other purpose were
the rings given.” Is it not probable that, since in early times it was a
dangerous matter to travel into strange lands and the lives of ambassa-
dors were not always safe, the gold was considered a protection, a giver
and preserver of life? Or it may have been thought to ensure success
in the mission, a secondary idea which we have seen also in Hindu
folk-lore.
Nero at one time wore a golden bracelet enclosing a serpent’s skin as
an amulet, and in his hour of need sought vainly for it.” Marcellus’
prescriptions forbid us to think that the charm lay only in the skin.
Moreover, Crooke” has found similar instances among the tribes of
Northern India: “Gold, and in a less degree silver, have a similar pro-
tective influence. The idea is apparently based on their scarcity and
value, and on their colour, yellow and white being obnoxious to evil
spirits. Hence a little bit of gold is put into the mouth of the dying
Hindu, and both gold and silver, combined with tigers’ claws and similar
protectives, are largely used as amulets. These metals are particularly
effective in the form of ornaments, many of which are images of the gods,
or have some mystic significance, or are formed in imitation of Some
sacred leaf, flower, or animal. This is one main cause of the recklessness
with which rich natives load their children with masses of costly jewelry,
though they are well aware that the practice often leads to robbery and
murder.” “The letter from a Raja is spotted with gold-leaf as a pre-
servative, partly to divert the glance of fascination and partly because
gold is a scarer of demons.””
Since gold, like the sun, was a source of light and life, gold crowns
were a natural gift to Jupiter Optimus Maximus. Aust has collected
many examples,” the earliest recorded” being in 495 B. C., and com-
* Pliny, N. H. XXIII, 11: “Longo certe tempore ne senatum quidem Romanum
habuisse aureos manifestum est, siquidem is tantum qui legati ad exteras gentes
ituri essent anuli publice dabantur, credo, quoniam ita exterorum honoratissimi
intellegebantur. Neque aliis uti mos fuit quam qui ex ea causa publice accepissent
. . . hi quoque ob legationem acceperant aureos in publico tantum utebantur iis,
intra domos vero ferreis.”
* Suet. Nero 6. . . . “serpentis exuviis: quas tamen aureae armillae ex voluntate
matris inclusas dextro bracchio gestavit aliquamdiu, ac taedio tandem maternae
memoriae abiecit, rursusque extremis suis rebus frustra requisiit.”
* Crooke, op. cit. II, p. 15. -
* Crooke, Introd. to Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India, p. 191.
* Roscher, Lex. II*, 728; cf. the golden wreath, plate and mirrors offered at the
sacrifice to Pragapāti, Eggeling, op. cit. XLI, p. 119.
120 Livy II, 22, 6.
GOLD 49
ments: “Den goldenen Kranz werden wiruns wohl bei allen Widmungen
siegreicher Heerführer hinzu zu denken haben wenn er auch als selbst-
verständliche Gabe nicht ausdrücklich erwähnt wird. Auch für aus-
wärtige Fürsten und Völkerschaften war die Darbringung einer corona
aurea die gewöhnlichste Art der Huldigung.” The golden possessions
of the great god used by the triumphator have been mentioned. It
is important to note that in early times the tunica picta was worn only
by Jupiter's representative and by the Salii,” the dancing priests of
Mars, at the spring festival which closely resembles that of Apollo,”
who, in turn, was often identified with the Sun.
To sum up:-In gold is reflected the light of fire and of the heavenly
luminaries; gold is healing, life-giving. The healthful rays of the sun”
and the comforting warmth of fire must have made an impression on
primitive man long before the discovery of gold; when found, the gleam-
ing substance might easily seem to embody the virtues of the sun and of
fire. Yet both are sometimes harmful;” so gold may work evil. Gold
consecrated to the gods of light transfers life and prosperity to the giver,
therefore gold on the horns of sacrificial animals or otherwise presented
to the powers above brings to the sacrificer life and success from those
powers. .
There are a few instances in which gold is brought into relation with
the underworld. Homer represents the seer Tiresias and the upright
judge Minos each with his gold wand performing his characteristic
duties in Hades, while the phantom of Heracles seems to wear his gol-
den belt.” It is true that the thought of men continuing their usual
occupations after death is comparatively late,” yet this introduction
of gold into the realm of shadows is not inconsistent with the idea of
life. Tiresias has been allowed by Persephone to keep intact his powers
of thought and prophecy;” Minos, the son of Zeus, is still prečminent
for wisdom and justice; Heracles is in reality among the immortal gods,
so not without reason does his phantom wear the emblem of life.
One point remains to be mentioned. In the sixth book of the Aeneid
a golden branch sacred to Persephone is Aeneas' open sesame to the
underworld. The commentators are uncertain whether this idea is
* Livy I, 20, 4.
* Roscher, Lex. I*, 425; II*, 2404.
* Cf. “the Sun of righteousness, with healing in his wings,” Malachi IV, 2.
* Cf. Apollo, the god of medicine, whose arrows may bring pestilence.
1* Od. XI, 90 f., 570 f., 600-610.
* Preller-Robert, Griech. Myth. I, 820; Helbig in Roscher, Lex. II-2, 2996.
127 Od. X, 492 ft.
50 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
Vergil's own, or, as Heyne suggests, derived from some other legend,
either of Heracles or Theseus. Although Hermes with his golden rod
accompanied Heracles when he went for Cerberus and again when he
brought back Alcestis,” there seems to be no emphasis laid upon the
caduceus. Neither does gold seem to have been necessary for Ulysses,
Orpheus, Peirithôus, or Psyche. Yet it is quite possible that such a legend
did exist, that the life-giving metal could make the shadowy spirits of the
realm of death give way before it, and could take mortals safely through
that dread world. The disquieting element of Vergil's tale is the final
dedication of the branch at Persephone's door (l. 636), but in the absence
of any parallel it is not unsafe to give Vergil credit for an original idea.
The golden bough at Nemi with its gloomy associations was Surely sug-
gestive enough to a poet’s imagination. Or the golden branch may have
been left in lieu of a life, since Aeneas himself returned unharmed to the
upper world. At all events, the story has had its effect on succeeding
literature. As Conington points out, Ovid, Met. XIV, 113 f., follows
Vergil, while Heyne reminds us that to the same source are due Claudia-
nus’ tale of the tree with golden apples which Pluto promises his unwilling
bride,” and Spenser's description of the “Gardin of Proserpina.”
* Cf. Pauly–Wissowa VIII, 790 and references.
129 Claud. De Raptu Proserp. II, 290–294. It seems probable that the tree with
golden apples given Hera as a wedding gift also influenced this passage.
180 Spenser, The Faerie Queen, Bk. II, Canto VII, 53 ff.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
In addition to the texts of Latin authors, the following works have been of especial
service.
GENERAL
Daremberg et Saglio. Dictionnaire des Antiquités grecques et romaines.
Friedländer, L. Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms in der Zeit von August bis
zum Ausgang der Antonine.
Marquardt-Mommsen. Handbuch der römischen Altertimer.
Pauly–Wissowa. Real-Encyclopaedie der classischen Alteriumswissenschaft.
Preller-Jordan. Römische Mythologie.
Preller-Robert. Griechische Mythologie.
Roscher. Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und rômischen Mythologie.
Wissowa. Religion und Kulius der Römer. (Mueller's Handbuch, Vol. V, 4).
SPECIAL
Blinkenberg, Chr. The Thunderweapon in Religion and Folk-Lore. Cambridge
University Press, 1911.
Bloomfield, Maurice. Hymns of the Atharva-Veda (Sacred Books of the East, vol.
XLII.)
Blümmer, H. Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste bei Griechen und
Römern. Berlin, 1912.
Die role Farbe im Lateinischen. (Archiv für Lateinische Lexikographie
und Grammatik VI, 1889). -
Die Farbenbezeichnungen bei den rômischen Dichtern (Berliner Studien
für classische Philologie und Archaeologie XIII, 3).
Ueber die Farbenbezeichnungen bei den römischen Dichtern. (Philologus
XLVIII, 1889).
Buecheler, Francis. Umbrica. Bonn, 1883.
Cook, A. B. Zeus: A Study in Ancient Religion, vol. I. Cambridge, University
Press, 1915. -
The European Sky-God (Folk-Lore XV-XVI).
Jupiter, Zeus and the Oak (Classical Review XVII-XVIII, 1903-4.)
Crooke, W. An Introduction to the popular religion and folk-lore of Northern India.
1894. -
The Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India, 2nd ed., 1896.
Diels, Hermann. Sibyllinische Blätter. Berlin, 1890.
Duhn, Friedrich von. Rot und Tot (Archiv für Religionswissenschaft. IX, 1906).
Eggeling, Julius. The Satapathabramana (Sacred Books of the East, vols. XII,
XXVI, XLI),
Fowler, Warde W. Roman Festivals. London, 1899.
The Religious Experience of the Roman People. London, 1911.
Frazer, J. G. The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion. London, 1907-1915.
Goetz, K. E. Weisz und Schwarz bei den Römern. Festschrift zum 25 jährigen Stift-
ungsfest des historisch-philologischen Vereines der Universität München, 1905).
52 SIGNIFICANCE OF COLOR IN ROMAN RITUAL
Grimm, Jacob. Deutsche Mythologie. Fourth edition, Berlin, 1875–78.
Gummere, Francis B. On the Symbolic Use of the Colors Black and White in German
Tradition. (Haverford College Studies, vol. I.)
Helbig, Wolfgang. Sur les Attributes des Saliens. Paris, 1905.
- Toga und Trabea (Hermes XXXIX, 1904).
Henzen, J. H. W. Acta Fratrum Arvalium. Berlin, 1874.
Jacobstahl, Paul. Der Blitz in der orientalischen und griechischen Kunst. Berlin, 1906.
Kuhn, Adalbert. Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Göttertranks. Second edition.
Gütersloh, 1886.
Mueller-Deeke. Die Etrusker. Stuttgart, 1877.
Negelein, Julius von. Der Traumschlüssel (Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche XI, 1912)
Oldenberg, Hermann. Vedic Hymns (Sacred Books of the East, XLVI, part II.)
Pley, Jacob. De lanae in antiquorum ritibus usu (Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche
XI, 1911). -> -
Price, Thomas R. The Color-System of Vergil (American Journal of Philology IV,
1883).
Samter, Ernst. Römische Sühnriter (Die Trabea) (Philologus LVI, 1897).
Familien-Festen der Griechen und Römer. Berlin, 1901.
Geburt, Hochzeit, und Tod. Leipzig and Berlin, 1911.
Sonny, A. Rote Farbe im Totenkult (Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, IX, 1906).
Thulin, Carl. Die Etruskische Disciplin. Göteborg, Wald. 1906.
PERIODICALs
Archiv für Religionswissenschaft.
Classical Review.
Folk-Lore.
Folk-Lore Record.
Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten.
Rheinische Museum.
VITA
Mary Emma Armstrong was born in Lapeer, Michigan, in 1872.
She received the degree of A. B. from Olivet College, Olivet, Michigan,
in 1894. She began graduate work at the University of Michigan in
1897, and received the degree of A. M. from that institution in 1898.
After spending three years in teaching in secondary schools, she con-
tinued her studies in the University of Chicago. She spent the year
1902-1903 in Rome as a member of the American School of Classical
Studies, travelling in Sicily during the spring. From 1903 to 1912 she
taught Latin in the High School at Evansville, Indiana. She pursued
graduate work in the Johns Hopkins University from 1912 to 1915 with
Classical Archaeology as her principal subject and Latin and Ancient
History as her subordinate subjects. She held a University fel-
lowship in Classical Archaeology during the year 1914-1915.
She wishes to express her sincere thanks to Professors David M.
Robinson, Kirby Flower Smith and Wilfred P. Mustard, to Dr. Ralph
Van Deman Magoffin and Professor Maurice Bloomfield for the help
and inspiration received from them during her three years of study at the
University. She is under especial obligation to Professor Robinson for
his generous criticism of both the manuscript and the proof of this
dissertation, and to Professor Smith, who suggested its subject, and
Professor Mustard for the advice and criticisms which they have freely
given.
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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