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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
EDUCATION
Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 1-45
April 10, 1903
QAN 1 4 1921
FOTO
THE ORIGIN
OF
AMERICAN STATE UNIVERSITIES
BY
ELMER ELLSWORTH BROWN
BERKELEY
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
PRICE, 50 CENTS
Editor of Publications in Education:
ELMER ELLSWORTH BROWN
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
EDUCATION
Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 1-45
April 10, 1903
63.22-₂iJet
THE ORIGIN OF AMERICAN STATE
UNIVERSITIES
BY
ELMER ELLSWORTH BROWN
Under the Roman Empire, education was made an affair of
the state. But during the middle ages, the church came to be
regarded as the chief, if not the only, educator. Men forgot
that the civil power had ever exercised this function, and doubted
whether it ever would or could. This view was somewhat shaken
by the religious disturbances which preceded the founding of the
American colonies, but its continued ascendancy is variously
shown in our colonial systems of education. Yet we find in those
systems a larger admixture of civil agency than was common in
European countries at the same period. The isolation of the
colonies, their poverty and feebleness, and doubtless many other
circumstances, contributed to this result. But even here we find
nothing like that governmental control of education which has
been so characteristic of the nineteenth century.
It is the purpose of this paper to trace the earlier development
of state control of the higher education in this country. We
must not forget that this development is part of a more com-
prehensive movement, which has affected all of the great culture-
lands of the world. Yet the American side of the movement is
sufficiently distinct to admit of separate study, and in this study
the more general characteristics of the movement may be largely
left out of account.
2
University of California Publications.
[EDUCATION
The ends to be sought in the external management and con-
trol of an institution of learning are, briefly, these: First, to
provide such instruction as shall meet the need of the public to
which the given institution ministers; and secondly, so to
husband or to enlarge its resources that it may serve that public
efficiently and continuously. We are to see how these ends were
sought in the administration of our early colleges.
But first a word as to the type of educational administration
with which the colonists had been familiar in the mother country.
The form of organization common in England was that in which
the master and fellows of the school or college were made a body
politic, having full control of the institution as to both financial
and educational administration. This was a dangerous system,
for it gave the teaching body the management of the funds out
of which they themselves were paid. To meet this danger, some
person or persons outside of the institution, the bishop of the
diocese it might be, or some other dignitary of the church, was
commonly charged with the duty of official visitation. The right
of visitation, by common law, rests with the founder and those
designated by him as his successors. Hence the importance
in disputed cases of determining the real founder of the
institution in question. The visitatorial relation of some higher
power was the only provision under this system to prevent the
misapplication of endowments and secure the rights of the public
in the institution. That it was often an insufficient safeguard is
shown by the painful and tedious efforts of Parliament in the
nineteenth century to correct long-standing abuses in the manage-
ment of the endowed schools of England. In fact, the general
history of the control of English educational institutions is not
by any means so simple a matter as this brief statement might
seem to imply. But the ins and outs of that history need not
concern us here.
The peculiar conditions found in the colonies called for
variation from the English type at the outset. But it was not
clear what direction this variation should take. We shall find,
accordingly, fluctuation and experiment, resulting in mixed and
complicated systems of control. Out of this confusion, we shall
see the simple type of organization known as the close corpora-
Vol. 3] Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
3
tion rising into prominence. This type was dominant for some
years previous to the American Revolution, and for two or
three generations thereafter. It was framed in accordance with
models found in the industrial world and in the world of com-
merce, and it provided for effective business management. But
it did not provide equally well for the responsibility of educa-
tional institutions to the public which they served. The public
became dissatisfied with institutions of this sort, and after a good
deal of bungling experimentation, began the establishment of
universities under unmixed state control. Such, in brief, is the
movement which we are about to examine.
The oldest of our colleges was founded on a liberal grant of
funds by the General Court of Massachusetts Bay Colony in
1636. This was soon followed by the bequest of John Harvard,
whose name the institution has borne almost from its beginning.
Until 1642, the college seems to have been subject to the direct
action of the General Court or of a committee constituted by the
General Court. Then a permanent Board of Overseers was
charged with its management, this Board being composed of both
civil and ecclesiastical dignitaries, all acting ex officio. The
Overseers were to have "full power and authority” in all matters
relating to the management of the college, but were made to
"stand accountable thereof” to the General Court. Finally, in
1650, a body politic was erected, commonly known as the Cor-
poration, to hold the property and administer the affairs of the
college. This Corporation was made to consist of "A President,
five Fellows, and a Treasurer or Bursar."*
The wording of the charter shows the influence of English
precedents. "Fellows” would seem, according to the English
usage, to mean members of the corps of instruction. Following
this interpretation, two of the resident fellows of the college, in
1722, presented a petition to the General Court, "praying that
they may be vested with the powers of the Charter, as members
of the Corporation." The Corporation presented a memorial in
* The charters of our colonial colleges, and interesting records of their admin-
istrative history, are reproduced in CLEWS. Educational legislation and admin-
istration.
>
4
University of California Publications.
(EDUCATION
opposition to this petition, in which they declared " that the resi-
dent Tutors should never be able to make a major part [of the
Corporation], because we think it contrary to the light of nature,
that any should have an overruling voice in making those laws,
by which themselves must be governed in their office-work, and
for which they receive salaries." This question was hotly
debated for many months, but with the result that the petition
was finally denied. A like question came up a century later, in
1824, but it was again decided adversely to the resident fellows.
It was clear by this time that the English system did not find
favor in America.
The charter was amended in 1657, to enlarge the powers of
the Corporation. But it was expressly provided, "that the
Corporation shall be responsible unto
the Overseers."
This is the form of government which Harvard College has been
under from the middle of the seventeenth century down to the
present time.
It has seen many vicissitudes, but the relation
of the several parts of the system one to another has not been
materially altered. The core of the organization is a self-per-
petuating corporation, made up mainly, since the earlier period,
of persons having no pecuniary interest in the institution. The
other and larger managing body stands to this Corporation
virtually in the relation of a board of visitors.
In the troublous times in the latter half of the seventeenth
century, four different attempts were made to alter the college
charter, but all of them failed. Among the chief points in
dispute in all of these movements was the question as to the
constitution, or even the existence, of the Board of Overseers.
This point is emphasized, because it is vital to our inquiry. The
question as to the Board of Overseers was simply one form of
the question, Where shall the visitatorial power be lodged? And
that, again, is in effect the question, How shall the rights of
the public in this institution of learning be secured?
Meanwhile, the colonial government of Massachusetts was
contributing regularly to the support of the college.
In one
instance, at least, a lottery was authorized for the benefit of
the college; but in the main, the colony, and later the province,
extended its aid in the form of direct appropriations from the
VOL. 3] Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
5
public treasury. It cannot be said that Harvard College was in
those days what we understand by the term "state university;”
but up to 1650 it was as nearly like a state university as the
colony was like a modern state. In a less degree, it preserved
this character after the erection of the Corporation. According
to the journal of the House of Representatives, "The House
entered into the consideration of proper grants to civil officers,"
and under this heading voted the appropriate payments to
the justices of the superior court, the president of the college,
the secretary of the province, and a long list of other public
officers, including certain additional officers of the college.
In 1737, a stipend was voted for the year to President Holyoke,
in these terms: "In as much as the College derived their
Constitution from the General Court of the late Colony of the
Massachusetts Bay and the Assembly of this Province have from
time to time chearfully granted considerable sums of money for
the erecting of sundry buildings for the more commodious
reception of the Fellows, Tutors, Graduates, and Students there,
and have also lately built a convenient dwelling-house for, and
furthermore have at all times readily afforded their aid and assist-
ance in supporting of, the President as the matter required, and
all this in expectation of, and dependence upon their close adher-
ence to their Constitution, and so answering the great and good
designs of founding said College,
it is ordered, That
there be and is hereby granted unto the Reverend Mr. Edward
Holyoke to be paid out of the publick Treasury, the sum of two
hundred pounds
for the space of one year from the
time of his instalment," etc.
The college was strongly ecclesiastical in its bent and purpose.
This was a matter of course, rather than a matter of specific
enactment. It was seriously proposed, in 1699, to introduce
certain religious tests, but the attempt was not successful.
So we find the first of our colonial colleges organized under
a rather complicated system of control, one chief purpose of
which was to keep the institution responsible to the public and
responsive to the educational needs of that public. And this
relation of the college to the colony was jealously guarded, so
that it became very intimate and fruitful.
.
6
University of California Publications.
(EDUCATION
The second of our colonial colleges, that of William and
Mary, in Virginia, received a charter from the King and Queen
in 1693. This charter provided for a system of control as
complicated as that of Harvard College. It named a board of
trustees, who were to take the preliminary steps in the estab-
lishment of the institution, including the appointment of the
corps of instructors. This board of trustees was to choose a
Chancellor every seven years, and the Bishop of London was
named in the charter as the first Chancellor. The trustees were
also to choose annually a Rector from their own number, and
the Reverend James Blair, the Bishop of London's commissary in
the colonies, was named in the charter as the first Rector.
Moreover, the trustees were authorized to appoint from time to
time the President and professors of the college, and the charter
designated the Reverend James Blair as first President, with a life
tenure of his office. The President and masters or professors
of the College of William and Mary, in Virginia, were made a
corporation authorized to hold and manage all property belonging
to the institution. The control of the property by the board
of trustees was accordingly made temporary, that body being
directed to turn everything over to the President and professors
as soon as the college should be fairly established. Thereafter
the board of trustees should continue as a self-perpetuating
body, charged with the duty of filling vacancies in the corps of
instruction, the making of laws for the government of the
college, and the regular "visitation” of the institution. They
were designated as "Visitors and Governors."
Of the eighteen persons constituting the first Board of
Visitors and Governors, four were chosen from the clergy, and
fourteen from the members of the colonial government. The
ecclesiastical purpose of this institution was strongly accented in
its charter; and in practice the presidency of the college and the
office of commissary of the Bishop of London were regularly.
united in the same person down to the time of the Revolution.
The charter conferred on the institution a land endowment and
important portions of the public revenues. Other revenues
were from time to time granted to the college by the General
Assembly.
22
VOL. 31 Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
7
" and
Yale College, the third of our colonial institutions of higher
instruction, was established as a "collegiate school," by vote of
the General Court of Connecticut, in 1701. The legislature pro-
ceeded very cautiously in this matter, because of doubt as to its
authority, to create a corporation. What it did was virtually to
create a corporation without calling it by that name, and without
conferring the right to use a common seal. The body thus called
into existence was described as the "trustees, partners or under-
takers for the said school." It was a self-perpetuating body of
ten-or not more than elevenministers of the gospel inhabit-
ing within this colony and above the age of forty years.” It was
given full power to appoint a "rector, master and officers,
to manage and control the affairs of the collegiate school. By
later acts this body was given the right to use a common seal,
the rector was made ex officio a member of the board, and the age
limit of members was reduced to thirty years. Finally, in 1745,
the legislature grew sufficiently bold to grant the college a regu-
lar charter, erecting a corporation to be known as "The Presi-
dent and Fellows of Yale College in New Haven." This was
made a self-perpetuating body, without limitation as to the per-
sons who might be appointed to fill vacancies in its membership.
It was given absolute control over the financial and educational
administration of the institution; was empowered to appoint and
to remove tutors, professors, and other officers; and to make
"laws, rules and ordinances, not repugnant to the laws of Eng-
land, nor the laws of this colony," for the regulation of instruc-
tion and government in the college.
The adoption of this form of administration for the college
in Connecticut is an event of the greatest importance in the his-
tory of our higher education. For Yale became a "Mother of
colleges;" and we find the remarkably simple and flexible Yale
type of organization dominating both the higher and the secon-
dary education of the United States for two or three genera-
tions after the achievement of our national independence. It
is clear, too, that the founders did not happen on this arrange-
ment by any sort of chance, though they may not have seen
all that there was in it. This appears from correspondence with
certain Bostonians who were interested in their undertaking.
8
University of California Publications.
(EDUCATION
Some of the Connecticut men were particularly desirous of making
the new college a perennial fountain of orthodoxy. In this they had
the heartiest sympathy of the faction in Massachusetts who were
in active opposition to the "latitudinarian" tendencies already
present and influential in Harvard College. There is extant a
memorandum, supposed to have been drawn up by Cotton Mather,
proposing that a university be erected in Connecticut by a synod
called for that purpose, and that it be in fact and in administra-
tion a true school of the churches. In a letter written September
15, 1701, Increase Mather expressed the fear that the political
changes then imminent would result in taking away the govern-
ment of the college from those interested in its establishment.
Judge Sewall and Secretary Addington, of Massachusetts, were
requested to suggest the form of an act for the establishment of
the new institution. In their letter, accompanying the draft of
such an act, they declare that they have delayed making recom-
mendations because of not knowing what to do for fear of
overdoing. And that is the reason there is no mention made of
any visitation, which is exceedingly proper and beneficial; all
humane societies standing in need of a check upon them."*
So it is evident that the relation of both church and state to
educational administration had been considered; and that, the
dangers of both civil and eccleciastical control were deliberately
guarded against by setting up an organization as far as possible
independent of both church and state, risking by preference those
other dangers which might arise from the non-visitable character
of the institution. There was shown, in all this, a largeness and
liberality of purpose, looking beyond the narrower horizon of
those consulted for advice, which must command the highest
respect of the student of our educational history.
We see, too, the significance of that legendary scene in which
ten ministers are said to have come together and to have made a
formal donation of books for the founding of a college in Con-
necticut. It was no empty tableau, but was instead the formal
act by which the donors constituted themselves the founders of
the college. We shall see that this simple act was construed as
* WOOLSEY. Historical discourse, August 14, 1850. Appendix IV
1
VOL. 3] Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
9
having an important bearing on the destinies of the institution at
a critical period of its history.*
Previous to the granting of the charter of 1745, the colonial
legislature had made grants from time to time for the support of
the institution, and such grants were made annually thereafter
up to and including the year 1754. Lotteries and collections
were also authorized by the legislature for the benefit of the
college.
A
Forty-five years elapsed between the founding of this, the
third of our American colleges, and the incorporation of its next
successor. This interim was a time of great significance in the
life of the colonies. The first impetus given to the higher inter-
ests of the New World by colonists who had left the mother
country under the stress of war and persecution, was already
spent. The colonies were coming to live more in themselves, and
less in an intimate intercourse with the Old World. They were
becoming more and more provincial, as well as somewhat more
American. Their education was still bound up more closely than
we can readily imagine, with their religious life. Within this
period, changes were coming over that religious life, which proved
to be of great significance. Two of these should be particularly
mentioned.
The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts was organized in England in 1701. It was an organization
of the Established Church, and was formed for the especial pur-
pose of extending the operations of that church in the American
colonies. It sent clergymen to many colonial parishes and aided
in the support of their ministrations. It lent assistance also in
* It is impossible, however, to say how much of this is real history; or how much
of foresight may have been read into the acts of the founders by President Clap, in
his desire to make the early history of the college consistent with his view that the
legislature possessed no power of visitation in that institution. See DEXTER. The
founding of Yale College, in Papers of the New Haven Colony Historical Society,
vol. III. In the same volume may be found a closely related article: BALDWIN.
The ecclesiastical constitution of Yale College.
Before the establishment of Yale College, the attempt seems to have been made,
under the influence of Increase Mather, in 1692, to set the corporation of Harvard
College free from all manner of visitation; but the act of the provincial assembly,
reincorporating the college in accordance with this plan, was disallowed by the
crown, as we have seen. Cf. CLEWS, op. cit., p. 33.
10
University of California Publications.
[EDUCATION
the establishment of schools and colleges. Under its leading,
the Church of England became an aggressive and powerful
agency in the religious and educational development of the
colonies.
Another movement of tremendous force and volume, which
was felt less by the Episcopalians than by those of other com-
munions, was that known as "The Great Awakening.” This
was a religious revival, which, under the lead of such different
men as Jonathan Edwards and George Whitefield, swept over
the colonies from New Hampshire to Georgia in the second
quarter of the eighteenth century. It was a mighty upheaval,
which left its mark on American education and theology and
ecclesiastical organization, and even on American politics, for
long years after its subsidence. It drew communities and
provinces, remote from one another, into close and vital sym-
pathy. At the same time it caused new division and discord
everywhere. By intensifying sectarian differences, it contributed
to the breaking down of all state establishment of religion in
this country
In New England, it set the "New Lights" over
against the "Old Lights,” profoundly disturbing both Harvard
and Yale Colleges. It virtually started the split which finally
separated the Unitarians from their brethren in the Congrega-
tional churches. In the middle states it divided the Presbyterian
Church into two opposing camps. One of the chief points of
difference here had to do with the question of the training of
ministers for the Presbyterian churches; and out of this contro-
versy arose the College of New Jersey.
The first charter of this college, commonly known as Princeton
College, now Princeton University, was granted in 1746; but this
document has long been lost and only a general summary of its
contents is known to be in existence. The second charter, which
with but slight alterations is still in force, was granted in the
name of the king by the royal governor of New Jersey in 1748.
This instrument shows the influence of the Yale administrative
system. It provided that the governor of the province should
be, ex officio, a member and president of the board of trustees.
With this exception, the board was made a self-perpetuating
body. It was to consist of twenty-three members, including the
Vol. 3) Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
11
governor, and also the president of the college, and to be known
as "The Trustees of the College of New Jersey.” It is said that
Governor Belcher, who granted the second charter, earnestly
sought to have several members of the colonial government
included, ex officio, in the membership of the board. On the other
hand, one of the prominent members of the board, as named by
the charter, strenuously opposed the ex officio membership, even
of the governor. Of the twenty-three members of the first
board, four were members of the colonial Council. But these
were individual, and not ex officio, appointments. Twelve of the
twenty-three were ministers, and the rest laymen. All but three
of the members were Presbyterians. Three were residents of
New York and three of Pennsylvania. It was provided that a
majority of the board must always be residents of New Jersey;
but no provision was made for rendering the predominance of
clerical members in the board permanent. And it was expressly
provided that all religious denominations should be on an equality
as regards the privileges of the college.
The only governmental aid which the college received during
the colonial period was in the form of an authorization by the
legislature, in 1762, "to raise by a lottery, a sum of money for
the use of said college."
97
Five other colleges arose within the colonial period. A brief
summary of the charter provisions for their administration will
help us to understand the movement toward public control which
set in after the Revolution.
The "Proprietors and Goðernors in Chief” of the Province
of Pennsylvania, in 1753, granted through their lieutenant
governor a charter to "The Trustees of the Academy and
Charitable School in the Province of Pennsylvania." This
institution had been erected through the efforts of Benjamin
Franklin and other public spirited citizens of Philadelphia whom
he had interested in the enterprise. The charter was a concisely
worded document, making the board of trustees a self-perpet-
uating body of twenty-four members, with the single limitation
that those members must always be fit persons residing in the
province of Pennsylvania and within five miles of the seat of
12
University of California Publications.
[EDUCATION
the academy. This body was given full control over the affairs
of the institution.
Two years later, a confirmatory charter was issued by the
same authority, which enlarged the powers of this corporation,
and changed its designatian to "The Trustees of the College,
Academy, and Charitable School of Philadelphia, in the Province
of Pennsylvania." The Reverend William Smith, M.A., was
named in this charter as the first provost of the college, and the
Reverend Francis Allison, M.A., as the first vice-provost, the
latter to be also rector of the academy. But it was expressly
provided that they should hold their respective offices only
during the pleasure of the trustees. We shall see in a later
portion of this paper how the college so incorporated grew into
the present University of Pennsylvania.
Ecclesiastical purposes and influences had less to do with the
establishment of this institution than in the making of our other
colonial colleges. The attempt was made to secure in it the
continued coöperation of several denominations. The college
received public aid in money, during the colonial period, from
the city of Philadelphia, and from the king and the proprietaries
of the province. It also received a gift of about 2500 acres of
land from one of the proprietaries. The king, by an order in
council, authorized a collection throughout the kingdom for the
benefit of the institution. The colonial legislature seems to have
extended aid only by way of authorizing lotteries for its benefit.
The legislature of New York began, in 1746, the authorization
of a series of lotteries to raise money for the establishment of a
college in that colony. In 1751 an act was passed vesting the
moneys which had been raised in this way, and any others which
might be received for the same purpose, in a board of trustees.
Two years later, £500 a year of the excise revenue was set apart
for this purpose. The trustees who had been charged with the
administration of this fund petitioned the governor of the colony
for a charter for the proposed college. The governor accordingly
issued a charter, in the name of the king, bearing date of October
31, 1754. The college was then known as King's, but after the
Revolution as Columbia. The granting of this charter was the
VOL. 3) Brown.—The Origin of American State Universities.
13
occasion of one of the hottest disputes known in the history of
the colony. We shall have occasion later to consider the opposing
views which thus came into prominence. For the present, it is
enough to note the most significant provisions of the charter
itself.
The corporation which it constituted was entitled "The Gov-
ernors of the College of the Province of New York, in the City
of New York, in America.” This board was made to consist of
seventeen or more civil and ecclesiastical functionaries, holding
their membership in the board ex officio; and twenty-four
appointed members, all vacancies in this last-named number
being filled by vote of the remaining members. Samuel Johnson,
Doctor of Divinity, was named as the first president, to hold his
office during good behavior. It was provided that the president
'shall forever hereafter be a member of, and in communion with
the Church of England.” He was included among the members
ex officio of the board of governors. There were six other
ecclesiastical members, ex officio, namely, the Archbishop of
Canterbury, the rector of Trinity Church in New York, and the
ministers of four nonconformist congregations in that city. The
First Lord Commissioner for Trade and Plantations led the list
of civil dignitaries entitled to a place on this board, and a number
of colonial and municipal officials followed.
This body was given absolute control of the affairs of the
college, it being expressly provided that no other person or per-
sons should exercise any power of visitation in the institution.
The use of the liturgy of the Church of England was made
obligatory, but it was provided that no person of any religious
denomination should be excluded from an equal share in the
liberties and benefits of the institution "on account of his par-
ticular tenets in matters of religion." A supplemental charter
was issued in 1755, providing for the appointment in the college
of a professor of divinity of the Reformed Dutch Church.
After a fierce fight, the legislature of the colony, in 1756,
divided the money which had been raised by lotteries for the
benefit of the college into two equal parts, one of which was
turned over to the governors of the college for the use of that
institution, while the remainder was devoted to other public
14
University of California Publications.
[EDUCATION
purposes. The college received the excise moneys which had
been voted for its use in 1753, but seems to have had no other
assistance from the public treasury of the colony. This college
was included in the king's order in council providing for a
contribution for the College of Philadelphia, and the contri-
bution of the king himself was twice as large as that which he
made for the other institution.
The institution now known as Brown University was incor-
porated by the general assembly of Rhode Island in 1764, as the
"Trustees and Fellows of the College or University, in the Eng-
lish Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, in New
England, in America.” This corporation was divided into two
branches, the trustees and the fellows. The fellowship was
declared to be "a learned faculty.” It was given full control
of the instruction and immediate government of the college, and
of the granting of academic degrees. It was also authorized
to nominate tutors and other subordinate officers, and to make
laws and regulations for the ordering of instruction and govern-.
ment in the college, subject always to the approval of the trustees.
The "joint concurrence of the trustees and fellows,” was made
necessary to the validity of all other acts of the corporation.
There were to be thirty-six trustees, of whom twenty-two must
always be Baptists, and the remaining fourteen be distributed, in
specified proportions, among the Quakers, Congregationalists,
and Episcopalians. The fellows were to be twelve in number,
including the president; and that officer and seven others of the
number must be Baptists, the rest being chosen indifferently from
any or all denominations. Absolute freedom of religion within
the institution was guaranteed. Certain exemptions from tax-
ation were granted in the charter, but otherwise the institution
seems to have received no assistance from the general assembly
within the colonial period.
The college now known as Rutgers was established under the
name of Queen's College by a charter issued in 1766. This charter
has been lost and no copy of it seeins to have been preserved.
A new charter was issued by the royal governor of New Jersey,
VOL. 3) Brown.- The Origin of American State Universities.
15
in the name of the king, in 1770. This charter incorporated the
"Trustees of Queen's College, in New Jersey." This board of
forty-one members was made a self-perpetuating body, except that
four of the chief civil officers of the colony were made members
ex officio. Not more than one-third of the trustees might be
ministers of the gospel. The governor or one of the other mem-
bers ex officio was to preside, if present, at meetings of the board.
The president must be a member of the Dutch Reformed Church.
It would not be easy to find anything more romantic in the
history of American education than were the beginnings of Dart-
mouth College. For our present purpose, we must not stop for
any account of Eleazar Wheelock's school for Indians in Con-
necticut, nor of the mission of the Indian preacher, Samson
Occum, to England, nor of the steps which led up to the final
transplanting of this Connecticut school into the wilds of western
New Hampshire, where it was transformed into a college for red
men and white men together.
The charter on which the college was established was issued
by the governor of New Hampshire in the name of King George
the Third, in the year 1769. It erected a corporation to be known
as "The Trustees of Dartmouth College," twelve in number. The
governor of New Hampshire was made, ex officio, a trustee. With
this exception, the board was made a self-perpetuating body.
Eight of the number must be "resident and respectable free-
holders" of New Hampshire, and seven must be laymen. Dr.
Wheelock was made a trustee and president of the college with
power to appoint his successor, by will. The successor so
appointed by him should be president of the college until "disap-
proved” by the trustees. This is, so far as I know, the only
instance of an hereditary presidency in the history of American
education, and it turned out much as our present knowledge of
the American disposition would lead us to expect.
It was provided further that no person of any religious denom-
ination whatsoever should be excluded from participation in the
liberties and advantages of the college on account of his "specu-
lative sentiments in religion.” The college received considerable
aid from the province of New Hampshire, before the Revolution,
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in the form of grants of public lands, and in 1773 a direct sub-
sidy of £500 for the erection of a new building,
Such, in brief, is the administrative history of our colonial
colleges. There were nine of them-one for each of the muses,
as Professor Hinsdale used to say. Nearly all of them, perhaps
the whole nine, were established primarily for a religious pur-
pose-to train up a body of learned and godly ministers; though
as a secondary consideration they were expected to serve other
ends. President Thomas Clap, in a pamphlet published in 1754,
declared that "Colleges are Societies of Ministers, for training up
Persons for the work of the Ministry;" and he added, speaking
of Yale College, "The great design of founding this School, was,
to Educate Ministers in our own Way.”
But as the Revolutionary period drew on, the position of such
strongly ecclesiastical institutions as these became less secure.
The population of the colonies was becoming more and more
diversified as regards religious associations. No single province
continued to be homogeneous in its profession of faith, whatever
it may have been at the outset. This growing diversity of
religious belief has been one chief cause for the movement in
modern societies toward a separation of church and state. Such
connection as there had been between church and state in most
of the colonies, was accordingly weakened. The Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel was unifying the forces of the Church
of England, but was at the same time raising up a determined
and bitter opposition on the part of those who feared the estab-
lishment of the Episcopacy. The dissension produced in many
communities and in more than one communion by the "Great
Awakening," continued to breed strife and heresies. Under such
circumstances, a college could not be at the same time the
accepted representative of both church and state; and those
who were solicitous for the interests of the colleges looked
with favor on a simple and compact form of college con-
trol which would make it possible for those institutions to
keep steadily on their course, in a manner consistent with
their most cherished traditions, and undisturbed by the warring
of factions in the commonwealth. The close corporation met
VOL. 3] Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
17
this need, along with many others, and it became the standard
type of college organization.*
At the same time there was growing up a widespread distrust
of the colleges as then conducted. This took many forms, and
was shared by men of the most diverse political and religious
convictions. But it all came back virtually to this:
That no
one of the colleges fully answered the public need as regards
higher education. Every one of them was the college of a fac-
tion, or a section, or a sect, within the commonwealth, and failed
therefore to be a college of the commonwealth in its entirety.
The democratic spirit, which had been rising, very slowly, since
the beginning of the eighteenth century, and the interest in civic
affairs, which increased rapidly as the Revolution drew on, both
tended to accentuate this feeling of distrust. It was much more
pronounced in the case of some colleges than in that of others,
but none of them seems to have escaped it entirely.
As this feeling rose to self-consciousness, there appeared two
ways in which it might find adequate expression; two ways in
which colleges might be made to answer the common need in this
matter of higher education: First, the commonwealth might,
through the agencies of government, assume and exercise the
right of visitation in the existing institutions, or even if need be,
compel those institutions to submit to changes in their charters
which should render them more serviceable to society in its
organic wholeness and unity; or secondly, it might ignore the
existing colleges, regarding their case as hopeless, and proceed
to erect new institutions, so organized and administered as to
meet the highest demands of public responsibility. The legal
status of educational corporations was not then so well defined as
now; and the constitution of the United States, with its provision
safeguarding the obligation of contracts, was not yet in existence.
So it is not strange that the first of these two courses seemed
much more practicable than the other We shall see that it was
* It is hardly necessary to call attention to the fact that the close corporation is a
form of organization much older than Yale College. Among American precedents
may be cited the act for the establishment of the King William School at Annapolis
in 1696 (cf. CLEws. Op. cit., pp. 415–422); and the provision for self-perpetuating
vestries in the parishes of Virginia, contained in the code of 1662 (BANCROFT.
History of the United States, vol. I, p. 447, in the edition of 1892).
EDUC'N.-2
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first tried, in a very thorough manner, and not till it had signally
failed did the movement for the establishment of state universi-
ties acquire any sort of headway. The question of public control
is to be kept separate from that of public support. Yet the two
are intimately connected. Institutions of learning have more
than once been led to accept the larger responsibility, through the
difficulty of maintenance as representatives of a party or faction.
Even before the Revolution, the two possible courses of pro-
cedure had both been distinctly considered; and attempts had
been made to carry both into execution, but with no sort of suc-
cess in either case. We will consider briefly these colonial efforts.
They help us to understand the case as it appeared when the
newly liberated states began to deal with this problem.
We have seen that Governor Belcher endeavored to secure
several ex officio memberships in the board of trustees of Prince-
ton College, for members of the colonial government-à thing
which Governor Franklin accomplished later in the case of
Queen's College. Such provisions must be regarded, however,
as of more formal than practical importance. Of greater signifi-
cance, was the claim of King William to the right of visitation
of Harvard College through the royal governor-a claim which
wrecked the new charters proposed for that institution in 1692
and 1697; and perhaps, also, that of the year 1700. The two
proposals last named provided for visitation by the governor and
council, but this provision was not accepted. Even before this
time, the General Court of the colony had attempted, in 1672, to
force a new charter upon the college without the consent of the
Corporation, but this charter seems never to have been recog-
nized as valid. Just seventy years later, in 1742, an aggrieved
tutor, who was unable to get any satisfaction from either the
Corporation or the Overseers, appealed to the General Court, and
also published a pamphlet in which he undertook to show that
the power of visitation resided in the legislature. He was unsuc-
cessful in his appeal, but it is not clear that the question which
he raised was definitely decided.
But the most notable attempt in colonial times to subject an
educational close corporation to direct governmental control,
Vol. 3) Brown.--The Origin of American State Universities.
19
occurred in Connecticut. In the middle of the eighteenth century,
Yale College was under the leadership of President Clap, a man
of marked ability, but personally unpopular. The conflict between
the "New Lights" and the "Old Lights” was then raging in
Connecticut. Yale College was a stronghold of the earlier ortho-
doxy, though it gradually drew nearer to the New Light party. It
seems, under President Clap's leadership, to have gained to a large
extent the ill-will of both sides in this controversy. Partly in
consequence of this hostility, the annual donations to the college
from the colonial treasury were discontinued after 1754. It is said
that from 1758 to 1763, "four distinct appeals were made to the
legislature, through the fellows, the graduates and the students
of the College,” to inquire into and rectify abuses in the manage-
ment of the institution. One act of the college authorities was
represented as being, "an infringement on the order and rights
of the regular churches, ... and a daring affront to legislative
power."* Finally the trouble culminated in a formidable memo-
rial, presented to the legislature in 1763.
In this it was declared that the general assembly was the
founder of the college, inasmuch as it had granted the original
charter, in 1701; and in that charter had bestowed a grant of
about sixty pounds sterling, besides making subsequent donations
in money and lands. The present general assembly, it was
asserted, possessed the right of visitation under the common law,
as successor to the founder; and there was need that this right be
exercised in the then present emergency, to preserve the good
order of the college in several respects, and particularly as regards
orthodoxy in religion.
President Clap himself undertook the reply to this memorial.
He declared that the legislature had the same authority over the
college as over other persons and estates in the colony, but that
it did not possess the right of visitation, because the act of incor-
poration and the gift of public funds which accompanied it did
not found the institution. It had existed in fact before it possessed
a charter, and donations of books, money, and land had already
been made to it. The founders were those ministers who had
made a large and formal donation of books for its establishment.
* CLEWS. Op. cit., p. 159.
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This fact was recognized in the act of 1701, which looked upon
the institution as already founded, and merely gave the trustees
legal authorization to proceed with the erection of the school.
Besides, the preamble of the charter of 1745 expressly said that
the first trustees had founded the school. It was shown that it
would be detrimental to the orderly management of the college if
some body of visitors other than the trustees were set up, to whom
any aggrieved person might appeal from a decision of the ordi-
nary college authorities. And as regards orthodoxy, it was urged
that the president and fellows had taken better precautions than
might be expected continuously from any other body of visitors
which the legislature might constitute.*
This reply was backed up with ample citations from the most
eminent legal authorities. It is evident that it commanded the
respect of thoughtful men in the colony, as it has of competent
jurists of later times. It put an end to the efforts to secure legis-
lative interference in the affairs of the college. And it may be
added that substantially the same ground as that taken by Presi-
dent Clap, was taken by the Supreme Court of the United States
in the Dartmouth College case, half a century later.
The other possible way to public control, that of founding
new institutions directly responsible to the government, was
clearly formulated before the colonies became independent, and a
strong effort was made to have this plan put on its trial. It
happened in connection with the founding of King's College, in
New York. The funds first secured for the establishment of this
institution were raised, as has been said, under the authority of
the colonial legislature. When the time came to begin the actual
organization of the college, it was proposed that it be established
by royal charter. The corporation of Trinity Church offered to
bestow on the institution a tract of land, attaching certain eccle-
siastical conditions to the gift. It was proposed that this gift be
accepted, and the conditions be embodied in the charter. The
plan aroused violent opposition, which was led by William
Livingston
* The text of this argument has, I believe, never been printed. I have followed
President Clap's own summary of it as given in his Annals or history of Yale-
College.
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VOL. 3) Brown.—The Origin of American State Universities.
21
This gentleman was a prominent member of the well-known
New York family of that name, the proprietors of the Livingston
Manor. He had been educated at Yale College. It is said that,
a few years previous to the time we are considering, there were in
the whole province of New York only ten persons, not in holy
orders, who had received a collegiate education; and four of these
were the brothers Livingston. William Livingston was an able
lawyer, a moderate Presbyterian, an uncompromising patriot.
Like many American Presbyterians of his time, he was stren-
uously opposed to any union of church and state. He became
one of the most vigorous opponents of the movement for the
establishment of an American episcopate. His aristocratic ante-
cedents did not prevent him from developing at an early period
a strongly democratic spirit. He removed to New Jersey, and
when that colony became a state, he was elected its first governor
under the new order of things. By repeated election, he was
continued in this office up to the time of his death, in 1790.
I have spoken thus particularly of Governor Livingston for
the reason that the earliest distinct, American utterance in favor
of state control of the higher education which I have been able
to find, appears in some of his writings. At the time when the
first steps were taken toward securing a royal charter for King's
College, Mr. Livingston was editing The Independent Reflector in
the city of New York. This was a four-page folio, devoted to
the discussion of various questions of public interest. It served
as a sort of periodical pamphlet, such as the eighteenth century
abounded in. The greater part of the weekly issue of this sheet
seems to have been written by Livingston himself, though some
articles were undoubtedly contributed by various members of his
coterie. The paper continued for only fifty-two numbers, in
1752–53. It treated of many topics, but is especially noteworthy
because of what it had to say on the subject of the new college.
The topic was first taken up in the seventeenth number of
"The true use of education,” says the writer, "is to
qualify men for the different employments of life to which it
may please God to call them. 'Tis to improve their hearts and
understandings, to infuse a public spirit and love of their
Country; to inspire them with the principles of honor and
.
the paper.
22
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probity; with a fervent zeal for liberty, and a diffusive benevo-
lence for mankind; and in a word, to make them more extensively
serviceable to the Commonwealth."
He insists that the kind of education that is given will
inevitably affect the common weal: that no sort of higher
education can possibly be a merely private concern. This is
one of the most striking features of his argument. "The conse-
quences of a liberal education,” he says, "will soon be visible
throughout the whole Province. They will appear on the bench,
at the bar, in the pulpit, and in the senate, and unavoidably
affect our civil and religious principles." Again and again, in
later issues, he comes back to this central thought, and hammers
it in with all his might.
In the eighteenth number he proceeds, "to offer a few argu-
ments,
to evince the necessity and importance of
constituting our college upon a basis the most catholic, generous
and free." "The extensive influence of such a seminary," he
says, "I have already shown in my last paper. And have we
not reason to fear the worst effects of it, where none but the
principles of one persuasion are taught, and all others depressed
and discountenanced?” Such an institution he calls a "party-
college." A college erected in the interest of any party is a
menace to public interests, and most of all a college erected in
the interest of any ecclesiastical body. "A party-college, in less
than half a century, will put a new face upon the religion, and
in consequence thereof affect the politics of the country.
Whatever others may in their lethargy and supineness think of
the project of a party-college, I am convinced that under the
management of any particular persuasion, it will necessarily
prove destructive to the civil and religious rights of the people.”
Such an institution the college of the colony would inevitably
be, if established by charter, as was proposed.
In the nineteenth number he continues the discussion of
the dangers attendant upon the incorporation of the college by
royal charter. In the twentieth, he proposes his alternative
for this procedure. "I would first establish it as a truth,"
says Mr. Livingston, " that societies have an indisputable right
to direct the education of their youthful members." This sounds
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VOL. 3) Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
23
strangely like an utterance of La Chalotais in the Essai d'educa-
tion nationale, ten years later than this. But the idea was
already abroad in France; and it is possible that Mr. Livingston,
who read French, may have been familiar with the advanced
French thought of the time upon this subject. He continues,
"If
it belongs to any to inspect the education of youth,
it is the proper business of the public, with whose happiness
their future conduct in life is inseparably connected, and by
whose laws their relative actions will be governed.
Let
it [the college] not be made the portion of a party, or private
set of men, but let it merit the protection of the public." Those
who ask to be given direction of the higher education of the
commonwealth, he adds, "ask no less considerable a boon, than
absolute universal dominion."
"Instead of a charter," he goes on to say, "I would propose,
that the college be founded and incorporated by act of Assembly,
and that not only because it ought to be under the inspection of
the civil authority; but also, because such a constitution will be
more permanent, better endowed, less liable to abuse, and more
capable of answering its true end.” Again, "Should the college
be founded by an act of Assembly, the legislature would have it
in their power, to inspect the conduct of its governors, to divest
those of authority who abused it, and appoint in their stead,
friends of the cause of learning, and the general welfare of the
province. Against this, no bribes, no solicitations would be
effectual: no sect or denomination plead an exemption: but as
all parties are subject to their authority, so would they all feel
its equal iufluence in this particular.” This confidence in the
infallibility of elected legislatures, seems to have been charac-
teristic of the rising democratic sentiment of the time. "We are
certain,” Mr. Livingston continues, "that an act of Assembly
must be unexceptionable to all; since nothing can be inserted in
it, but what any one may except against."
The twenty-first number of the Independent Reflector is
perhaps the most important of all, for in this a complete plan
for the organization of a college under public control is offered
in outline. In the interest of brevity, I shall quote only portions
of six of the eleven sections under which this plan is presented.
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97
It is proposed, "FIRST: That all the trustees be nominated,
appointed, and incorporated by the act [of Assembly), and that
whenever an avoidance among them shall happen, the same be
reported by the Corporation to the next sessions of Assembly,
and such vacancy be supplied by legislative act. That they hold
their offices only at the good pleasure of the Governor, Council
and General Assembly. And that no person of any Protestant
denomination be, on account of his religious persuasion, disquali-
fied for sustaining any office in the college."
"SECONDLY: That the President of the college be elected and
deprived by a majority of the trustees, and all the inferior officers
by a majority of the trustees with the President: and that the
election and deprivation of the President be always reported by
the trustees, to the next session of Assembly, and be absolutely
void, unless the acts of the trustees in this matter, be then con-
firmed by the legislature.
"By this means the President, who will have the supreme
superintendency of the education of our youth, will be kept in a
continual and ultimate dependence upon the public; and the
wisdom of the province being his only support, he will have a
much greater security, in the upright discharge of his duty, than
if he depended solely upon the trustees.
"The FIFTH Article I propose is, that no religious profession
in particular be established in the college;
"To this most important head, I should think proper to
subjoin,
"SIXTHLY: That the whole college be every morning and
evening convened to attend public prayers, to be performed by
the President, or in his absence, by either of the fellows; and
that such forms be prescribed and adhered to as all Protestants
can freely join in."
"SEVENTHLY: That divinity be no part of the public exer-
cises of the college, I mean that it be not taught as a science;
that the corporation be inhibited from electing a divinity
professor; and that the degrees to be conferred, be only in the
arts, physic, and the civil law.”
" EIGHTHLY:
That the officers and collegians have an unre-
strained access to all books in the library, and that free conver-
>
VOL. 3) Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
25
sation upon polemical and controverted points in divinity, be
not discountenanced; whilst all public disputations upon the
various tenets of different professions of Protestants, be abso-
lutely forbidden."
We see that this radical innovator did not go so far in the
way of a separation between education and religion, as current
practice had gone long before the close of the nineteenth century.
His eighteenth century faith in the infallibility of representative
governments is matched by his confidence that a ritual might
be devised for college purposes which would satisfy all of the
warring sects of that time. By way of illustration, he even devoted
one number of his paper to a form of prayer which he had devised
for this purpose, composed almost wholly of passages from the
Bible.
This remarkable series of papers culminated, in the twenty-
second number, in an impassioned and declamatory appeal to the
colonists to prevent the advocates of the charter college from
accomplishing their purpose. By this time a great war of dispu-
tation had been stirred up. The taverns, the coffee-houses, and
the newspapers, were alive with the subject. As we have seen,
the objectors were unsuccessful in the attempt to prevent the
issuance of the charter. But after the college had been incorpor-
ated, they brought in a bill in the legislature, providing for the
establishment of a rival institution, along the lines proposed in
the Independent Reflector. But little is known of the fortunes of
this bill; but the upshot of the whole affair was a compromise,
already referred to, under which only half of the money which
had been raised by lotteries for a college went to the chartered
institution, the remainder being used to build a pest-house and
a jail. Mr. Livingston raised his voice in jubilation over this
result.
So the two obvious methods of making the higher education
a truly public education, had both been seriously proposed before
the Revolution, but neither one of the two had as yet been fairly
tried. Independence brought with it momentous changes, which
were to have great influence in the shaping of our educational
systems. There came a great increase of civic pride and of interest
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in political affairs.* Democracy was steadily advancing, though
still far behind that democracy with which we are familiar.
There were men of unusual ability among our political leaders,
and they felt the full sense of newness and promise in the situ-
ation of the new states. They realized that independence could
be maintained here only under a democratic system and that
democracy could be maintained only by educated intelligence and
integrity. In their schemes of government, accordingly, educa-
tion held a prominent place; public education, too,-instruction
considered as an affair of the state.
It was at this time that the project of a national university
came to be seriously considered. Washington, at Cambridge, in
1775, with a part of his little army quartered in the ruinous build-
ings of Harvard College, had declared his hope and confidence
that such a university would some time come into existence.
Charles Pinckney and James Madison proposed in the Federal
Convention of 1787 that a university section be included in the
national constitution. Gouverneur Morris believed that the
national government would possess the power to establish such a
university even if no such distinct provision were introduced.
Dr. Benjamin Rush, about the same time, was endeavoring to
arouse public interest in such a project. Washington repeatedly
urged his university scheme, and offered substantial encourage-
ment toward its realization. Jefferson, John Adams, James
Monroe, and John Quincy Adams, all showed, in various ways,
their interest in such an undertaking.
These men desired a national university as a means of dis-
seminating the principles of free government among our people;
of preparing men for public service; of bringing together the
representatives of different sections, that they might overcome
the differences arising out of local prejudice. They thought, too,
by this means to further the cultivation of the arts and sciences,
with a view to building up a worthy American civilization. Wash-
ington, in his message to Congress in January, 1790, urged the
public patronage of science and literature, and added these words:
" Whether this desirable object will be the best promoted by
* President Woolsey described it as "a time of relaxed morality and of exalted
notions of political rights." An historical discourse, p. 35.
}
VOL. 3) Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
27
affording aids to seminaries of learning already established, by
the institution of a national university, or by any other exped-
ients, will be well worthy of a place in the deliberations of the
legislature."
The new state legislatures caught the spirit of the time.
Great plans were considered, plans of education among the rest.
As one writer has remarked, "The Legislative tables were covered
with novel projects, and the schemes of men little habituated to
the unlimited exercise of the law-making power."
When the war was over, the new states found themselves in
possession of a great national domain in the new Northwest.
Historians have shown what a mighty influence this Territory
exercised in awakening the sense of nationality, and how impor-
tant were its later bearings upon our political development. Its
effects upon our educational development were hardly less marked.
Here was a clear field for educational experiment. Congress
undertook the furtherance of education by setting apart lands for
educational purposes in this domain. While the project of a
national university waited, the states were stimulated and encour-
aged to build up great educational systems. It is not surprising
that under these circumstances the Northwest became a favorite
field for the building up of early state universities.
We are now concerned, however, with those uncertain and
painful efforts, in the states along the Atlantic, to make over the
existing colleges into some sort of institution which should answer
to the rising educational consciousness of our people. It is not
generally understood how many attemps were made in the legis-
latures of the new-born states to render the old colleges more
directly responsible and ministrant to the whole commonwealth.
Nine colleges had been incorporated and had entered upon a
course of college instruction within the colonial period. Of
these, at least six were more or less directly affected by this move-
ment. First among these, came the college of Philadelphia.
While the Revolution was still in progress, the general
assembly of Pennsylvania instituted an inquiry into the affairs of
the college. Many personal and local considerations lent animus
to this movement, but the grounds of dissatisfaction alleged by
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the legislative committee of inquiry were these : A provision of
the college charter requiring the trustees to take an oath of
allegiance to the king of Great Britain; evidences of hostility to
the government and constitution of the State of Pennsylvania,
which had been observed, on the part of "divers of the late
trustees of the said college;" and "that your committee also have
sufficient reason to believe that the fair and original plan of equal
privileges to all denominations hath not been fully adhered to."
The college charter was accordingly revoked by the legislature in
1779, and the "powers, authorities, and estates” of the insti-
tution were vested in a new corporation, the Trustees of the
University of the State of Pennsylvania. This new body was
composed of three classes of members: Six of the highest offi-
cials of the state government ex officio; the "senior minister in
standing” in each of six religious denominations in the city of
Philadelphia; and thirteen citizens individually named in the
charter. Vacancies in the last named class were to be filled by
vote of the remaining trustees, but their choice might be dis-
allowed by the house of assembly within six months. The new
university was thus placed under the virtual control of the people
of Pennsylvania as exercised through the organs of the state
government, and so much of ecclesiastical participation as the
new charter provided for, was distributed among the leading
Christian denominations.
Ten years later the older corporation was revived, and for two
years the college and the university existed, at least in name, side
by side, as rival establishments. Then, in 1791, by agreement
of their boards of trustees, the two were merged into one insti-
tution, known to this day as the University of Pennsylvania.
The board of trustees of this university, twenty-five in number,
is a self-perpetuating body, with the single exception that its
president is the governor of Pennsylvania ex officio.
During the Revolution and within a few years after its close,
an effort was made to improve the relations of Yale College to
the commonwealth of Connecticut. It was said of President
Stiles that he brought back the college to its historic place, in
harmony with the legislature and all classes of people in the
state." What was accomplished at this time, however, was not
A
VOL. 31 Brown.--The Origin of American State Universities.
29
a return to the former relations, but a notable change in the
constitution of the college. The change was only brought about
after a long and bitter contest. The governor of the state
proposed that a number of civilians be added to the managing
board, as a condition to the renewal of public grants. To this
the corporation refused to agree. In 1784 the opponents of the
college proposed that the legislature either establish a rival
college or proceed to alter the charter of Yale, but this proposal
came to nothing. Finally it was agreed, in 1792, that eight of
the chief officers of the state should be added, ex officio, to the
college corporation; and the legislature then granted to the
college the arrearages of certain state taxes, which amounted to
something more than forty thousand dollars. After this no
important change was made in the constitution of the board
until 1869, when the state relinquished six of the eight places
occupied by its representatives. These six places have since
been filled by the alumni of five years' standing, while the gov-
ernor and the lieutenant governor of the state are still members
ex officio.
King's College, in New York, was greatly in disfavor while
the Revolution was in progress, and its Tory president, Dr.
Cooper, was obliged to flee for his life. For a time instruction
was wholly discontinued. In 1784 a movement began in the
state legislature, "for the establishment of seminaries of learning
and schools for the education of youth." The friends of the
college took this occasion to present to the legislature a petition
for the rehabilitation of that institution, with such revision of
its charter as would fit it to be the head of the proposed state
system of education. This petition represented that parts of the
college charter were "inconsistent with that liberality and that
civil and religious freedom which our present happy constitution
points out.” The combined outcome of this legislative movement
and this petition from the college was the University of the State
of New York.
In the form given to that institution by the legislation of
1784, the board of regents was a most unwieldy body, consisting
of six leading state officials and the mayors of New York and
Albany, ex officio; representatives of the several counties of the
30
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[EDUCATION
state, appointed by the governor with the approval of the council
of appointment; representatives of the several religious bodies
of the state, chosen by the clergy of the respective denomina-
tions; and representatives of the founders of any colleges or
schools admitted to the University. Moreover, the fellows,
professors, and tutors of the several colleges were made "regents
of the said University, ex officio, and capable of voting in every
case relative only to the respective college to which they shall
belong, excepting in such cases wherein they shall respectively
be personally concerned or interested.” Nine members were to
constitute a quorum of this composite body-a provision which
made it easy for Columbia College to control the board, since its
large representation in the New York City contingent could be
easily assembled at the place of meeting, while the country
members could be got together only with extreme difficulty.
This board was virtually a board of trustees of Columbia College,
but it was also "empowered to found schools and colleges in any
part of the state,
every such school or college being at
all times to be deemed a part of the university.”
The fear of undue ecclesiastical influence was apparently set
at rest by the provision that professors should not be subjected
to any religious test; but the country members of the board and
of the legislature distrusted the college and desired to further
the interests of the newer academies. Nor was the arrangement
as adopted satisfactory to the friends of the college, who could
not be sure that the interests of that institution would be steadily
and intelligently provided for by a board so constituted. Different
schemes of reform were proposed, and the legislation of 1787 was
passed as a compromise measure. This provided that no "trustee,
president, principal, tutor, fellow, or other officer of any college
or academy, [shall] be a regent of the university.” The board
of regents was to be composed of twenty-one members, two of
whom, the governor and lieutenant governor, should be regents
ex officio, the remaining members being elected by the legislature.
Columbia College was given a self-perpetuating board of trustees,
of twenty-nine-later twenty-four-members.
The constitution adopted in 1780 for the state of Massa-
chusetts provided for the continuance of Harvard College under
VOL. 3) Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
31
its established form of government, with only such interpretation
of the earlier acts as was necessary to adjust them to the new
political order. It was expressly provided in this instrument,
" that nothing herein shall be construed to prevent the legislature
of this commonwealth from making such alterations in the gov-
ernment of the said University, as shall be conducive to its
advantage and the interest of the republic of letters, in as full a
manner, as might have been done by the legislature of the late
province of Massachusetts Bay."
In 1810 the legislature passed an act making a great change
in the board of overseers. The board as now constituted was to
consist, in addition to the president of the college and certain
state officials, ex officio, of fifteen ministers chosen from the
Congregational churches and fifteen laymen. This act was not to
go into effect until it had been approved by both of the college
boards. It was so approved, however, and a new board of over-
seers was constituted accordingly. In 1812 the legislature repealed
this act without reference to the approval of the college boards.
The boards held that their approval was necessary to the validity
of the act. In 1814 the act of 1812 was in its turn set aside by the
legislature, and the act of 1810 confirmed with some modification.
This act of 1814 distinctly provided that the approval of the col-
lege boards should be necessary to its validity; and such approval
was in fact promptly secured. The Massachusetts constitutional
convention of 1820–21 proposed to declare the Board of Overseers
free to elect to membership in their body ministers of churches
of any particular denomination of Christians;" but the proposal
was rejected by the people. In 1843, however, this change was
brought about. Finally, in 1865, the right of the state govern-
nent to representation in the board was given up entirely, and
the board, with the exception of the president and treasurer of
the college, who are members ex officio, became representative of
the college alumni of five years' standing.
It appears from what has been said, that the last quarter of
the eighteenth century was marked in our educational history by
repeated efforts to bring the existing colleges under some sort of
direct governmental control; and that after the opening of the
32
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(EDUCATION
nineteenth century an institution so vitally connected with the
commonwealth as Harvard College, suffered some slight encroach-
ment from the state legislature. But the most notable case of
this sort, the case in which the movement reached its culmination
and also its judicial determination, arose in connection with Dart-
mouth College, in the second decade of the century.
Eleazar Wheelock had named his son, John, as his successor
in the presidency of this institution, in accordance with the pro-
visions of the charter. John Wheelock served the college with
marked efficiency for many years. After a time, serious differ-
ences arose between him and certain members of the board of
trustees. These differences seem to have been at the outset theo-
logical in their character. They soon involved a large circle of
those interested in the college, in New Hampshire and neighbor-
ing states, many leading citizens being enlisted as partisans of
either the one side or the other. The dispute became a political
question, the great parties in the state being arrayed on oppo-
site sides. President Wheelock finally appealed to the legislature
for a committee of investigation, charging the trustees with
religious intolerance, with violation of the charter in attacks upon
the presidential office, and with other breaches of trust. The leg-
islature voted by a large majority to appoint such a committee.
The trustees then removed the president and appointed a
successor.
The governor of the state, in a message to the legislature,
took grounds against the trustees; and the legislature passed an
act, June 27, 1816, declaring that "the college of the state may,
in the opinion of the legislature, be rendered more extensively use-
ful," and enacting accordingly "that the corporation, heretofore
called and known by the name of the Trustees of Dartmouth Col-
lege, shall ever hereafter be called and known by the name of the
Trustees of Dartmouth University." The membership of the
board of trustees was increased from twelve to twenty-one, the
president being made a member of the board ex officio, and the
governor and council being authorized to appoint in the first
instance the number of trustees necessary to complete the board
to the number of twenty-one. A board of overseers was also con-
stituted, of twenty-five members, having power ' to inspect and
VOL. 3] Brown.—The Origin of American State Universities.
33
It was
confirm, or disapprove and negative, such votes and proceedings
of the board of trustees as shall relate to the appointment and
removal of the president, professors, and other permanent
officers of the university, and determine their salaries; to
the establishment of colleges and professorships, and the
erection of new college buildings,” etc. Of this board,
the president of the Senate and the speaker of the house
of representatives of New Hampshire, and the governor
and lieutenant-governor of Vermont, were to be members
ex officio. The governor and council of New Hampshire were
authorized to appoint the remaining members of this board
and to fill vacancies in the same as they should occur.
further enacted that "perfect freedom of religious opinion shall
be enjoyed by all the officers and students of the University.
The board of trustees of the college maintained that the legis-
lature had no power of interference in their affairs, and carried
the matter into the courts. The supreme court of the state of New
Hampshire decided against the college. The case was then car-
ried into the supreme court of the United States. Daniel Webster
was of the counsel for the college, and his argument in this case
added greatly to his fame as a constitutional lawyer. The opin-
ion of the court was pronounced in February, 1819, by Chief
Justice Marshall. The finding of the New Hampshire court was
reversed.
The decision is summarized in the following terms:
"The charter granted by the British crown to the trustees of
Dartmouth College, in New Hampshire, in the year 1769, is a
contract within the meaning of that clause of the constitution of
the United States (Art. 1, s. 10) which declares that no state
shall make any law impairing the obligation of contracts. The
charter was not dissolved by the Revolution.
"An act of the State of New Hampshire altering the charter
without the consent of the corporation in a material respect is an
act impairing the obligation of the charter, and is unconstitutional
and void.
"Under its charter Dartmouth College was a private and not
a public corporation. That a corporation is established for pur-
poses of general charity, or for education generally, does not,
EDUC'N.-3
34
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(EDUCATION
per se, make it a public corporation, liable to the control of the
legislature."*
It would be hard to overestimate the significance of this
decision. Chancellor Kent said of it that it "did more than any
other single act proceeding from the authority of the United
States to throw an impregnable barrier around all rights and
franchises derived from the grant of government, and to give
solidity and inviolability to the literary, charitable, religious, and
commercial institutions of our country.”
It was perhaps an unmixed advantage to commercial establish-
ments to have it settled once for all that a self-perpetuating,
chartered institution is a private and not a public corporation, and
so beyond the reach of governmental interference; but when it
came to educational establishments, this decision cut both ways.
The conviction to which William Livingston had given utterance
many years before-that an institution of higher education could
not possibly be a private concern as regards its operation and
influence-had come abroad and gained general currency. That
an institution which exercised so momentous a public influence
should be beyond the reach of public control seemed to many a
dangerous state of affairs. The decision in the Dartmouth College
case put an end to efforts directed toward governmental regulation
of educational close-corporations; but in so doing it turned the full
force of this movement into that other possible course of gov-
ernmental agency, namely, the establishment and maintenance of
colleges and universities under full state control.
In the most of the older states, the colleges already founded were
able to ward off the danger which threatened them, of rival estab-
lishments under the patronage of the state. The loyalty of their
graduates, their acquired endowments, and even the bare fact that
they were already in the field, gave them a great advantage. But
they did not rely upon such advantage alone. Roused by the loss
of prestige and support, or responding to a public need which they
recognized apart from such reminders, they set themselves about
the enlargement of their sphere of usefulness. The Great
Awakening had encouraged the establishment of academies,
* The Trustees of Dartmouth College vs. Woodward. 4 Wheaton 514.
.
VOL. 3) Brown.— The Origin of American State Universities.
35
which were believed to be of greater use and value to the people
at large than were the more exclusive colleges. These academies
offered instruction in various scientific and practical branches,
and in advanced literary studies in English, which were not then
included in the ordinary college course. But by degrees, the col-
leges followed the lead of the more popular schools in the giving of
such instruction, and so drew nearer, themselves, to the people.
They ceased to be schools primarily for the training of ministers
and became instead general schools of higher learning-colleges,
in a word, of the nineteenth century type.
But the demand for universities under state control was more
profound and far-reaching than was commonly supposed. In
some of the older states it led to the establishment of successful
state institutions, in spite of all the hindrances and unfavorable
pre-suppositions which it had to encounter. We have seen that
the University of Pennsylvania, and Columbia and Dartmouth
Colleges, had each its brief term of service as a real state institu-
tion. But other state universities soon began to take permanent
shape. The movement was nearly simultaneous in the west and
south. But the influence of the south was dominant in the earlier
days, and that of the west at a later period.
North Carolina, following Pennsylvania, included in its state
constitution of 1776 the provision that, "All useful learning shall
be duly encouraged and promoted in one or more universities."
In accordance with this provision, the state legislature erected a
university in 1789, which began giving instruction in 1795. This
institution, however, did not come under direct state control till
1821. South Carolina College, an institution under full state
control, was established by legislative act in 1801, and opened in
1805. The long and varied efforts of Thomas Jefferson to secure
the establishment of a university under public control in the Old
Dominion, were crowned with success in 1819, the year in which
the decision in the Dartmouth College case was handed down by
the supreme court of the United States. This was an event of
capital importance. Repeated efforts had been made to trans-
form William and Mary College into an institution which might
fairly serve as the crowning member of a state system of educa-
tion. But this had been found at last to be impracticable, chiefly
36
University of California Publications.
(EDUCATION
because of the fixed ecclesiastical character of the old foundation,
and the establishment of the new, state university followed.
The fact that the University of Virginia held the chief place
in a well-thought-out plan of education, which was vitally con-
nected with a democratic scheme of society, and the further fact
that it was the cherished project of Thomas Jefferson, compelled
the serious attention of the builders of new commonwealths. And
the intrinsic character of the new institution was such that its
establishment marked an epoch in our educational development.
Important beginnings were making meanwhile in the new
states of the Old Northwest. The first constitution of the state
of Indiana, adopted in 1816, contained this significant passage:
"It shall be the duty of the general assembly, as soon as circum-
stances will permit, to provide by law for a general system of
education, ascending in a regular gradation from township
schools to a State university, wherein tuition shall be gratis and
equally open to all.” In accordance with this provision, Indiana
Seminary was established in 1820, which became Indiana College
in 1828; and ten years later, that, in turn, became Indiana
University
In 1817, the " Catholepistemiad or University of Michigania”
was called into being by the territorial government of Michigan.
Out of this whimsical and grandiloquent affair the real Univer-
sity of Michigan ultimately developed. Favorable circumstances
affecting its external administration, combined with excel-
lences of internal management and instruction, gave this insti-
tution a position of leadership among our state universities
during the latter half of the nineteenth century. The new states
coming into being through the century, with few exceptions,
established such universities. Their erection soon came to be a
matter of course in the new western commonwealths, the begin-
nings sometimes being made before the territorial status had
been outgrown. Such a movement cannot but be regarded as
of the highest significance. This monograph is not intended to
do more than show the early aims and efforts out of which these
state universities have come, and not to trace their development
after the movement was fairly under way. If the history of
what was doing in this direction between 1820 and 1850 should
Vol. 3] Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
37
be adequately set forth, it would undoubtedly prove of great
importance because of the light it would throw on the making
of our American civilization.
There is no occasion to claim that in the establishment of state
universities we have reached the ultimate form of all academic
organization in America. But this may fairly be regarded as a
very notable stage in the development of true academic freedom.
Such freedom is found in its fulness only in an institution which
recognizes the full circle of its responsibility. An institution is
free only when it serves the public good in the largest possible
measure. The ultimate assurance that any institution will devote
itself continuously to such service is to be found in the mainte-
nance of public spirit in its members. An institution under a
close corporation is a public institution in the highest sense of
the word, when its members give themselves continuously, as a
matter of principle, to the service of the whole people. And the
governmental control of state institutions is, rightly considered,
simply a means which has been devised for keeping the public
spirit of a teaching body up to its best estate. We may frankly
admit that it is not the only means to this end, but it can
not be denied that it has been one of the most effective. In the
long run, universities are controlled by public opinion, which they
themselves have helped to make. The best form of organization
for any given institution is that which best enables it to coöper-
ate vitally and continuously with the best public opinion of its
constituency. Universities under close corporations and state
universities must be tried alike by this test.
The fact that institutions of these two types have been
growing up side by side, in friendly coöperation and equally
friendly competition, has lent peculiar interest and distinction
to the movement of public education in these United States.
The older type is particularly well adapted to the maintenance
of worthy academic traditions. It is commonly believed that
it is not so readily responsive as the state university to new
conditions, which give rise to new educational needs. But it
must be added that when the need of change is recognized,
it is capable of making radical reforms swiftly and securely.
38
University of California Publications.
[EDUCATION
Institutions under state control, on the other hand, are sensitive
to the changing needs of changing times. But when they feel
the need of change, they must often wait till public opinion
has come round to some sort of understanding of the best
direction to be given to the desired reform. And the time of
waiting may be a time of uncertain experimentation, which is
unfavorable to academic stability. This is especially true when
an institution of this sort is so organized that its management
changes whenever a new party comes into political power. If a
college forever bound to one sect or class is a "party-college,” a
college which changes with each change of political parties is
also a party-college, of a very unfortunate sort. But a state
university is not necessarily such an institution. The greater
number of the state universities now in existence are, in fact,
something very different from a party-college and something
vastly better.
It must not be forgotten that both the advantages and the
disadvantages of state university control are essentially the same
as those of democracy in general. One who has unqualified faith
in democracy will think twice before condemning the state uni-
versity system. An aspect of the case which should not be over-
looked, is the education which the people themselves have gained
through their very efforts to give the best possible direction to
the affairs of a state university.
It appears that, on the whole, some middle ground is desirable
for any sort of university-a middle ground which insures both
stability and the most ample responsibility. As a matter of fact,
both types of American institution have been tending toward
such middle ground. The two types are still clearly distinct, and
we may hope that they will always be distinct; but each is aiming
to avail itself of advantages possessed by the other.
As regards the institutions under the control of private
corporations, perhaps the most notable change that has been
made, is that which provides for the election of at least a part of
the members of their managing boards by vote of their own
alumni. This is equivalent to saying that any man may become an
elector in this commonwealth of learning by simply gaining such
knowledge of the character and needs of the institution as may
VOL. 3) Brown.—The Origin of American State Universities.
39
be gained by passing through its course of instruction. Harvard,
Yale, and Cornell Universities offer familiar examples of this
provision.
State universities, on the other hand, are becoming more
stable, in consequence of provisions which protect them against
abrupt and immediate changes with each change of the party in
control of the state government. The Universities of Michigan
and California are cases in point. In California the charter of
the University was reaffirmed in its entirety by the state consti-
tution of 1879. This charter, then, cannot now be changed by
legislative enactment alone. The long term of service, moreover,
which it secures to appointive members of the Board of Regents,
coupled with the provision that the terms of only a small propor-
tion of the members shall expire at any one time, guards against
too abrupt changes in the policy of the institution.
It seems reasonably clear that the strife and turmoil and
trouble out of which issued the movement toward the establish-
ment of our state universities, has taught one lesson which is of
value to universities of every sort. And that is the lesson to
which William Livingston gave utterance a century and a half
ago: That no sort of higher education can possibly be a merely
private concern; and that universities have the moral right to
exist only in so far as they are dominated by public spirit, and
devoted to the public good. The relations actually subsisting at
the present time between our best state universities and the states
which they severally serve, more than realize the ideal which
Livingston set forth. They are institutions ministering in count-
less ways to the public good. They advance and ennoble the
industries, build up the professions, vitalize the education, and
quicken the spiritual life of the commonwealth, touching the
deeper interests of the people at so many points that every class
and every community feel their influence. And the people respond
with loyal support and sympathy which is only partially expressed
in the unanimous votes by which state legislatures have repeatedly
appropriated great sums of money for university maintenance.
Herein is seen one of the finest recent developments of American
education. And it will be well for American life and the Amer-
ican character if the spirit which has been manifested in this
40
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[EDUCATION
development shall be the dominant spirit in our educational
institutions, under whatever form of management and control.
The spirit is indeed of more importance than the form, and
may be trusted to mold the form to its purpose. If the two types
of university control are coming nearer together, it is because
both are leading up to the one type of American university, which
is that of an institution ministering liberally and constantly to
the higher life of the people and of all the people. The different
forms of control are different means to this one end. Universities
of all types are striving now-a-days to be simply universities, in
this large meaning of the word. Their differences of external
management become relatively of less importance as this unity of
the spirit is more and more realized. The state universities have
certainly done much toward the making of this American univer-
sity ideal; how much proportionately, may be left to future
historians to determine.
VOL. 3) Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
41.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I. SOURCES
[Valuable reprints are found in some of the Histories entered under
division II.]
from the first
CLAP, THOMAS. Annals or history of Yale-College
founding thereof in the year 1700 to the year 1766.
.
New Haven, 1766, pp. 124.
CLAP, THOMAS. The religious constitution of colleges, especially of Yale-
College in New Haven in the colony of Connecticut.
New London, 1754, pp. 20.
CLEWS, ELSIE W. Educational legislation and administration of the colonial
governments.
Columbia University Contributions to Philosophy, Psychology and
Education, v. 6, nos. 1-4.
New York: The Macmillan Co., 1899, pp. 9 + 524.
A comprehensive collection of Colonial documents, reprinted with
historical notes. Extremely valuable. Bibliography in Appendix B.
HINSDALE, B. A. Documents illustrative of American educational history.
Report of Commissioner of Education, 1892–93, v. 2, pp. 1225-1414.
An extensive and valuable collection, covering both colonial and
later times. Section 9 contains materials relating to the early project
of a national university. A brief bibliography of this movement
appears on p. 1312. All educational provisions of state constitutions
ever adopted, down to 1895, are included, in section 10.
HOUGH, FRANKLIN B. Constitutional provisions relating to education, liter-
ature and science in the several states of the American Union.
Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education, no. 7, 1875,
pp. 130.
Complete down to the date of publication. A classified summary
is added.
INDEPENDENT REFLECTOR, THE. New York, 1752–53.
This was a weekly publication, each issue containing from four to
eight folio pages. Fifty-two numbers appeared, the first, November
30, 1752, and the last, November 22, 1753. It was edited, and would
seem to have been mainly written, by William Livingston. There is
a complete file in the Astor Library, bound in one volume, together
with a Preface contributed by Mr. Livingston after the publication was
discontinued. The State Library of New York has a file, without
preface, from which two or three leaves are missing. These are the
only copies that I have come upon. The portions relating to King's
College were reprinted in the following:
42
University of California Publications.
(EDUCATION
PRATT, DANIEL J. Annals of public education in the State of New York.
In the 82, 83, 86th, 87th, 89th, and 96th annual reports of the
Regents of the State of New York.
It is the fourth instalment of this series (87th report, 1874, pp.
715–780) which contains reprints of Livingston's articles, and of other
matter relating to the early history of King's-Columbia College.
University of Virginia. EARLY HISTORY of the University of Virginia as
contained in letters [of Thomas Jefferson and J. C. Cabell], hitherto
unpublished.
Richmond, 1856, pp. 36+ 528. Bibliography, pp. 283-216.
William and Mary College. THE CHARTER, and statutes, of the College of
William and Mary, in Virginia. In Latin and English.
Williamsburg, 1736, pp. 122.
The copy which I have used is in the Library of Congress.
II. HISTORIES
Brown University. GUILD, REUBEN ALDRIDGE. Early history of Brown Uni-
versity.
Providence, 1897, pp. 3+631.
TOLMAN, WILLIAM HOWE. Brown University.
Pt. 4, pp. 93–200, of his History of higher education in Rhode
Island. Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education,
no. 1, 1894.
Bibliography on pp. 209–210.
Columbia University and University of the State of New York. MOORE, N. F.
An historical sketch of Columbia College, in the city of New York.
New York, 1846, pp. 126.
SHERWOOD, SIDNEY. The University of the State of New
York.
Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education, no. 3, 1900,
,
pp. 538.
A very valuable contribution to American educational history. It
includes a sketch of the history of Columbia University by FRANK
R. HATHAWAY, pp. 133–198, with bibliography, pp. 194–198. A bibli-
ography of the general subject appears on pp. 111-112.
Dartmouth College. 'GEROULD, JAMES THAYER, compiler. Bibliography of
Dartmouth College and Hanover, N. H.
Concord, 1894, pp. 69.
SMITH, BAXTER PERRY. History of Dartmouth College.
Boston, 1878, pp. 7 + 474.
VOL. 3) Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
43
1
Harvard University. BUSH, GEORGE GARY. Historical sketch of Harvard
University.
Chaps. 2–8, pp. 21–224, of his History of higher education in
Massachusetts. Circular of Information of the Bureau of Educa-
tion, no. 6, 1891.
Bibliography, pp. 221–223.
PEIRCE, BENJAMIN. History of Harvard University.
Cambridge, 1833, pp. 19 + 316 + 159.
QUINCY, JOSIAH. History of Harvard University.
Boston, 1860, 2 v.
HOYT, JOHN W. Memorial in regard to a national university.
Washington: Government Printing Office, 1892, pp. 123.
Professor Hinsdale called this memorial "la magazine of quotations
and arguments in relation to its subject.” For further references on
the project of a national university, see Professor Hinsdale's Documents,
etc., above (under Sources).
Princeton University. DE WITT, JOHN. Princeton University.
Chap. 9, pp. 199–286, of MURRAY, DAVID. History of education in
New Jersey. Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education,
no. 1, 1899.
MACLEAN, JOHN. History of the College of New Jersey,
from its origin in 1746 to the commencement of 1854.
Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1877, 2 v.
Rutgers College. DEMAREST, DAVID D. Rutgers College.
Chap. 10, pp. 287–302, of MURRAY. Op. cit.
SEDGWICK, THEODORE, JUN.
ston
A memoir of the life of William Living-
New York, 1833.
South Carolina College. LA BORDE, M. History of the South Carolina
College, from its incorporation December 19, 1801, to November 25,
1857.
Columbia, S. C., 1859, pp. 464.
TEN BROOK, ANDREW. American state universities, their origin and prog-
ress: a history of congressional university land-grants
[and]
of the University of Michigan.
Cincinnati: Robert Clarke & Co., 1875, pp. 8+ 410.
This volume gave rise to a noteworthy discussion in the reviews,
some of the chief contributions being the following:
Review of Ten Brook's "American state
ADAMS, CHARLES KENDALL.
universities
North American Review, v. 121, pp. 365-408, October, 1875.
.
44
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MAGOUN, GEO. F. The source of American education – popular and
religious.
The New Englander, v. 36, pp. 445–486, July, 1877.
ADAMS, CHARLES KENDALL. Ought the state to provide for higher edu-
cation?
The New Englander, v. 37, pp. 362–384, May, 1878.
University of California. JONES, WILLIAM CAREY. Illustrated history of the
University of California.
San Francisco: Frank H. Dukesmith, 1895, pp. 413.
Revised edition, Berkeley: Students' Coöperative Society, 1901,
pp. 430.
University of Indiana. WOODBURN, JAMES ALBERT. The Indiana Seminary;
the College and the University.
Chaps. 5 and 6, pp. 74-101, of his Higher education in Indiana.
Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education, no. 1, 1891.
The earlier chapters of the same work are significant in their
bearing on the general subject.
University of Michigan. MCLAUGHLIN, ANDREW C. [The University of
Michigan.]
Chaps. 3–11, pp. 29–97, of his History of higher education in
Michigan. Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education,
no. 4, 1891.
Bibliography, pp. 96–97.
See TEN BROOK.
University of the State of New York.
See Columbia University.
University of North Carolina. SMITH, CHARLES LEE. The University of
North Carolina.
Chap. 3, pp. 52–100, of his History of education in North Carolina.
Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education, no. 2, 1888.
University of Pennsylvania. MONTGOMERY, THOMAS HARRISON. History of
the University of Pennsylvania from its foundation to A.D. 1770.
Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs & Co., 1900, pp. 566.
THORPE, FRANCIS NEWTON. Benjamin Franklin and the
University of Pennsylvania.
Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education, no. 2, 1892,
p. 450.
Rich in reprints of early documents.
University of Virginia. ADAMS, HERBERT B. Thomas Jefferson and the
University of Virginia.
Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education, no. 1, 1888
pp. 308.
Vol. 3) Brown.-The Origin of American State Universities.
45
University of Wisconsin. THWAITES, REUBEN GOLD. University of Wiscon-
sin, its history and alumni.
Madison: J. N. Purcell, 1900, pp. 20+889.
William and Mary College. ADAMS, HERBERT B. The College of William
and Mary: a contribution to the history of higher education.
Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education, no. 1, 1887,
pp. 89.
Bibliography in an appendix.
Yale University. BALDWIN, SIMEON E. The ecclesiastical constitution of
Yale College.
In Papers of the New Haven Colony Historical Society, v. 3, pp.
495–442.
DEXTER, FRANKLIN B. The founding of Yale College.
Id., v. 3, pp. 1-31.
STEINER, BERNARD C. Yale University.
Chap. 5, pp. 67–236, of his History of education in Connecticut.
Circular of Information of the Bureau of Education, no. 2, 1893.
WOOLSEY, THEODORE D. An historical discourse pronounced
before the graduates of Yale College, August 11, 1850.
New Haven, 1850, pp. 128.
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