وو
E29
FORTIS
FORTUNA
JUVAT
Dickson Esq.
of Ednam in the
County of ROXBURGH.
DD
411
ESI
E6
D:8:19
-Helso Library
THE GENERAL
HISTORY of the Late WAR:
CONTAINING IT'S
Riſe, Progreſs, and Event,
IN
EUROPE, ASIA, AFRICA, and AMERICA.
AND EXHIBITING
The STATE of the Belligerent Powers at the Commence-
ment of the War; their Interefts and Objects in it's
Continuation; and REMARKS on the Meaſures, which
led GREAT BRITAIN to Victory and Conqueſt.
INTER SPERSED WITH
The CHARACTERS of the able and difinterefted STATESMEN,
to whofe Wiſdom and Integrity, and of the HEROES, to
whofe Courage and Conduct, we are indebted for that
NAVAL and MILITARY
Succefs, which is not to be equalled in the Annals of this, or
of any other Nation.
AND WITH
Accurate Defcriptions of the SEAT of WAR, the Nature and
Importance of our CONQUESTS, and of the moſt remarkable
BATTLES by Sea and Land.
Illuftrated with
A Variety of HEADS, PLANS, MAPS, and CHARTS,
Defigned and Engraved by the beſt Artiſts.
VOL. I.
Hiftorici eft: nequid falfi, audeat dicere: nequid veri, non audeat.
POLIB.
By the Rev. JOHN ENTICK, M. A.
And other GENTLEMEN.
LONDON:
Printed for EDWARD DILLY, in the Poultry;
And JOHN MILLAN, at Charing-Croſs.
M.DCC.LXIII,
PRINTED IN GREAT BRYTADI.
то
The RIGHT HONOURABLE
WILLIAM PITT, Efq;
LATE
One of his Majeſty's Principal Secretaries of State;
A Man
Honoured by his KING, Rever'd by the PEOPLE,
Dreaded by our ENEMIES;
UNDER WHOSE ADMINISTRATION
All Parties united for the common Good, Confidence between
the Court and Country was reftored, a refpectable Militia was
eſtabliſhed, the natural Strength of the Nation was exerted by
Sea and Land, the Terrors of an Invafion were removed,
Public Credit was carried to the greateſt Height, the Britiſh
Arms triumphed in every Quarter of the Globe, Trade and
Navigation were promoted and protected, and France was
humbled, and reduced to the Neceffity of ſuing for a Peace;
THIS HISTORY
Is moſt humbly Inſcribed,
With a grateful Senfe of that glorious Part, which by his Wiſdom,
Vigour, and Firmness, He has acted in the Courfe of the late War,
BY
His moft devoted and obedient Servant,
John Entick.
Lilon
Thin
13398
THE
GENERAL HISTORY
OF THE
LATE WAR.
THE INTRODUCTION.
**LL the writers on the laws of na-
ture and nations lay it down, as a
30
A
maxim, not to be departed from,
That arms or force fhould never
**** be employ'd, without an intention
thereby to obtain an honourable and lafting Peace.
But, the Machiavelian politicks, which have been Modern
adopted by the enemies of our nation, and the politicks,
difturbers of the repofe of Europe, and have pre-
vailed in the formation of treaties of pacification,
within the prefent century, depart from that de-
firable end of a juft and neceffary war; and
fhew that their intention is not, in the leaft, to de-
çide the contentions of jarring intereſts; to curb
VOL. I.
B
the
2
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
Treaty of
Utrecht.
the exceedings of ambition; to reconcile or abate
implacable hatred; to prevent craft, double-mean-
ing and infiduous conferences in negociations, nor
to give fufficient fecurity for the performance of
treaties.
To this depravation of politicks, in the cabinets
of our enemies, we may place an account of thoſe
prodigious fums of money, and that moſt fur-
priſing lofs of men, expended by Great Britain,
and facrificed to eſtabliſh peace in Europe, and to
preferve this iſland and its dependencies from the
power, tyranny, encroachments, dilapidations, in-
trigues and perfidy of her own natural, and Europe's
common enemy.
The war with France, which terminated with
the treaty of Utrecht, coft this nation upwards of
fixty millions in the whole, and left it fifty mil-
lions in debt befides, after repeated victories, as
well as unexpected fuccefs, put the English, and
their poſterity, in a worſe condition, not only than
any of their allies, but even their conquer'd ene-
mies. The national intereft was not provided for
in any better manner by the treaty of peace, con-
Of Aix-la- cluded at Aix-la-Chapelle. Matters rather de-
Chapelle. volved into worſe. At Utrecht the confederates
with Great Britain obtained a valuable augmenta-
tion of territory, and a barrier, againſt the French,
in the Netherlands: But by the treaty of Aix-la-
Chapelle, which left the enormous debt of eighty
millions upon the British nation, their Auftrian
ally was obliged to cede feveral confiderable pof-
feffions. And tho' the war with Spain was avow-
edly
THE LATE WAR.
3
edly commenced to obtain an uninterrupted navi-
gation in South-America, and to procure a proper
fatisfaction for our South-Sea company; yet the de-
finitive treaty was couched in fuch indefinite terms,
that nothing was ftipulated with any precifeneſs,
but a fufpenfion of arms between the two crowns,
and the re-eſtabliſhment of commerce, between
their fubjects reciprocally, without mentioning a
word of what gave rife to the war, in regard to
America.
Let the treaty itſelf vouch the truth.
It was on the 7th of October 1748 the Britiſh,
French and Dutch plenipotentiaries fign'd the ge-
neral and definitive treaty at Aix-la-Chapelle, as did
the Spaniſh plenipotentiaries on the 9th. In the
preamble we find this remarkable fallacious expref-
preffion; Europe now fees the happy day fhine
forth, that the divine providence had pointed
έκ
cc
out for the eſtabliſhment of her repofe;" when
it is certain, from the meaſures immediately pur-
fued by the French court, that war remained in
their heart. However, under this deception, it is
fet forth in the first article, That there fhall be a
chriſtian, univerfal and perpetual peace, and a
fincere and inviolable friendſhip preferved between
the contracting parties: that no hoftilities of what
nature or kind foever ſhall be permitted, on either
fide, or on any cauſe or pretence whatſoever; in-
duftriouſly avoiding all things for the future that
might any ways difturb or alter the union efta→
bliſhed by this peace; and that they fhould uſe
their utmoſt endeavours to procure, on all occa-
fions,
B 3
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
fions, whatever may contribute to their mutual
glory, intereſt and advantage, without giving the
leaft aid or affiftance, directly or indirectly, to any
perfons whomsoever, who would willingly injure
or prejudice any of the high-contracting powers
whatſoever.
By the third article, the treaties of Weftphalia
in 1648; of Madrid in 1667, 1678 and 1679;
of Ryfwick in 1697; of Utrecht in 1713; of
Baden in 1714; at the Hague in 1717; of the
quadruple alliance at London in 1718, and the treaty
of Vienna in 1738, are renewed and admitted to
ſerve as a bafis of the prefent treaty. By the fifth
article all the parties renounce all right and claim,
by what title or pretence whatfoever, to the places
they mutually covenant to reſtore. By the ninth
article his Britannic Majefty reftores Cape Breton
and all the conquefts made by his arms in the Eaft
and Weſt Indies; and agrees to give hoſtages for
the faithful performance of this covenant. By
the fixteenth article the Catholic King allows the
affiento of negroes, and the annual fhip for the
fouth feas, to continue for four years. The fe-
venteenth article demoliſhes Dunkirk on the fea
fide, conformable to antient treaties; and allows
it to remain fortified on the land fide. By the
eighteenth article we have a true fpecimen of
French prevarication; for, by leaving certain
points or demands open, not regulated by the ple-
nipotentiaries, nor inferted in the prefent treaty,
but to be fettled amicably, by commiffaries no-
minated for that purpoſe, on each fide, or other-
wife,
THE LATE WAR.
5
wife, as it fhall be agreed on by the interefted
powers; we ſhall find that this chriſtian, univerſal,
and perpetual peace, and fincere and inviolable
friendſhip, ſo artfully and pompously fet forth at
the beginning of this treaty, is entirely enervated
and expoſed to the intrigue, caprice and ambition
of our enemies, whenever they might want a
pretence to break it. And by the nineteenth and
twentieth articles all the contracting powers gua-
rantee the fucceffion of Great Britain and the
Electoral dominions of his Britannic Majefty.
of France
Let us now enquire how conformable the French Behaviour
and Spaniſh monarchs behaved to thefe engage- and Spain.
ments, fo folemnly fign'd and ratified. France
put on the maſk of fincerity, and engaged Spain
to make the firft demur to the faithful execution.
of her part of the definitive treaty. Notwith-
ſtanding the advantages of the fixteenth article,
which grants only four years, inſtead of nine non-
enjoyment of the affiento contract, the Spaniſh mi-
niſtry were now as refractory in fatisfying the de-
mands of the English South-Sea company, as they
were before the commencement of the war; tho'
the Britiſh troops and fubjects had formally eva-
cuated the iſland of Ratan. They were even fo
untractable, as to reject all the expedients offer'd
on this fubject by Mr. Benj. Keene, the Britiſh
miniſter at their court, who made the ſtrongeſt
follicitations for compromifing the differences un-
2 Which, by their account deliver'd to the fecretary of
ftate, amounted to the fum of 1,300,000l.
B 3
adjuſted
6
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
Spanish
definitive
adjuſted by the definitive treaty, until the fifth of
October 1750; when they were pleas'd to fign
what they called a definitive convention.
In
which, after a fallacious preamble (fetting forth
convention the defire of their reſpective fovereigns to adjuſt
upon that the difputable points, which at the treaty of Aix-
treaty.
la-Chapelle remain'd unfettled, in regard to their
reſpective pretenfions, and to the commerce of
their fubjects, and declaring their willingness to
terminate all things thereunto relating, by a
friendly compenſation) it was agreed to acquiefce in
the following articles:
I. His Britannic Majefty cedes to his Catholic
Majefty his right of enjoyment of the affiento of
negroes; and of the annual ſhip, during the four
years ftipulated by the fixteenth article of the
treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.
II. His Britannic Majefty, for a compenfation
of 100,000l. ſterling, which his Catholic Ma-
jefty promiſes and engages to pay at Madrid, or
at London, to the royal affiento company, within
the term of three months or fooner, from the
day of the fignature of this treaty, cedes to his
Catholic Majefty all that might be due to the faid
company in any manner, on account of the faid
affiento: infomuch that this compenfation fhall
be eſteemed and regarded as a full and entire fa-
tisfaction on the part of his Catholic Majefty, and
fhall extinguiſh for the prefent, for the future,
b Inftead of 1,300,000l. demanded on a fair account by
the South-Sea company.
and
THE LATE WAR.
and for ever, all rights, pretenfions, or demands,
which might be form'd in conſequence of the
faid affiento or annual ſhip, directly or indirectly,
either on the part of his Britannic Majefty, or on
the part of the company.
III. The Catholic King cedes to his Britannic
Majefty all that he might demand, in confe-
quence of the faid affiento or annual fhip, as well
with regard to the articles already liquidated, as
thofe, which might be eafy or difficult to liquidate;
ſo that neither on one fide, nor on the other, is
ever the leaft mention to be made thereof.
IV. His Catholic Majefty confents that the Bri-
tish fubjects fhall pay no greater or other duties
for the merchandizes, which they import or ex-
port at the different ports of his Catholic Majefty,
than thoſe, which they pay'd, for the fame mer-
chandize, in the time of Charles II. of Spain, re-
gulated by ſchedules and ordinances of the faid
King, or of his predeceffors: And, tho' the Pie
del Fardo was not founded upon any royal ordi-
nance, his Catholic Majefty declares nevertheleſs,
that he wills and ordains, that it be obſerved for
the preſent, and the future, as an inviolable law,
and that all the faid duties be levied with the fame
advantage and eafe to the faid fubjects.
V. His Catholic Majefty permits the faid fub-
jects to take falt in the iſland of Tortuga, without
any moleſtation, as they did in the time of King
Charles II.
VI. His Catholic Majefty confents, That the
faid fubjects ſhall not pay any other duties, than
thoſe
B 4
8
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
thofe paid by the fubjects of his Catholic Majefty
in the fame place.
VII. His Catholic Majefty grants the faid fub-
jects all the rights, privileges, franchiſes, exemp-
tions and immunities whatfoever, which they en-
joyed before the laſt war, in virtue of ſchedules
or royal ordinances, by the articles of the treaty
of peace and commerce made at Madrid in 1667.
The ſaid ſubjects fhall be treated in Spain on the
fame footing with the moſt favoured nations. In
confequence no nation fhall be rated at lefs duties
for the merchandize they fend into or carry out
of Spain by land, than the faid fubjects pay for
ſuch as they import or export by fea. All the
rights, privileges, franchifes, exemptions, and
immunities, that are permitted to any nation, ſhall
be granted to the ſaid ſubjects: And his Britannic
Majefty confents, that the fame thing be granted
and permitted to the fubjects of Spain in the king-
doms of his faid Britannic Majefty.
VIII. His Catholic Majefty promiſes to take all
the care poffible, on his part, to aboliſh all the
innovations, which have appeared to be introduced
in the commerce; and in order to avert them for
the future, his Britannic Majefty promiſes like-
wife, on his fide, to take all poffible care to pre-
vent all innovations of that kind.
IX. Their Catholic and Britannic Majefties
confirm by the prefent treaty, that of Aix-la-
Chapelle, and all other former treaties; which
are hereby confirmed in all their articles and
claufes, excepting fuch as are derogated from
by
THE LATE WAR.
9
Y
by the preſent treaty; as alfo the treaty of com-
merce concluded at Utrecht in 1713, except thoſe
articles which are found contrary to the preſent
treaty, which become aboliſhed and of no force,
namely, the three articles of the ſaid treaty of
Utrecht, commonly called explanatory.
X. All the reciprocal differences, rights, de-
mands, and pretenfions, which have fubfifted be-
'tween the two crowns of Spain and Great Britain,
wherein no other nation hath any part, intereft or
right of intervention, being hereby accommodated;
the two ferene Kings mutually engage for the
punctual execution of this treaty of reciprocal
compenſation, which ſhall be ratified by their faid
Majefties, and the ratifications exchanged within
the term of fix weeks, from the day of the figna-
ture hereof, or fooner if poffible.
ency in re-
It was reaſonable to expect that this definitive Its defici-
convention would have determined the difputable gard to the
points, not regulated, nor fettled by the definitive principal
objects of
treaty at Aix-la-Chapelle; fome of which were the war.
nothing less than the very points, which had oc-
cafioned fo long and expenfive a war; to the mu-
tual injury of Great Britain and Spain. Theſe
points were, 1. What the common voice included
in the words NO SEARCH, and fignifies free trade
and navigation, in Britiſh bottoms, with our Weft
India colonies, without being ſubject to be board-
ed by Spaniſh guarda coftas, in open feas, and
rummaged or fearched by them for Spaniſh goods,
of the growth or manufacture of New Spain or
other
10
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
other territories, iflands and places bordering on
thoſe feas, and fubject to the crown of Spain.
By which right claimed by the Spaniards, our na-
vigation from Jamaica, efpecially, was rendered
precarious; it being impoffible for thoſe iſlanders
to make proper returns, without felling, or bar-
tering, for Spaniſh money, or goods, brought to
their markets by Spaniſh agents; and almoft as
impoffible for our ſhipping to make a ſafe voyage,
without making the coaft of Cuba in their way to
Great Britain; as might be inſtanced in the many
depredations made upon them by the guarda cof-
tas. Except we are to underſtand the Spaniſh re-
nunciation of this right, under the ambiguous
terms in the eighth article of this convention;
where the Catholic King promifes to take all the
care poffible, on his part, to abolish all the innova-
tions, which have appeared to be introduced in the
commerce. Such no doubt were the practices of
the guarda coftas; but not fo fufficiently and de-
finitely here deſcribed and acknowledged, as to
regulate and fettle this difputed point, which had
been the cauſe of fo much bloodſhed and expence,
So that Spain was left in a condition to revive this
dormant right, and to return to their depredations
in thoſe feas, without breach of treaty; and from
the filence of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, &c.
to infift upon fearching all British bottoms, which
failed near their coafts. Secondly, Another point
in difpute was our right to cut logwood in Cam-
pechy and Honduras. A trade of the utmoft im-
port-
THE LATE
11
WAR.
portance Great Britain; for, without this wood,
feveral confiderable branches in trade and manu-
facture would be at a ſtand. A right fo well
eſtabliſhed upon the cleareſt title, as fet forth by
our board of trade and plantations in the reign of
George I. that, the only means for the Spaniards
to avoid its acknowledgment, was to decline its Why,
diſcuſſion, and thereby to leave the foundation of
another quarrel. Which, notwithſtanding the
formal ratification of former treaties, and the par-
ticular ſtipulations and promifes, concerning rights,
privileges, franchiſes, exemptions, immunities,
and favours in regard to duties, appears, and
ſhall be proved, in the courfe of this hiftory, to
have been the intention of Spain, as well as of
France, at the time of figning the peace of Aix-
Ja-Chapelle,
a peace.
Thus the French fucceeded in their ſcheme French
to ſtrike up a peace, at a time their maritime motives for
intereft had fuffer'd extremely, and they faw their
own ruin inevitable, fhould they neglect the pa-
cific difpofition of the prefent miniftry of Great
Britain, and rifque all to the chance of more war-
like and vigorous meafures, to which his Bri-
tannick Majeſty was perfonally more inclin'd.
Yet they kept two things in view to fecure the
confidence and affections of their allies and to
keep Great Britain embarraffed, both abroad and
at home. They faithfully protected the territo-
rial property of their confederates; whereas we
confented to, or rather obliged the Queen of
Hun-
12
THE GENERAL HISTORY, &c.
Hungary to cede Silefia to the King of Pruffia,
and a large territory to Don Philip in Italy. And
by prevailing with the Spaniards not to admit the
Britiſh right to a free navigation and to cut log-
wood, they ruin'd the Britiſh miniſtry in the af-
fections of the people: fo that by raiſing a jea-
loufy between the court and the country, they
gain'd time to carry their perfidious plan into ex-
ecution; having confented to a peace only to
prepare and ſtrengthen France for the renewal
of war.
THE
THE
GENERAL HISTORY
OF THE
LATE WAR.
BOOK I.
Shewing the provocations leading thereunto, and
the means to prevent it.
the
A. D.
1748.
after the
peace.
HE treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle having tied
TH
the hands of Great Britain, France imme-
diately improved the preſent moment. Her emif- France's
faries were diſpatched throughout all the world. conduct
She re-exerted her political intrigues at Conftanti-
nople, where fhe procured the depofition of the
Mufti, the difgrace of the Grand Vizir, and en-
dangered the ſafety of the Sultan, by irritating
the janizaries againſt all, who had recommended
or favoured a pacific difpofition during the wars of
chriftendom and the reigned ftill predominant at
Stockholm; and renewed the fubfidy treaty with
his Daniſh majeſty. New alliances were fought :
fubfi-
a By promoting the marriage of the Infanta Donna Maria
of Spain with Victor Amadæus Maria Prince of Piedmont,
a treaty
2
14
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1748.
faith.
b
fubfidiary treaties were renewed: her militia well
regulated and diſciplined: her armies kept up :
her fortifications repaired, and a more than ordi-
nary effort was made to recruit and to eftabliſh
her marine © in a more refpectable condition, than
heretofore.
But what does this vary from the conftant prac-
Examples
of French tice of the French at other times, when perhaps
they had not fuch a plaufible defence for their
breach of faith? Not content with the acquifition
of Alface by the treaty of Weftphalia in 1648,
under the reſtriction of maintaining the privileges
After the and liberties of ten imperial cities fituate in that
Weftpha- extenſive and important country, the French mon-
lia. arch invaded their freedom, abolished their privi-
treaty of
Pyrenees.
leges, and by force obliged them to fubmit to the
laws of his own will, as foon as he found the gua-
rantees of that treaty difarmed. The means by
which the French got a footing in Flanders con-
trary to the treaty of the Pyrenees: the wanton-
a treaty was brought about between France, Spain and Sar-
dinia, under a pretence of maintaining the peace of Italy :
it was agreed to comprehend the King of the Two Sicilies, the
Duke of Modena, the Republic of Genoa, and the Infant
Duke of Parma and Placentia, with engagement by France
and Spain to furniſh 30,000 men, fhould any of the con-
tracting parties ftand in need of affiftance.
b In Sept. 1749, her forces confifted of 150,000 effective
men, ready for action; befides the militia...
* A plan was formed by M. Rouille to have 111 fhips of
the line, 54 frigates, 22 bomb ketches and 25 fire fhips-
always ready in time of peace to put to fear Twenty milli-
ons of livres were appropriated for this fervice, annually.
nefs
THE
15
LATE WAR.
fanction.
neſs with which Lewis XIV. violated the treaty of A. D.
1748.
Nimeguen almoſt before it was definitively figned: Nimeguen.
and the ſtory of the partition treaty, which was Partition
abandoned by France, as foon as it was folemnly treaty.
ratified, are eternal mementos of French perfidy.
To theſe add the conduct of Lewis XV. in regard
to the pragmatic fanction, whofe guaranteeship Pragmatic
was purchaſed at the extraordinary price of the
dutchy of Lorrain, annexed to the crown of
France: yet upon the demise of the Emperor
Charles VI. the armies of this perfidious nation
were prepared, and actually affifted the Elector
of Bavaria, to overturn that very treaty, and to de-
throne the Auſtrian heirefs, whom their King had
fo lately fworn in the name of the Holy Trinity
to protect and deferd from all her enemies. And
in regard to Great Britain alone, the treaty of
Utrecht furniſhes fufficient ideas of that nation's in- Utrecht.
tentions, when our intereft and their own interfere
with each other. By that treaty (twelfth article)
"All Nova Scotia or Acadia, with its ancient
<c
CC
limits, and with all its dependencies, is ceded to
"the crown of Great Britain." And (fifteenth
article)"The ſubjects of France, inhabitants
"of Canada, and elfe where, fhall not difturb or
"inoleft, in any manner whatever, the five Indian
nations, which are fubject to Great Britain,
ર
inor its other American allies."
Clear as theſe articles may feem to be, it is
certain that the French never intended to fubmit
to their contents. They, ever fince they thought Two ob-
trade and commerce an object worthy of their at- French po-
jects of
tention, have kept two capital views in fight, litics.
4
whenever
16
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1748.
whenever America has been the object of confide
ration. The one was to extend themſelves from
Canada fouthwards, through the lakes, along the
back of our colonies: in order to cut off our
communication with the Indian nations, and to
open a communication for themſelves between the
rivers St. Lawrence and Miffiffippi; and thus to
join, as it were, their colonies of Canada and
Louiſiana. The other, and indeed the moſt im-
portant to them and most fatal to the Engliſh, was
to gain a communication with the ocean; the only
acceſs to Canada being commonly fhut up half
the year.
Therefore full of this project of American em-
pire; for, that is the aim of the French, where-
ever they gain a footing; they, in defiance of the
treaty of Utrecht, began, foon after its ratification,
to violate thoſe folemn conceffions, by large en-
Encroach-croachments, &c. In the year 1720, they feized
North upon the important pafs of Niagara, fituate in
America the country of the five Indian nations, from which
begun.
ments in
they were exprefly excluded by the fifteenth arti-
cle; and fortified it, with a view to defend their
encroachments already made and defigned to be
carried on with force upon the British empire in
North America; they being able by this ufurpa-
tion to command the lakes, and at leiſure to extend
themſelves to the Ohio, and to continue a chain of
forts and fettlements down to the Miffiffippi.
The plan of ufurpation on the back of our co-
lonies, from henceforward, went on gradually and
fuccefsfully, from year to year. The Indians,
acknow-
THE LATE WA R.
17
A. D.
1748.
Indians.
acknowledged by the treaty of Utrecht to be under
the dominion of the Britiſh crown, were debauched seduce the
from our intereſt and their allegiance, and fpirited
up to maffacre and fcalp the Engliſh: So that in the
year 1731 the French had the infolence to erect
the fort of Crown Point in the centre of the Five
Nations, and actually within the limits of the pro-
vince of New York; in order more effectually to
expoſe our most valuable colonies to Indian maf-
facrees and French ufurpation, and more eafily to
open a communication with the great ocean, as
may be ſeen by cafting an eye upon its advantage-
ous fituation for theſe purpoſes. Yet fuffered to
proceed without any refentment on the part of the
Britiſh miniſtry!
Nova Sco-
*
The infidelity of the French, in regard to Nova Their
Scotia or Acadia, kept pace with their other con- claim to
duct in North America. This Peninſula, (as it tia or Aca-
were deferted by the British court, which never dia.
thought of fettling it for the national intereſt, till
after the peace of Aix la Chapelle, and where the
French forefaw no refiftance, whenever it ſhould
fuit them beft to make a total feizure thereof for
completing their American plan of empire) laid
expoſed to whatever ufes they thought proper to
put it. They formed a plan, during this long in-
terval, to rob us of this extenſive country, when-
ever they ſhould be able to bring the British mi-
niſtry into a temper to fubmit the title, given us
by treaty, to the uncertain determination of com-
miffaries, as fhall be fhewn hereafter; refolved at
the fame time, if they ſhould not be able to carry
VOL. I.
their
C
18
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1748.
A. D. their point, in that way of negociation, to
ftrengthen themſelves upon the premiſes, and to
ſupport a bad argument by force of arms.
Such was the fituation of affairs in America,
and the moſt certain index of the meaſures taken
by the French, upon the figning of the treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle; in which they gained this fingu-
lar advantage, to encourage them to proceed in
their ufurpations in North America; namely,
That, notwithſtanding it was notorious to all the
world, that the increaſe of their territory and the
diminution of our power, on that continent, had
been the object of the French councils, ever fince
the treaty of Utrecht; and that hoftilities were
commenced in thoſe parts, before the war; the
Weakness Britiſh miniftry, neither availed themſelves of the
Britiſh mi- War to difpoffefs the French of our property; nor,
when they were negociating a peace, does it ap-
pear, that they paid any regard to a point of the
laft importance to Great Britain. If his Majeſty's
plenipotentiaries received no inftructions on that
head, it could not be owing to the want of intel-
ligence; for it is certain that repeated remon-
ftrances were tranfmitted from the Governors of
our colonies againſt the practices of the French;
which ſcarce can be thought to have miſcarried;
or to have been deftroyed or neglected by them in
power.
of the
niftry.
Britiſhcon-
Great Britain, ever credulous, was the only
duct after power that difarmed, and could not believe any
latent evil defign, in the meaſures taken, by her
perfidious neighbours, to break the peace. Even
the peace.
his
THE LATE WAR.
19
his moft gracious Majefty, in his fpeech to both
houſes of parliament on 13 June 1749, was fo
thoroughly fatisfied, That he fays, "All the
powers concerned have declared themſelves in
"fo clear and friendly a manner, on this fubject, as
"leaves no room to doubt of their fincere difpofi-
❝tion to render the peace lafting in all parts." The
failors were diſcharged, the fhips of war laid up:
The ſhipwrights paid off, and permitted to enter,
as did our feamen, into the ſervice of France and
Spain. Our army was reduced to 18,000 men;
and, what was equally as impolitic, we had dif
gufted our late allies; difpofed them to receive
overtures from our natural enemy, and took no
regard to fecure any others; except Bavaria, which
was engaged by an annual fubfidy of 40,000 1.
two thirds to be paid by Great Britain, and the
other by Holland, to keep 6,000 men in pay to
march at the requifition of thoſe powers, for fix
years; but not to be employed againſt the Em-
peror, nor the Empire; with promiſe of in-
demnification by the maritime powers, in caſe Ba-
varia fhould fuffer any damage on this account.
A. D.
1749.
North im-
France.
The affairs of the North, which threatened to Troubles
break out into troubles on the expected death of in the
the King of Sweden, favoured the political con- proved by
duct of France, always ready to fnatch every ad-
vantage from the quarrels of other nations. The
confequences of France's interfering in thofe trou-
bles, on one ſide or other, might be no lefs than
the flames of a new war; which might by treaties
involve us again in connections, that would en-
C 2
tirely
20
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. tirely deprive us of the benefits of peace, and of
Why the
Pruffia
י
d
the means to refent, or provide against the arma-
ments and hoftilities of France, either in Europe
or America. This ſeems to have been foreſeen by
the Britiſh court; and Colonel York, the British
minifter, at that time, at Paris, was ordered " to
found the Marquis of Puyfieux, the French mi-
nifter, concerning the premifes, and the difpofi-
tion of his royal maſter in caſe of a rupture be-
tween Ruffia and Sweden. To whom that mini-
fter replied in fuch terms, as left no room for
doubting of the French monarch's readineſs to
take a part in thoſe troubles. He faid, "That as
"future events are in the hands of Providence,
"time only could diſcover whether that part of
"Europe was really deftined for the renewal of
"broils, and the calamities of war; to ward off
"which his Majefty [Lewis] would neglect no
"means in his power. But that in cafe all his
pains and endeavours ſhould prove fruitleſs, and
"his Majefty be called upon to fulfill his engage-
❝ments with Sweden, it was (from his Majefty's
"well known character) needleſs to inform him
"[Colonel York] that he muſt anſwer the de-
"mand with the exactness and punctuality, which
"the execution of folemn treaties requires."
56
A few days after (March 18) appeared the
King of following expofition of the motives, that determi-
kept up his ned the King of Pruffia to keep his army in
readineſs to march on the firſt warning: "The
army.
In the beginning of March 1749.
e Then confifting of 150,000 men, well provided.
66.
c
King
THE LATE WA R.
21
1749.
King confidering peace and union among the A. D.
"Princes of Europe, as the greateſt happineſs
66
<6
they can aſpire to, his Majefty greatly rejoiced
"to fee the foundations thereof laid at Aix-la-
Chapelle by the contracting parties in the late
treaty of peace. There was nothing wanting
"in order to render this happiness univerfal; but
"the difperfion of the clouds, which feemed to
"be gathering in the North. The King labour-
"ed as effectually, as he poffibly could, to prevent
"the effects thereof.-Nevertheleſs thoſe clouds
"are ftill lowring, and give reaſon to fear that
they may, this approaching fpring, be produc-
-
❝tive of fome event capable of diſturbing the
"tranquillity of the North; unless the wiſdom of
"Divine Providence preferves Europe from this
"difafter.-The extraordinary movements made
<<< in the dominions of fome neighbouring powers, f
"the armaments and preparations carried on
"there, fufficiently intimate, thofe powers are
"filled with the fame apprehenfions, as the King,
"in regard to the interruption of the public tran-
quillity. It becomes the prudence of Sove-
t reigns, when they foreſee events, which may, in
"their confequences, influence the tranquillity of
"their dominions, and of their fubjects, to take,
"long beforehand, the neceffary precautions
66
againſt a fudden furprize.- Such then is the
"motive, which has made the King judge it ne-
f Alluding to Ruffia, Sweden, Denmark, and Auſtria,
who all pretended to arm with the fame views; and to the de-
claration and meaſures of the French.
C 3
ceffary
22
THE GENERAL HISTORY or
A. D.
1749.
French
the neutral
inlands,
"ceffary that he fhould make likewife difpofitions
"for putting his army in a condition to act, in
"order to keep at a diftance from his dominions
"all the unforefeen dangers, that might difturb
"the repofe of his faithful fubjects, &c."
France made fo fure of embroiling Great Britain
feize upon with a northern war, that, inftead of complying
with the directions and obligations of the late
treaty, which had delivered her from the power of
our arms, her minifters were encouraged to raiſe
freth difficulties, and to employ force to defeat the
real intention of the conferences ftipulated to be
held by commiffaries on the difputable points not
fettled by treaty. For, before the day of folemn
thankſgiving for the peace, the nation was alarmed
with the following act of hoftility upon the iſlands,
whofe right had been fubjected to the determina-
tion of the ſaid commiffaries.
French
Gover-
nor's ordi-
The ordinance of the General of the French
windward iſlands in America, of the 7th of
December 1748, N. S.
Ca
h
Harles de Thebieres, dè Levi, de Peſtel, de
Grimoard, Marquis of Caylus, Knight of
the order of St. John of Jerufalem, and of the
thereon, royal and military order of St. Lewis, Com-
mander in Chief of his Majeſty's fhips, his Go-
nance
vernor and Lieutenant General of the iſlands of
છે
25 April 1749.
h Only one month and 26 days after the figning of the de-
finitive treaty at Aix-la-Chapelle.
Marti
THE LATE WAR.
23
1749.
Martinico, Guardalupe, Grande and Petite Terre, A. D.
Defeada, Mary Galant, the Saints Dominico, St.
Lucia, St. Vincent, Bequia, Canaouan, Cairioua-
con, Grenade, and of all the iſlands and iflets
commonly called the Granadillos, Tobago, St.
Bartholomew, St. Martin, Cayan, and the Con-
tinent comprehended between the rivers of the
Amazons and Oronoque.
The iſland of TOBAGO Commonly called Tobacco,
one of thofe under our government, indifputably
belonging to his Majefty, and the property which
he has in it having been authenticly acknowledged
by treaties, and no Prince or fovereign power
whatever laid any pretenfion to the fovereignty,
or dominion of the fame; has obliged us to give
no credit to an information we have received, that
a fmall frigate, ftiling herſelf Engliſh, and autho-
rized by certain pretended powers iffued from the
Governor of Barbadoes, fhould have been about a
month fince at the faid ifland of Tobago; and
there clandeftinely ftuck up to trees in different
parts of the fame a pretended proclamation, im-
porting, that Mr. Greenville, Governor of Bar-
badoes, who in the fame proclamation calls him-
felf, without any foundation, Governor of St.
Lucia, Dominico, St. Vincent and Tobago, to-
gether with all the iſlands, colonies, and planta-
tions in America, commonly called or known by
the name of the Caribbee iflands (which iſlands
and plantations, nevertheleſs indifputably belong-
ing to his Majefty) had ordered the inhabitants of
Tobago, who are all fubjects to his Majefty, to
C 4
quit
24
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1749.
A. D. quit the fame in the ſpace of 30 days, giving
them to underſtand, that they muſt expect military
execution in cafe of their non-compliance; the
nature of fuch an act, and the terms, in which it
is conceived, puts it out of all doubt that it could
never have proceeded from the Governor of Bar-
badoes, but is the work of fome evil difpofed
perfon, and determines us to wave the demanding
any fatisfaction from the pretended author of it,
who in all probability had no hand in it.
Nevertheleſs, it being neceffary to hinder any
perfon, of what quality, condition, and nation
foever they may be, from falling into the fnare
laid for them: We declare to all the fubjects of
his Majeſty, who are fettled upon the ſaid iſland
of Tobago, as well whites, as Indians, Negroes,
Mulattoes, Meftees, and all others, that it may
concern, that we will defend them againſt the
attempts, that any nation, ftrangers to us, may
form against the faid ifland; and that we will fend
them fuch a quantity of ammunition and provi-
fions, as they may ſtand in need of
We prohibit their having any correſpondence or
dealing with the neighbouring colonies, belonging
either to the English, Dutch, or Danes; nor to
fuffer any of them to continue amongst them; or
to permit their coming on fhore in the faid ifland
of Tobago, until fuch time, as we fhall have fent
a commanding officer with regular troops, for their
protection and defence.
It is our will, that theſe prefents be read, pub-
lifhed, and fet up in all the quarters of the faid
inland
THE LATE
LATE
25
WAR.
ifland of Tobago, that no perfon whatever may A. D.
plead ignorance of the fame.
Given under our feal at arms, and the coun-
terſign of our firſt Secretary at Martinico,
the 7th day of December 1748.
Le Marquis DE CAYLUS.
1749.
By his Lordship's command.
MOURET.
i
ed by force,
This ordinance was fupported by two French Maintain-
frigates, one of 40 guns, the other of 36. In
the interim his Britannic Majeſty's ſhip, the Boſton
of 20 guns, Captain Wheeler, arrived at the fame
place. The French commander demanded his
bufinefs there, (which was for wood and water,
aud to prevent the ufurpations of the French on
that neutral iſland) and forbid him to fend his boat
on fhore, or to give any diſturbance to the French
in that iſland; adding that they were furpriſed Mr.
Greenville would take upon him to order any of
the inhabitants to withdraw from off that iſland,
which belonged to his moft Chriftian Majefty,
and that if they found him there again, they
would repel him by force. At the fame time
the French, to prevent any furprize, erected a
battery of twelve guns, and began another of
equal force.
k
The like hoftilities began now alfo to be prac-
tifed in Nova Scotia or Acadia, whofe limits were
i Courlanders Bay.
* Advice from Barbadoes, dated 21 January 1748-9.
referred
26
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1749.
referred to the decifion of commiffaries. Cape
Breton
Breton having been given back by the treaty to
France, the people of New England reprefented
The im- the importance and neceffity of cultivating or co-
Nova Sco- Ionizing this country fo effectually, by deſcribing
its produce, capacious and fafe harbours for fhips
portance of
tia.
of any burden, and fhewing that by its fituation,
it might be made not only a barrier againſt all
the ſchemes and forces of the French in thoſe
parts, for extending their trade; but a key to
their fur-trade and cod-fifhery, and to counteract
any attempts made againft our fettlements on that
coaſt, by the greateſt power France is able to equip
at Cape Breton; that plans were form'd, and his
Ordered to Majeſty approved of one for the better peopling
be fettled. and fettling the province of Nova-Scotia in Ame-
rica, and for extending and improving the fishery
thereof, and eſtabliſhing a civil government.
For what
reafons.
Amongst other arguments to forward this refo-
lution of the British council, it was urged, That
the reſtoration of Louifbourg might prove very
fatal to us in another war, unleſs the government
could be prevailed upon to fettle and fortify Nova-
Scotia, which, as it would be a barrier to all our
northern provinces, and, as it might be made a
check upon Louifbourg and the French encroach-
ments in the fiſhery, would, in time, be of more
ſervice to the nation, than half the colonies already
fettled. That it has a very large extent of fea-
coaft, abounding with fine rivers, bays, and har-
1 In council on 7 March 1749. O. S.
bours,
THE LATÉ WAR.
27
!
bours, and is furrounded with fuch fishing banks
for cod and other fish, as are to be found in no
other part of the world: That the foil is vaftly
prolific in all forts of herbage, grain and fruit,
and abounds with excellent timber. That its
trade, when properly ſettled, would be the greateſt
feminary, we can have, for feamen; and add a
confiderable weight to our commercial intereft,
and greatly enrich his Majefty's kingdoms; the
climate being healthy and agreeable, perfectly
adapted to the Engliſh conftitutions; that it would
want but little encouragement more than a proper
protection under the form of a civil govern-
´ment, and a humane governour.
A. D.
1749*
Tranſports were provided, and proper encou- A large
ragement offer'd to ſuch as would venture upon colony
the ſettlement and cultivation of this colony; and thither.
tranſported
General Cornwallis was appointed their governour,
with a fufficient number of forces, and directions
to fortify the country, and to affure the French,
that ſhould be found within the limits of the
British dominion, in that province, that they
fhould be protected in their fettlements, on the
fole condition of taking an oath of fidelity to his
Britannic Majefty. The number of families,
which entered voluntarily for this colony were
three thouſand ſeven hundred and fifty, and up-
wards; which failed from England in the begin-
ning of May 1748, and arrived at the harbour of Their ar-
Chebuctou, the place of their deftination, to erect rival.
fortifications and to build a regular town, fur-
rounded with a strong pallifade, on the fhore of
one
28
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
749
Town of
Hallifax,
why fo
called.
A. D. one of the moft fecure and commodious havens
in the whole world, and fituated about midway
between cape Canfeau and cape Sable. Which
town was named HALLIFAX in honour of the
noble Earl of that title, who then prefided over
the board of trade and plantations, and had in a
particular manner diftinguiſhed his judgment and
capacity in executing the plan, and his patriotic
zeal in the remarkable diligence and trouble with
which he cheriſh'd and eſtabliſh'd that infant co-
lony ".
Disturbed
by the
French.
Immediately upon the appearance of this power-
ful body, reinforced with two regiments from Cape
Breton, and a company of rangers from Annapo-
lis, the only fort at that time belonging to Great
Britain, on the peninfula, the French fettlers, who,
in time of peace, had affected to call themfelves
Neutrals; but, upon every diſpute between the
two crowns, intrigued with the Indians, and join'd
with their own countrymen in fupport of their
ufurpations, encroachments and hoftilities; either
were compelled by M. de la Corne, or they rejected
the protection of Great Britain, drove away
their cattle, burnt their houſes, and withdrew to
St. John's, &c.
This was follow'd by open hoftilities. A party
of French and Indians, in their intereft, ſeized
upon a veffel belonging to Boſton, in New Eng-
land, Beath, Mafter, at or near Canfeau; and Cap-
The expence incurred this year, by the new colony of
Nova-Scotia, appears by the estimates laid before parliament
to excced 76,0col.
tain
THE LATE WAR.
29
A. D.
1749.
tain Donnel was attack'd at the head of the bay
of Fundy, near Chebuctou: he was wounded, and
had three of his men killed. Every day produced
freſh complaints of the hoftile behaviour of the
French and Indians under their influence: which
obliged the governor to employ force in his own Mcafures
defence. He detached 1000 regular forces under of defence
by the go-
the command of Major Lawrence, with four floops vernment.
of war to Chignectó, to drive out the Indians,
who had been engagd by the French to annoy the
Engliſh ever fince their firft landing. Theſe In-
dians mixed with the neutral French, to the num-
ber of about 800, being entrenched behind ftrong
banks and palifadoes, made cannon-proof, ob-
ftructed their landing. But Major Lawrence, at
the head of a hundred chofen men, made a fecond
attempt about a mile and half from their en-
trenchment; where alfo the enemy detached a ſuf-
ficient party to receive him with their fmall arms;
but he landed in the midſt of their fire, without
returning it, till his men had run up to their
nofes; by which means a great number of the
enemy were killed, before they had time to load
again. The remains fled with great precipitation
under the protection of a French commander, en-
camped on the ground acroſs the river, and claim'd
by France". Major Lawrence defired a parley
with the French commander: in which he de-
manded to know," why the French inhabitants
had ſhaken off their allegiance to the King of Great
✩ He had built a fort here by the name of Beau Sajour.
Britain :"
30
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. Britain:" but could get no other anſwer than, he
1749. had orders to defend that poft; which he was
refolved to obey.
Thus the French were determin'd to feize upon
all Nova-Scotia, beyond the bay of Fundi, from
the river Chignecto to the river St. John. But
both their actions and intentions, in this province,
will more fully appear in the memorial delivered
to the French court by the Earl of Albemarle.
}
Memorial THE under-written Ambaffador-extraordinary
Nova Sco- and Plenipotentiary from his Majefty of Great
concerning
tia.
Britain, has orders from the King his maſter
dated Hanover the 26th of laſt month, to repre-
ſent to the court of France, how much he is fur-
priſed at hearing the violent proceedings of the
French in America, under the authority and di-
rection of M. de la Jonquiere, who has readily
avowed them.
M. Cornwallis, Governor of Nova-Scotia, has
informed the Duke of Bedford, by a letter dated
the ift of May this year, that the French have
taken poffeffion of all that part of Nova-Scotia
beyond the bay of Fundi, from the river Chig-
necto to that of St. John, making the firſt the
limits of that province.
They have reduced Beubaffin to afhes, and car-
ried to the other fide of the river the inhabitants
with their effects; compelled them to take up
arms, and form'd them into companies; fo that
the Sieur La Corne, a French officer, has at that
place, under his command, a body of 2500 men,
I
made
THE LATE WA R.
31
made up of regular troops, Canadians and In- A.D.
dians.
The Sieur La Corne and father Loutre, a French
miffionary, have made ufe of repeated and innu-
merable promiſes and menaces, in order to per-
ſuade all the inhabitants of the province to leave
the country.
The inhabitants declare openly their abhorrence
of theſe proceedings; but the Sieurs La Corne
and Loutre threaten them with a general maffacre
from the Indians, if they remain in the province.
They ſupport and protect openly the Indians, our
declared enemies; who inlift under the banners of
France. They detain the King's fubjects, his of-
ficers and foldiers prifoners. They excite the
King's French fubjects to rebellion, and thofe,
who remain loyal, they threaten with deftruction.
They ſend their Indian ſlaves all over the country,
where they are guilty of all forts of outrages.
They have ſet fire to the town acknowledged
by themſelves to appertain to his Britannic Ma-
jeſty.
Governor Cornwallis fent the Sieur Lawrence,
Major of foot, with a detachment to Chignecto;
where he arrived on the 20th of laſt April. They
faw the French fet fire to the town of Chignecto,
French colours planted on the ditches, and the
Sieur De la Corne at the head of his detachment,
braving Major Lawrence, and declaring that he
would defend, to the laft, that ground as belong-
ing to France.
The
1749.
32
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
The Sieur De la Corne having fent to defire a
1749. conference with the Sieur Lawrence, the latter,
accompanied by two captains of foot, went to
meet him, and demanded by whofe orders he had
thus come into his Britannic Majefty's territories,
and committed fuch acts of violence. The Sieur
De la Corne anſwer'd: it was by thofe of M. De
la Jonquiere, who had alfo commanded him to
take poffeffion of Chippodi, John's river, Mamram,
Cooke, Pitcordiack, and of all that country, as
far as the river, which was on the right hand of
Major Lawrence, as belonging to his moſt Chriſ
tian Majeſty; or, at leaſt, that he was to keep
and defend it as fuch, till fuch time as the limits
were fettled by commiffaries appointed for that
purpoſe.
Though the Sieur Lawrence had under his com-
mand a detachment of regular troops, very little
inferior to that commanded by Sieur De la Corne,
he forebore committing any hoftilities, in obedience
to the King of Great Britain's orders for that pur-
poſe.
The King cannot perfuade himſelf that theſe acts
of violence have been committed with the know-
ledge of the court of France, and he is fo fully
convinced of his moft Chriftian Majefty's equity,
and his defire to maintain a good underſtanding
between the two crowns, that he affures himſelf
the moſt Chriſtian King will readily fhew his dif-
approbation of fuch conduct.
Governor Cornwallis has never made, nor de-
figned to make any fettlements out of the limits
of
THE LATE WAR.
33
of the Peninfula, which the French before never
pretended to belong to them: the King of Great
Britain having had no intention in forming a fet-
tlement in his province of Nova Scotia, to en-
croach on the rights of his moſt Chriſtian Majefty,
or to take forcible poffeffion of a country, of
which the King had referred the right of property
to the decifion of commiffaries appointed for that
purpoſe, before it was poffible for them to have
met in order to proceed to the fettling of the
limits.
The under-written ambaffador has orders to de-
mand, that the conduct of M. de la Jonquiere be
difavowed, that pofitive orders be ſent to him im-
mediately to withdraw his troops and the Indians
under his authority, from the places which be-
long to Great Britain; that amends be made for
the acts of violence which have been committed;
and the damages which the King's fubjects have
fuffered: And his Majefty is perfuaded that the
court of France will make no difficulty, to give
the under-written Ambaffador a duplicate of the
orders, which will be fent to the governor of Ca-
nada, that he may tranfmit them to his court.
Done at Compeigne the 7th of July 1750.
Sign'd ALBEMARLE,
The Marquis of Puyfieulx anfwered this me-
morial, by a letter to the Earl of Albemarle,
dated the 23d of July 1750. in the form follow-
ing.
VOL. I.
夏
​D
SIR,
A. D.
1750.
34
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1750.
The an-
fwer by the
France.
SIR,
IN the memorial, which your excellency has
given me concerning the complaints of M.
court of Cornwallis, Governor of Acadia, are contained
many facts, ſo contrary to the equity of his Ma-
jefty, the inftructions of M. De la Jonquiere,
and that, if they are found to be fuch, as they are
repreſented, the King will take care juſtice fhall
be done to his Britannic Majefty's fubjects, and
will give ſuch freſh orders, as will prevent the riſe
of any diſpute of what kind foever between the
two nations, his Majeſty being thoroughly per-
fuaded his Britannic Majefty will give, on his fide,
orders to the fame purpoſe.
Give me leave, Sir, to tell you, I cannot be pre-
vailed upon to believe, but that the facts are expo-
fed with too much exaggeration, and from my know-
ledge of M. de la Jonquiere's prudence, and the in-
ftructions which he has, I am forry M. Cornwallis has
not applied for redrefs, before he had made com-
plaints to his court. I fent your memorial, as foon as
Ireceiv'd it, to M. Rouille, and defir'd he would take
the proper ſteps, to be inform'd in a ſpeedy and pre-
cife manner, of what has paffed at Canada, fo as
may be enabled to give your excellency a more
pofitive anſwer. I have the honour to be, &c.
I
Sign'd PUYSIEULX.
Soon after the French miniftry gave the Earl of
Albemarle a letter, wrote by M. Rouille to M. De
la Jonquiere, in which he was defired to forbear
hoftilities upon the fubjects of England; which
entirely
THE LATE WAR.
35
entirely anſwered the ends of the court of France,
to keep Great Britain inactive, and to gain time
to execute their own perfidious fchemes. For M.
Cornwallis was not properly reinforced, to drive
the French from their encroachments, and they
kept their ground, and continued their hoftilities,
till the year 1755. when they were driven out by
the New England troops.
The French infincerity on this occafion is very
eafily to be gathered from this evaſive anſwer.
But on the 15th of September following the
French miniſtry delivered a memorial to Lord Al-
bemarle; by way of confutation of that delivered
on the part of his Britannic Majefty; in which
counter-memorial they deny moſt of the facts laid
to the charge of their governor and officers in Ca-
nada and Acadia; and ſpeak of the limits of the
province of Nova Scotia in the moft quibbling
manner.
A. D.
1750.
rations of
North A-
The French did not confine their operations of Other ope-
war to the limits of Nova Scotia or Acadia. This the French
was only the fagg end of their grand American court in
ſcheme. The ſtrength and riches of their mother merica.
country were found to increaſe in proportion to
their power and trade in the Weft Indies and
they were as fully fatisfied, that their fugar
iſlands could not be fupported, with the deſirable
advantage, unleſs they could be fupplied with
provifions, lumber and other neceffaries from the
plantations, under the dominion of France in
North America. Such is the natural connection
of thoſe two parts of the new world; which puts
D 2
our
36
THE GENERAL HISTORY of
A. D.
1750.
our enemies upon meaſures to procure thofe con-
veniences by intrigue, breach of faith, mifinter-
pretation of treaties, unjuft claims, ufurpations
and encroachments in times of peace, which they
could not obtain by treaty, or by force and arms.
They purſued this plan, for many years, by erect-
ing a cordon of forts and garrifons on our back
fettlements, from the bay of Fundy, in Nova Sco-
tia, to fort du Quefne, on the confines of Virginia :
and, when they diſcover'd the inattention of the
Engliſh miniſtry towards thoſe encroachments, at
the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, they immediately
prepared to carry on their approaches towards the
fea; ftrengthen'd and increas'd their fortifications;
augmented their forces on the continent, and pro-
ceeded in every other manner, as people deter-
min'd to carry their point by furpriſe; as thoſe
regions on the fouth of the bay of St. Lawrence
did not fall under the article of difputable points
to be decided by commiffaries: tho' the feveral
provinces under the Britiſh dominion had, from
time to time, remonſtrated to their court, in the
ſtrongeſt terms,againſt the French practices amongſt
our Indian allies, and their encroachments on our
territories.
•
Theſe new friends, to confirm us in a belief of
their fincerity, not only took thefe early fteps to
eſtabliſh their own trade and intereft upon more
certain grounds, than the faith and courteſy of
their neighbours; but they glanced at every ob-
ject, which appeared in favour of Great Britain,
• See 15th article of the treaty of Utrecht.
to
THE LATE WAR.
37
to render it abortive, and to avail themfelves of A. D.
our miscarriages.
1750.
mentary
the African
Immediately upon the concluſion of the peace, Parlia-
the miniftry attempted to efface fome of the po- refolutions
pular diflike, they had incurr'd thereby, with cer- concerning
tain parliamentary regulations for the improve- trade.
ment of commerce. Amongſt theſe was the
monopoly of our African trade to the coaft of
Guinea; by which our plantations and fugar
iſlands are fupplied with negroes; and a very ex-
tenfive traffic is carried on for Britiſh manufactures.
This monopoly, in the African company, was be-
come extremely obnoxious to the nation in ge-
neral; but more particularly to the merchants ad-
venturers in thoſe feas; who having made their
allegations good before parliament, the trade was
made free and open, and the protection of that
navigation and trade was committed to the crown.
French
um-
thereat,
The benefits of theſe national reſolutions ariſing The
to our ſugar iſlands, plantations and manufactures take um-
could not eſcape the envy of the French. They brage
look'd upon this parliamentary act to be intended
for the fupport of an excluſive right to the trade
of Guinea, to which the French could pretend no
claim by right of difcovery: but now infift upon
a fhare, under the fole argument, that as the fea
is free, they have a right to trade on that coaſt,
as well as the Engliſh. M. Durand was fent to Endeavour
London from Paris on this errand, to try what to get it
might be done by intrigue and bold affertions: land.
And in the mean time the French court encouraged
their merchants to fit out fhipping for the African
D 3
and
from Eng-
38
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1750.
Remon-
ftrances
Ame-
and Guinea trade, with promiſes to fupport them
with fufficient force againſt the Engliſh '.
Thus France was covering her hoftile defigns
under the profpect of a fallacious peace, and pre-
paring to act with vigour, could Great Britain be
lulled aſleep in an infidious fecurity, or chain'd
down to the continent of Europe, by the part fhe
would be obliged to take in the quarrels of the
northern and German powers, could their diſputes
be, in any wife, blown up into a ſtorm.
The affair of Tobago, and the like ufurpations
from me on St. Lucia, and the other neutral iſlands, were
rica againſt repreſented by the Governor, &c. of Barbadoes to
behaviour. Our court 2. The Governor of the infant colony
their hoftile
Tranfmit-
of Nova Scotia tranfmitted his complaints of the
hoftile obſtructions thrown in the way, by the
French, to the peaceable fettling of that province.
And fuch remonftrances were fent from the other
colonies in North America, as reprefented the im-
minent danger, to which they were expofed, from
the continual encroachments of the French.
The Britiſh court tranfmitted theſe accounts to
ed to Paris. the Earl of Albemarle, their ambaffador at Paris,
The French fent twelve merchant fhips, under convoy
of two men of war, to the coaſt of Guinea, on which were
embarked 250 pieces of cannon, and a large quantity of am-
munition and provifions, to eftabliſh forts, &c. in thofe
parts.
9 Having first tried to bring the Marquis de Caylus to rea-
fon, by fending the Cheſterfield and Richmond men of war,
and Speedwell floop, to deter him from fuch proceedings,
but without effect.
with
THE
39
LATE WAR.
1750.
with proper inftructions on the reſpective heads of A. D.
complaint againſt thofe acts of violence; fo con-
trary to the letter and tenor of the late treaty, and
to the conduct of Great Britain. And by this
time the ſtorm, which had feemed gathering in the
North, on which depended the final refolu-
tion of the French miniſtry, in regard to the mea-
fures they were to keep with Great Britain, being
blown over, or rather prevented by the vigilance,
activity and ſtrength of the King of Pruffia, whofe
deſtruction appears to have been threatened by a
treaty figned, about this time, between Vienna "
and Peterſburg; though the Czarina's intermed-
ling with the fucceffion of Sweden, and its form of
government was the public pretence for fo many
armaments; they took the ſhorteſt way to excul-
pate themſelves to our Ambaſſador, by abfolutely
difavowing the proceedings, of their Governor Difavowed
Caylus, on Tobago, &c. and of their Command- by France.
er in Acadia; and further the French miniftry
promiſed, that, if it fhould be proved that any
thing of fuch a nature was in agitation, immedi-
ate orders ſhould be given to put a ftop thereunto.
And in order to induce a belief of their fincerity
in this declaration, they indirectly accuſed the
Governor of Barbadoes's account of fiction or
mifrepreſentation, by affuring our minifter, that
no body had been fent to Tobago from Mar-
T
Importing, that if either power fhall be attacked in
any part of its dominions, by chriftians, or infidels, the other
fhall immediately march 50,000 auxiliaries according to the
terms ftipulated in the convention.
D 4
tinico;
40
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
$750.
No redrefs,
but further
tinico; and that they were well informed, that
the battery complained of, and the two fhips of
war, which were upon the coaft, to defend the
entry, were the fole work and property of certain
privateers, lately put out of commiffion; and that
meaſures ſhould be taken to puniſh them, and to
prevent the like for the future.
Nevertheleſs the Marquis de Caylus continued
grounds of to keep poffeffion and to fortify Tobago, in the
complaint. ftrongeſt manner, and with the utmoſt diligence.
For, by advices from Barbadoes, dated July the
24th 1749, it appears, that feveral families were
then tranfporting themſelves and effects from Mar-
tinico, and that the French Governor had declar-
ed; he would not give it up. And when Commo-
dore Holbourne, with the Rofe Captain Bladwell,
and the Jamaica floop Captain Galbreath failed to
Martinico, with the King of France's orders, as
delivered to our Ambaffador at Paris, to be for-
warded by the Britiſh miniftry, by the way of Bar-
badoes, to M. Caylus, for the immediate evacu-
ation of the islands of St. Lucia, Dominico, St.
Vincent and Tobago, and appeared with thofe dif
patches on the coaft of that ifland; a boat was
fent off, to forbid their landing. Whereupon the
Commodore fent his diſpatches afhore by his fecre-
tary and Captain Bladwell, charging them to en-
quire the reafon, why they were not permitted to
land? To which the commanding officer, that
acted
upon the occafion, anfwered, that it was by
the order of M. Caylus, who was reprefented to be
a confiderable diftance from his place of refidence,
at
THE LATE WAR.
4I
$750.
at that juncture; and that the Commodore fhould A. D.
have a final anſwer in twelve hours. But this
was only a fineffe in the Governor to gain time:
For M. Caylus was really upon the fpot: who,
after fome confultation, fent orders for the Engliſh
ſhips of war to depart from that coaft, he [M,
Caylus] having no orders from his maſter about
evacuations.
Commodore Holbourne withdrew, and ordered
the Tavistock to call by the way at the iſland of St.
Lucia; where alſo the Captain had the mortifica-
tion to ſee the Britiſh flag infulted with a command
from the French to depart in twelve hours:
which he was obliged to obey. Such was the good
faith of our new friends.
lus's at-
M. Caylus, having thus eluded the orders of
his court, tranfmitted by the way of England:
but fatisfied, that, if an expedient could not be
foon deviſed, in favour of his maſter's pretenfions,
he fhould be obliged to comply with a repetition
of the late orders, had recourfe to a treaty of ac-
commodation, by which he endeavoured to draw
the Governor of Barbadoes into a direct acknow- M.de Cay-
ledgment of the French King's equal right and tempt to
title to that iſland of Tobago, with his Britannic draw us in-
Majefty, by a claufe importing, "That the Kings ceffion pre-
of Great Britain and France, fhall entirely pre- his Britan-
judicial to
"ſerve their reſpective pretenfions to this ifland, nic Majef-
ty's right
"&c." By which Great Britain would have been and title.
mifled into a conceffion of a right claimed by the
French to that iſland, and given the conferences
of their commiffaries greater weight in that cafe,
to a con-
than
42
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1750.
than all the proofs drawn from hiftory and treaties;
and furniſh'd them with a plaufible pretence at any
time to feize upon that ifland, ſhould nothing be
concluded by the commiffaries. However, though
the deception was feen through, this negociation
ſo far anſwered the purpoſes of the French, as to
procraftinate and puzzle, as much as poffible, in
expectation of a more favourable opportunity, or
to gain fome advantage by equivocal, or unguard-
ed expreffions.
During this negociation another incident hap-
pened, which was the death of M. Caylus, to
drive off the evacuation. For, advices from Bar-
badoes of the 24 June following relate, That
not only Caylus, but his fucceffor M. Point Sable
was alſo dead, without taking one ftep to evacu-
ate the iſlands; and that the French continued to
clear the lands in Tobago, and to complete their
ſettlements with negroes, and every neceſſary for
people determined to maintain their footing.
The inclination of the French court for the
neutral iſlands put them upon another expedient,
when they had fpun their thread of negociation,
as long as it would bear, at Martinico. A demand
of fatisfaction for an infult pretended to be com-
mitted upon the Galathea, a French frigate, by
the Governor of Nevis, was thrown in the way,
and magnified in fuch a manner, as to make it a
fufficient remora to the above mentioned evacua-
tions.
The behaviour of the French in regard to Nova
Scotia was equally as trifling, infincere and faila-
cious
THE LATE WAR.
43
·
cious. The British court backed their remon-
ftrances with the moft authentic and unconteftable
$
A. D.
1750.
French
continue
lities in
proofs of their King's title to Acadia within its
ancient limits. The French temporized; it was
not yet a time to renew the war. They endea-
voured to ftop the prefent clamour with ftrong af
furances of preventing the like to come. But,
thefe promiſes and orders were made and executed
with just as little fincerity and punctuality, as thoſe
relative to the neutral iſlands. Inftead of laying The
down their arms and withdrawing from their en-
croachments, the French built a fort on the neck their hoſti-
of the Peninſula called Bay Verte, another on the Nova Sco-]
north of Bay Fundy, and a third on the river St. tia.
John, within the limits of Nova Scotia; and
added both force and treachery to diſturb and to
diſcourage the new fettlers in that province.
For, Captain Bartlo reconoitring the country about
Chiconecto, with a party of Rangers, fell into an
ambuſh of French Indians, who killed him, took
an enfign, and alfo took, and killed, 13 private
men; and then joined Monf. Le Corne, who
hoifted the French flag on the other fide of the
river, and declared he had orders to defend all to
the northward, as the property of the French
s The Lords of trade and plantations produced an act
whereby it appeared that all the Indian Chiefs within the
whole extent of Acadia, took an oath of fidelity to King
George I. in 1725, agreeable to the treaty of Utrecht, which
was tranſmitted with the remonftrances againſt the French en-
eroachments, to the Earl of Albemarle for the perufal of the
French court.
I
King.
44
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1750.
Treach-
tain Cobb.
King. Captain Cobb, who commanded a floop
in the public fervice, hovering off St. John's in
rous deal- Nova Scotia, had alſo like to have fallen a facri-
ings to-
wards Cap- fice to thofe fame people. The French decoyed him
afhore under a friendly pretence. But he was prefent-
ly furrounded, and made a priſoner by a band of In-
dians, who threatned to kill him. In the mean
time a French officer, going aboard, attempted to
get poffeffion of the floop by way of fecurity or
ranſom for the Captain's life; which fo exafperat-
ed the mate, or Lieutenant, that he declared his
reſolution to defend the floop; and further, that
he would hang him, meaning the French officer,
as a treacherous villain, if Captain Cobb was not
immediately releaſed, and fent on board: which
had its defired effect,
Ignorance
tish m--y
As for their other encroachments and ufurpa-
of the Bri- tions, our miniftry were fo deficient in their know-
concerning ledge concerning the juft limits of the Britiſh
of North provinces on the fouth of St. Lawrence's, and
the bounds
America.
Ohio com-
pany a
means to
inform
them.
for many years fo regardleſs of their fecurity and
protection; and the French fo artful in their
deſcriptions, and pertinacious in their claims,
that they paffed almoſt unnoticed, till the Ohio
company rouſed them from that American lethar-
gy, which had for many years feized upon the
British cabinet.
The merchants intereſted in that company,
feconded the remonftrances of the provincials fo
warmly, that the miniſtry began feriouſly to ſet
about the means to fettle the differences left un-
decided by the definitive treaty, and to enquire
into
THE LATE WA R.
45
into the nature and reality of the French encroach- A. D.
ments, eſpecially on the banks of the Ohio. Of 1750.
which we may look upon the following act of
hoftility committed by the Governor of Canada,
and the proceedings thereupon to be full evi-
dence.
the French
Ohio.
In the year 1750, the Marquis de la Jonquiere, Hoftilities
Governor of Canada, fent ſeveral detachments of begun by
troops, not only to Acadia or Nova Scotia, but on the
to the country upon the Ohio; where they feized
four Engliſh traders, confifcated their goods, and
fent them by the way of Quebec to Rochelle in
Old France, where they were caft into the com-
mon goal. Thefe prifoners having found means
to repreſent their cafe and fituation to Lord Albe-
marle then at Paris, his Lordship tranfmitted the
fame to Lord Holderneffe, Secretary of State, at
London, in the manner following:
66
Paris March 1, 1752.
ter con-
three Eng-
on the
I must acquaint your Lordſhip, that in the Lord Albe-
month of November laft, I received a let- marle's let-
ter from three perfons, figning themfelves, John cerning
Patton, Luke Irwin and Thomas Bourke; repre- lith prifon-
ſenting to me, that they were Engliſhmen, who ers taken
had been brought to Rochelle, and put into pri- Ohio.
fon there, from whence they wrote; having been
taken by the French ſubjects, who feized their
effects, as they were trading with the English and
other Indians on the Ohio, and carried prifoners
to Quebec; from whence they have been ſent
over to Rochelle; where they were hardly uſed.
Upon
:
46
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1750.
Another
letter on
the fame
account.
Upon this information I applied to M. St. Con-
teſt, and gave him a note of it, claiming them as
the King's fubjects, and demanding their liberty,
and the reftitution of their effects, that had been
unjustly taken from them.
Theſe three perfons, I find by the paper your
Lordſhip has fent me, are of the number of thoſe
demanded of the French by Mr. Clinton, and
named in M. de la Jonquiere's letter. I have
wrote to a merchant at Rochelle to enquire after
them, and to fupply them with money, to make
their journey hither, if they are not gone; that I
may receive from them all the informations necef-
fary, on my feeing M. St. Conteft next Tuefday.
I will repreſent the cafe to him, in obedience to
his Majeſty's commands, that la Jonquiere may
have pofitive orders to defift from the unjuſtifiable
proceedings complained of; to releaſe any of his
Majefty's fubjects he may ftill detain in prifon,
and to make ample reftitution of their effects.
And I fhall take care to fhew him the abfolute ne-
ceffity of fending inftructions to their feveral
Governors, not to attempt any fuch encroach-
ments for the future."
Accordingly Lord Albemarle, by a letter dated
the 8th of March, further writes to Lord Hol-
derneffe," That he had feen M. Rouille, deli-
vered to him a note of the feveral complaints he
had orders to make againſt M. de la Jonquiere's
conduct, and told him, in general, the contents
of it; infifting, for the prefervation of a good
under-
THE LATE WAR.
47
A.D.
1750.
underſtanding between the two crowns, upon the
neceffity of fending fuch poſitive orders to all
their governors, as might effectually prevent, for
the future, any fuch encroachments on his Ma-
jeſty's territories, and committing fuch violence
on his fubjects, as had been done in time paft;
adding to this remonftrance, that he hoped, they
would be taken into confideration quickly, that
he might be able to give him an anſwer next
week, or as foon afterwards as he poffibly could.
That M. Rouille had promiſed to uſe his beſt en- M. Rouille
deavours for that purpoſe; and affured him that promiſes
it was the intention of the court of France to
prevent any diſputes arifing that might tend to
alter the prefent correfpondence between the two
nations, and it might be depended upon that fuch
orders fhould be fent to their Governors accord-
ingly."
redrefs.
memorial.
At the fame time Lord Albemarle mentioned
this affair to M. Rouille his Lordship delivered
him a memorial, which among other things, com- Lord Al-
plained, "Of the French encroachments on the bemarle's
Ohio, and demanded that the moſt exprefs orders
ſhould be ſent to M. de la Jonquiere to deſiſt from
his unjuſt proceedings, and in particular to caufe
the fort, which they had undertaken to build on
the river Niagara, to be immediately razed, and
the French and others in their alliance, who may
happen to be there, to retire forthwith; as like-
wife to ſet the fix Engliſhmen, whom they had
made priſoners at liberty, and to make them am-
ple fatisfaction for the wrongs and loffes they
have
48
THE GENERAL HISTORY of
A. D. have fuffered; and laftly, that the perfons who
1750. have committed theſe exceffes, be puniſhed in
Commifla-
ries ap-
pointed
ſuch a manner as might ferve for an example to
thofe, who ſhould venture on any like attempt."
Though theſe remonftrances and complaints
were founded upon the moſt notorious acts of hof-
tility; they produced no other effect than the re-
leafe of the 3 prifoners at Rochelle. No reftitution,
nor reparation of damages was ever made, or in-
tended by France for the loffes fuftained by the
Britiſh fubjects. And the French court were fo
far from calling Jonquiere to an account, or re-
ftraining him from purfuing his encroachments,
that he was encouraged to complete the ufurpa-
tions he had begun on the back of all our provinces
in North America: for he had prepared a confi-
derable army for that fervice, and was, when
death prevented him in March 1752, to execute
his intentions for that purpoſe: and it might have
convinced the British miniftry of the infincerity
of the court of France in all their anfwers to our
grievances, that the blame did not reft upon M.
de la Jonquiere, for, his fucceffor M. du Quefne
was immediately diſpatched with the fame inftruc-
tions; and did not abate, in the leaft, the diligence,
with which his predeceffor had fpread the terror of
the French power in that vaft continent; and car-
ried their encroachments every day further and
further; confiding in their fuccefs of deceiving
the Britiſh court with fair promifes.
Commiffaries were appointed, and fent to
Paris well inftructed and provided with irrefra-
4
gable
THÈ LATE WAR.
49
A. D.
1750.
to fettle
limits, &c.
gable proofs of his Britannic Majefty's right and
title to the diſputable articles, referred to their
cognizance and determination by the definitive
treaty; the Lords of trade and plantations hav-
ing fearched every treaty and record, both on the
part of England and France, that could be pro-
duced equitably in that debate, by way of proof,
France, which never intended to terminate an How re-
affair, in which they were fure to be worfted, had
liſhed by
avoided, as much as poffible, this appointment;
and received the Engliſh commiffaries with fo
much coolness and backwardneſs, as promifed no
happy iffue to their conferences.
France,
by Britiſh
ries.
William Shirley and William Mildmay, Efqrs. Commifli-
opened their commiffion at Paris, on the 21ft of
on opened
September 1750, with a memorial reciting the commiffa-
twelfth article of the treaty of peace concluded
at Utrecht, the 11th of April 1713; " Whereby
"the moſt Chriftian King agreed, amongst other
"particulars, to yield and make over by folemn
"and authentic letters, or inftruments, all Novą
"Scotia or Acadia, with its ancient boundaries;
* as alſo the city of Port Royal, now called An-
"napolis Royal, and all other things in thoſe
"
parts, which depend on the faid lands, &c."
And that in conformity to this treaty, the faid
moft Chriftian King by his letters and authentic
acts, figned with his own hand at Marli, dated in
the month of May 1713, "did yield up for ever
86 to the faid late Queen of Great Britain, the
"faid country of Nova Scotia or Acadia, in its
entire, conformable to its ancient limits, as alfo
VOL. I.
E
"the
50
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1750.
Bounds of
tia or Aca-
66
66
"the city of Port Royal, now called Annapolis
Royal, and generally all that depends on the
"faid lands, &c, to be poffeffed for the future in
"full fovereignty and propriety, with all the
rights acquired by him the faid King, and his
fubjects, by treaty or otherwife, by the faid
Queen, and the crown of Great Britain, mak-
ing over to her, to this effect, full and entire
poffeffion for ever."
"C
CC.
(c
ર
Then the faid commiffaries declared what thoſe
Nova Sco- limits are, which they demanded on the part of
dia de- Great Britain, as the true boundaries of the faid
manded by
his Britan- territories of Nova Scotia or Acadia, in its entire,
nic Majef- conformable to its antient limits; namely-" On
"the weft towards New England, by the river
"Penobſcot, alias Pentagoet, beginning at its en-
' trance and from thence drawing a ftraight line
"northward to the river St. Lawrence, or the
ty.
CE
great river of Canada.On the north by the
"faid river of St. Lawrence, going along the
"fouth fide of it to Cape Rofiers, fituated at its
"entrance.-To the eaft by the great gulph of
"St. Lawrence, from the faid Cape Rofiers,
"running fouth-eastwards by the islands of Ba-
"calao or Cape Breton, leaving theſe iſlands at
"the right; and the gulph of St. Lawrence and
"Newfoundland, with the islands belonging
"thereto, on the left, unto the Cape or Promon-
،، tory called Cape Breton.-And to the fouth by
"the great Atlantic ocean, drawing to the fouth-
weft from the faid Cape Breton, by the Cape
Sable, taking in the iſland of that name, round
es about
66
THE LATE WAR.
51
"about the bay of Fundi, which goes up eastward
46
to the country, at the entrance of the river Pe-
"nobſcot, alias Pentagoet."
Theſe were the limits, which they offer'd to
prove were the ancient boundaries intended by the
treaty above-mention'd: And agreeable thereto
the Britiſh commiffaries demanded all the lands,
continents, iſlands, bays, coafts, rivers and places,
compriſed within the faid limits, or dependant on
the faid Nova Scotia or Acadia, bounded as above,
with the fovereignty, &c. which the Chriftian
King, &c. ever had in the ſaid lands, &c. as be-
longing to the crown of Great Britain, by virtue
of the twelfth article of the treaty of Utrecht,
without refervation or diminution; including alfo
the lands or territories weftward, between the ri-
vers Penobſcot and Kennebequi, which the French
had pretended, at divers times, to be a part of the
faid Acadia; tho' the faid lands did always belong
to the crown of Great Britain.
Then the commiffaries concluded with a de-
mand, That neceffary orders fhould be diſpatched
for the due execution of the faid twelfth article of
the treaty of Utrecht, agreeable to the true inten-
tion and ſpirit of the fame, as alfo for the with-
drawing of all the eſtabliſhments made by the fub-
jects of his moft Chriftian Majefty, if any there
might be within the limits, as above.
A. D.
1750.
On the part of France were appointed La Gal- Commiffa-
liffoniere and De Silhouette, who by a refcript of part of
* See the memorials of the English and French commiffa-
ries, 4to. vol. I. p. 3, &c.
E 2
the
ries on the
France,
their an
fwer.
52
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1750.
A. D. the fame date pretended and affirm'd, That by
ceding Annapolis Royal, diſtinctly by itſelf, it ap
pears not to have been compriſed within the an-
cient limits of Acadia, according to the moſt an-
cient defcriptions of the country, and confequently,
that the ancient Acadia made but a part of the
peninfula fo called. That the iſland of Canfeau
being fituated in one of the embouchures of the
gulph of St. Lawrence, could not be ceded by his
Chriſtian Majeſty, as part of Acadia: And that
nothing had been altered by the treaty of Utrecht,
in regard to the limits between New France and
New England, from what they were before that.
Limits of treaty. And by another memorial thefe French
ancient A- negociators fix the ancient limits of Acadia, from
cording to the extremity of la Baye-françoife, depuis le Cap
the French de Sainte-Marie, or le Cap Fourchu, then along
the coaft as far as Cap Canfeau ".
cadia, ac-
account.
The na-
Britain's
claim.
•
W
This proceeding obliged the Britiſh commiffaries
ture of the to defcend to particulars, and on the eleventh of
proofs for
the King January 1751, they deliver'd a very long memo-
of Great rial
concerning the limits of Nova Scotia or
Acadia, to evince the truth of thoſe limits, de-
A. D. fcribed, and demanded, by them, in their memo-
1751 rial of the 21ft of September laft, and to demon-
ftrate his Britannic Majefty's juft title to all the
lands, &c. comprehended within them, by au-
thentic facts and concluſive evidence; they being
able to ſupport every part of their claim, not
only from feveral declarations and acts of ſtate,
on the part of the crown of France; but alſo,
Ibid. p. 13, &c.
u Ibid. p. 10, II.
from
THE LATE WAR.
53
A. D.
1751..
from the uniform poffeffion of that crown, for
many years, both before and after the treaty of
Breda; which crown, as often as it claim'd and
poffefs'd Acadia, claim'd and poffefs'd it in that
extent, and with the fame limits they demand it.
The French commiffaries, in their memorial *, The eva-
five reply
above-mention'd, by way of difcouragement, held of the
out a plan to fhew the difficulties, with which French.
they could embroil, and the length, into which
they were able to protract theſe conferences; and
thereby the little fuccefs the Engliſh had to ex-
pect from them. They, to the loofe manner, in
which they anſwered our demand of the entire
country of Nova Scotia or Acadia, added a me-
mento of the claims their mafter had on us in
other places and that the definitive treaty did
not confine their conferences to the limits of
Acadia only, but empower'd them to fettle the
limits of all their other colonies, and all other
matters left undecided at Aix-la-Chapelle.
of the Eng-
But instead of difcouraging, they hereby drew The ſpirit-
from the Engliſh commiffaries the following fpi- ed anfwer
rited declaration: "With refpect to the bounda- lifh com-
"ries of any other dominions belonging to the
"two crowns in America, it is fufficient for us
66
.
to ſay, That the prefent difcuffion is confin'd
fingly to the limits of Acadia or Nova Scotia :
"But fhould any difference of opinion hereafter
"arife in deciding what are the limits of any other
of his Britannic Majefty's territories in North
miflaries.
* See ibid.
P. II.
E 3
"Ameri-
54
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1751.
<<
2
"America, our mafter, the King of Great Bri-
“tain, defirous on the one hand, in no inſtance,
to break in upon the rights of his neighbours,
"will on the other be found ready to affert and
"vindicate his own "." Concluding their long,
memorial, which has connected, in a moſt judi-
cious and impartial manner, every fact and evi-
dence effential to the matter in queftion, with this
juſt and fenfible challenge : " As the poffeffion
"As
"of Nova Scotia or Acadia, with its ancient li-
"mits, was finally determin'd to Great Britain,
"by the execution of the treaty of Utrecht ;
"what were thoſe ancient limits is the only mat-
"ter now in difpute; and as we have afcertain'd
"the limits, with which his Majefty claims Aca-
<dia or Nova Scotia, under that treaty, and pro-
"duced our proofs of that claim, it is equally
"incumbent on the commiffaries of the court of
"France to fet forth particularly the limits,
"which the court of France would affign as the
66 true limits of Acadia or Nova Scotia, and to
"produce their proofs in fupport of them."
•
Thus ftood the cafe of the difputable article
concerning the limits of Acadia or Nova Scotia,
ſeemingly more embarraſs'd, by the French tena-
ciouſneſs, than ever; which join'd to the com-
plaint of their not having fulfilled that article of
the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, concerning the de-
molition of Dunkirk, prognofticated no long con-
tinuance of the peace between the two crowns.
!
y Ibid. p. 65.
z Ibid. p. 81.
To
THE LATE WAR.
55
1751.
concern-
To fpin thefe conferences out to the greateft A. D.
length, the French commiffaries, without taking
any notice of the affair of Acadia or Nova Scotia,
produced on the 11th of February 1751, N. S.
a memorial concerning the neutral ifland of St. French
Lucia, only; which is fet off with a preface or memorial
preamble to prejudice the reader in favour of the ing their
French claim to St. Lucia and Tobago, and to to St. Lu-
King's title
diveſt Great Britain of all right to St. Dominico cia, &c.
and St. Vincent; alledging, with a good grace,
that they could produce fufficient proof of the for-
mer; and that they did not doubt, but it would
be admitted, That the two nations had guaranteed
the two latter to the native Caribbees, under the
protection of France.
proof
fertion.
They argue firft from priority of diſcovery; Their
and, laying that title down, as valid by the laws founded
of nations, they attempt to prove an equal good upon de-
title from a poffeffion taken of any country or
iſland deſerted, and not reclaim'd, by the other
nation, in whom was the original right of difco-
very.
To fhew this to be the cafe of the island of St.
Lucia, they affirm, That the Engliſh had been
driven off, and had abandoned that iſland; having
fuffered a maffacre by the natives: and that the
French ventured their lives to fecure its poffeffion,
and had maintain'd their footing againſt the fa-
vages, twenty years before the English reclaim'd
any right to the ſaid iſland; pretending that this
poffeffion had been acknowledged by feveral trea-
ties: That the English had made ufe of the French
E 4
to
56
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1751.
A. D. to make their peace with the favage Caribbee
iſlanders; and that the French had never quitted
the iſland of St. Lucia; but had always kept up
a fucceffion of governors and commanders upon
it, without any impeachment of their right; and
promiſe to prove theſe affertions by evidence
from cotemporary hiftories, and from authentic
inftruments and papers.
Their po-
nuation a-
But, with a craft peculiar to thofe, who intend
litical infi- to deceive, the French commiffaries put on an
bout fince- air of uncommon fincerity and refpect," defiring
"the English to read this memorial and the others,
* intended to be laid before them, without pre-
rity.
Detected.
French
very alfo
detected.
66
CC
judice, without partiality, with that ſpirit of
equity which ought to direct the actions of two
"fuch great and puiffant nations. That being
"the only means to arrive at the truth, whoſe
"diſcovery would be of infinite importance for
"their reciprocal good and tranquillity, and
"which the commiffaries of each nation ought to
"make their only object."
a
How far we may admit of the fincerity of the
French commiffaries in this addreſs, their candour
in the recital of facts will explain. They ſuppreſs
pretences the orignal difcovery of St. Lucia by the Engliſh,
to a right
by difco- and won't allow any account thereof, till Sir Tho-
mas Warner took poffeffion of it in the year 1626;
and that by this Warner's agreement a French ad-
venturer, D'Eſnambuc, who divided St. Chriftopher's
with him, return'd to France, and obtain'd for
himſelf and others a charter, not only for the
inland of St. Chriftopher, but for Barbadoes
• Ibid. vol. II. p.7, &c.
and
THE LATE WAR.
纛
​57
and the other neighbouring ifles, from eleven de-
grees to twenty, within which parallel. lies the
iſland of St. Lucia. Whereas it was not till.
the year following, that the firft public and au-
thentic act appeared for the eſtabliſhment of the
Engliſh property of this iſland, by a charter granted
to the Earl of Carlife.
This being their only proof for poffeffion and
title by priority of diſcovery; their next attempt
is to fhew that in the infancy of our adventures
amongſt theſe iſlands of the new world, both the
Engliſh and French would frequently attempt a
fettlement, and be obliged to leave it for a nation
more able than themfelves to maintain its pof-
feffion. Thus, fay they, the French tried to fettle
Antigua and Montferrat; but theſe firſt adven-
turers abandoning theſe iſlands, the English en-
tered upon and kept them. So in like manner,
they infer, the Engliſh attempted in 1639 to ſettle
St. Lucia, but not being able to fupport them-
felves againſt the native favages, they were forced
to abandon it in the year following: And the
French immediately took poffeffion of the fame.
b
As the whole of the argument in fupport of
the French claim, turns upon this principle ", let
us cut it fhort, and, after ftating the right, which
the King of Great Britain has to that ifland of St.
Lucia, examine its validity by authentic facts,
and ftrictly just conclufions drawn from them.
The English commiffaries replied, with a be-
1
See the memorial in vol. II. p. 3, &c.
P. 45, &c.
c Ibid.
A. D.
1751.
coming
58
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. coming dignity, That they were perfectly con-
1751. vinced, that while they confider'd the memorial
Equity and
fincerity of with temper, difintereftedneſs and a ſpirit of
the Eng- equity, recommended to them by the French
liſh.
Anſwer e-
very argu-
French
memorial.
By fhew
ing our pri-
crity of
commiffaries, and preferved this temper, they
were conforming to the intentions, and executing
the commands of their mafter, who came into
this negotiation from the motives of juſtice and
friendſhip; defirous on the one hand, in no in-
ſtance to encroach on the rights of France, de-
termined on the other to maintain his own; and
fenfible at the fame time, that in all cafes, where
two ſtates, at peace and in alliance, have incon-
fiftent pretenfions on the fame dominion and ter-
ritory, nothing is more fure to preferve that
peace, and to perpetuate the alliance, defired by
both, than the bringing fuch claims to an ami-
cable decifion.
They then proteft against the pretended gua-
ment of the rantee of the iſlands of St. Dominico and St. Vin-
cent, and produce evidence that St. Lucia was
diſcovered by three fhips fitted out by the Earl of
Cumberland in 1593, and ſettled in 1605 and
1606 by a colony of Engliſh, under the direction
difcovery. of Sir Oliph Leaph: which was ſtrengthen'd a few
years after by another colony fent by Sir Thomas
Warner, in 1626, who appointed major Judge
Governor of that iſland. This deftroys the
French title by priority of poffeffion or diſcovery.
й
As to the commiffion or patent to d’Efnambuc
and others, it is, fay the Engliſh commiffaries,
worded in ſuch a manner as to induce a belief, that
St.
THE LATE WAR.
59
St. Lucia was not ſo much as known to the French
at that time (1626). It does not fo much as men-
tion the name of ſuch an iſland, which appears in
the Earl of Carliſle's, under the form of an old
colony; and therefore no title can be drawn from
that commiffion; whofe filence of fuch a place
fhews at leaſt, if it was known to the French,
that they confider'd it to belong to the Engliſh.
A.D.
1751.
fertion of
As to acquiring a right of poffeffion by the re- By deny-
moval of a prior fettlement, it is anfwer'd in this ing the de-
cafe; That in the year 1640, in the month of St. Lucia.
Auguft, the favage natives of St. Lucia over-
powering the Engliſh colonies, killed the Gover-
nor, and deſtroyed all that came in their way with
fire and fword. Such, as eſcaped this maffacre,
fled away to Montſerat. Which is the forfaking
or abandonment, the French chiefly found their
title upon. For, it was immediately after, in
this very year 1640, that M. du Parquet, not
without fufpicion of being a chief abettor in that
bloody fcene, carried a colony of 35 or 40 effec-
tive people to St. Lucia, and built a fort, &c. to
protect them, and to affure their ufurpation againſt
the Engliſh, fhould they return with force.
d
It is undeniably evident, That the defertion of
the iſland, by the Engliſh, was not voluntary, but
forc'd upon them by an unhuman maffacre, and
therefore the property could not be loft by the
flight of thoſe who efcaped; but it remain'd in
the nation, to which they were fubjects, to reclaim
and repoffefs, when time and opportunity fhould
d Within a month. See ibid. p. 69, 71.
ferve.
60
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1751.
A. D. ferve. Accordingly Lord Carliſle, in the midſt
of our deftractions at home, fent over feveral Eng-
lifh in the years 1644 and 1645: But neither
thefe, nor another armed force, fent against thoſe
ufurpers in 1657, were able to make good their
landing: who kept their ufurpation till the year
1664; when Col. Carew, with a regiment of fol-
diers, drove the French off, regain'd poffeffion,
and was made Deputy-Governour of the island
under Lord Willoughby *.
What is
the law of
derelic-
tion.
Now, as to the law of dereliction: That fuch
a law is neceffary, is allow'd; but then it muſt
be a law, eſtabliſhed on the conſent of all nations,
to prevent extenfive countries from being with-
held from the common utility of all people, upon
a pretence, in any one, of a right to that which
they uſe not, and to prevent frequent wars being
perpetually carried on in fupport of uncertain and
revived titles. And this law is not to be founded
upon an act of neceffity; but upon an act of
choice and conveniency f
Therefore, there can be no abfolute dereliction
of a country, but where the laft poffeffor leaves it
voluntarily, and without any apparent neceffity.
To make fuch dereliction in one people a founda-
tion of right in any other coming after them, it
is neceffary that the acquiefcence of the firſt power
under the poffeffion of the latter, be an acquief
e Ibid. p. 73.
!
* Pro derelicto habetur, quod dominus eâ mente abjecerit,
ut id in numero rerum fuarum effe nolit; ideoque ftatim do-
minus ejus effe definet. Ibid. p. 83.
3
cence
THE LATE WAR.
61
cence intended voluntary and clearly manifefted.
So that a deſertion, forced upon any people by an
enemy, or a temporary acquiefcence under that
expulfion, occafion'd by neceffity, cannot extin-
guish the right of any people to the country they
fo abandon. Which was, the very cafe of the
Engliſh in the year 1640 at St. Lucia ³. And in
confequence, all the arguments drawn from a
fucceffion of Governors, and bargains and fales,
&c. are of no confideration.
*
A. D.
1751.
tions on all
proofs.
As to the whole of their argument we may form Obferva-
the beſt conceptions of their evidences from the the French
declaration, with which the English commiffaries
wind up their reply
their reply;" We, fay thofe commiffaries,
"have gone thro' the hiftory of his Majefty's an-
"tient, uniform, and clear right to the iſland of
"St. Lucia: We have fhewn that this right began,
"and was eſtabliſhed, by a diſcovery and fettle-
"ment made many years before the French, upon
"the teftimony of their own writers, had any
knowledge of the Caribbee iflands; and that it
<<
6.6.
was uninterruptedly continued and kept up by
"all proper and fufficient acts of government,
" and, in later times, it has more than once re-
"ceived the final fanction of treaties; at the fame
"time making it appear, That the commiffaries
of France have nothing to oppofe to this right,
"but pretences of early difcovery and poffeffion,
which their own hiftorians overturn; or, a
temporary ſettlement, gained by an ufurpation,
" which the law of nations will not juſtify; or,
See ibid. p. 85.
<<
a re-
62
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1751.
A D." a remote conftruction of treaties, inconfiftent
"with both the letter, intention and ſpirit of
"them: and therefore think themſelves warrant-
"ed to conclude with a renewal of that affertion
"they began with," That "the right to the iſland
of St. Lucia is not in the crown of France, but
"in the crown of Great Britain.” h
(6
Conduct of The expedition of thefe conferences being now
the French entirely in the power of the French commiffaries,
in theſe
confer-
ences.
they did not deliver in their memorial of proofs
concerning the moft Chriftian King's title to Nova
Scotia or Acadia, till the fourth of October 1751,
and then it was made up of fuch materials as both,
for their matter and form, fhew'd that they paid
no regard to truth, and were only intended to
gain time for backing their negociations with an
effectual naval and military power, fent, in the
moft fecret manner, to cover and fecure, for the
French crown, the places under debate.
Hoftilities During theſe conferences the French kept up
continued
the fame hoftile fpirit, as before. They pre-
by the
French in tended that his moft Chriſtian Majeſty had will-
Indies. ingly agreed to a provifional and conditional eva-
the Weſt
cuation of the Neutral Iſlands: but this boafted
evacuation amounted to no more, than a fufpen-
fion of arms; for the French ftill kept poffeffion
of their forts and fettlements on thoſe iſlands.
In Nova Their Indian allies alarmed the very city of Hal-
lifax by an incurfion to the town of Dartmouth,
Scotia.
í
h See the memorial prefented by the Engliſh commiffaries,
15th of Nov. 1751. p. 149. vol. II.. printed at London.
i 27th of March 1751.
oppo.
THE LATE WAR.
63
A. D.
1751.
Ohio.
oppofite to that metropolis, which they plundered,
and left reeking with the blood of the Engliſh in-
habitants, befides making a number of captives.
And they made fuch progreſs in their practices with On the
our Indian allies on the back of the other provinces
in North America, that theſe alfo received arms from
the French, and were perfuaded by them to break
their treaties with England, and not only to com-
mit the moſt horrid murders and outrages upon
the outfettlers, but to penetrate within a few miles
of Charles Town, in South Carolina. *
k
the coaſt of
A. D.
On the coaſt of Guinea Commodore Buckle, in Their at-
his Majefty's fhip Affiſtance, with the St. Alban tempt on
and Sphynx, in the beginning of 1752, found Guinea.
three French men of war, one of 64, the others
of 54 and 24 guns, tampering with our friendly 1752.
natives at Anamaboa, by prefents and an offer of
15,000l. fterling, for liberty to build a fort there.
Commodore Buckle obliged them to defift and re-
tire. But the French promiſed the natives better
preſents and more money, and to vifit them in ten
months time.
By this time alſo the malignity of the intentions In the Eat
of the French in the Eaft Indies was detected by Indies.
ſeveral authentic accounts of their hoftilities, re-
newed againſt the English and their allies. M.
Dupleix had acquired great power and riches for
himſelf, and gained fuch an acquifition of ftrength
and trade for his country by a new alliance with
the Marattoes, that it was determined, in all out-
ward appearance, to make ufe of thefe allies to
ruin the Engliſh Eaſt India company.
In September and October 1751.
1
1 In 1750.
2
The
64
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1752.
Upon what
pretence.
The contended fucceffion to the government and
kingdom of Arcot gave the French Governor of
Pondicherry a favourable opportunity to diſguiſe
his real intentions, and to ruin the Engliſh on that
coaft under the name of juftice, and of auxiliaries
to an exiled family a game, which the French
court has often played in Europe, by invafions
and rebellions in Great Britain and Ireland. M.
Dupleix in poffeffion of the Pretender to the king-
dom of Arcot, at the time peace was concluded
at Aix-la-Chapelle, and forefeeing the vaſt advan
tages arifing from the improvement of fo lucky
an incident, when he had no oppofition to fear
from the English, fettered by the faith of the late
treaty, he joined the Pretender Muzapherzing
with fix hundred Europeans and a train of artil-
lery.
The reigning Nabob was flain in the defence of
his capital: his eldeft fon fell into the hands of
the French and their allies; Mahomed Allee
Cawn eſcaped to Tritchinopoly; and Arcot, and
the whole province, fubmitted to the arms of the
invaders; who, afraid to alarm the Engliſh too
much, at once, returned to Pondicherry, till
Admiral Boscawen, who was ftill on that coaſt,
and expreſſed himſelf with great refentment againſt
the French Governor on this occafion, fhould
fail for Europe.
The Engliſh fleet under that Admiral's com-
mand departed for England on the 21st of Oc&.
Take the 1749; and next day the French and their allies
took the field, and raifed contributions all over
field,
!
the
THE LATE WAR.
65
1752.
the country. The French troops were command- A.D.
ed by Mr. Law, nephew of the famous Miffifippi
Law. The King of Tonjore refufing to acknow-
ledge the ufurper Muzapherzing, they befieged his
capital, which was defended with much bravery;
till the Engliſh, finding it neceffary to put a ſtop Oppofed by
the English.
to the progrefs of the French, and to prevent an
increaſe of power in an oppreffive neighbour, that
muſt at laſt have proved their ruin, and were folicit-
ed by Mahomed Allee Cawn to affift him in defence
of his right, fent Captain Cope with a detachment
from Fort St. George to Trichinopoly; who, be-
ing joined by a large army of horſe" under the
command of Nazirzing, Vice Roy of the Deckan,
obliged them to raiſe the fiege and to return to
Pondicherry.
m
Being reinforced with 2,000 Europeans, a nu-
merous body of Sepoys, and a large train of ar-
tillery under the command of M. d'Auteuil, they
again took the field, and marched to feek Nazar-
zing. This obliged the Engliſh to ſend another
detachment from Fort St. George, confifting of 600
men, under the command of Captain Lawrence,
who has favoured the world with this account,
accompanied by Mr. Weftcott, one of the council,
by way of commiffary, to manage the conduct of
the allies for the intereft of his nation.
Nazirzing appointed Captain Lawrence General-
iffimo of his army; and both armies were ready to
engage, when the French General's heart, begin-
m At Waldore, in February 1750.
n 30,000 men, 800 cannon,
VOL. I.
F
ning
2
66
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1752.
French
66
A. D. ning to fail him, had recourfe to ftratagem, in
hopes of prevailing with the English to ftand
neuter in the time of action. M. d''Auteuil fent
a meffenger to General Lawrence, to acquaint him,
"That although they were engaged in different
ftratagem
to defeat caufes; yet it was not his defign, nor inclina-
theEngliſh. tion, that any European blood ſhould be ſpilt:
"but that, as he did not know the poft of the
"Engliſh, he could not be blamed fhould any of
"his fhot come that way, and hurt the Engliſh.
To which General Lawrence fent back this anſwer:
"I have the honour of carrying the Engliſh co-
"lours on my flag gun; which by a proper look-
" out will direct where the English are pofted.
"But whatever your defign and inclination may
"be, I am refolved, if any ſhot come my ways
"to return them; though I fhould alfo be very
"loath to fpill European blood."
પ
191
The cannonading began, and M. d' Auteuil,
like a true Frenchman, fired a fhot directly over
the heads of the English: which General Lawrence
ordered to be returned by three guns well pointed,
to convince him, that the Engliſh were not to be
cajoled or terrified into a ſtate of inactivity, at ſo
critical a juncture, when a defeat of their friendly
Indians would put the French in poffeffion of all
the inland country, circumfcribe the Engliſh within
the walls of their fea ports, and cut off their com-
mercial intercourfe with the natives.
Miſcarries. This reſolution had its effect. M. d'Auteuil
having nothing to hope for, from his ftratagem to
keep the Engliſh inactive; and not daring to risk
the
THE LATE WAR.
67
the iffue of a battle with fuch a numerous army,
fo well ſupported by the Engliſh, he decamped,
and retreated with his Europeans and Sepoys, in
the night, leaving behind eleven pieces of heavy
artillery, with part of his artillery-men, in order
to conceal his real defign; for, he gave out that
he was marching to alarm the camp of the enemy,
by night, and would be back in the morning.
A. D.
1752.
of the
Thus deferted, the French allies were immedi-
ately attacked and routed with a moſt ſhocking car-
nage by Nazirzing; and it was with the utmoſt
difficulty that the Engliſh faved fome of the
French gunners from the fury of the Moors.
The Engliſh General committed the wounded to Humanity
the care of his own furgeons; and provided for English.
them all with a humanity and generofity becoming
an Engliſhman. But in return for this friendly
diſtinction, M. Dupleix laid hold of it, by way
of proof that the Engliſh had broke the peace,
by making them prifoners; and wrote a long pro-
teſt againſt General Lawrence for that purpoſe.
Which the poor French artillery-men, that fur-
vived, fenfible of their obligation to the Engliſh,
effectually confuted, by gratefully acknowledging
their tender uſage of them, and confeffing that
their lives were entirely owing to the forcible
interpofition of the English General.
Nazirzing had in his army a body of 3,000
men under the command of one Morarow, a kind
of freebooters, and ready to execute any defpe-
rate fervice. Having completed his victory over
the forces of his native enemies, he the fame
F 2
night
68
•
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
:
A. D.
∙1752.
M. Du-
pleix's
plot.
Means to
carry it
tion.
night difpatched this corps in purfuit of M. ď
Auteuil, whom he overtook and obliged him with
great lofs to haften his march into Pondicherry.
From this moment M. Dupleix, convinced he
fhould never be able to carry his point, against the
English and their friendly Indians, by a fuperiority
in the field, determined to try the fuccefs of in-
trigue, and the baſeft treachery. He engaged
Muzapherzing to make an infidious fubmiffion to
Nazirzing, that he might be always at hand to fa-
cilitate the intended confpiracy againſt the Vice
Roy's life; which M. Dupleix looked upon to be
the greateft obftacle to his fuccefs. He alfo found
means by fair promifes of aid and great rewards,
to gain Nazirzing's prime minifter, and the Na-
bobs of Cadapah and Condanore, to be parties
in the treafon against their fovereign; while they
amufed the Vice Roy with flattering hopes of an
accommodation by Ambaffadors, fent with a pub-
lic character, that they might more effectually
concert meaſures with the chiefs of the confpiracy,
at his court.
The only thing the confpirators dreaded was the
into execu- power of the Engliſh auxiliaries; Therefore means
muft be contrived to get rid of them: which the
prime minifter, the Vice Roy's favourite, under-
took to bring about, without giving his mafter any
fufpicion of a defign to weaken his army. He
knew that the English could not be prevailed with,
-in fuch circumſtances, to leave their fettlements
and frontier bounds expoſed to their enemy's force;
which would be the cafe, provided they ſhould
follow
THE LATE WAR.
69
follow his maſter's army to Arcot. He therefore,
fo wrought upon his maſter's paffions, that deter-
mined him to take the rout of that city, and to
leave the Engliſh under a neceffity to return home.
At Arcot the court was fo conducted, as to gra-
tify his paffions for women and hunting, and to
take away his attention from bufinefs, and the de-
ſigns plotted againſt him. In which ſtate of ſe-
curity the Vice Roy was kept, till rouſed by freſh
hoftilities, which attacked the corps of Morarow,
and put them to rout; and furprized the fortreſs
of Trividy, only 16 miles weft from Fort St.
David.
A new requifition was made by Nazirzing for a
detachment of English from Fort St. George;
who marched under the command of Captain
Cope: but the Vice Roy poifoned by his prime
minifter, treated them with fuch indifference and
prevarication, that they, for want of pay, were
foon obliged to feparate from his army, command-
ed in chief by the Nabob Mahomed Allee Cawn.
As foon as the departure of the English was
known, the French and their allies attacked the
Nabob's camp, and gained a complete victory;
the Nabob himſelf eſcaping with great difficulty.
This victory was followed with the furrender of
the ftrong town of Gingee, The confpirators
improved this lofs fo pathetically, as to make it an
argument for Nazirzing to take the field in perfon
to oppoſe the progrefs of his enemies. Thus un-
der the pretence of recovering Gingee,
tifing his enemies, they brought the
F 3
and chaf-
Vice Roy
before
A. D.
1752.
70
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
executed.
A. D. before that town, in the teeth of the French and
1752.
their allies, encamped under the cover of the guns
on the ramparts. The tragical fcene here began.
The plot The French had agreed to attack that part of the
camp occupied by the two traitorous Nabobs
and their troops had inftructions to make no re-
fiftance. The Nabobs had alfo perfonally engag-
ed, on their part, to affaffinate their Sovereign
Nazirzing, at his firft appearance on the alarm.
The attack was no fooner begun, but the two Na-
bobs made directly for Nazirzing's tent, and
meeting him, as he came out, intreated him to
mount his Elephant, and haften to punish the
rebels. But whilft the credulous and unfortunate
Prince was preparing to follow their advice, one
of them ftabbed him with a poinyard, and the
other ſhot him with a piftol. His head was im-
mediately fevered from his body, fixed upon a
ſpear, and carried to his competitor Muzapher-
zing, whom the murdered Prince had brought
with him, as a ſtate priſoner; and whom the re-
bels, taking the advantage of the confufion and
panic of the army, placed upon the Elephant
prepared for the deceaſed, and proclaimed him
Vice Roy of the Deckan, without any material
oppoſition; every friend of his country endea-
vouring to provide for his own fafety, at a time
they did not know, who were to be trufted. While
the natives were thus employed, the French push-
ed forward to Nazirzing's tents, where they found
vaft riches in money and jewels; out of which
they raiſed immenfe fortunes; but none fo great
1
as
THE LATE WAR.
71
A. D.
1752.
How M.
as M. Dupleix's; who from this time looked upon
himſelf to be the richest fubject in Europe. And
fuch was his ambition, that in memory of this Dupleix
maſſacre he cauſed a town to be built upon the menfe
fpot, called Dupleix Fatea bat, the place of riches.
victory.
got im-
The confequences of this fuccefs to the French
were moſt extraordinary. The government of
Arcot, with its dependencies, was given to their
faſt friend Chunda Saib, and Dupleix himſelf was His Power.
affociated by the new Vice Roy to fhare the go-
vernment with him.
Nothing feemed now to ftand in the way of the
French ſcheme of fuperiority, but the eſcape of
Mahomed Allee Cawn, who, at the firſt hearing
of the affaffination, made the best of his way,
without any attendants, and got fafe to Trichi-
nopoly; imploring the aid of the English, who
fent him a ſtrong detachment under Captain Cope.
By this affiftance Trichinopoly was defended, this
whole year and by another detachment of about
300 Europeans and 500 Sepoys, officered by gentle-
men, that had never been employed in a military
capacity, under the command of Captain Clive, Captain
the city of Arcot, the capital of the province, was Clive's he-
furprized on the ft of September. This was ons begun.
made more glorious by the defence of their con-
queft; in a fiege of two months by a large army,
and conducted by European engineers. At laft
the town was aſſaulted in breach, in three different
places; but Clive's little garrifon beat the enemy
•
January 1751.
roic acti-
F4
off
aj 2
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1752.
The con-
fpirators
difagree
and quar-
rel.
off with confiderable lofs; and the Captain taking
advantage of their confufion, fallied out, and fol-
lowing the blow, took all their cannon and levelled
their trenches: Being immediately reinforced with
a detachment from Trichinopoly, he purſued the
French and their allies till he gave them a total over-
throw at Cauverypauk, in the month of March
1752, and did not halt till he had reduced the
Forts of Timery, Cauverypauk, Aranie and Con-
jeveram.
But this was not the only mortification of the
enemy. The two Nabobs, that affaffinated Na-
zirzing, thinking themfelves neglected in the dif-
tribution of rewards, and growing jealous of the
power of the French and their connection with
Muzapherzing, mutined in their march to Auren-
gabad, the ufual refidence of the Princes of the
Deckan; and though not strong enough to maf
ter the French, who confifted of 600 Europeans,
3,000 Sepoys and a large train of artillery under
the command of M. Buffy, charged with a com-
miffion to place Muzapherzing in poffeffion of his
new acquired Vice Royfhip; they fell upon the
flank of Muzapherzing's troops, defeated them
and killed Muzapherzing himſelf; with a great
lofs of their own party and the life of the Nabob
of Condanore, one of Nazirzing's murderers.
!
From this time the war was continued with va-
rious fuccefs. The French and their allies, attempt-
ing to prevent Colonel Lawrence's entrance into
Trichinopoly, were feverely handled, and obliged
to retreat, and foon after to furrender priſoners of
war
THE
73
LATE WAR.
war to the faid officer, who took meaſures, when
reinforced, to cut off the enemy's communica-
tion with the country, from whence they were
ſupplied with provifion. They were commanded
by Mr. Law, and according to Mr. Dupleix's
account were 20,000 in all, including 600 Eu-
ropeans, Topaffes and Coffrees.
A. D.
1752.
This was followed with the furrender of the
poft of Elmiferam, after a faint refiftance, But
the French having, by a falfe report of a large
convoy of ſtores to be on a certain day at Outatour,
about 15 miles from a Pagoda, where Mr. Clive
had taken poft, drawn out that active officer with
the chief part of his men, in expectation to furprize
it; they, adviſed of his march, detached a confi-
derable number from their army, with orders to
march after dark, and to make their attack on
the party left for defence of the Pagoda, at day
light. Captain Clive not finding at Outatour any Captain
advice of a convoy, as reported, fufpected the re bravery,
port as it was really intended; and therefore after danger and
refreshing his men, returned with the utmoſt expe-
dition, and regained his poft at the Pagoda about
eleven at night; no enemy appearing, his men
went to reft, and himſelf retired to his Pallankeen.
So that at four in the morning, when the French
arrived before this poft, they found all quiet; and
ignorant of Captain Clive's return, they advanced,
and by the help of deferters from the English, they
deceived the guard left there in the morning; who
having challenged them, and being anfwered
friends,
Clive's
fuccefs.
74
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A.D. friends, were not convinced of their miftake till
1752. the Sepoys began to fire.
The firing roufed the garrifon :. Capt. Clive ran
immediately to the place of action, and was fo
confuſed, at firft, that he ran amongst the French
Sepoys, who were puſhing into the Pagoda, and,
thinking they were endeavouring to fkreen them-
felves from an attack, repremanded them in their
country language, demanding what they were
firing at. A French officer cut at him with his
fword; but Mr. Clive clofing with the Frenchman,
received the blow from him fo near the hilt, that
it did no execution and one of his own Sepoy
officers, coming accidentally to his relief, cut the
French officer down.
1
Captain Clive thus providentially faved and dif-
engaged, hurried in fearch of his own men, and
found them under arms. But the French had got
poffeffion of the poft. He then formed his de-
tachment, marched to the Pagoda, and after fum-
mons to furrender, which the French rejected, he
prepared to ſtorm it. But the French made a
fally, in which their officer was killed, with a few
more: the reft furrendered at difcretion. The
Sepoys in the French intereft, who remained with-
out the Pagoda, endeavoured to escape by flight,
but were purſued by the Marratta cavalry, and
cut all to pieces.
The fiege of Pitchunda was undertaken; and
the garriſon in three days furrendered themſelves
priſoners of war. A party of French, under
Thirty officers, five men, 300 fepoys, and 300 horſe,
3
the
THE LATE WAR.
75
the command of M. D'Auteuil, were firft driven by
Captain Dalton from Outatour, which the French
deſerted in the night, and were made priſoners,
with a large quantity of ftores, at Volconda by
Capt. Clive, on the 29th of March,
A. D.
1752.
Such a ſeries of misfortunes, which had de- French de-
ferted by
prived the French allies of fupplies both in pro- fome of
viſions and money, determined great numbers of their allies.
the Indian army in the French intereft to come
over to us. Amongſt whom was one of their
Generals, Coop Saib, with a thouſand horſe, a
large body of Sepoys and fourteen elephants. Even
Chunda Saib, the grand partizan of the French,
was fo difpirited, as to throw himſelf into the hands
of our allies; who thinking it unpolitic to let fuch
a dangerous man go out of their poffeffion, but
not agreeing to whofe care he should be com-
mitted, fome of Monagee's, the King of Tan-
jore's General's people, cut off his head, un-
known to the Engliſh commander.
•
Capt. Law, who defended Seringham, furren-
dered by capitulation to the Nabob Mahomed
Allee Cawn, on the fame day Chunda Saib was
decolated, and Captain Dalton took poffeffion of
that town, in which he found 30 pieces of cannon,
ten of which were 18 and 12 pounders, the reſt
field pieces; two large mortars, a number of co-
horns, and a great quantity of ammunition, and
all kinds of warlike ftores.
His M. Du-
M. Dupleix was not eafily caft down.
pride fupported him, and at the fame time, fays duct.
• On the 3d of June.
my
pleix's con-
76
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1750.
A. D. my author', his mind was full of refources. The
injuftice of his caufe never difturbed him; and
provided he could gain his ends, the means never
gave him any concern. His council was chiefly
compofed of his own creatures, who never dif-
puted what he propofed. He was married to a
woman, endowed with as much fpirit, art and
pride, as himself; born in the country, miftrefs
of all the low cunning peculiar to the natives, and
well ſkilled in their language.
At the ſeaſon Law was obliged to furrender,
the fhips from Old France arrived with a large.
reinforcement; which, as it indicated the hoſtile
intentions of the French court, encouraged M.:
Dupleix to proceed with the utmoft vigour to ex-
ecute their grand project of dominion. And that;
he might not want a pretence for his hoftile con-
duct, which ceafed with the life of Chunda Saib,
Ufurped lately beheaded, Dupleix raiſed up another Pre-
tender to the province of Arcot; and that he might,
ſeem to have an unbounded right to appoint,
whom he pleaſed, he gave out that the Mogul
had fent him commiffions, declaring him Gover-
nor of all this part of the Carnatick, from the
river Kriſtnah to the fea. Which was a mere
forgery.
power.
The young Pretender was Raja Saib, the fon of
Chunda Saib, but this youth having neither mo-
ney, nor intereft with his country-people, was
foon obliged to refign his Nabobfhip to the Go-
vernour of Velloure, whom Dupleix, by virtue of
Col. Lawrence's Narrative, p. 41.
<
his
THE LATE WAR.
77
his pretended commiffions from the Mogul, raifed
to that dignity for a valuable confideration in mo-
ney. But after trufting Dupleix with three lack
of rupees, not finding any effect likely to enfue
to his own advantage from a mere title, he ftopt
his hand.
·
A. D.
1752.
concerted,
The French forces were now confiderably aug
mented, not only by the reinforcements from Eu-
rope, but by preffing all the failors from the
China fhips, that touched at Pondicherry, com-
mitting their navigation to Lafcars. Our force
was rather upon the decline. Nevertheleſs the Siege of
Governour of Madraſs concerted the fiege of Gin- Gingee
gee; a ſtrong place by art and nature, on the weft and mif-
of Pondicherry, well garrifoned and well provided;
befides being moft difficult of accefs amongſt
mountains well fortified: which ended in a re-
pulfe, with confiderable lofs of men and officers.
Major Kinner, who commanded the detachment,
was wounded, and died of a fever and flux, be-
fore he was recover'd of his hurt.
carries.
troops.
This advantage fo puffed up the French Go- M. Du-
vernour, that he order'd all his forces to take the
pleix's or-
ders to feiza
field, and to march cloſe to the bounds of Fort English
St. David. Which motion alarmed the Englifh.
The troops in St. David's were order'd to encamp
without the walls, and Capt. Schaul's company of
Swifs were ſent from Madrafs in boats; but were
intercepted by a ſhip fent by M. Dupleix, carried
into Pondicherry, and there detained prifoners of
war, in open violation of the peace between Eng-
land and France.
In Auguft 1752.
S
Such
28
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1752.
Conduct of
cafion.
Such can open hoftility only ferved to animate
the English; as it made the French principals in
the Indian war, and would juſtify our more vigo-
the English
on that oc- rous operations againſt their forces. General Law-
rence took the field before St. David's on the 7th
of Auguft with 400 Europeans, 1700 Sepoys,
4000 of the Nabob's troops and nine pieces of
cannon. The French army, commanded by M.
de Kerjean, nephew of M. Dupleix, confifted of
400 Europeans, 1500 feapoys and 500 cavalry,
encamped at Trichanky Pagoda; who being fo
near, as to diſcover our preparations for an attack,
ſtole away in the night to Bahoor; and, ſeeing
themſelves purſued, they retreated to Villanour,
within three miles of Pondicherry. But, finding
it impoffible to force them to an action, unleſs he
fhould follow them into their own bounds, which
he had no orders to do, the English Commander
had recourſe to a ftratagem, to decoy the French
back again, with a fuppofition, that his retreat
from their bounds was a token of fear and want
of courage and accordingly M. Dupleix fwal-
lowed the bait, and by a peremptory order ob-
liged his nephew to purfue the English to Bahoor,
two miles from fort St. David, and to rifque a
battle.
Defeat the
French.
This was just what the English Commander
wanted; who on the 26th of Auguft at two in the
morning, got under arms, and march'd up to the
enemy's camp, and advanced firing; the French
ftanding their ground, till our bayonets met.
Then our grenadiers puſh'd with fuch fury, that
the
THE LATE WAR.
79
the French threw down their arms and ran for it,
leaving the English mafters of the field, all their
baggage, eight pieces of cannon, and all their am-
munition, tumbrils and ftores, with the lofs on our
fide of one officer killed, four wounded, and 78
men killed and wounded:
A. D.
1752.
This victory was followed by the furrender of Its confe-
fort Covelong, about 16 miles S. of Madrafs, and quences.
fort Chengalaput, about 40 miles from that fet-
tlement; which, tho' exceeding strong, almoft en
compaffed by a morafs and furrounded with two
walls, whofe ramparts are 16 feet thick, a wet
ditch fenced with ftone fixty feet wide, quite round
the outward fort, and another half round the in-
ner, furrendered on the firſt of Auguft, to a ſmall
party commanded by Capt. Clive.
towards
tain.
In Europe the countenance with which the court Conduct
of Spain tolerated the feizure, and fearch of Britiſh of Spain
fhips in the Weft Indies; and the notorious advant Great Bri
age given to the French trade in Spain, in preference
to the English and the diligence, with which the
navy of Spain was order'd to be increaſed; exem-
plified of how great power the influence of the
French was, at that time, in the court of Spain;
and that the Spaniſh miniftry were refolved, fooner
or later, to join all their force with France againſt
Great Britain, fhould matters end in a rupture
between thoſe crowns, and France ftand in need
of the navy and treafure of Spain, as the event
has fhewn, to extricate her from the arms of the
conqueror.
•
Every
80
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1752.
Every packet, from the Weft Indies and our
plantations, brought freſh accounts of the ob-
ſtruction our commerce, in thoſe parts, met with
guardacof- from the Spanish guarda coftas, which had been
Barbarities
of the
tas.
civil for a while. Thefe arm'd veffels fwarm'd on
the coaft of Coracoa, and in the fummer 1752.
took all veffels, that fell in their way, without
refpect of perfons, amongſt which was a floop be-
longing to Coracoa coming from Aruba. John
Gafney, mafter of the fhip Eagle of Bofton, failed
from Port Royal in Jamaica on the 20th of May.
1750, bound for Coraçoa in ballaft and five ne-
groes; but meeting with tempeftuous weather,
violent fquals and tornados, with calms and a
ftrong current weftward, was forced to the lee-
ward of the iſland of Ratan, where he fell in with
a Spaniſh half galley of eight guns and fixty-five
men, and a floop of eight guns and feventy men,
commanded by Don Publo Gracia Tolon, who
fir'd four fhot thro' his fails and rigging, and or-
der'd him immediately to lie too, and go on board
of his floop, or he would board him and cut him
and his people to pieces. The maſter, furniſhed
with
proper papers to fhew he was upon a lawful
trade, complied with the Don's commands. But
was detain'd on board the Spaniard in a hoftile
manner and while he was kept under arreft, the
Spaniards feized his boat, went on board the
Eagle, then eight leagues from the ſhore; robb'd
and plunder'd the fhip's ftores and provifions;
broke locks and chefts, and in a wanton and ma-
t By letter from New York, Sept. 23, 1751.
licious
THE LATE WAR.
81
1752.
licious manner tore and deſtroyed every thing, A. D.
that did not ſeem of ſervice to them ".
But this
was mild treatment compared with the cafe of Pa-
trick Roney of the fhip Diamond, who in his
voyage from Port Royal in Jamaica to Charles
town in South Carolina, was brought to, and
boarded, off Cape Nicholas, by a Spaniſh floop;
carried into Cape Nicholas Mole; rummaged,
plundered of 3000 l. in money, and after being
obliged, by threats to have his ears cut off, to
fign a paper he did not understand, was put on
board a ſchooner and fent to Jamaica ". A letter,
dated July 16, this fame year, from Providence
in North America, relates, That the Cool from
Jamaica to cape Fear, was arrived there in diftrefs,
occafioned by her ill ufage from a Spaniſh guarda
cofta, which brought her to, in the windward
paffage, and after a ftrict fearch, finding no mo-
ney on board, the Spaniards were fo exafperated,
that they uſed the people with fuch cruelty, that
there were only three men able to ftand the deck;
which obliged them to fteer for Providence, to get
able hands to carry the veffel to the northward.
All which depredations were approved of by the
Spanish court.
In Spain itſelf our merchants in vain infifted Behaviour
upon the privilege of being treated with the fame
regard, as was paid to the most friendly nations merchants.
ย
John Gafney's depofition at Kingston in Jamaica.
w As appears by the oaths of Patrick Roney, John Holt,
and Francis Welfh, fworn before Thomas Hibbert, at King-
ffon in Jamaica, 11th of January 1752.
VOL. I.
G
fettled
in Spain
to British
2
82
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1752.
A. D. fettled in her fea-ports, or elſewhere. For, ad-
vantageous tariffs were made with France, and
the British commerce was loaded with fo much
more at the cuſtom-houfe, as enabled our chief
rival in trade to under-fell our manufactures and
goods in the Spanish markets.
navy.
The appointments for the marine, and the mea-
fures purſued for making it refpectable, promis'd,
The in a ſhort time, to fulfil their wishes. In 1752 it
ftrength of
the Spanish was confidently given out that the Spanish navy,
before the end of the winter would confift of 64
ſhips, from 60 guns and upwards, and 28 frigates.
Naval pre-
The naval preparations were carried on in
parations
in France. France with fo much diligence and vigour, that,
at Rochelle, it was denied a private Engliſh gen-
tleman the requeft to view the great dock at that
port, in which only there laid, in the winter 1751,
fifty fail of men of war and frigates, befides fe-
veral ſhips of force upon the ſtocks.
:
Thefe accounts, it might be thought, fhould
have awakened the British miniftry; to take into
confideration the actual ſtate of the naval forces
of France and Spain, and the continual attention
of thofe powers to augment their marine, which
could not poffibly be intended againſt any other
nation, than Great Britain. Befides the French
troops, ordered for the year 1753, which toge-
ther made 211,755 men, difcovered their hoftile
intentions.
Yet, his Majefty at the opening of the parlia
A. D. ment, on the eleventh day of January 1753, in-
formed them, by a fpeech from the throne, "That
1753.
" all
1
THE LATE WAR:
83
A. D.
1753-
The
all his views and negociations had been calcu
"lated and directed to preferve and fecure the
"duration of the general peace." And added, King's
"That he had the fatisfaction to be affured of a speech.
r
good difpofition in all the powers, that were
ceived.
his allies, to adhere to the fame falutary object."
But as it could not be hid, that a war was una-
voidable, and that this nation was at the very eve
of a rupture, with her moft formidable enemy,
the addreſs did not pafs in the House of Com- How re-
mons, without fome fevere animadverfions on the
inconſiſtency of the fpeech, with the real ſtate of
affairs in Europe; nor without many fpirited de-
clamations againſt French perfidy and continental
connections.
the minif
But, fo little regard was paid by the miniftry Conduct of
to the apprehenfions of the nation, alarmed by try.
the meaſures purſued by France and Spain, in de-
fiance of the late treaty, that our forces by fea
and land were continued in the low ftate of the
preceding year. However, the parliament pro- Parlia-
vided for the maintenance of Nova Scotia x and mentary
fupplies.
Georgia, for the fupport of the caftles on the
coaſt of Guinea, and for erecting a new fort at
Anamaboe, where the French laft year had at-
tempted, and threaten'd to return and to make
a fettlement.
y
y
In the courfe of this year the French ordered French
croffes and copper-plate infcriptions, faftened upon keep up
practices to
large pofts, to be erected on the Weſt Indian their pre-
islands, not already fettled by Europeans,
I
* 94,6151. 125. 4 d.
G 2
tenfions to
con- the Neutral
F. 15,0001.
taining
Iſlands.
$4
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1752.
taining the French King's arms, and theſe words,
"A Continuation of the Poffeffion of Lewis XIV:
King of France 1753." Which being diſcovered
Conduct of on Turk's iſland, Caicos and Haneaga, by Cap-
the Engliſh
cafion.
on this oc- tain Julian Legge, of his Majefty's fhip Shore-
ham, he cut them all down, and brought them
away and leaft the French fhould miſuſe the Ber-
mudians, who were on thoſe iſlands, when they
ſhould find the marks taken away, he left the fol-
lowing declaration at each place; "To prevent
British
66
any violence being uſed to any of the people
"who live on Grand-key, Salt-key or Seal-key,
"it is thought proper to leave this declaration,
"that we cut down the arms of the moſt Chriſ
"tian King, and the croffes that were fet up as
"marks of poffeffion upon the faid iflands, and
"carried the fame away, purfuant to inftructions
"for fo doing and further, That his Britannic
Majeſty will not fuffer any marks of poffeffion
"to be put up on any of the keys or iflands
"known by the name of Turk's-iſlands.'
CC
دو
On the 23d of January 1753. the English com-
commiffa- miffaries delivered their reply to a long, tedious
ries reply
and fallacious memorial of proofs produced by
memorial the commiffaries of his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty
concerning on the 4th of October 1751. In this reply they,
to the
French
Nova Sco-
tia.
in general, accuſe the French of going into a va
riety of confiderations, not immediately connected
with the point in difcuffion, and of an attempt to
puzzle the debate by a confufed method of di-
viding and arranging their materials. And, in
particular, they in the first place proteſt againſt
2
the
THE LATE WAR.
85
the leading principle in the difcuffion laid down
by the French commiffaries, That becauſe the
peace of Utrecht ceded the country of Nova Scotia
or Acadia to Great Britain, therefore no additional.
lights and evidence are to be brought from acts of
government, treaties between two nations, or fimi-
lar ceffions of the fame territory, previous to the
treaty of Utrecht, to clear up and enforce the
true meaning and real intention of that treaty.
.
Then they proceed to fhew, That the defign of
the crown of Great Britain, in the twelfth article
of the treaty of Utrecht, was not to fecure an ex-
clufive fishery, but to gain poffeffion of all Aca-
dia or Nova Scotia, as a territory that would give
ftrength and intirenefs to the Britifh fettlement in
North America: and that the commiffaries of
his moft Chriftian Majefty, by treating the object
of the twelfth article concerning the territory of
Acadia, and the thirteenth article concerning the
fifhery as one, they restrain the fenfe of one part
of theſe articles by confounding it with the other;
firft mifrepreſenting the views of Great Britain at
the time of the treaty, and afterwards fupporting
their miſconſtruction of the words of the treaty
by the help of that very mifreprefentation.
But for as much, as the French commiffaries
accuſe the Engliſh of producing evidences foreign
to the, queftion, in proof of their interpretation of
the twelfth article of the treaty of Utrecht, con-
cerning the antient limits of Acadia or Nova Sco-
gia, they appeal to, and fhew from the treaty of
z. See Memorials, vol. I. p. 244, &c.
G 3
St.
A. D.
1753,
86
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1753.
A. D. St. Germains, by which this fame country was,
with its antient limits, reſtored to France, that
England then ceded the very fame territóry, and
within the fame limits, as now they claim under
the title of the twelfth article of the treaty of
Utrecht. They alfo refer to the treaty of Breda,
where the crown of France made the very fame
claim upon Nova Scotia or Acadia, as Great Bri-
tain now does, and fupported it upon the very
fanie method of argument, and fort of proof,
which Great Britain now alledges, and which the
French commiffaries now condemn as foreign to
the queſtion.
The fince-
rity of his
Britannic
this nego-
!
The French commiffaries threw out feveral infi
nuations, as if the King of Great Britain had no
intention to come to any accommodation, for the
mutual advantage of the fubjects of the two
crowns, inhabiting countries fo diftant from their
reſpective ſovereigns: And that this claim, founded
on the twelfth article of the treaty of Utrecht, dif
covers an inclination in Great Britain to open a
way to Canada, that ſhe might feize it on the firſt
favourable opportunity.
The English commiffaries reply, "That his
Britannic Majefty was fully fenfible of the ex-
Majefty in "pediency and extreme fatisfaction, that would
ciation. arife to the fubjects of both crowns in North
"America, from a final affertainment of the
"boundaries of their refpective dominions that
"he was alfo extremely defirous of ftrengthening
and perpetuating the prefent peace and good
a Ibid. p. 249..
:
Cor₂
THE LATE WA R.
8.7.
1753-
"correfpondence, which fubfifts between the two. A. D.
"crowns, and of promoting, by every method in
"his power, the amicable fettlement of every
"matter in difpute between them; but then the
65
more important that intereft is which his Ma-
૬. jefty hath in this queftion, and the more re-
"mote his fubjects in America are from his per-
"fon, and the immediate refidence of his govern-
"ment, the more neceffity does he judge it to
"be, to maintain his actual rights, and to pre-
"ferve his juft dominions in America intire, for
"the encouragement, advantage and fecurity of
"thofe very fubjects; and that his Majefty had
"given the ſtrongeſt proofs of his willingness to
"take proper meaſures in concert with France
for adjuſting all differences, when he acceded
"to the prefent negociation, and continued to
"act, to that moment, according to the strictest
66 juftice and candour, when he claimed no other
"poffeffion of Nova Scotia or Acadia in confe-
sc
quence of the treaty of Utrecht, than the crown
“of France actually enjoyed by the treaty of
"Breda, making the claim of France in confe-
cc
quence of that treaty, and the poffeffion of
"France in confequence of that difputed claim, the
rule and boundary of his own pretenfions"."
As to the infinuation of Great Britain's hoftile Had no
defigns againſt Canada; the commiffaries" hoftile de-
ap- fignagainst
"peal to the late counfels and meaſures of Great Canada.
"Britain, and the part fhe has acted both in Eu-
66
rope and America: in many inftances the pro-
tectreſs, but in none the invader of the rights
Ibid. p. 254, &c.
GA
" of
88
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1753-
"of other nations, and who has never, at any junc-
❝ture, or in any inftance broke in upon the poffef-
"fions of France in America, contrary to the laws
"of peace, and to the faith of ftricteft alliance and
friendſhip." And then very fenfibly and juftly
obſerve, "That the rights of one nation are not
"to be determined upon the apprehenfions of an-
"other: nor is Great Britain to have her poffef-
"fion of Nova Scotia or Acadia narrowed or
"pared down to the idea of the French com-
<<
miffaries, and reduced to the ſouth-east part of
"the peninfula, merely becaufe, if fully poffeffed
"and improved by Great Britain, it might give
"umbrage to the French fettlements in Canada.
* Which would be to make Great Britain to hold
this country by a ftill more precarious and bar-
.66 ren tenure, not even by the treaty of Utrecht,
as the French commiffaries themſelves explain
"it; but by the comparative ftate of the French
"colonies in North America :
દ
The French commiffaries charge the Engliſh of
having poffeffed themfelves of Acadia in 1629
and 1654, times of full peace. This, fay the
English commiffaries, was owing to a want of at-
tention to the hiftory of thoſe times. For, Eng-
land declared war against France in 1627, which
continued to the year 1632. And it is well known
that Cromwell treated France, and looked upon her,
as an open enemy from the year 1652 to 1655
*
C
See Memorials, vol. I. page 257.
&
a. Ibid. p. 259. See alfo Lettre de M. d'Eſtrades, vol. I.
p. 289. Bafnage Annales des Provinces Unies, p. 352.
The
THE LATE WAR.
89
A. D.
1753.
Anſwer to
The first proof produced against our claim is
from certain maps of Acadia; which the French
commiffaries prefume to fay are all on their fide. their proofs
In reply, it is urged, that this kind of evidence, from maps.
in the caſe before us, is very inconclufive: but ne-
vertheleſs that it may be proper, ad rem, to obſerve
that the moſt antient map extant of this territory,
publiſhed by Efcarbot in 1609, does not fo much
as mention the name of Acadia; therefore can't
be produced in evidence by either party. But
the map, which followed this in 1625, printed in
the fourth volume of Purchafe's Pilgrim; and is
the firft antient map that has the marks of know-
ledge and correctnefs in it, gives both the boun-
daries of every territory within it, and the limits
of Nova Scotia or Acadia, in every particular,
contrary to the deféription of that country by the
French commiffaries: and therefore confutes the
fyftem of the court of France, fo far as the au-
thority of one map goes.
Having fupported this part of their reply by
the maps of Laet in 1633, under the title of In-
die occidentalis Tabula Generalis: Of Berry, intitled,
North America divided into its principal Parts, in
King Charles II's time: Of Morden's English Em-
pire on the Continent of America, in the fame
reign Of Thornton, intitled, A New Chart
of the Sea Coast of Newfoundland, New Scotland,
New England, &c. "; which coincide with the
里
​e See Memorials, vol. I. p. 269.
& Ibid.
h Ibid.
f Ibid. p. 271.
antient
90
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1753.
•
A. D. antients limits demanded by Great Britain; and
by four French maps publiſhed by De Lifle,
Bellen and d'Anville, which confine the country
of New France to the northfide of the river of
Canada, and mark out the limits between Acadia
and New England to the weftward according to
the claim of his Britannic Majefty; and the fourth
by Champlain, which carries Acadia beyond the
Peninſula, and makes Pantagoet the weſtern
boundary of it; they further fay, That Henne-
pin in his travels marks Acadia on the continent,
between New England and the river St. Lawrence:
That de Fer the French King's geographer, in his
Atlas, makes Nova Scotia and Acadia one and the
fame country; extending it to Canada northwards,
and affigning the fame extent of limits to them
both; terminating the weſtern limit at the river
Pantagoet: and that Gerdreville in his Atlas
makes Acadia to extend from the Kennebec to the
ifland called Perfée at the mouth of the river St,
Lawrence, m
k
•
Then having fhewn what little authority the
maps of Mr. Halley, Popple and Salmon are of,"
the Engliſh commiffaries conclude this part of the
argument with the following obfervations: That
the more ancient maps abfolutely contradict and
deſtroy the idea, which the French commiffaries
have of the ancient limits of Acadia: that there
i See Memorials, Vol. I. p 271.
i A. D. 1719.
" Ibid.
k A. D. 1705.
m See Memorials, Vol. I. p. 275-
• Ibid. p. 281.
is
THE LATE WAR.
91
is not a ſingle map to be found, not even amongſt
the French maps, which does not exprefly confute
the main and effential part of the fyftem of the
French commiffaries: That though they do not
exactly mark out the antient limits, as the com-
miffaries of his Britannic Majefty contend for
them, yet every map is a diftinct and clear anfwer
to the opinion of the French commiffaries, as
founded upon maps; becauſe every map differs
from their defcription of the antient limits, in
fome effential point, and all of them are incon-
fiftent and irreconcileable with their general idea
of them:-That many antient and modern maps
in different countries fupport the claim of his
Britannic Majefty, but no one can be found to au-
thenticate in any degree, or in any one particular,
the pretenfions of France. P
The fecond authority, produced by the French
commiffaries in this cafe, is taken from Denys,
Champlain and Efcarbot, hiftorians of North
America.
A. D.
1753
torians.
To which the English commiffaries reply with From hif
a previous obfervation, That their adverfaries have
cited theſe authors in a very uncommon and bro-
ken manner; and that the proof pretended to be
drawn from theſe authors are founded upon gene-
ral obfervations on their title pages, on marginal
notes found in their works, and incorporated into
them by the French commiffaries; frequently
on fingle expreffions detached from the context,
* See Memorials, Vol. I. p. 283.
and
92
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D,
1753.
q
and fometimes upon the mere omiffions of the name
of Acadia, rather than upon the full and entire
fenfe of any paffage in thefe writers fully and fatis-
factorily cited. By which means books may be
made to carry any appearance. They then pro-
ceed and examine each of theſe hiftorians by tak-
ing every paragraph in queftion entire; and hav-
ing gone through each author diftinctly, they
fum up their evidence in thefe words: "We have
"now examined all the French hiftorians cited
46
r
by his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty's commiffaries to
"eftabliſh their fyftem of the ancient limits of
"Acadia, and we think ourſelves authoriſed to
+6
fay, from this view of their feveral works,
"that the Sieur Deny's commiffion in 1654, and
that clauſe in particular which grants him the
"fedentary fiſhery on the coaft of Acadia, marks
46
out the fouthern bank of the river St. Law-
rence, as the northern boundary of Acadia,
"and makes it extend as far to the weft as New
England: That Mr. Champlain agrees with
the Sieur Denys in the northern limit of Acadia,
and makes Sainte Croix within the western limit
of it: That Afcarbot never affign's any limits
to Acadia, or even mentions the country:
"And that, therefore, one of the only two hifto-
. rians, from which any evidence at all can be
"collected, is a very full evidence in fupport of
"the whole claim of Great Britain; and the other
"by affigning the fouthern bank of the river St.
9 See Memorials, Vol. I. p. 283.
Ibid. p. 285.
"Lawrence
THE LATE WAR.
93
"Lawrence, as the northern, is authority alfo for
"the weſtern boundary we affign as far as Ste.
"Croix; and both confute the affertion of the
"French commiffaries, That theſe writers con-
"fined the bounds of Acadia to the Peninfula." S
The French commiffaries have recourſe to a
proof founded upon this circumftance, That feye-
ral parts of the country, which his Britannic Ma-
jefty claims as Acadia, have always paffed under
diftinct names. t
A method of proof calculated
rather to confound than to confute: however the
Engliſh commiffaries put even this prolix and con-
fuſed kind of evidence upon a thorough and dif-
tinct examination: and having refuted each par-
ticular, conclude, "That there is no real weight
"in that argument founded upon the particular
"names, which particular parts of Acadia have
"borne different from the general country: And
"that New France has from very early times been
"the name given by the French writers, the
"people and crown of France, to the French
territory in North America.'
66
:
99 u
A. D.
1753.
Then they enter into a particular examination
into the ſtate of the hiftory of Acadia and the re-
volutions" it underwent from the year 1632, the
date of the treaty of St. Germains, to the treaty
of Utrecht: and upon the whole conclude their
reply in this fummary way: "All the evidence The fum
brought by the French commiffaries, in fupport of this ar-
66
• See Memorials, Vol. I. p. 325, &c.
p. 327 to p. 399.
Ibid. p. 395.
:
t Ibid. from
❞ Ibid.
gument.
P. 399 to 521.
" of
94
THE GENERAL HISTORY of
A. D.
1753.
"of their ſyſtem, has been demonftrated to be
"deftructive to it, and applied in the ftrongeft
"manner in maintenance of the claim of Great
"Britain. And it appears upon the whole, that
"the King of Great Britain, bringing no evi-
"dences from fources, that are not authentic, is
fupported in his claim by every tranfaction be-
"tween the two crowns for above a century paſt;
66
and that in claiming the country from Pantagoet
"to the River St. Lawrence, as Acadia, his Bri-
tannic Majefty demands no more than what
"France has always received under that name in
"the moſt general reftitution; than what, if the
<< antient limits of it be determined upon maps,
"hiftorians, the uniform decifions of the two
ર crowns for above one hundred years together,
"and upon the declarations of the crown of
"France at the treaty of Utrecht itfelf, the
crown of France muſt in all equity and fairneſs
.66. acknowledge to be a juft claim upon the words.
"of ceffion in the treaty of Utrecht."
.6.6.
"The French commiffaries, on the contrary,
"are equally incapable of fupporting their fyftem
and their limits upon the maps and hiftorian's
they cite, and upon the proceedings of govern
ment, treaties and better evidence produced by
us. They dare not abide by any poffeffion ever
"taken by France in confequence of the moſt
.
general words of reftitution; nor by the pof
"feffion of France for above an hundred years
"fucceffively; nor by any declarations made by
"the crown of France at the time of the treaty
" of
THE LATE WAR.
95
"of Utrecht; but fetting afide all theſe evidences, A. D.
"taken from times of certainty and precifeneſs,
66
they are obliged to have recourfe to maps and
"hiſtorians of lefs certainty in point of time, and
"lefs preciſeneſs from the nature of them: both
"which, when they come to be ſtrictly examined,
66
abfolutely deftroy their fyftem, fall in with the
"fenſe and operation of the better and latter evi-
"dence of treaties and tranfactions between the
<<
two crowns, and become fo many auxiliary
"proofs in fupport of the claim of the crown of
"Great Britain." *
Here refted the argument upon the claim of his
Britannic Majefty upon Acadia or Nova Scotia,
according to the antient boundaries of that coun-
try, ceded by France in the treaty of Utrecht, and
demanded by the Engliſh commiffaries, as fet forth
in the premiſes".
1753.
the British me-
Bri- morialcon-
cerning St.
ply to the
It was the latter part of the year 1754 before the French re-
French commiffaries delivered their reply to
Britiſh memorial concerning the title of his
tannic Majeſty to the iſland of St. Lucia: fpun Lucia.
out to fuch a length, as to prevent the amicable
decifion of that point by a clear and juſt examina-
tion of the matter it contained; for the French
court had now fo far entered into hoftile meaſures,
to defeat the ſtrength of the moft convincing
evidence in favour of his Britannic Majefty's
right, that the British commiffaries were obliged
to break up the conferences, and to return home,
* See Memorials, Vol. I. p. 541, &c.
4
y See p. 50.
before
96
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1753.
on the
Ohio.
before they had time to examine and confute the
pretended proofs of his moſt Chriſtian Majefty's
claim; in which the French had employed the
like arts of chicanery and cavil, as you have ſeen
in the cafe of Nova Scotia or Acadia.
Their pro-
M. du Quefne, who fucceeded M. de la Jon-
ceedings in
North quiere in the government of Canada, being
America charged with an immediate and vigorous execu-
tion of the expedition to fubdue the country on the
Ohio to the crown of France, detached the Sieur
de St. Pierre early in the year 1753 with a fuffici-
ent force to make a lodgment and to maintain his
ground on the river Beuf, or Beef river, till rein-
forced: which St. Pierre performed; and he built
a fort upon the ſpot in honour to M. du Quefne.
Such a diſagreeable neighbour foon notified his
acceffion by the outrages committed on the back
fettlements of Virginia and Philadelphia, and more
particularly by cutting off the Indian trade, and
feizing upon our traders and their goods.
A meffen-
nia to the
·
In October 1753 the Governor and council of
Virginia, having orders from England to repel
force by force, difpatched a meffenger to examine
ger dif.
patched
the territory behind their ſettlement, and to ex-
from Virgi- plore the French encroachments and operations;
French at who brought back an account, That there had
been 1500 regular forces fent to thoſe parts from
Old France: That the French had built three
forts upon the Ohio, on the lands lately granted to
certain gentlemen in London, by the crown.
That, as the French met with no oppofition, they
were refolved to maintain their ground. This
river de
Beuf.
advice
THE LATE WAR.
9
advice concluded with obſerving, That unleſs
means were uſed to drive off the French, and
likewife forts built on the banks of the Miffifippi
by the Engliſh, the French would fortify them-
ſelves in fuch a manner, that it would not be in
our power to expel them.
This report made by the provincial meſſenger
appeared of fuch an interefting nature to the
crown of Great Britain, that Governor Dinwiddie
immediately fent the following letter by Major
George Washington to the French Commander in
Chief, at the fort on the river Du Beuf.
S I R;
Z
A. D.
1753,
Dinwid-
French
er on the
river du
Beuf.
THE lands upon the river Ohio, in the weft- Governor
ern parts of the colony of Virginia, are fo no- die's letter
toriouſly known to be the property of the crown to the
of Great Britain, that it is a matter of equal con- command-
cern and furprize to me, to hear that a body of
French forces are erecting fortreffes and making
ſettlements upon that river, within his Majeſty's
dominions. The many and repeated complaints I
have received of thefe acts of hoftility lay me un-
der the neceffity of fending, in the name of the
King my mafter, the bearer hereof, George Wafh-
ington, Efq; one of the adjutants general of the
forces of this dominion; to complain to you of the
encroachments thus made, and of the injuries
done to the ſubjects of Great Britain, in violation
of the law of nations, and the treaties now fub-
VOL. I.
z October 31, 1753.
H
:
fifting
3
98
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1753.
ton's in-
and en-
his jour-
du Beuf.
fifting between the two crowns. If theſe facts be
true, and you think fit to juſtify your proceed-
ings, I muſt defire you to acquaint me, by whofe
authority and inftructions, you have lately marched
from Canada with an armed force, and invaded
the King of Great Britain's territories, in the
manner complained of; that according to the pur-
port and refolution of your anfwer, I may act
agreeably to the commiffion I am honoured with,
from the King my mafter. However, Sir, in
obedience to my inftructions, it becomes my duty
to require your peaceable departure; and that you
would forbear profecuting a purpoſe ſo interrup-
tive of the harmony and good understanding,
which his Majeſty is defirous to continue and cul-
tivate with the moſt Chriſtian King, &c.
ROBERT DINWIDDIE
Major
Mr. Waſhington was alſo inftructed to make a
Wahing further and diligent enquiry into the French en-
ftructions croachments and defigns. For this purpoſe, it
quiries in appears by his journal on this occafion, that he
ney to river travelled by the way of Fredericksburg, Win-
cheſter and Will's Creek, and thence to the mouth
of Turtle Creek on the river Monongahela;
where he was informed of the death of the French
General in Chief in thofe parts; and of their
troops returning into winter quarters. From
thence he paffed to the forts of the Ohio, about
10 miles diftant, where the Monongahela is joined
2 It being the 22d of November.
a
by
THE LATE WAR.
99
by the river Alligany. On the 25th of November
he met with a few French deferters, from whom
he got intelligence, That they were part of 100
men, fent with eight canoes laden with provifions,
from New Orleans to Kufkafkas, with a promiſe
of being joined there by an equal number of
French from the Miffifippi, to convoy them and
their ftores up the river. That the French had
built four ſmall forts, between New Orleans and
the Black iſlands, garrifoned by 30 or 40 men, and
a few fmall pieces of cannon in each. That at
New Orleans, near the mouth of the Miffifippi,
there were 35 companies of 40 men each, with a
fort of fix carriage guns: And at Black iſlands,"
a fort with eight guns, and feveral companies.
They alfo acquainted him, that there was a ſmall
pallifadoed fort on the Ohio, at the mouth of the
Ouabach or Wabafh; a river, which heads near
the weft end of Lake Erie, by which the French
on the Miffifippi, communicate with thoſe on the
Lakes.
:
C
With theſe deferters was an Indian trader, nam-
ed Brown, who informed him further, that at Sha-
naoh town, he had met with a King of the Six
Nations, from whom he learnt, That the French
had built a fort on Lake Erie, and another on a
ſmall Lake, about 15 miles afunder, with a large
waggon road between. That three nations of
French Indians had taken the hatchet against the
Engliſh. That the French had called all the
Diſtant 130 leagues above the mouth of the Ohio,
← About 60 leagues from the Miffifippi.
H 2
Mingo's,
A. D.
1753.
2
110
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1753.
A. D. Mingo's, Delawares, &c. together, and told them,
that they had intended to be down the river, this
fall, but were obliged by the inclemency of the
ſeaſon, to defer their march till the fpring, when
they would certainly come with a much greater
number; and threatning them with military exe-
cution, in cafe they would not remain neuter: for
that they expected to fight the Engliſh three
years, and did not doubt of fuccefs, and of con-
quering all the lands on the Ohio.
Major
ton's arri-
Mr. Waſhington arrived at Verango, on the
Wathing 4th day of December 1753, an old Indian town
at the mouth of French Creek on the Ohio; where
tion, and he found the French colours hoifted at a houſe,
reception. from which they had driven Mr. John Frazer, an
val at the
French fta-
English fubject; and met with Captain Joncaire,
who was the French Commander of the Ohio
who received him courteously, and referred him
to the General Officer of the next fort with his
letter. However Joncaire kept him at fupper,
and after the glafs had paffed about chearfully,
the French Captain told him, That it was their
abfolute defign to take poffeffion of the Ohio:
And by G-- they would do it: For, though they
were-fenfible the Engliſh could raiſe two men for
their one, yet they knew their motions to be too
flow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of
theirs; grounding the right of France to the river,
upon a diſcovery made by one La Salle, about
60 years before: And agreeable to this converfa-
tion, they had feized all ftraggling English traders,
and had orders to make every perfon prifoner, who
attempted
THE
101
LATE WAR.
1753-
attempted to trade on the Ohio, or the waters of A. D.
it and now the Commandant returned the fol-
lowing anſwer to the Governor's letter.
SIR,
French
to Gov.
die's letter.
AS I have the honour of commanding here in The
chief, Mr. Waſhington delivered to me the command-
letter, which you wrote to the Commander of the er's anfwer
French troops. I fhould have been glad, that Dinwid-
you had given him orders, or that he had been
inclined, to proceed to Canada to fee our General;
to whom it better belongs, than to me, to fet forth
the evidence and the reality of the rights of the
King my mafter, to the lands fituate along the
river Ohio, and to conteft the pretenfions of the
King of Great Britain thereto. I fhall tranfmit
your letter to the Marquis Duguifne, or du Quefne.
His answer will be a law to me. And if he ſhall
order me to communicate it to you, Sir, you
may be affured, I ſhall not fail to diſpatch it forth-
with to you. As to the fummons you fend me to
retire; I do not think myſelf obliged to obey it.
Whatever may be your inſtructions, I am here by
virtue of the orders of my General; and, I in-
treat you, Sir, not to doubt one moment, but
that I am determined to conform myſelf to them
with all the exactneſs and refolution, which can
be expected from the beſt officer. I do not know
that in the progrefs of this campaign, any thing
has paffed, which can be reputed an act of hofti-
lity, or, that is contrary to the treaties, which
fubfift between the two crowns; the continuation
whereof
H 3
102.
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1753.
A. D. whereof as much interefteth, and is as pleaſing to
us, as the Engliſh. Had you been pleaſed, Sir,
to have defcended to particularize the facts, which
occafioned your complaint, I fhould have had the
honour of anſwering you in the fulleft, and, I
am perfuaded, the moſt fatisfactory manner, &c.
British
court com-
plains of
From the Fort Sur
la Riviere au
Beuf, Decem-
ber 15, 1753.
LEGARDEUR DE ST. PIERE.
Thefe hoftilities were alfo tranfmitted to the
court of Great Britain: and the complaints againſt
thefe hofti- them were exhibited in a memorial by the Earl of
lities, with-
out effect. Albemarle the Britiſh minifter at Paris: but with-
out any other effect, than delufive promifes to
curb and withdraw the cauſes of thofe complaints.
And the Britiſh miniſtry ſtill gave fo much ear to
thofe vain pretences and excuſes, that they pre-
vented his Majefty, at the opening of the parlia-
ment on the 15th of November 1753, from tak-
ing proper notice of the French conduct towards
his American fubjects; and permitted him to de-
clare, "That the continuance of the public tran-
King's
speech.
66
quillity, and the general ftate of Europe re-
"mained upon the fame footing, as when they
"laſt parted; and affured them of his fteadineſs
in purſuing the moſt effectual meaſures to pre-
ferve to his people the bleffings of peace."
The Governor of Virginia was convinced other-
1754. wife; and endeavoured, with a true Britiſh ſpirit,
to prevail with the Virginians, and his neighbour-
ing governments, to arm in their own defence,
and to erect a fort on the Forks, to curb the
A. D.
French
THE LATE WAR.
103
French encroachments, and to defend the Britiſh
traders and property. But for want of a national
countenance and fuccour, this ſcheme failed, and,
inſtead of deterring the French from their defigns,
it ſerved only as a means to provide them with ar-
guments to make the native Indians jealous, and
to oppoſe the English.
A. D.
1754.
Washing-
Governor Dinwiddie prevailed at laft with his Colonel
province to raiſe 10,000l. and 300 men, to pro- ton's expe-
tect their frontiers: and the command of this dition.
ſmall regiment was given to Mr. Waſhington,
a brave and prudent young gentleman, who be-
gan his march on the 1ft of May, and on the 28th
came up with a party of the French, took 20
priſoners, killed ten, and put the reft to flight.
Having learnt from his prifoners the real ftrength
of the enemy in thofe parts, under the command
of the Sieur de Contrecœur, in chief on the Ohio,
and informed by his fcouts, that this Commander
in Chief, informed of the advantage he had gain-
ed over the French party on the 28th, had ſent
the Sieur de Villers with 1000 French, and 200
Indians, to attack him, and diflodge him from a
little fort he had run up, called Fort Neceffity,
as a temporary defence, and cover for his handful
of men, till fome troops, which had been pro-
mifed to follow him from New York, might ar-
rive; he made the beſt diſpoſition poffible for one
in his circumftances, to maintain his poft, and to
beat off an enemy, if any fuch fhould attempt to
difturb him. Which came to pafs on the 3d of
July, when the body of 1200 men above men-
H 4
tioned
704
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
¡
A. D.
1754•
Capitu-
lates.
His capitu-
lation.
tioned marched up to the attack of his little camp
and fort. The Engliſh were by this time, by one
cafualty or other reduced to 200; but they fuf-
tained the enemy's whole force for upwards of
three hours. and laid 200 of the enemy dead in
the field. So much refolution greatly diſcouraged
the French; and put their General upon fome lefs
dangerous method of diflodging the English.
Thus, at the time Colonel Waſhington expected
nothing better than to be furrounded and put to
the fword, the enemy called a parley; which end-
ed in an honourable capitulation for the brave re-
mains of our provincial troops; of whom 30
had been killed, and 70 wounded: The enemy
had 300 killed and wounded. For our men be-
haved with fingular intrepidity, determined not to
afk for quarter, but with their bayonets fcrewed,
to fell their lives, as dear as they poffibly could,
The capitulation was, That each fide fhould re-
tire without moleftation; and that the Engliſh
army fhould march away with all the honours of
war, and with ftores, effects and baggage. But,
after Colonel Washington had marched out of
Fort Neceffity, the Indians, whom the French
had feduced from their allegiance to the King
Great Britain, attacked them, plundered their
baggage, and made a great flaughter of the men,
cattle and horfes. And, when the French Com-
mander was applied to, he pretended to be ex-
tremely concerned, drew his fword, and ran
amongſt the Indians; but, inftead of ufing means
to ſtop their breach of the capitulation, he en
>
couraged
THE LATE WAR.
105
couraged them to plunder and murder the A. D.
English.
The importance and diftrefs of our Provinces
at this time, and the great neglect there was
fomewhere in England, to relieve and to fupport
them against thofe violent meaſures, which the
French executed with impunity, are well deſcribed
in the following letter, wrote about this time,
from Williamſburg to a merchant in London.
SIR,
1754.
portance
rable ſtate
IN the name of curiofity, what are you about The im-
in England? If we might judge of you by the and mife-
rules of good fenfe and policy, I fhould imagine of the co-
you to be in all the hurry of preparation for war: lonies.
for, you will not ſurely fuffer the most notorious
and repeated violations of rights and treaties to
go unrevenged. The French have long fince,
commenced actual hoftilities against us here; have
not only entred upon our territories manu forti, but
have taken from us our forts, and ftrong holds,
fuch as they were. In fhort, all our colonies are
in the utmoft hurry and confufion from the ap-
proaching danger. By this fituation of our af-
fairs, you, gentlemen merchants of the mother
country, muft expect to be in great meafure af-
fected with us: For, whilst we are fending our
youth, to the repulfion of the enemy, and reco-
very of our frontiers, cultivation muft be, and is,
neglected: And without a full attention to our
produce, how fhall we be able to make the proper
returns to England. What will really be the con-
fequences
106
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. fequences of thefe proceedings, God only knows.
1754 But certainly you ought not to be indifferent, as
to the danger, becauſe at prefent it is at a dif
tance from you.
It requires not a very great degree of know-
ledge and judgment to comprehend, that on the
fecurity and profperity of the colonies, depends
the preſent flouriſhing condition of the mother
country. The immenfe quantities of goods, which
are annually imported into America from England,
to the amount of fome millions fterling; the
greater number of ſhipping and hands employed
in the exportation of them, make up, I doubt
not, the moſt confiderable part of your prefent
trading intereft: and by manufacturing the ma-
terials for this particular commerce, what number
of individuals, nay families are wholly fupported
in England!--In fhort, Great Britain is chiefly
indebted to us, that fhe makes fo rich, fo potent
and refpectable a figure in Europe. A truth that,
however evident, we have reafon to fuppofe, from
the tenor of their paft conduct, has not been fo
obvious to your miniftry; or, in other words, to
thofe in power, whofe immediate duty it was to
inform themſelves concerning it.
f
It does not eſcape our notice here, how ready
and generous England has been, and ftill is, to
grant fubfidies upon every paltry alarm, to fome
petty German Princes, to the tune of fome hun-
dreds of thouſands, merely for the fake of pre-
ferving, as the miniſters call it, the balance of
power. How much has been done to preferve
the
THE LATE WAR.
107
the balance of trade, or even our undoubted
rights in America, let them declare, who know
it. In fhort, and to tell the plain truth in few
words, we are looked upon by your great men,
as a fubject too low for their fublime politics; by
your country 'fquires and coxcombs, as a fet of
tranſports and vagabonds; and by your boards, as
unruly children, that want more to be corrected
than encouraged. Thanks to their wisdom in
taking fo little care of our breeding!
It has been for many years paſt, that the French
have uninterruptedly been forming a force on the
back of our colonies, from the Miffifippi to Ca-
nada, by gaining over the Indians to their intereſt
and erecting forts at proper diftances, which might
open a ready communication from north to fouth.
They had a triple policy in this. (1.) That by
fecuring the alliance of the Indians, they might
engrofs the peltry and fur-trade. (2.) That by
fuch a chain of forts and ftrength, they might
not only prevent the extenfion of our colonies,
but even ftraiten and diftrefs them at pleaſure.
(3.) That by fuch an eſtabliſhment and poffeffion,
they might be able to preferve the back parts of
America by negociation and treaty, whenever our
miniftry might be provoked to look into our
rights; and take up the refolution of calling them
to account for fuch a procedure.
1
As far as my obfervation has gone, it has ever
been through negligence and negociation, that
Britain has, firft, permitted her proper rights and
advant-
A. D.
1754.
108
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1754.
A. D. advantages to become difputable, by fuffering
them to be invaded, without an immediate proper
refentment and after fhe has come to the refolu-
tion of afferting them, fhe has too eafily con-
defcended to a treaty; and at length been con-
tented, or made fatisfied, with a divifion. It is
this kind of conduct, that I doubt we fhall have
more reaſon to be afraid of, hereafter, than we'
ſeem to be at prefent, leaft the miniſtry ſhould not
grant us a fubfidy. For, after all the inconve-
niences which we muſt inevitably go through, af-
ter the great expences and loffes we muſt actually'
fuffer, as well in lives, as in matters of property,
before we ſhall be able to regain our forts and
frontiers; if there ſhould be any compofition made
with the French, as to the lands on this fide the
Miffifippi, it will be only protracting the evil day,
and prove to be fo much blood and treaſure ex-
pended to little purpoſe. For how can our colo-
nies be ever fafe with a French enemy on their
backs? Or, whilft fuch a danger is hanging over
them, what fecurity can be given to the induftri-
ous, that they ſhall reap the fruit of their own
labours?
i
To conclude, we defire to be confidered only
as a petty German Prince, with relation to your
liberality; but with refpect to the rights of the
Britiſh empire, and the rights of induſtrious fub-
jects, we hope to be empowered and encouraged
not only to affert, but to recover, to defend and
enjoy them in their full and juft extent, in fpite
of
THE
10g
LATE WAR.
of all the power, perfidy and ftratagem of the
French, and even of the devil himſelf, ſhould he
think fit to join them. I am, Sir, &c. &c.
A. D.
1754.
This feaſonable and fenfible repreſentation, of
the danger and importance of our American plan-
tations, deferves a ferious attention, as it contains
many intereſting remarks concerning the value of
thoſe provinces to the mother-country; the means
of preferving and improving them, and the ha-
zard this nation runs by every neglect to drive off
encroachments, and by any compofition or divi-
fion of the lands behind thoſe fettlements; which
were daily extending their limits, eſpecially into
the fertile and delightful country of the Twightees,
inhabiting the plains on the Ohio; by a company The Ohio
of merchants. at London. Who have obtained a
Who have obtained a eftablished
grant from the crown to fettle that tract of land with an
under the protection of Great Britain, with an ex- right.
clufive privilege of trading with the Indians on
the banks of the river Ohio.
company
exclufive
This grant was made foon after the treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle and it no fooner tranfpired, Its effects
than the French Governor of Canada wrote to
in regard
to the
the Governors of New York and Penſylvania; French.
giving them to underſtand, "That as the Engliſh
"inland traders had encroached on the French
"territories and privileges, by trading with the
"Indians under the protection of his Sovereign,
"he would feize them, wherever they ſhould be
found, if they did not immediately defift from
"that illicit practice." This menace not being
regard-
110
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. regarded, he next year cauſed three Britiſh traders
1754.
In regard
to the In-
dians.
French
haviour at
to be arreſted. Their effects were confifcated and
their perſons fent, by the way of Quebec, to Ro-
chelle in Old France, and there impriſoned: As
already related more at large.
This grant produced another unlucky effect.
The new company not only neglected to gain the
confent of the native Indians, on the back of the
royal patent, which might have been done at a
trifling expence, and what has been ufual on like
occafions; but they fent a perſon to ſurvey their
country in fuch a dark myſterious manner, as gavė
a people, naturally jealous, too much room for
fufpicion and diſcontent. Which diſpoſed them
to receive any overtures, with more willingneſs
from the French, offered by way of protection.
Befides, the jealoufy of the Indians was greatly
heightened by the traders from Penfylvania and
Virginia, who forefaw that they themſelves would
be great lofers, in that valuable branch of traffic,
from which they were to be excluded by the royal
privilege of a new monopoly.
The action at Fort Neceffity being tranfmitted
court's be- to London; it was reprefented by the Britiſh Am-
the com- baffador at Paris, as an open violation of the
plaint a-
bout Fort peace. Which did not meet with the fame de-
Neceffity. gree of refpect, as on former occafions of com-
plaint; the time now nearly approaching for the
French to pull off the mafk of moderation and
peace. For, inſtead of difavowing the conduct
© On page 44, ˜¯&c.
Ibid.
of
THE LATE WAR.
III
of their American Commander, orders were ex-
pedited for reinforcements of men and ammuni-
tion to perfect their pernicious defigns on that
Continent.
A. D.
1754.
tions fent
unite in
As all this could not be concealed from the Inftruc-
Britiſh miniſtry, which was known to all the peo-tour Co-
ple; the nation murmured greatly at their fupine lonies to
inactivity; whofe only care of that vaft and im- one confe-
portant Continent amounted to no more than fome deracy.
cautionary inſtructions tranfmitted to the Gover-
nors of our provinces; and for them to unite in
their own defence. The inftructions ran thus;
"It is his Majefty's command, that in cafe the
fubjects of any foreign Prince ſhould prefume to
make any encroachments in the limits of his Ma-
jefty's dominions, or to erect forts on his Ma-
jeſty's lands, or to commit any other act of hofti-
lity; and ſhould, upon a requifition made to them
to defift from fuch proceedings, perfift in them,
they ſhould draw forth the armed force of their
reſpective provinces, and uſe their beft endeavours
to repel force by force." The Governors were
likewiſe ordered to form a political confederacy.
And the Governor of New York was appointed
to confer with the Chiefs of the Indians, and by
prefents, and other means, to keep them fteady
to the Britiſh intereft.
trated.
This, to be fure, was a defirable union, and a How they
meaſure that, if effectually executed, might have were fruf
anſwered the intention of preventing further en-
croachments; but, fuch is the bad policy of Bri-
tiſh ſubjects, that they, by their own contentions,
fre-
112
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. frequently fruftrate the beſt concerted meaſures.
1754.
Thus, when unanimity and activity were moſt ne-
ceffary, the national intereft was neglected, and
obliged to give way to the religious and political
difputes of the Provinces. The affembly of Vir-
ginia quarrelled with Dinwidde their Governor,
about a fee he demanded for every grant he fhould
pafs for land. The Penfylvanian Reprefentatives
wafted their time in vain deliberations and vio-
lent diſputes with their Proprietaries, while the
enemy invaded their frontiers, and fortified them-
felves. New York was divided into factions by
ſome men of property, but of turbulent fpirits,
who exerted their influence to diſtreſs the views
and defigns of the Government. A congreſs
was appointed and held for that purpoſe at
Albany, by Commiffioners from all the Britiſh
Provinces. But few Indians attended, and they
behaved with ſo much indifference, that, though
they accepted of the prefents, renewed treaties,
and demanded aid to drive the French from their
territories, it appeared plainly, that they were
gained over to the French intereft, and thought
the Engliſh would be obliged to deliver up their
country to the French. Though they feemed to
be very well pleafed with their prefents, which
were much more confiderable than ever had been
Specch of known, they, in their speech to Mr. Lancey,
the Indi- Lieutenant-Governor of New York, ſpoke with
ans.
great warmth, feverely blaming the neglect and
indolence of our nation, and in praiſe of the French
for their diligence and care to fortify and maintain
their
THE LATE WAR.
113
their garrifons, while the Engliſh left both their
ſettlements and their allies expofed to invaſion
and deftruction. They particularly recriminated
upon us the deſertion of our fort at Saraghtoga,
in the laſt war; repreſented the defenceleſs condi-
tion of our frontier city of Albany; and con-
cluded with feaſonable and rational advice to de-
fend ourſelves, and to encounter the French with
more ſpirit and conduct for the future.
A.D.
1754.
upon.
In this congreſs a plan was concerted, after General u
long debates, for executing that falutary meaſure nion agreed
of a general union of the Britiſh colonies, and
for creating a common fund to defray all military
expences: and it was agreed to lay this plan be-
fore his Majefty and council; but, it was never
carried into execution.
&c. by New
During the fitting of this congrefs Mr. Shirley, Forts built,
Governor of Maffachufet's bay prevailed with the York.
affembly of his Province to build a ſtrong fort
near the head of the river Kennebeck, and to pro-
vide 800 men for that fervice, to protect the
Province from the incurfions of the French and In-
dians. In purfuance of this refolution of the af-
fembly, Mr. Shirley, in the fummer 1754, marched
with the troops to the eaftern frontier, and, with
the confent of the Indians, built Fort Weftern,
about 37 miles from the mouth of the river Ken-
nebeck, and Fort Hallifax about 54 miles down
the fame river; of which proceedings when Go-
vernor Shirley tranfmitted an account to the mi-
niftry at home, he alfo reprefented the imminent
danger to which Nova Scotia was expofed, from
VOL. I.
1
I
the
3
114
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
*754•
Remon-
ftrances a-
bout Nova
Scotia.
Approved
of.
the encroachments and fortifications of the French,
which had extended themſelves to the very neigh-
bourhood of the Engliſh fettlements; and from
any ſudden attack, which might eafily be formed
againſt that Province from St. John's Ifland, Cape
Breton, and Canada.
This remonftrance feemed to carry ſome weight:
for Governor Shirley received not only the appro-
bation of his Majefty and Council for the ſervice
he had performed on the river Kennebeck, but
a command alfo to concert meafures with Mr.
Lawrence, Lieutenant-Governor and Commander
in Chief of the Province of Nova Scotia, for at-
tacking the French forts in that Province. But
nothing could be done in this fervice till the next
fummer; except raifing 2000 men in New Eng-
land, and receiving 2000 ftands of arms from
London.
General It was alſo refolved in his Majefty's Council to
appointed. appoint a Generaliffimo for the fervice of North
Braddock
America. This command was conferred on Ge-
neral Braddock, whofe courage and military dif-
cipline had recommended him, as of ability for
fo great a truſt. At the fame time orders were
iffued for raifing two regiments, of two battalions
each, in North America, to be commanded
by Sir William Pepperel and Mr. Shirley, and
for the embarkation of Halklet's and Dunbar's
regiments of foot, to fail with all expedition
with General Braddock for Virginia; but they
did not get from Ireland till the 14th of Janua
ry 1755.
Though
THE LATE WAR.
115
Though it was not poffible to fix upon any plan
to unite the Provinces effectually, for their com-
mon fafety under thefe perilous circumftances, the
Governors and principal Planters repeated their re-
preſentations to the miniftry in England, of the
bad ſtate of their refpective colonies, affuring
them that they must inevitably fall a prey to the
French invaders, if not ſpeedily and powerfully
affifted by their mother country. And pofterity
will review with aftoniſhment the negligent remif-
neſs with which the British Miniftry fuffered the
cauſe of thoſe complaints to continue, and thoſe
valuable territories, which make fo confiderable a
part of the Britiſh dominions, to remain in fo ex-
pofed and defenceleſs a condition. All that can
be urged to exculpate fuch a neglect, is the fup-
pofition, That the Provinces had a fufficient in-
ternal ſtrength to defend themſelves. But, this
is a fallacious way of reafoning: for, though it
be allowed, that the inhabitants of the Britiſh
empire on the Continent of North America, ex-
ceeded the French and Canadians, at the rate of
ten to one, it ought to be remembered alfo, that,
while theſe provinces or governments continue in
feparate ftates, with feparate interefts, without
any connection with one another, their ſtrength is
divided, and might, one after another, fall a prey
to the combined force of the French, Canadians
and Indians. However, though the Provinces
might have done more at this time for their com-
mon defence, than they did, that is no excufe for
the Britiſh miniſtry, who ought either to have
r
I 2
com-
A. D.
1754.
116
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. compelled them to ſubmit to fuch impofitions, as
1754 the legislature might find neceffary for their mu-
temper of
conduct in
tual intereft in time of danger and war; or, to
have protected them with regular forces fent from
Europe.
In this they would only have imitated the ene-
my, who, by every fhip to Louifbourg and Que-
bec, kept continually fending regular troops to en-
courage and to ftrengthen their fubjects and allies.
By theſe Col. Waſhington was defeated; and with
the fame force the French improved that defeat,
by feizing all that fine country on the Ohio, and
its branches.
However, Spain feemed ſo much inclined, (upon
the change of her miniſtry, this year, when the
Marquis De la Enfenada was forced to refign to
The pacific Mr. Wall) to maintain the peace with England,
the court that the diſputes about our cutting logwood in the
of Spain. bay of Honduras were amicably adjufted between
the faid Mr. Wall, the Spaniſh Prime Miniſter,
and Sir Benjamin Keene, the Britiſh Ambaſſador.
Mr. Pitt's No wonder, therefore, that Mr. Pitt did after-
regard to wards treat the Franco-Spanish memorial, in which
Spain de- the cutting of logwood was pretended, amongſt
other grievances, to be a principal article to ob-
ftruct the pacific negociations, then carrying on,
between Great Britain and France, with the in-
dignity fuch an after-claim deſerved. And he
had good reaſon, from fuch a change in the con-
duct of Mr. Wall towards Great Britain, to be-
lieve him frenchified, and to be feeking an oppor
tunity to join the enemy of our country, under
fended.
{
the
THE LATE WAR.
117
the ſpecious pretence of maintaining the rights of A. D:
his own nation, in a point they had already given
up and adjuſted.
1754
the north.
This year had not yet produced any remark- Affairs in
able alteration in the affairs of the northern powers,
fo as to affect the intereft of Great Britain; though
it was very certain, that no court in Europe, ever
fo obfcure, had efcaped the attention of France,
and being tempted to adhere to her intereft, either
by promiſes, threats, or fubfidies: And at the
fame timé repreſenting the complaints and mea-
fures of Great Britain, againſt their encroachments
in America, in a moſt diſadvantageous light.
Indies.
In the Eaft Indies, M. Dupleix, affuming the Affairs in
port
and character of an Eaftern Monarch, under the Eaft
his forged commiffion from the Mogul, continued
the war, with all his power, to diſtreſs the Britiſh
intereft. But notwithstanding his riches, fuperio-
rity of men, and connections with the natives,
he could not, all this time, ftrike any effectual
ſtroke againſt our fettlements; but, on the contra-
ry, was obliged to fubmit to many difappoint-
ments and rebuffs from the conduct and courage
of our troops.
The British miniftry, during this fummer (1754)
had managed the national affairs without the help
of a Primier, which place was laft vacated by the Death of
the Right
Right Hon. Henry Pelham, Efq; brother to the Hon. Hen-
Duke of Newcaſtle, who departed this life in the ry Pelham,
beginning of March. And his Majefty, on the
fourteenth day of November opened the parlia-
ment with informing them, "That the general
I 3
ftate
Efq;
118
A. D.
1754:
King's
fpeech,
Remarks
thereon.
Supplies
granted,
Behaviour
of the
French on
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
"ſtate of Europe had undergone very little alter
"ation fince their laft meeting: That he had
"lately received the ftrongeft affurances from
his good brother the King of Spain of friend-
૬ ſhip and confidence: That his principal view
"fhould be to ftrengthen the foundation, and
"fecure the duration of a general peace; to im-
46
<<
prove the prefent advantages of it for promoting
"the trade of his good fubjects, and protecting
"thofe poffeffions [North America] which confti-
"tuted one great fource of their wealth and
"`commerce.
Though his Majefty avoided mentioning the
particular encroachments of France, in order to
prevent debates upon the addrefs, it is evident
that he faid enough to convince the nation, of his
refolution to humble the infolence of that perfidi-
ous neighbour. Thus alfo was he understood by
the parliament, which unanimously granted for
the fervice of the enfuing year 4,073,729 1. of
which one million was exprefly given for aug-
menting the forces by fea and land. They alfo
voted 32,000l. fubfidy to the King of Poland,
and 20,000l. to the Elector of Bavaria, on a fup-
pofition that fuch fubfidiary allies were neceffary
to defeat, or prevent, any after game, to be
played by France againft Hanover, fhould that
perfidious nation drive Great Britain to an open
rupture.
Such public acts, as thefe, convinced the French,
that the Engliſh were in good earnest to exert
this occa- themſelves against their encroachments in America:
fion.
4
And,
THE LATE
119
WAR.
And, as they, with all their diligence, were not
in a condition to complete their intended arma-
ments, by fea and land, for that ſervice, to be
time enough to ſecure their poſts on that Conti-
nent, before the Britiſh forces might arrive at the
places of their deſtination, they took great pains,
once more, to amuſe the Britiſh miniftry with
general declarations, that no hoftility was intend-
ed, nor the leaſt infringement of the treaty:
which declarations were communicated to the
court of London, by the Marquis de Mirepoix,
their own Ambaffador at the Britiſh court, the
Earl of Albemarle being lately dead at Paris.
A. D.
1754.
conduct of
dor. Mire-
Mirepoix, on this occafion, played the part of The artful
the Archbishop of Ambrune, the French Ambaf- the French
fador at Madrid, in the last century. The French Ambaffa-
King, by the Pyrenean treaty, had guaranteed poix.
all the Spaniſh dominions, to the fucceffor of the
King, upon the throne; the King of Spain, with
whom that treaty was made, dies within ſeven
years, and leaves a fon and fucceffor, a minor, on
the throne, whofe fifter had been married to the
Dauphin, with the exprefs condition of her re-
nunciation of all right and title to any part of her
father's dominions, together with the confent,
approbation and ratification of the French King
and her huſband. But Lewis XIV. in defiance
of renunciations, ratifications, treaties and every
other motive for maintaining good faith, kept up
a powerful army, and as foon as he heard of the
King's death, made the neceſſary diſpoſitions to
feize upon Flanders, a part of the Spaniſh mon-
I
4
archy,
120
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. archy, and to add that fine country to his own
1754. dominions. Thefe preparations and intentions
reaching the court of Spain, the Queen mother
queftioned his Grace the Archbishop? Who, ei-
ther deceived by his inftructions from France, or
prepared to keep the Spanish court in a ruinous
ſtate of fecurity and inactivity, by the ſtrongeſt af-
furances of his royal mafter's refolution to main-
tain the faith of the late treaty, and not to invade
any part of the Spanish dominions, during the
young King's minority, continued, with the moſt
folemn proteftations of fincerity and friendſhip,
to amuſe the Queen mother and her miniftry, till
the very news of the French having invaded
Flanders arrived at the court of Madrid. Thus
the Marquis de Mirepoix was ordered, (whether
in the fecret or not) to amufe the Britiſh court,
and, if poffible, to delay, or flacken their arma-
ments for America, till the French had fufficiently
ftrengthened their ufurpations from Europe.
It is certain Mirepoix acted his part extremely
well: even fo far, as when facts were daily al-
ledged to confront his pacific declarations, this
thorough-paced politician pretended to be ftruck
Repairs to with aftonifhment and chagrin, and to repair to
Verfailles to upbraid that miniftry for making him
further in- the tool of their diffimulation.
his own
court for
ftructions.
Remarks
thereon.
This conduct of the French Ambaffador, has
been urged in favour of his candour and fincerity:
But, if we confider it with all its circumftances,
and compare it with the Archbishop of Ambrune's
behaviour, in a fimilar cafe; this aftoniſhment,
chagrin,
THE LATE WAR.
121
1754.
chagrin, rage and departure of Mirepoix, will A. D.
appear to have been a concerted fineffe to gain
that time by fufpence, which they were not able
to obtain by prevarication. Mirepoix's reputed
honour and the politenefs, with which he had in-
gratiated himſelf at the British court, conduced
greatly to fill fome of our ſtateſmen with hopes of
accommodating matters, by his prefence at Ver-
failles: And, at his return to London, they tri-
umphed greatly at the pacific intentions of his
royal mafter, which he declared were delivered to
him by the King himself: Which affurances, hav,
ing been long detected of falfhood, could find no
other means to gain credit, but on the good opi-
nion the British Court entertained of the Marquis
de Mirepoix.
France, ever watchful of the proceedings be-
tween our King and parliament, eaſily forefaw the
refolution of his Britannic Majefty, and the de-
termination of the parliament to fupport him
againſt the French violation of treaties. There-
fore, not to be behindhand, the French miniftry
ordered a powerful armament to be immediately Conduct of
fitted out at Breft, for North America; and took the French
miniſtry at
other meaſures, which prognofticated their inten- this time,
tion to ſtrike fome important blow, that might
ferve for a declaration of war.
De Cofne, the fecretary of our embaffy at
Paris, by letter dated the 1st of January 1755,
informed Sir Thomas Robinfon, Secretary of
of State, That 17 men of war, the Admiral's
ſhip of 70 guns, were ordered to be equipped at
Breft,
A. Da
1755.
122
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
A. D. Breft, and that the greateft part of that fleet was
deftined for America, with regular troops on
board. By another letter of the 8th, he fpecifies
the number of ſhips to be 16 of the line, and five
frigates; and the troops to be 3000 men and
adds, that they would be ready to fail by the end
of March. On the 23d, he writes, That there
were eight ſhips more to join them from Rochfort
and Rochelle, which would make in all 30 fhips
of war, 20 of which were of the line, and would
take on board 6000 forces; and that they were
working night and day to get to fea.
By the fame hand, the miniftry were informed
on February 16 and 23, That M. Macnamara was
to command this expedition. And in a few days
after, the Earl of Holderneſs was informed, That
in all theſe armaments there appeared a plain de-
fign to make fettlements and to build forts: be-
fides, that, it was given out, they refolved to aug-
ment the fortifications at Louiſburg, and to build
more forts on the Ohio,
But thoſe armaments were not confined to Breft,
&c. For Mr. Birtles our conful at Genoa, ſent
advice dated February 10, That the French had
24 fhips of war at Toulon, befides three on the
ſtocks, and one of 70 guns careening; that they
were ordered to be got fit for fea with all expedi-
tion; and that the magazines and ſtores were in
fuch order and readineſs, as to make it poffible to
fend all thoſe ſhips to fea in a very fhort time:
Which intelligence, as well as that, which follow-
ed from Mr. Banks, our conful at Carthegena,
on
THE LATE WAR.
123
on the 12th of March 1755, that the Great Ad-
miral of France was to have the chief command,
and that tranſports were taken up for a great num-
ber of land forces; it fhews that they had already
planned the invaſion and conqueft of Minorca.
On the 17th of March fix fhips of the Breft
fquadron got into the road: but the advices of
the 25th faid, that they could not fail before the
beginning of April, and that they would endea-
vour to flip away, without noife, with fuccours for
America; and that the M. now Duke of Mirepoix's
negociation was only to gain time, till the French
might arrive at the places of their deftination, and
be provided to declare open war. Accordingly
it was difcovered that fix of the Breft fquadron,
had failed in the night between the 17th and 18th,
privately, with troops for America. Six others
took their ſtation in the road, and received on
board a number of regular troops; among whom
were many Scotch and Irish officers. And five
more ſhips were ordered to be expedited with the
utmoft diligence.
Our diligent Secretary at Paris further informs,
That the frigate La Diane had been diſpatched
and failed from Rochfort, on the 27th of March,
to Louiſbourg and Quebec, with adviſe of theſe
fuccours: that eight more fhips of the line were
ordered to be victualled and fitted for fea in two
months, and that M. Macnamara, who had re-
figned the command of the fleet already failed,
to M. de la Mothe, upon account of his great
age,
A. D.
1755.
124
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755.
Proclama-
tion for
men.
age, had received orders to fail with a fquadron
on the 16th of March.
The British court thus informed, faw through
the artifice of Mirepoix, and the fallacious word
of his moſt Chriſtian Majefty; and entered upon
fuch meaſures, as they fuppofed effectual to pre-
vent the fatal effects of the French armaments.
A proclamation was iffued to encourage fea-
railing fea- men to enter themſelves on board his Majefty's
ſhips of war, offering a bounty of 30s for every
able bodied feaman, between 20 and 50 years of
age, and 20s. for every ordinary feaman. The
fame night there was a warm prefs below bridge;
warrants for the fame purpofe were difpatched to
the outports; and public notice was given at
Greenwich hofpital, for all the feamen, who were
willing to go to fea, to give in their names, and
that they should not fail of the ufual encourage-
For calling ments. Another proclamation
Another proclamation was publiſhed,
faringmen. for recalling all mafters of fhips, pilots, mariners,
feamen, fhipwrights and other fea-faring men,
his Majeſty's natural born fubjects, from the fer-
vice of all foreign Princes and States, and prohibit-
ing ſuch perſons from entering their fervice. And
Encourag- this proclamation increaſed the bounty for feamen
Seamen from 30s. to 31. and from 20s. to 21. who ſhould
home fea-
ment for
f
voluntarily enter before the 10th day of March
next following: and further promiſed 21. reward
to any perſon difcovering any able feamen, and
30 s. for ever ordinary fea man, who ſhould fecrete
e On January 23, 1755
f February 8.
them-
THE LATE WAR.
125
themſelves, fo that fuch feaman fhould be taken,
for his Majeſty's fervice, by any fea officer, em-
ployed for raifing men.
A. D.
1755-
from the
In March 1755 his Majefty fent a meffage by A meffage
Sir Thomas Robinſon, then Secretary of State, King to
to inform his parliament, "That having at the the parlia-
beginning of the feffion declared, that his princi-
pal object was to preferve the public tranquillity,
and at the fame time to protect thofe poffeffions,
which conſtitute one great fource of the commerce
and wealth of his kingdoms; he now finds it ne-
ceffary to acquaint the houfe of commons, that
the preſent fituation of affairs makes it requifite
to augment his forces by fea and land, and to take
fuch other meaſures, as may beft tend to preferve
the general peace of Europe, and to fecure the
juft rights and poffeffions of his crown in America;
as well as to repel any attempts whatſoever, that
may be made to fupport or countenance any de-
figns, which may be formed againſt his Majefty
and his dominions; not doubting, but that his
faithful commons would enable him to make fuch
augmentations, and to take fuch meaſures for fup-
porting the honour of his crown, and the true
interefts of his people, and for the fecurity of his
dominions, in the prefent critical juncture, as the
exigency of affairs may require."
ment.
ceived by
ment.
This meffage was anfwered with a warm and How re-
affectionate addrefs: and the miniftry in the cabi-, both houfes
net as if they were fully refolved to execute the of parlia-
neceffary meaſures in fuch a critical juncture, or-
dered a body of forces to America, to act in con-
junction
I
$26.
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
Mutiny
billextend-
A. D. junction with the provincial troops. Which or
1755 der produced an extraordinary claufe to the mutiny
bill, to render it more clear, extenſive and uſeful
for the national fervice: wherein it was provided,
"That all officers and foldiers of any troops,
ed to North being muſtered and in pay, which are or fhall
"be raiſed in any of the Britiſh provinces in
America, by authority of the refpective governors
. or governments thereof, fhall at all times, and
"in all places, when they happen to join or act
America.
A ſpeech
in parlia-
ment by a
general
officer.
66
..
ઉં
in conjunction with his Majefty's Britiſh forces,
"be liable to martial law, and difcipline, in like
"manner, to all intents and purpoſes, as the
"British forces are, and fhall be fubject to the
"fame trial, penalties and puniſhments."
A General officer, who on this critical occafion
was called
up in the houſe of commons, by a fpi-
rit, becoming a true patriot, expreſſed himſelf in
the following manner; "We feem, faid he, to
be driven upon the edge of a high mountain; on
every fide a dreadful and tremendous precipice:
too much expence makes us bankrupts: too little
makes us flaves. Some years ago, the French
were by no means a match for the Five Nations:
now they have a communication, by a range of
forts, from the river St. Lawrence, in Canada, to
the Ohio, near the Miffifippi. Hence it is, that
they hold our colonies between the two ends of a
net, which if they tighten by degrees, they may
get all of them into the body of it, and then
drown them in the fea. When the fhip is fink-
ing, the man at the helm in vain lays the blame
upon
THE LATE WAR.
127
upon
the labourer at the oar, or, the labourer at
the oar, recriminates upon the man at the helm:
we are all in one veffel: it is our intereſt as well
as our duty, to unite heartily in the common
caufe; and laying afide private ambition and
animofity, to act with alacrity and confidence, and
to perform every thing in our power, for the pre-
fervation, honour and happineſs of our country.
3
A. D.
1755.
Boscawen
fails for N.
So many men were provided for the fea fervice, Admiral
by proper means, that a ſquadron of 11 ſhips of
the line, and one frigate, bearing in all 5,945 America.
men, was got ready and failed for America, on
the 22d day of April, under the command of Vice
Admiral Boscawen. This fquadron had on board.
a confiderable body of land forces to attend the
motions of the enemy: And the Admiral's
inftructions to attack the French fleet, where
ever he ſhould meet them, was notified to the
Duke de Mirepoix. To which that polite am-
baffador replied, "That his royal mafter would Mirepoix's
"confider the first gun, fired at ſea in an hoſtile
<c manner, to be a declaration of war."
behaviour
on this
event.
upon the
This language, fo reverfe to his pacific confer- How it
ences, feemed to whet the refentment of our coun- operates
cils, fo as to redouble their preparations for war: miniſtry.
and the public began to think, that the miniftry
were come to a refolution to fulfil their defires
for the defence of America, and to oppofe all
other machinations of the French against their
trade, navigation and poffeffions; fo that the
Two regiments, which he took up at Plymouth.
moneyed
128
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755-
A. D. moneyed men fubfcribed 3,880,000l. immediate-
ly, inftead of 1,000,000l. required to be raiſed
by way of lottery.
The
French
fquadron
fent to N.
America.
h
Our miniſtry had certain advice from M. de
Cofne, That the fleet from Breft and Rochfort,
confifted of one ſhip of 90 guns, three of 74,
four of 70, feven of 64, one of 58, one of 50,
and five of 30 guns, from Breft; two of 64 guns,
one of 50, one of 30, and one of 26 guns, from
Rochfort: Together 18 fhips of the line, and
nine frigates; in all 27. But ten of theſe line of
battle were converted into tranfports, and mounted
no more than from 18 to 22 guns a piece, under
the command of M. Macnamara and M. Bois de
la Mothe.
This united fleet had orders to be ready to fail
by the 18th or 20th of April, with 11 battalions
on board; but it was wind bound, till the 3d of
May Of which M. de Cofné did not fail to give
immediate notice, adding, That it was generally
believed, that Macnamara's orders were only to
convoy the fhips that ferve for tranfports, to a
certain diſtance, and then to let them purſue their
voyage without him.
Here it may be feaſonable to enquire, what was
done on the part of Great Britain, befides the pro-
ceedings in parliament, to counteract the vigorous
Remarks meafures of our enemy? It is evident from all
on the Bri-thefe advices, and from the facts themſelves, that
tifh mini-
ftry at this thefe kingdoms had nothing to fear from an inva-
time.
Dated the 15th of April 1755.
fion:
THE LATE WAR.
129
fion: For, though France had a few more fhips
in the ports of Breft and Rochfort, fit for ſervice,
they had neither failors, nor ordnance, nor pro-
vifions, nor ammunition to fit them for fea; nor
any number of veffels capable of tranſporting an
army into this ifland, as all accounts from abroad
agreed, had they ever fo feriouſly meditated a de-
ſcent in favour of the Pretender, as Mr. Barnham
from Dover had intimated his fufpicion: which,
by other advices, was treated with contempt.
Why then was there not a more powerful fleet or-
dered in time, not to fight the French convoy
under Macnamara in the American feas, or to
block up, or intercept their fleet at Louifbourgh,
or Quebec, but at Breft and Rochfort? What
muſt be thought of fuch management, that, out
of the numerous navy, which Great Britain had
at this time in pay, they could fpare, o:, were afraid
to fuffer, no more than 11 fhips of the line and
one floop to defeat the French embarkation for
America; and to be at the extraordinary ex-
pence and hazard of fending a fquadron to do
that work in the American ocean, which, in all
probability, could have been done with little or no
rifk and much less expence, near, the chops of
the Britiſh channel. Such an appointment was
very wide of the utmoft exertion of our power in
defence of our colonies, and to maintain the do-
minion of the feas; when the miniftry, duly and
certainly informed of the force under failing or-
ders at Breft, confined their own ftrength to a
fquadron under Mr. Bofcawen, of a little more
VOL. I.
K
than
A. D.
1755.
3
130
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755..
King's
the end of
than half the force of the enemy; and paid no
manner of regard to the equipment of the naval
preparations at Toulon, of which they had pofi-
tive advice on the 14th of April; nor to the in-
telligence from Conful Banks, on the 12th of
March, who gave it, as his confirmed opinion,
that there would be a powerful expedition with
land forces from that port.
The only ſtep taken to remedy theſe egregious
omiffions, or whatever you may pleaſe to call them,
in the Britiſh politicks, was to rifk fix fhips of the
line and one frigate, under Admiral Holbourne, to
follow and ſtrengthen Admiral Boscawen ;. who
not failing till the 11th of May, when the chance
of his falling in with Macnamara's ſtrong ſqua-
dron, which failed but eight days before, was
againſt him, the national diſguſt with the miniftry
daily increaſed.
On the 25th day of April his Majeſty cloſed
fpeech at that feffions of parliament by a moft gracious
the feffion. fpeech, wherein he told the two houſes, "That
"the zeal they had ſhewn, for ſupporting the ho-
ઃઃ nour, rights and poffeffions of his crown, had
"afforded him the greateſt fatisfaction: That
"his defire to preferve the public tranquility had
"been fincere and uniform: That he had reli-
giouſly adhered to the ftipulations of the treaty
"of Aix-la-Chapelle, and made it his care not to
injure or offend any power whatſoever; but
"that he could never entertain a thought of
purchafing the name of peace at the expence
"of fuffering encroachments upon, or of yield-
<<
t
166
"ing
THE LATE WAR.
131
ing up, what juftly belong'd to Great Bri-
tain, either by antient poffeffion, or by folemn
"treaties: That the vigour and firmneſs of his
"parliament, on this important occafion, had
enabled him to be prepared, for fuch contingen-
"cies as might happen: That if reaſonable and
"honourable terms of accommodation could be
"agreed upon, he would be fatisfied, and, in all
events, rely on the juftice of his caufe, the ef-
"fectual fupport of his people, and the protection
"of divine providence."
...
A. D.
1755.
for hisGer-
The parliament was prorogued to the 25th of Departs
May: A regency was appointed, and his Majefty man domi-
departed for his German dominions on the 28th nions.
of April.
of the
French to-
North A-
M. Macnamara returned into Breft with nine Attention
ſhips on the 20th of May, which were victualled
for fix months, and failed again on the 4th of June wards
under the command of M. Du Guay, on a cruize merica.
near the ſtreights of Gibraltar, and in ſuch parts of
the Atlantic ocean as might favour the return of
La Mothe and Salvert, his coajutor, in cafe of
bad news from North America. The other fhips
in Breft and Rochfort, for fome time, wanted both
men and cannon; and when they got fupplies it
was ordered that they (15 in all) ſhould not fail
till the court had certain advice of the fate of
their fleet in America. Thus it appears that the
whole attention of the French councils was taken
up with their American intereft, or at leaſt to fa-
vour the return of their fhips from Canada: and
that Britain had nothing to fear of an invafion,
from
K 2
132
THE GENERAL HISTORY of
A. D.
1755.
Advice
from any preparation at Breft or its neighbouring
ports.
In the mean time the Lords of the Admiralty
concerning
the Toulon received advice from Captain Buckle, of the Uni-
fquadron. corn, dated May 9th, in Genoa-mole, That ele-
Admiral
Hawke
fails on a
cruife.
zardous.
ven days before, there had been orders publiſhed,
by beat of drum, for failors to repair to Toulon ;
and that orders were likewife fent to Toulon; to
fit out all the fhips in that harbour.
But, though it was confirmed by letters to Lord
Holderneſs, dated July 19th, and received on
the 22d, that no fhips were fitting out at Breft;
and that they were equipping with expedition nine
fhips at Toulon, with orders for the failors not to
depart from thence; the Britiſh miniſtry con-
tented themſelves, as we fhall fhew more fully
hereafter, with fending Sir Edward Hawke on the
24th of July, to cruife till September, only to en-
deavour to intercept Du Guay's ſquadron in its
return from Cadiz; or any fhips, which might
eſcape the vigilance of Mr. Bofcawen, and at-
tempt to recover any port in France: His whole
force being no more than twenty-one ſhips of the
line, and five frigates; whereas, if there was any
credit to be given to our intelligence, it was pro-
bable that he might have met with Du Guay's
fquadron of ten fhips, joined by five fhips from
Rochfort, ten fhips from Breft, and the ten fhips
Very ha in their return from America? By which it ap-
pears that this fleet was commanded upon a very
hazardous fervice; and all the advices concerning
the
THE LATE WAR.
133
the naval preparations in the Mediterranean were
difregarded.
A. D.
1755
The equipments in the port of Toulon, which The arma-
hitherto had been carried on with more artifice, Toulon
ments at
began now to appear openly, and to keep pace expedited.
with the armaments facing the Britiſh fhore;
formed merely to give umbrage to the Engliſh;
and with the motion and augmentation of their
troops. For, letters of the 6th of Auguft de-
clare exprefly, that orders had been fent to Tou-
lon to equip, with all expedition, all the new
fhips, and to get the old ones alfo in a condition
for fervice; that theſe orders were then purſued
with great diligence, and that they were to take
on board ſeveral companies of land forces, befides
mariners. They further adviſed, that fince the ar-
rival of two expreffes at Toulon, which had
cauſed the holding of two extraordinary councils,
attended by the principal officers of the marine,
the hands, which were at work in fitting out the
nine ſhips there, were doubled, and fix other fhips.
of the line put in commiffion, and ordered to be
equipped with the former nine, fo as to be able
to put all the fifteen fail to fea before the 18th or
20th of Auguft, and to be victualled only for
three months. Which letter concluded: "Tho'
"the deſtination of this fquadron is not known,
"it is generally conjectured to be intended againſt
"Gibraltar: But be that as it will, never was there
"a greater hurry in that port, than at prefent."
At the fame time it ought to be obferved, that
we had no force in thoſe feas to prevent Du Guay's
K 3
fqua-
134
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
A. D. fquadron, which did not fail from Cadiz till the
beginning of Auguft, from joining the Toulon
fquadron.
His Ma-
It cannot be fuggefted that his Majefty re-
jeſty's con-
duct in mained as indolent, as this regency appeared to be;
Germany. for he was trying, abroad, every prudent meaſure
a treaty
Caffel.
to obviate the difficulties that might arife, in the
courſe of a war from the French againſt his Ger-
man dominions. To cover thefe from any infults
and attacks, on account of their connections with
Great Britain, and which already threatened the
Electorate of Hanover by French magazines
erected in Weftphalia, under the jurifdiction of
the Elector of Cologn, and to guard against the
effects of a fecret treaty, which he grew jealous of,
and was carrying on between Vienna and Verſailles,
Concludes his Britannic Majefty concluded a fubfidiary trea-
with Heffe ty, on the 18th of June, with the Landgrave of
Heffe-Caffel, by which his ferene Highnefs en-
gaged to hold in readinefs, during four years, a
body of eight thouſand men, for his Majeſty's
fervice, to be employ'd, if required, upon the
Continent, or in Great Britain, or Ireland; but not
on board the fleet, or beyond the feas: And alfo, if
his Britannic Majesty fhould judge it neceffary, or
advantageous, for his fervice, to furniſh and join
to this body of 8000 men, within fix months af-
ter they ſhould be demanded, four thouſand more;
of which ſeven hundred to be horfe or dragoons,
and each regiment of infantry to have two field
pieces of cannon,
At
THE LATE WAR.
135
A. D.
1755•
Bavaria
to treat.
with Ruf-
At the fame time his Majefty propoſed to re-
new the treaties with Bavaria and Saxony. But
the connections of theſe two houſes with France, and Saxo-
though no bar to their receiving a fubfidy from ny refuſe
Great Britain in time of peace, would not let them
hearken to any renewal, at the eve of a war with
that crown. However Ruffia accepted of fubfi- Treaty
diary overtures for a large body of troops, which, fa begun.
though not carried into the form of a treaty, be-
fore his Majefty left Hanover, may be properly
noted in this place, That the Emprefs of Ruffia
ſhould hold in readineſs in Livonia, and upon the
frontiers of Lithuania, a body of forty thouſand
infantry, with the neceffary artillery, and 15,000
cavalry And alfo on the coaft of the faid Pro-
vince, 40 or 50 galleys with the neceffary crews;
to be ready to act, upon the firft order, in his
Majeſty's ſervice, in cafe his Majeſty's dominions
in Germany ſhould be invaded on account of the
interefts or diſputes, which regard his kingdoms:
But that neither thefe troops nor gallies were to
be put in motion unleſs his Britannic Majefty, or
his allies, fhould be fome where attacked. This
treaty was to exiſt four years, from the exchange
of the ratifications. But it was unluckily inferted,
in the feventh article, That confidering the proxi-
mity of the countries wherein the diverfion in
queftion will probably be made, and the facility
her troops will probably have of fubfifting imme-
diately in an enemy's country, fhe takes upon
herſelf alone, during fuch a diverfion, the fub-
ſiſtence and treatment of the faid troops, by fea
K 4
and
136
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
and land.
And in the eleventh article it was fur-
1755.
of the
French on
continued.
ther ftipulated, That all the plunder, which the
Ruffian army might take from the enemy, fhould
belong to them.
Operations The operations of the French on the banks
of the Ohio had been carried on, all the winter,
the Ohio with great diligence and activity; and with power-
ful reinforcements from Old France: For, by ad-
vice dated the 2d of January 1755, from Phila-
delphia it was notified, That about 6000 men of the
beſt troops of France, felected and fent over upon
this particular fervice, were just arrived at the lower
fort on the Ohio, and were employed, even in that
rigorous ſeaſon, in fortifying that country. Thoſe
troops were fent by the way of Quebec, and from
thence were ſeen, by the Indian traders, to croſs
the lakes Ofwego and Erie, in a prodigious num-
ber of battoes, of which the feveral Governors
received notice.
Notwithſtanding this the affembly of Penfylva
nia continued as obftinate as ever, there being no
probability of their granting any money towards.
the expence of the neceffary armaments in this
time of danger; although they were to adjourn
within two days. The Governor reprefented, in
the ſtrongeſt terms, the defenceleſs ſtate of their
Province, and recommended the eſtabliſhment of
a regular militia; but to no purpoſe.
It was alfo obferved, that the activity of the
French, in the depth of winter, was a convincing
proof, that they were forming fome grand de-
fign in regard to that Continent; and that it
feemed
THE LATE WAR.
137
ſeemed probable, their firſt attack would be upon
Penfylvania, as being in the center, and not only
the moſt plentiful, but the moft defenceless and
unweildy of all his Majefty's colonies: And,
having once got footing there, they might iffue
forth upon the colonies on each fide; which
had not a ſingle regiment from Europe to defend
them.
Accordingly we find, that the French made
fuch good uſe of the time, we remained inactive,
that in the beginning of the year 1755, they had
advanced with their camps and forts within 225
miles of Philadelphia.
:
:
A. D.
1755.
cide and
This account, without any proſpect of meaſures
to put a stop to the encroachments of our ene-
mies, filled every lover of his country with dire
forebodings for the fafety of their American bre-
thren When the nation received fome glimmer-
ings of better things from the diſpatches of Ad-
miral Boscawen, who by letters dated off Louif-
bourg, on the 22d of June 1755, informed the
miniſtry, That on the tenth of that month, the The Al-
Alcide, a French man of war of 64 guns, and Lys taken.
480 men, commanded by M. Hockquart, and the
Lys, commanded by M. Lageril, pierced for fixty-
four guns, but mounting only 22, and having
eight companies of land forces on board, being
ſeperated from the French fquadron commanded
by M. Bois de la Mothe, fell in with the Engliſh
fleet off the banks of Newfoundland, they re-
fufing to pay the ufual compliment to the Britiſh
flag, and, that his Majefty's fhips, the Dunkirk
and
138
THE J
4
GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. and Defiance, after an engagement of five hours,
1755. in which they fought fo clofe, that a man killed
on the yard of a French man of war fell into the
Dunkirk, had obliged them to ſtrike, and brought
them into the fleet. The Dunkirk loft 90 men.
The Lys had on board 76,000l fterling in money
to pay their troops, and eight companies of fol-
diers, befides feveral general officers and engi-
Admiral neers. He alſo gave advice, that he had been
Bofcawen joined by Rear-Admiral Holbourne, with whom
Adm. Hol- he failed, the fame day, within a mile of Louif-
bourg harbour where feeing four large fhips and
two frigates lately arrived from Europe, under
the command of M. du Perrier, he ſtationed Rear-
Admiral Holbourne off that harbour with five or
fix fhips, and proceeded to his own rendezvous,
being the beſt adapted for preventing M. de la
Mothe's fquadron getting into the gulph of St.
Lawrence, had not the fogs and hard gales of
winds diſappointed him, and carried them fafe to
Quebec, the place of their deftination.
joined by
bourne.
Immediately upon this, though much beneath
the fanguine expectations conceived of the prowefs
and ſtrength of Mr. Bofcawen and his fleet, the
fpirit of the nation revived, and the French Am-
baffador, the Duke of Mirepoix, was ordered to
Mirepoix depart the kingdom in twenty-four hours, and
without ce- accordingly he fet out for his own country betimes
in the morning of the 24th of July, to avoid the
infults of the mob.
remony.
The expedition against the French in Nova Sco-
tia, which by his Majefty's command, had been con-
certed
THE LATE
139
WAR.
certed between Governor Lawrence and Governor
Shirley was carried into execution, with the aid of
i
A.D.
1755.
Tranfac-
forts, &c.
2000 New Englandmen, and had its defired ef- tions in No-
fect. For by a letter from Lieutenant-Gover- va Scotia.
nor Lawrence, our government were informed,
that the French fort of Beaufejour furrendered to
Lieutenant-Colonel Monkton, by capitulation, af-
ter four days bombardment, before his Majefty's
forces had mounted a fingle cannon upon their
batteries, though that fort had twenty-fix cannon Several
well mounted. The fame fate befel a fmall fort taken.
upon the river Gafpereau, running into the bay
Verte, where the French had their principal ma-
gazine for ſupplying the French inhabitants, and
Indians with provifions, arms and ftores of all
kinds. He proceeds, and fays, "At Colonel
"Monkton's first arrival the French had a large
"number of inhabitants and Indians, four hun-
"dred and fifty of which were pofted at a block-
houfe, which they had on their fide of that river
"Meffaguaſh, to defend the paſs of the river:
"Here they had thrown up a ſtrong breaft-work
"of timber, for covering their men, and had
"cannon mounted on the block-houſe. At this
66
place they made a ſtand for about an hour, but
"were forced by our troops, with fome lofs,
"leaving the block-houſe and the pafs of the
river, clear for our people, who marched with-
66
out further interruption, to the ground intended
" for their encampment. As we had not men
¹ Dated the 28th of June 1755, at Hallifax in Nova Scotia,
૬
enough
140
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D,
1755.
By means
.
EL
<c
66
enough to inveft the fort intirely, feveral' got
away; and when the fort furrendered, there
"remained 150 regulars, and about 300 inha-
"bitants, feveral of which, with their officers,
were wounded. We do not yet exactly know
"the number that were killed in the fort; but
we believe their lofs has not been trifling, as
"feveral laid half buried upon the parade. Co-
"lonel Monkton has new-named the fort, and
"called it Fort Cumberland."
66
By this means Colonel Monkton difarmed
15,000 Acadians. And in the mean time Captain
Rous, being ordered to attack the fort, the French
had lately erected at the mouth of St. John's ri-
ver, the enemy abandoned it, at the appearance
of his fmall fquadron; having burfted their can-
non, blown up their magazine, and all the works
they had raiſed, as much as time would permit
them to do.
This fuccefs was greatly owing to a vigorous
of the New refolution taken, in the beginning of this year,
England
refolu-
by the affembly of Maffachufet's bay in New
tions.
England; which had prohibited all correfpond-
ence with the French at Louifbourg, and, befides
the large detachment of troops fent under the
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Monkton, above-
mentioned, had fitted out three frigates and a
floop, under the command of Captain Rous, to
favour their operations, by covering the coaft.
While the New Englandmen affifted in the re-
duction of Nova Scotia or Acadia, which was ef-
fected with the lofs of only twenty men killed,
and
罩
​THE
141
LATE WAR.
1755-
Fort Cum-
Virgini-
and about the fame number wounded, the Virgi- A. D.
nians built a fort, likewife called Fort Cumber-
land, and formed a camp at Will's Creek, in berland
order to attack the French on the Ohio. Which built by the
promiſed fuccefs, had this provincial meaſure been ans.
effectually backed by Major-General Braddock,
and his two regiments of regulars from Ireland. General
This little army landed ſafe in Virginia before the
end of February.
Braddock
and his
troops land
in Virginia.
As foon as he poffibly could, the general fum-
moned the feveral Governors on that continent to Summons
meet him at Alexandria in Virginia, to confult a council.
upon the buſineſs of the approaching campaign.
In which convention, after much debating, it was
agreed, That for the prefervation of Ofwego, and
reduction of Niagara, Shirley's and Peperel's regi-
ments fhould march to lake Ontario; on which
lake one or more armed veffels, of about 60 tons
each, fhould be built to command that lake: And
Mr. Shirley was charged with the execution of this
part of the fervice. General Braddock undertook Refolu
their next refolution, which was to attack Fort tions.
Du Quefne: And General Johnſon was ordered to
inveft Crown Point with the Provincial troops.
Theſe refolutions and plans were commend-
able: But how far they answered in the execution
of each, is matter of the greatest aftonishment
and concern.
Mr. Braddock had neither provifions nor car-
riage for a march of fo confiderable a length,
which was greatly increafed and embarraffed by
his orders to take the rout of Will's Creek; which
road,
142
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
Bad mea-
fures pur-
operations.
A. D. road, as it was the worst provided with provifions,
more troubleſome and hazardous, and much more
about, than by the way of Penfylvania; and the
fued in his long delay, occafioned by the contractors for the
army, who had neither provided a fufficient quan-
tity of provifions for the troops, nor a competent
number of carriages for the army, overturned
the expedition. Mr. Braddock fhould certainly
have landed in Penſylvania: And the contract for
ſupplying his troops would have been beſt made
with fome of the principal planters of that Pro-
vince, who, both in regard to convenience in car-
riage, and in plenty of provifions, could have
performed their engagements with more eafe and
punctuality. For, fuch is the attention of the
Virginians towards their ftaple trade of tobacco,
that they ſcarce raife as much corn, as is neceffary
for their own fubfiftence; and their country being
well provided with water-carriage in great rivers,
an army which requires a large fupply of wheel-
carriages and beaſts of burden, could not expect
to be furniſhed with them in a place, where they
are not in general ufe. But Penfylvania abounds
with corn, and with moft forts of provifions, and
its inhabitants carry on moft of their buſineſs with
carts, waggons and horfes. Befides, had he en-
camped near Franc's town, or fomewhere upon
the fouth-weſt borders of this Province, his road
to Fort Du Quefne would have been as practicable,
and fifty miles nearer than from his camp at Will's
Creek. This is not mere fpeculation, but what
is ftrongly confirmed by facts, and from the
feafon-
THE LATE WAR.
143
ſeaſonable and generous affiftance of fome gentle-
men in Penſylvania, who at laft were applied to,
and did make up the deficiency of the Virginian
contractors, without which it was not poffible for
the army to proceed.
A. D.
1755.
duct blam-
It has alſo been hinted, that much of the difap- His con-
pointment in this expedition was owing to the Ge- ed.
neral himſelf, in point of conduct. The plan was
laid, and his inftructions fettled, in fuch a manner,
as to put him always upon his guard againſt ambuf-
cades, which were to be expected in a march thro❜
woods, deferts and moraffes. But this gentleman,
placing all his fuccefs upon the fingle point of
courage and difcipline, behaved in that haughty,
poſitive and reſerved way, that he foon difgufted
the people, over whom he was to command.
His foldiers could not relifh his extreme feverity
in matters of difcipline: And, not confidering the
nature of an American battle, he fhewed fuch
contempt towards the Provincial forces, becauſe
they could not go through their exercife, with the
fame dexterity and regularity, as a regiment of
guards in Hyde-Park, that he drew upon him-
felf their general refentment.
had to fur-
Give this General his due, it is certain that his The dif
ſervice was attended with many unforeſeen and ficulties he
unconceivable difficulties. He was obliged to mount.
march his army through a rugged, pathlefs and
unknown country, a-crofs the Allegheny moun-
tains, through unfrequented woods and dangerous
defiles, rendered more dangerous by almost every
thing he had to do with the Provinces, as more
particu-
144
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
A. D. particularly appears in his letters to the Britiffi
miniſtry, complaining of the neglect and difaffec-
tion of all employed to fupply neceffaries for the
troops, and ſetting forth the continual labour and
fatigue of his foldiers to cut out roads acroſs
mountains and rocks of an exceffive heighth,
ſteep, and divided by rivers and torrents.
His march
to the at-
tack of
Fort du
Queine.
Leaves his
baggage,
land, with
Put all theſe together, what was extraordinary
in his conduct, and what was extraordinary in the
way of the ſervice, there could be formed no
good idea of the iffue of fuch an untoward expé-
dition.
He arrived fafe, and without any manifeſt de-
creaſe of his ftrength, at Fort Cumberland, and
being informed that the French, at Fort du Quefne,
lately built on the river, near the conflux of the
Monangahela, were expecting a reinforcement of
500 regular troops, which, as it required all the
expedition, he could prudently make, to prevent
fuch an increaſe of ftrength in the enemy, deter-
mined him to push forward by forced marches.
But the impetuofity of his temper kept him from
paying that due regard to the repreſentations of his
officers, and to the hazard of entering woods and
thickets without reconnoitring the enemy, which
proved his ruin.
The General marched from Fort Cumberland
&c. at Fort on the 10th of June 1755, with 1400 men, and
Cumber the greateft part of the ammunition and artillery;
orders to having, for greater difpatch, left Colonel Dunbar,
with Soo men to efcort the provifions, ftores and
baggage, with as much expedition, as the nature
follow.
of
THE LATE WAR.
145
of the fervice would allow. Thus Braddock with
ten pieces of cannon, and neceffary proviſions and
ammunition, marched without delay or fear of
danger through the woody defert; and arrived on
the 8th of July, within 10 miles of Fort du
Quefne; without meeting any oppofition.
A. D.
1755.
and is deaf
He was now 40 miles encamped a-head of his
corps of reſerve, under Colonel Dunbar, and muſt
expect all the ftratagems and force of an infidious
enemy; which was expreffed to him in the ſtrong-
eft terms, eſpecially by his Colonel Sir Peter
Halklet, who earnestly defired him to proceed
with caution on fuch hoftile and dangerous ground,
and to order the Indians, to reconnoitre, by way
of ſcouts or advanced guards, in cafe of an am-
buſcade, for which that country was fo well adapt-
ed. But, as if courage could do the whole work Rejects,
of a foldier, the General paid no regard to their to all ad-
wholeſome and ſeaſonable advice. He command- vice.
ed his men to reſume their march next day,
without endeavouring to inform himſelf of the
fituation or difpofition of the enemy, and without
detaching ſcouts to preferve him from the furprize
of ambuſcades, though furrounded with woods. So Isfurprized
that, having proceeded with this unpardonable in an am-
careleſsnefs through a defile of the enemy, fo art-
fully concealed behind the trees and buſhes, that
not a man of them could be feen, his little army,
about noon, was furprized by a general fire upon
his front, and along his left flank: which ob- Put into
liged the van-guard to fall back immediately upon
the main body; and in an inftant a panic and con-
VOL. I.
1 .
fufion
bufh.
confuſion.
4
146
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
Routed.
A. D. fufion feized the regulars: who difgufted with
their commander, could not be prevailed upon,
either by promifes, intreaties or commands to
keep their ground; yet fome of the officers did
honour to their country by their gallant behaviour
under fuch defperate circumftances. A few re-
mained by their General's perfon. But moſt of
thoſe brave officers and men, that ſtood till the
laſt, remained only to be facrificed to the Gene-
ral's further mifconduct. For, instead of order-
ing a retreat, when he found his men flying with
precipitation, till he could fcour the avenues lined
by the enemy, with grape fhot, from ten pieces.
of cannon, he had with him; or ordering the
Indians to advance, in flanking parties, againſt
the hidden enemy; he obftinately continued upon
the ſpot, where he first received their fire, till he
was almoſt left alone, with his officers and men
killed about him; his obftinacy increaſing with
the danger. At laft, having had five horfes fhot
under him, a mufket fhot, through his right arm
and lungs, gave him a mortal wound. He was
carried off the field by the bravery of Lieutenant
Colonel Gage, and another of his officers; but
furvived only four days.
Killed.
The confufion of the few that remained was
now turned into a real and diforderly flight; and
though not purſued, and no enemy in fight, they
Baggage, deferted and left all their artillery, ammunition
and baggage, and amongst the reft the general's
cabinet, a prey to the enemy; in which the
French found all Braddock's letters and inftruc-
&c. lolt.
tions,
THE LATE WAR.
147
tions, made ufe of afterwards by their miniftry in
printed memorials and manifeftoes, to throw the
breach of peace upon Great Britain.
A. D.
1755.
of the Pro-
It is but juſtice due to the behaviour of the Behaviour
Provincial troops, under Braddock, in this action, vincial
to obſerve, That they were not fo affected with troops.
the panic, as the regulars; though the enemy's
fire fell as heavy upon them, as upon any of the
reft of the army: And, that when the regulars
could not be prevailed upon to ftand their ground,
nor to fight with brakes and buſhes lined with
unfeen deftruction, the Provincials bravely formed,
offered to cover the fugitives, and, by advancing
alone againſt the Indians in the wood, prevented
the regulars from being all cut off.
The panic of thoſe that fled infected them with
fuch terrors, that they never ſtopt till they met the
rear divifion; which receiving the infection, they
all retreated without ftopping, till they arrived at
Fort Cumberland: Though the enemy never at-
tempted to purfue, or ever appeared in fight, ei-
ther in the battle, or after the defeat.
of men on
The lofs of the Englifh in this unfortunate The lofs
affair, amounted to 700 men, befides the bag- both fides.
gage, artillery, &c. The officers fuffered moſt
in proportion; the Indians
men had picked them out.
at the head of his regiment,
The French will allow that they loft no more than
400 men, moftly Indians.
being good marks
Sir Peter Halklet,
fell at the firft fire.
Thus ended this tragical expedition, whofe bad
confequences to the Britiſh intereft were rendered
L 2
worfe
148
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. worfe by increafing the fpirit and activity of our
1755. enemies, and riveting the Indians more firmly in
the intereft of their new allies. On the contrary,
the Indians in the Britiſh intereft, defpifed us for
not being able to protect ourſelves and fuch an
univerfal panic feized on all our colonies, that they
ſeemed, for fome time, to give up all for loft.
Dunbar
leaves the
back fettle-.
ments ex-
pofed.
At home great pains was taken by the public to
fix the cauſe of this misfortune. Some caft the
whole blame upon the General; others were as
fanguine against the miniftry. But a little im-
partiality and cool attention, will diſcover both
the general and miniftry faulty. The capital mif-
take was his orders to land in Virginia inſtead
of Penfylvania, for the reafons already given.
Then his march would have been fhortned fix
weeks and performed with lefs fatigue and expence.
His obftinacy, feverity and inattention to the ad-
vice of his officers, &c. his contemptuous beha-
viour towards the provincials, and his neglect to
reconnoitre the enemy, and to make a proper dif-
pofition and uſe of his artillery on the day of
action, fell heavy upon Braddock.
Nothing now could prevent the outrages and
encroachments of the Indians and French on the
back of Virginia, Maryland and Penfylvania, ex-
cept a reſpectable garriſon left at Fort Cumberland,
well fortified which ought to have been done by
the remains of Braddock's army; who might
have fortified themſelves against any furprize, dur-
ing the reft of the fummer, and, in the winter,
would have been a fufficient check upon the French
and
THE LATE WAR.
149
A. D.
1755.
with his
and their ſcalping Indians. But, inſtead of fo
prudent a meaſure, the Commander in Chief left
only the fick and wounded, under the care of two
companies of provincial militia, at Fort Cumber-
land, and, with 1600 men, marched on the 2d Retires
of Auguft, for Philadelphia, where their prefence 1600 men
could be of no fervice. General Shirley, upon delphia.
whom, by the death of Braddock, the chief com-
mand in America devolved, ordered theſe troops Is ordered
from Philadelphia to Albany, in New York. to Albany.
to Phila-
make this
tions.
Yet this is the expedition and battle, upon The
which the French court laid that ftrefs, as to fix French
upon Great Britain the odium of beginning the the firſt act
of hostility
war. Which invention to reproach our miniſtry between
with giving Braddock inftructions, inconfiftent the two na-
with their declaration to the French ambaffador,
denying that Braddock had orders to act hoftilely,
or invaſively; of all the inftances of French in-
genuity, and of abufive groundleſs declamation,
with which they have endeavoured to inodiate
our nation to all Europe, there is not a more flag-
rant, or a more eaſily refutable one.
To ſay no worſe, the French diſcovered a ſtrong Refuted;
and immediate inclination to attack our American
Provinces; had built forts, and formed camps
upon territories, from which they were excluded
by treaty, and had very lately attackt and de-
feated a body of Virginians, guarding their own
frontiers, and demolished their fort. The Pro-
vinces apply to their mother country for relief and
defence. Braddock is fent with a fmall force to
their affiftance, and with inftructions how to be-
have,
I 3
150
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
A. D. have, and to purfue incidentally the advantages
of war, or to oppofe force to force, fhould the
French perfift in their unjuftifiable extenfion of the
country, they called Canada, upon the fame mo-
tive of felf-intereft, as they had endeavoured to
contract Acadia. Such a declaration, therefore,
made to the French ambaffador at London, that
the deſtination of the forces fent to the fuccour
of our oppreffed, threatned and defencelefs colo-
nies, in North America, had nothing in it, but
what was literally and rigorously true, both in
fact and inference, was purely pacific; for no-
thing is more univerfally allowed, than that a pre-
paration for defence and offence, is the moſt ſure
expedient towards preferving and reſtoring public
peace. That Braddock then fhould be furniſhed
eventually, both with defenfive and offenfive in-
ſtructions, with plans of operation adapted to
contingencies, was plainly matter in courfe of his
expedition, and of which the French could not
have the leaft reafon to complain, unleſs they
would ingrofs to themfelves an exclufive right to
invade their neighbours, or fuppofe us meek, or
paffive enough not to refent their hoftilities, when
they had dared us by their encroachments and for-
cible entry, to defend our poffeffions. In this
fair and obvious fenfe, what contradiction, what
prevarication, can be laid to the charge of the
English government, (whilft they openly fent that
reinforcement to their colonies, which the pro-
ceedings of the French themſelves had made an
indifpenfible meafure ;) for their vouchfafing an
affurance
THE LATE WA R.
151
affurance and declaration of pacific intentions?
Was this, by any conſtruction, other, or more,
than telling them, that nothing on our part was
intended to break the general peace, fhould the
French defift from provocations, and from giving
us reaſon to ſupport our rights by arms, or to
exact fatisfaction for future injuries? That Brad-
dock then was equipped with all the inftructions
neceffary for the moft determinate war, is not in
the leaft repugnant to the moft fincere profeffions
of wifhing and meaning nothing but peace.
a man, who puts on a fword, may for all that,
defire nothing fo much, as not to be compelled to
draw it, or to make uſe of his fencing maſter's
inftructions.
As
A. D.
1755.
in the Pro-
What is ftill more furprizing, though Virginia, Diffentions
Maryland and Penſylvania, were by theſe means vinces con-
left entirely deftitute of all protection, from their tinue.
hoftile-enemies behind them, the ufual difputes
between their governors, affemblies, &c. got the
better of their reaſon, and fo divided their coun-
cils, that they came to no effectual refolutions for
the public fafety. It is true Penfylvania was at laſt
excited to vote 50,000l. for the defence of their
western frontier; but this trifling fum was ren-
dered abortive by the governor pofitively refufing
to give his affent to the act of the affembly for
raifing that fum; becauſe they had rated the pro-
prietaries eftate equal with thofe of the inhabi-
tants. By which mifcarriage the Province was Their
left defenceleſs, to the deſtruction of many of the effects
poor fettlers
fettlers upon the weſtern frontier. Befides
L 4
fuch
1.52
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. fuch inactivity and neglect of their own poffeffions
1755 impreffed the Indians with a very contemptible
opinion of the Engliſh, and made them either
eſteem, or fear, the French invaders. *
Conduct
of New
York.
The people in New York acted more for their
own and the common intereſt. Their affembly
laid a prohibition upon all provifions being fent
to any port, fettlement or iſland belonging to the
French, on, or adjacent to, the continent of North
America and voted 45,000 l. for the defence of
their colony, expofed moft of any other to an in-
vafion of the French, from Crown Point. With
this little fupply, and the affiftance of other colo-
nies to the eaſt of them, together with the fmall
body of troops, ordered thither by General Shirley
from Penfylvania, under Colonel Dunbar, it was
Two expe- refolved, as the best way to keep the
way to keep the enemy from
ditions pro- invading their Province, to undertake the two
expeditions, one againſt the French fort, at Crown
Point, the other againſt Niagara, between the
lakes Ontario and Erie, as had before been con-
certed with General Braddock at Alexandria.
pofed.
ed.
By whom
The expedition against Crown Point was com-
command- mitted to the care of Colonel, afterwards General
Johnſon, an Irishman by birth, but an old inha-
bitant in the weſtern parts of New York. He
had fettled on the Mohock river, and not only
acquired a confiderable eftate, but was univerfally
beloved both by the Inhabitants and the neigh
bouring Indians; whofe language he had learnt,
* See the Indian ſpeech, p. 112, 113.
and
THE LATE WAR.
153
and whoſe affections he had gained by his faithful
and humane behaviour towards them. General
Shirley took upon himſelf the command of the
expedition againſt Niagara.
A. D.
1755.
into execu-
Albany was appointed for the rendezvous of the Carried
troops for both expeditions: which arrived in good tion.
time, towards the end of June. This army con-
fifted of near 6000 men, befides Indians, raiſed
by the government of Bofton, Connecticut, New-
Hampſhire, Rhode island and New York, and
foon after marched forward, about 60 miles from
Albany, under the command of Major General
Lyman. But the artillery, battoes, provifions,
and other neceffaries for the attempt upon Crown
Point, were not got ready till the 8th of Auguft,
when General Johnſon fet out with them for Lake
George, where he met and joined his army; that General
had been employed to build a fort at the landing arrives at
place, on the eaſt fide of Hudfon's river, called Fort Lake
George.
Edward. He marched 14 miles more northerly,
and encamped at the fouth end of Lake George,
alias Sacrament, in a very ſtrong fituation, covered
on each fide by a thick woody ſwamp, with the
Lake in his rear, and by a breaft work of trees
in front; to wait for his battoes, and then to pro-
ceed to Ticondaroga, diftant 15 miles from
Crown Point, which the French called Fort Fre-
derick.
Johnfon
of the
The Baron de Diefkau, who arrived at Que- The in-
bec in the ſpring with Monf. de Vaudrevil, and ftructions
troops to defend Canada, had inſtructions to make Baron de
his first attack upon Ofwego, and to reduce it,
Dieſkau.
which
154
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. which the French court thought to be of fingular
1755.
''
from them.
A
confequence for facilitating their grand ſcheme of
forcing a way through our colonies to the great
weſtern ocean. According to thefe inftructions
the Baron, without delay, proceeded to Montreal,
and detached 700 troops up the river, intending
himſelf to follow and join them with the remain-
der. But in this interval the Indians alarmed the
inhabitants of Montreal with an account of a nu-
merous army affembling near Lake Sacrament,
alias Lake George, for the reduction of Fort
Frederick; from whence the victors might eafily
Why he penetrate into the heart of Canada. This advice
departed occafioned a grand council, by which the Baron
was prevailed upon with great difficulty to fuf-
pend his firſt intention, as directed by his inftruc-
tions, againſt Ofwego, and to proceed directly thro'
Lake Champlain, for the defence of Fort Fre-
derick. Where he waited fome time, expecting
that, General Johnſon would advance and give
him battle. But being diſappointed of his expec-
tations, he embarked his men in battoes, and
landed at the South Bay, about 16 miles from
Johnſon's camp, intending firſt to reduce Fort
Edward at the carrying place, and then to proceed
and attack the English camp under General John-
fon; and refolving, if he fhould fucceed in both
attempts, to lay wafte all our northern colonies,
burn the towns of Albany and Schenectady to
afhes, and fo to cut off all communication with
Olwego.
This
THE LATE WAR.
155
1
A. D.
1755,
ment fent
Edward.
This embarkation from Fort Frederick landed
without oppofition, or the leaſt diſcovery. But,
when they were advanced fome miles from the
ſhore, the ſcouts brought General Johnſon intel-
ligence, that a confiderable number of the ene- Reinforce-
my where on their march from Ticondaroga," by to Fort
way of the South Bay, towards that fortified camp,
fince called Fort Edward, built and garrifoned,
with upwards of 400 of the New Hampſhire and
New York men, by General Lyman at the Carry-
ing Place, Colonel Johnfon gave notice thereof
to Colonel Blanchard, the commander, with orders
to call in all his out parties, and to keep his whole
force within the entrenchments. He was further
informed by his ſcouts, about 12 o'clock at night,
that they had ſeen the enemy, about four miles
only from the camp at the Carrying Place; but
he took no meaſures for the ſupport of Colonel
Blanchard, till next morning," though he perfect-
ly knew the importance of that camp's defence,
for the fafety of his whole army. Early in the
morning General Johnfon called a council, in
which it was refolved, to detach only 1000 men,
with a number of Indians, to intercept the enemy
in their retreat, either as victors, or defeated in
their attempt: though they had no account of the
It was found, on their defeat, that they confiſted of 2000
men, including 200 granadiers, 800 Canadians, the reft In-
dians of divers nations.
m Situated on the Ifthmus, between the north end of Lake
George, and the fouthern part of Lake Champlain.
On the 8th of September.
number
156
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755,
The de-
tachment
defeated.
number or ftrength of the enemy; neither could
they get any certainty thereof, from the Indian
fcouts; becauſe thofe favages have no diftinct
words or figns, whereby to exprefs large numbers,
otherwife than pointing to the ftars in the firma-
ment, or to the hair of their head, which fome-
times may denote 10,000, when at another time,
it may fignify not more than 1000, or an inferior
number.
According to this refolution, Colonel Williams
marched between eight and nine o'clock in the
morning with 1000 men, and 200 Indians. But,
the French General having been deceived, by the
information of deferters from General Johnſon's
camp, with an opinion of its want of cannon,
and of its defenceleſs ſtate, which made it more ex-
pofed and much eaſier to be furprized than Fort Ed-
ward, where feveral pieces of cannon were mounted,
he was prevailed upon by the common voice of
his troops (when he was within four miles and a
half, from Fort Edward, the first object of this
expedition) to proceed to the attack of the camp,
which he expected to be without cannon, and
without lines and breaft-work.
Though this alteration in the enemy's rout, did
in all probability fave Fort Edward; it had like
to have cut off the whole detachment, under
Colonel Williams. For, Williams had not march-
ed two hours, before his detachment fell into the
very mouths of the French. However, the Co-
lonel behaved with great gallantry and prudence,
and maintained his ground for a confiderable.
་
time,
THE LATE WAR.
157
time, till obliged by numbers to fall back. Here-
Here
upon began fome confufion: feveral companies.
fled, and made the beſt of their way to the camp;
which had been already alarmed, at firſt, by their
firing in the ſkirmiſh, and more effectually by the
fugitives. So that the General detached Lieut.
Colonel Cole with 300 freſh men, who came time
enough to ſtop the enemy's purfuit, and to cover
the retreat of the Engliſh, who otherwiſe might
have been entirely cut off. This alarm gave
Johnſon time to ſtrenghthen his front with heavy
cannon, to take poffeffion of fome eminencies on
his left flank, and to fix a field piece in a very ad-
vantageous fituation.
A. D.
1755.
tack Gen.
The French, fluſhed with this advantage, push- French at-
ed forwards in a very regular order towards the Johnfon's
center; and had they attacked the camp, which camp.
was then all in confufion, it is probable, they
might have fucceeded and obtained an eafy victory.
But Providence had ordained better things for us:
The enemy, without any apparent reafon, inſtead
of attacking the breaft-work directly, halted at
about 150 yards from the camp, and began the
attack at fuch a diftance with plattoon-firing,
that it did no execution againſt troops covered by
a ftrong breaſt-work; and this ineffectual fire fo
raiſed the ſpirits of the Engliſh forces, that, hav-
ing prepared their artillery, during the time the
enemy halted, (which was ferved well under the
direction of Captain Eyre) they foon difperfed the
Indians and Canadians, by a brifk difcharge of
grape fhot, who fled into the woods on each fide
the
158
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755.
Deferted
by the
the camp, and fought for defence from the trees
and bufhes, behind which they hid themſelves.
The French, deſerted by the Indians and Cana-
dians, inſtead of retreating, as prudence directed,
and Cana- fell into another error. Their General, not able
Indians
dians.
Repulfed
and defeat-
ed.
taken.
with his ſmall number of regulars to make a cloſe
attack upon the front of the camp, which he,
contrary to his intelligence, found well fortified
and lined with cannon, attempted in vain to pe-
netrate the breaſt-work, firft on the left, and then
on the right. Theſe feveral attempts ferved only
to weaken and difpirit his men, who fuffered
greatly by the fire from the camp: and they being
at laſt thrown into confufion, General Johnſon's
men, and his Indians, about four o'clock, without
waiting for orders, jumped over their breaſt-work,
attacked the enemy on all fides, killed between
feven and 800, took 30 prifoners, and difperfed
P
thoſe, that were able to fly with the moſt ſpeed.
TheirGen. Amongſt the priſoners was their General, the very
Baron Dieſkau, who failed with the fleet from
Breft, and eſcaped Admiral Bofcawen, under fa-
vour of thick fogs and hard gales of wind, in
his voyage to Quebec. He was found alone,
dangerouſly wounded, and fupporting himſelf on
the ſtump of a tree, a little diftance from the
field of battle. The lofs on our fide chiefly fell
་
• On the 8th of September, 1755.
4
P Amongſt whom was Monf. St. Pierre, who commanded
all the Indians, and the moft ufeful officer the French had in
all their expeditions in thofe parts, and in their treaties with
the Indian natives,
upon
THE
159
LATE WAR.
A. D.
1755.
Lofs on
upon Colonel Williams's detachment. In which
ſkirmiſh we loſt almoſt 200 men killed: amongſt
whom was Colonel Williams, Major Afhley, fix our fide.
captains, and many fubalterns. In the camp the
lofs was very ſmall, and no perfon of diftinction
fell but Colonel Titcomb, who was killed. The
General and Major Nichols were wounded.
Our Indians mourned for the death of the brave
old Hendrick our faft friend, the Sachem or
chief captain of the Mohocks.
40 private men.
1
They alſo loft
ment from
The commander at Fort Edward, getting in- Detach-
formation of the attack, which had been intended Fort Ed-
againſt himſelf, being turned and fallen upon ward.
General Johnſon's camp, detached, about eight
o'clock at night, 120 of the New Hampſhire re-
giment, and 90 of the New York regiment, un-
der the command of Captain M' Ginnes, from
his garrifon to reinforce the General. But the
Indians and Canadians, which had eſcaped from
the flaughter of the French army in the morning,
having collected themfelves into a body of about
400, and rendezvoufed at the place where Williams
was defeated, in order to fcalp the dead left on
that ſpot, intercepted this detachment about four Intercept-
in the morning. Our brave men, fays General ed by the
flying ene-
Johnſon, in his letter to Governor Wentworth, my.
fought them for near two hours, and made a con-
9 The other Indians, upon the approach of the French,
retired from the camp, and did not join General Johnſon till
the battle was over; which fhews, that they were determined
to join the conqueror, French or Englifk.
3
fiderable
160
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
Defeat the
enemy.
A. D. fiderable flaughter amongst them, and extricated
1755. themfelves with the lofs of no more than two
killed, I wounded and five miffing. Amongſt
the wounded was Captain M' Ginnes, whoſe
wounds proved mortal; of which he died in a
few days at General Johnſon's camp, whereunto he
conducted his party.
M. Dief-
racter.
Monf. le Baron de Dieſkau, the French Gene-
kau's cha- ral, was wounded in his leg, and through both his
hips; a man in years, an experienced officer, and
a perfon of high confideration in France. He had
brought 3171 regular troops under his command,
to Quebec, in the late fleet; and had diſpoſed of
them partly to garrifon Crown Point, and partly
in encampments at Ticondaroga, and other advan-
tageous paffes between Lake George and Crown
Point.
General
Johnſon's
condu&t.
The ſkirmiſh Captain M'Ginnes had with the re-
mains of the French army, and the certain account
Gen. Johnſon had from Dieſkau and the officers, in
his cuftody, of the number of regular troops encamp-
ed between him and Crown Point, put him great-
ly upon his guard againſt a furprize, and to pro-
vide the beſt in his power againſt a more deſperate
attack. This determined him not to purfue the
fugitives, beyond the probability of a fafe retreat.
The enemy, he was convinced, were in a difpofition
to rally, and had reinforcements near at hand:
therefore he was watchful to maintain the advan-
tages he had gained, without weakening himfelf
by detaching parties in purfuit of an enemy, whom
it might be dangerous to meet : and for feveral days,
till
THE LATE WAR.
161
till he was thoroughly convinced by his fcouts,
that there appeared no intentions of the enemy
to give him further trouble, he kept his men con-
ſtantly upon their arms by day, half the whole
upon guard by night, and the reft laid down arm-
ed and accoutred.
A. D.
1755.
fended.
Dieſkau.
Fruitful minds have endeavoured to leffen the Both Ge-
merit of the two Generals, that commanded in nerals de-
chief, on this occafion. Dieſkau's conduct is Firft, M.
highly arraigned for departing from his firſt plan
of operation, by leaving Fort Edward at the Car-
.rying Place, and attacking the main body of the
Britiſh forces encamped under the command of
General Johnſon. They fay, that the garriſon of
Fort Edward did not exceed four or 500, and that
the lofs of this fort would fo have diftreffed the
main camp, as to prevent its proceeding further,
and its fubfiftence where it was. So that the
French might have had an opportunity to harrefs
it, in its retreat. What diffuaded the French
General from his firft opinion was, a certain in-
formation that Fort Edward was well garriſoned,
and mounted feveral pieces of cannon, of which
he was in want: That fhould he be detained be-
fore that fort, which could not be expected to
yield to his fummons, its vicinity to the main
camp made him liable to be put between two fires,
of the cannon of the fort, and of the army under
General Johnſon, who would certainly endeavour
to relieve it that the army laid expofed in an
heedlefs fecurity, without either cannon mounted,
or breaſt works thrown up to prevent a furprize,
VOL. I.
which
M.
4
162
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755.
Second,
General
Johnſon.
which was the real cafe three days before, when
thoſe deferters, that gave him the information,
fled from their colours: And that it was more
agreeable to the Canadians and Indians to engage
an enemy in the woods, where they had no cannon,
than in a fort, where their buſh-firing could do
them no fervice. Under thefe circumftances, the
moſt prudent reader will allow that Deiſkau ought
to be acquitted of miſconduct, when he engaged
in that attack, which, in the nature of things,
promiſed him more fure fuccefs; both in regard
to the chance of the iffue, the inclination of his
whole army, and to the want of artillery, or heavy
cannon to reduce the fort.
As for General Johnſon. They accufe him of
lofing the opportunity of totally deſtroying the
French army, by a too referved reſtraint upon his
men, whom he would not ſuffer to purſue the fly-
ing enemy; and of neglecting to improve his vic-
tory by advancing to the attack of the main object
of his expedition at Crown Point. But there is
no need of refutation or apology, more than that
General himſelf furniſhes in his letter to Governor
Wentworth; which fhews plainly, that he had
reaſon to ſuſpect a renewal of the attack; that it
was dangerous to weaken his main body by de-
tachments to fcour the country; that the paffes
to Crown Point were fo well provided with regu-
lar troops and Indians, that he would find work
enough for his ſtrength, to force his way through
them, if at all, and then could not, after fo much
fatigue, and perhaps great lofs of men and am-
munition,
THE LATE WAR.
163
munition, hope to be in a condition to reduce
Crown Point, where their chief force was lodged.
Reafons, however they may appear to the capti-
ous, fufficiently commended by his Majefty's par-
liament and government: And for which fervice,
the King created General Johnfon a baronet, and
the parliament voted him a prefent of 5000l. in
reward of his merit.
A. D.
1755.
Johnſon
returns
General Johnfon apprehending that he had done General
all in his power, at a ſeaſon of the year, which
very foon would prevent his keeping the field, home.
and having good reaſon to think, before he re-
folved upon his decamping to return home, that
the enemy was in no condition to do more than
remain upon the defenfive, he made the neceffary
preparations to break up his camp, and returned
to Albany, leaving only a ſmall garrison of mili-
tia, in a little Stockaded fort, at the higher end
of Lake George, to affert the right of his Britan-
nic Majefty to the country round about.
General Shirley, who took upon himſelf the Expedition
command of the expedition against Niagara, did against
Niagara.
not meet with the like approbation at the Britiſh
court. His dilatory and defective preparations,
on this occafion, at his firft fetting out promifed
no great advantages to the common caufe. His General
fuccefs chiefly depended upon an early march to cre
the object of his armament. But time was con- cenfured,
fumed fo lavishly, that his first divifion, Colonel
Schuylar's New Jerfey regiment did not march
from Albany till the beginning of July; and it
was near the end of that month, before Shirley's
Σ
·
M 2
and
Shirley's
conduct
164
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755.
and Pepperel's regiments followed; and then they
were fo difpirited by the news of Braddock's
fhameful defeat, that many of the troops deferted;
and the battoemen in particular were ſtruck with
fuch a pannic, that there could not be found
enough to carry the neceffary ftores for the army.
However, General Shirley fet out with his regi-
ment, and, in his way to Ofwego from Albany,
endeavoured to ftrengthen his forces, by apply-
ing to the Indians of the Six Nations for their
Excufe of auxiliary aid. But very few joined his army; ex-
the Indians cufing themſelves, as a trading people, from
in the war. taking any part in the quarrel between the French
not to ferve
Army ar-
rives at
Ofwego.
In want
thing.
and English; and infifting that Ofwego, being a
place of trade, traffic and peace, ought not to be
difturbed by either party.
I
Under theſe diſappointments General Shirley
arrived at Ofwego on the 18th of Auguft; but
the rest of his troops and the artillery did not get up
there before the laft day of that month; and fo
of every badly provided with provifions, that it was im-
poffible for them all to proceed to Niagara. He
then refolved to draw out fix hundred men, and
with them to attack Niagara, and to leave 1400
at Ofwego, to prevent a furprize from the French
fort Frontenac, which was very powerful, and
could eaſily make a deſcent, a-croſs the lake On-
About 300 miles weft from Albany, where there were
250 men in garrifon, under Captain Broadftreet, befides-work-
men to be employed in building floops on the lake.
tario,
THE LATE WAR.
165
A. D.
1755.
home.
tario, upon Ofwego. But it was the 26th of
September before provifions could be provided for
fo ſmall a force; and to leave only twelve days
fhort fubfiftence for the troops left behind: And
the boisterous rainy feafon having begun, which
drove many of the Indians home, and made the
navigation of the lake Ontario very dangerous;
it was by a council of war, after weighing all cir-
cumſtances, unanimouſly refolved to defer the at- Refolved
tempt upon Niagara, till the next year; and to to return
employ the troops, then at Ofwego, in building
barracks, and two new forts, one on the fide of
the river Onondaga, 450 yards diftant from the
old fort, to command the entrance of the har-
bour, by the name of Ontario Fort, and the other
at the diſtance of 450 yards weft of the old fort,
and to bear the name of Ofwego New Fort. Theſe
were wife difpofitions againſt the ſuperior power of
the French Fort Frontenac, which was too ſtrong
for Ofwego Fort alone.
But General Shirley Leaves the
mar'd all the benefit of thofe councils, by march country,
&c. expof-
ing on the 24th of October to Albany, and leav- ed to the
ing no more than feven hundred men, under Co-
lonel Mercer, both to garrifon Ofwego, and to
complete the two forts, not near finifhed; and
without any poffibility of relief in caſe of a fiege
by the enemy in the winter.
s Situated on the fouth bank of the lake, confifting of a
ftone wall, and mounted with five cannon, three or four
pounders, and otherwiſe in a very bad defenceless condition,
when General Shirley arrived there.
M 3
General
enemy.
166
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
General Shirley fet out from Ofwego in a whale
1755 boat on the 24th of October, attended by fome
General
Shirley
battoes, and arrived at Albany on the 4th of No-
fummons's vember. On the 2d of December he, by circu-
all the Go-
vermors to lar letters, fummoned the feveral Governors upon
Albany.
the Continent, as far weftward as Virginia, to
meet him there, in order to form a council of
war, which, by his Majeſty's inſtructions to him,
was to confift of as many Governors and Field-
Officers of his Majefty's troops, as could at÷
tend.
This council met on the 12th, but confifted of
a very few. Mr. Shirley laid before them his
Majefty's inftructions to General Braddock, and
then delivered his own fentiments to the board,
which were, at all events, to fecure the naviga-
tion of lake Ontario; that 6000 troops fhould be
employed to reduce the French forts on that lake,
and 10,000 againft Crown Point: to which they
agreed. There was a propofal to renew the expe-
dition againſt Fort du Quefne, and to attack the
French in the river Chaudiere, but that was con-
fented to only conditionally, provided it could be
done without interfering with the two principal
expeditions. The council then unanimouſly de-
clared it to be their opinion, that it would be im
poffible to recover and fecure his Majefty's juft
rights without an additional number of regular
forces, befides thofe already upon that Continent,
and, as the French were building veffels of force
at Frontenac, they ordered a fnow, a brigandine
and
95
515
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OCEAN
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A
New & Accurate MAPof
NORTH AMERICA
Including the
British Acquifitions gaind
BY
the late WAR,
1763
HAGIME】
75
70
65
60
55
}HIITILE
JILAHLI
ATKARTENBETREUENI.
50
45
40
35
7
30
THE LATE WAR.
167
and a floop to be built with all diligence at Fort A. D.
Oſwego.
1755.
count of
merica.
As many paffages in the American war, which An ac-
will come under your eye and confideration, muft North A-
loſe their proper effect, and be rendered abftrufe
and unfatisfactory in regard to the right, import-
ance and limits of the British Empire upon the
Continent of North America, it will be neceffary
to give you' fome account of the manner Great
Britain became poffeffed of thoſe territories in the
new world; to explain their benefit to their mo-
ther country, and to defcribe the limits of the fe-
veral provinces, and the nature of the French en-
croachments, with fome topographical remarks
on thoſe particular places, which more imme-
diately come under the cognizance of this Hif-
tory.
was first
To fix the original right to our poffeffions in When this
North America, it is neceffary to go back to the new world
age, in which the powers of Europe were firft in- difcovered.
ſpired with the fpirit of making diſcoveries in
what was, at that time, the unknown world.
bus.
Columbus, who first offered his fervice to our By Colum-
Henry the Seventh, to fail in queft of a new part
of the globe, being neglected in England, had
alarmed Europe with his diſcoveries in the fervice
of Spain; by which tenure only the Spaniards.
hold their iſlands and that vaſt extent of territory,
which were, in a courfe of years and various at-
tempts, diſcovered in South America, from whence
they drew fuch immenfe riches, as amaze the
whole world. Two years after Cabot, a Vene-
M 4
tian
168
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
A. D. tian born, but fettled at Briſtol, a maritime port,
at that time of great repute in the western parts
By Cabot. of England, being well fkilled in cofmography
and navigation, naturally inferred from the dif
coveries made by Columbus in the fouth-weft, that
there was as much probability of fuccefs in plough-
ing the Atlantic Ocean towards the north-weft,
preſented a memorial to King Henry VII. fetting
forth, that he made no doubt, but if his Majefty
would pleaſe to employ him, he could make fome
ufeful diſcoveries, in his name, and find out
iflands and countries abounding with rich com-
modities, no ways inferior in value to thofe al-
ready diſcovered by Columbus in the fervice of
the King of Spain.
W
King Henry VII. hearkened to the propofal,
and commiffioned John Cabott and his three fons "
to fail in queft of unknown lands, and to annex
them to the crown of England; with this claufe,
which before this time have been unknown to all
Chriſtians ". His firſt effay, as related by Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, who was employed in the
like fervice afterwards by Queen Elizabeth, was
to diſcover a north-weft paffage to Cathay or
China; in which voyage he failed very far eaſt-
ward, with a quarter of the north, on the north
fide of Terra de Labrador, till he came into the
C
t See Peter Martyr Hift. Ind. Occiden. and Rapin.
Hackluit's Voyages, vol. III. p. 4. and Rymer's Foe-
dera, A. D. 1496.
w This commiffion was dated the 5th of March, in the
11th year of Henry VII.
north
THE LATE WAR.
169
north latitude of fixty-feven degrees and a half.
In his next voyage, which was made with his fon
Sebaſtian, in the year 1497, he fteered to the
fouth-fide of Labrador, and fell in with the Iſland
of Baccalaps, which is Newfoundland, and took
poffeffion both of that iſland and all the coaſt of
the north-eaſt part of America, as far as cape Flo-
rida; which he alfo, by landing in feveral parts
of it, claimed in the name of his mafter the King
of England.
In memory of this diſcovery, and by way of
evidence, there was a map or chart of the whole
coaft of North America, drawn by Sebaftian Ca-
bot himſelf, with his picture and this title, Effi-
gies Seb. Caboti Angli, Filii Jo. Caboti, Vene-
tiani, Militis Aurati, &c. and with the follow-
ing account of the difcovery above-mentioned,
CC
"In the year of our Lord 1497, John Cabot,
a Venetian, and his fon Sebaftian (with an Eng-
lifh fleet) fet out from Briftol, and difcovered
"that land, which no man had before attempted.
"This diſcovery was made on the 24th of June
"about five o'clock in the morning. This land
"he called Prima Vista (or the first feen) becauſe
"it was that part, of which they had the firſt
<<
fight from the fea. It is now called Bonavista.
"The island, which lies out before the land, he
"called the Iſland of St. John, probably becauſe
"it was diſcovered on the feftival of St. John
"Baptift."
This map was hung up in his Majeſty's privy-
gallery at Whitehall; and, it is to be feared, the
A. D.
1755.
nation
170
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755
his difco-
veries.
nation was deprived of fuch a valuable teftimonial
of their American title to the whole coaft of North
America, by the fire, which deftroyed that gal
lery in the late King William's reign.
Authors *, who confirm this account, and are
more creditable, for having lived nearer the time
this diſcovery was made, write that Cabot, having
failed beyond the cape of Labrador, till he had paffed
58 degrees, and being ſtopt in the month of July
with cold and ice, turned again towards the weft,
refreſhed himfelf at Baccalaos or Newfoundland,
and afterwards failed along the coaft (of the Con-
tinent) unto 38 degrees, from whence he ſhaped
Extent of his courfe to return to England. By which we
are authorized to comprehend Hudfon's Bay, with
the adjacent countries and the banks of New-
foundland, under the dominion of the Britiſh
crown: A territory which extends, along the ſea
coaft, ſeventeen hundred miles, in a direct line.
But as Hudfon's Bay has not been concerned in
the prefent conteft, it will fuffice to confine this
fubject to the territory trading from Cape Charles
on the fouth-eaft point of Terra Labrador to Cape
Florida; including the iſlands and fishing banks
upon that extenſive coaft, and by right of difco-
very, as there were no Chriftian power had any
fettlement thereon, or claim thereto, or even know-
* See Francis Lopez de Gomera, a Spaniard, in his Hiftory
of the Weſt Indies, book II. c. 4.
Peter Martyr. Decad. 3. ch. 6.
Baptifta Romufius in the Preface to his 3d vol. of Naviga-
tions. And Hackluit's Voyages, vol. III.
ledge
THE LATE WAR.
171
ledge thereof, comprehending all the heathen pof.
feffions and immenſe wilderneffes, to the utmoft
extent of that Continent weftward, as far as it is
bounded by the South-fea.
A. D.
1755-
the French.
In this light it is certain the powers of Europe,
to whom Henry VII. of England notified the pof-
feffion he had taken of the premiſes, by his captains
the Cabots, father and fon, underſtood this dif
covery to exclude their commiffions and naviga-
tors from this coaft and theſe iſlands and banks:
for we read of no attempt of that fort within theſe Firſt at-
limits, till a luft of dominion, a rivalſhip in tempt of
trade and navigation, and a natural antipathy and
envy, which the French took up againſt our na-
tion, prompted them to fet a-foot new commif-
fions for paring the territories and diftricts of
other Chriftian nations in the new world. They
ſucceeded moſt in the Weſt Indies, where they
got poffeffion of thoſe iſlands, from whence they
draw fo great national reſources by trade and na-
vigation. Nor did they fail, in a courſe of years,
to explore the coaſt of North America. But with
that ſecrecy, as to make a ſtrong lodgment in the
moft obfcure part thereof, before it was probable
to interrupt their operations, and to drive them
off. Thus favoured by the indolence and neglect
of the Engliſh, who did not pay that due regard
to the improvement of their North American re-
gions, they ftole up the bay and river of St. Law-
rence, and fortified themſelves at Quebec, by
which influence they obtained a great extent of
land, by them called Canada, and have main-
tained
3
172
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. tained that ufurpation by force, till conquered in
the preſent war.
1755.
The death of Henry VII. and the fchemes car-
ried on by his fon and fucceffor Henry VIII. to
enſlave his ſubjects, to fatisfy his luft, and to rob
the religious foundations, by introducing a reli-
gion of his own invention; (for he was no other-
wife a Proteftant, than as he abolished the Pope's
fupremacy in England, ftill retaining the worst of
doctrines, and the fpirit of perfecution againſt all
Neglect of diffenters from his fix fanguinary articles) inter-
rupted the laudable and profitable adventures,
fet on foot with fo much fuccefs, for diſcoveries
and the fettlement of unknown countries, inha-
bited only by heathens.
our difco-
veries.
The iſland
foundland.
Newfoundland being the firft land mentioned
of New- in Cabot's diſcovery, we begin with its defcrip-
tion. It is an iſland of a triangular form, about
930 miles in circumference, feparated on the north,
from Terra de Labrador by the ftreight of Bell-
ifle, which runs north-eaft, and is about 23 miles
over in its narrowest part. On the weft it has the
gulph of St. Lawrence, and on the ſouth and eaſt
the weſtern or great Atlantic ocean. Cape Race
or Raz is the moſt foutherly point of the iſland,
and lies in 46° 45" north lat. the moſt northern
point is in lat. 51. 30. fo that the greateſt length
of the island from north to fouth is 280 miles.
And as Cape Raye is its moft wefterly point, in
north lat. 47. 35. the diſtance between it and
Cape Race is about 240 miles.
This
THE LATE WAR.
173
This ifland abounds with fpacious and excel-
lent bays and harbours; and is otherwife well fup-
plied with freſh ſprings and waters. The pro-
duce of the land, though it might be made, by
induſtry, to turn to fome account, is not the con-
fideration of the adventurers, whofe principal,
and indeed only care is to enrich themſelves by
the cod-fifh trade upon its coaft; which fish is fo
plentiful in this fea, as to be fufficient to fupply
the whole world; including what is taken on the
banks, which are vaft mountains concealed under
water, as if nature had defigned them for inex-
hauſtible magazines of cod-fifh. Befides, from
the livers of thefe fifh the adventurers draw off
great quantities of train oil, of which they make
a confiderable advantage. And as this naviga-
tion brings up the best and great numbers of
feamen, and there is a great demand in France,
Spain, Portugal and Italy for Newfoundland fish,
an excluſive right to this trade and navigation,
which we are intitled to by priority of diſcovery,
is of the greateſt confequence to England; as it
ſerves, at the fame time, to enrich and ſtrengthen
ourfelves, and deprives other nations of the like
means to fupply themſelves with fiſh, and to man
their navies.
A. D.
1755-
The Continent, under this diſcovery, has by The Con-
feveral grants, from time to time, been divided
A
into a number of provinces and diftricts, of
which Nova Scotia is the moſt eaſtern fettle-
ment.
tinent.
Nova
174
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1754.
Nova Sco-
dia.
Nova Scotia or Acadia, as to its antient boun-
daries has already been defcribed in the demand
tia or Aca- made by the British commiffaries upon the French
King, for the faithful performance of that part of
the treaty of Utrecht, which cedes Nova Scotia
or Acadia, according to its antient boundaries to
his Britannic Majefty.
When firft
the Eng-
This province was firft fettled by the Engliſh,
fettled by before the year 1602, which the French hiftorians
lifh. allow to be two years, before their navigators
fkulked up the gulph of St. Lawrence, and made
a lodgment on the northern borders of this coun-
try. In 1620 the crown granted all that part of
Acadia, as far as the 48th degree of north lat. to
the council of Plymouth or New England: and
in the next year the council of New England re-
figned to the crown all parts of their grant to the
north of the river St. Croix, when it was then
granted with the reft of Acadia to Sir William
Alexander, Secretary of State for Scotland, and
by him, or his charter, named Nova Scotia, inſtead
of Acadia. In 1623 all Acadia or Nova Scotia was
given in marriage with King Charles the Firft's
Undergoes daughter to the French King. Sir David Kirk
volutions. took it from the French in 1627, but it was again
1
Ceded to
the French.
feveral re-
ceded to France by the treaty of St. Germain.
In 1654 Cromwel reduced it. But King Charles II.
in 1662, without any regard to the remonftrances
of New England and his parliament, againft ad-
mitting the French fo near to our colonies, deli-
vered it up again; and confirmed its poffeffion to
y See before, p. 50.
France
THE LATE WAR.
175
A. D.
1755.
France by the treaty of Breda in 1667. The New
Englandmen labouring under great diſadvantages
from a French neighbour in that maritime fitua-
tion, laid hold of the first opportunity of a war
to force it again out of the hands of the French,
and took it from them in 1690 with 700 men
only. But their hopes were once more difap-
pointed; for the treaty of Reſwick gave it back to
France. However, the time at laft came to fix Ceded to
this poffeffion in its original right: For Nova Great Bri-
Scotia or Acadia being reduced in 1710 by treaty of
united forces from Old and New England, it was,
as already largely explained, confirmed to the
crown of Great Britain by the treaty of Utrecht,
"with its antient boundaries, as alfo the city of
"Port Royal, as fully as ever France poffeffed
"them by treaty or other means."
tain by the
Utrecht.
ance to the
French.
The importance of this fettlement to the French Its import-
was very confiderable. In the firft place, it opened
for them a way to the great weſtern ocean from
Canada, and fecured a communication between
Old France and that back colony, without the
delay and hazard of the navigation through the
river St. Lawrence: Again, it put them in pof-
feffion of the banks on that coaft, with whofe
produce they might eafily rival, if not beat Eng-
land out of the cod fifhery.
thereon.
An author, well acquainted with this fubject, Remarks
remarks, That could France have carried her
point in her claim upon Acadia or Nova Scotia,
* See before, p. 49, 50, and 84, &c.
with
176
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755.
New Eng-
།
with the contiguous iflands and Cape Breton, fuch
an acquifition would have made our natural ene-
mies more terrible, than ever, to our colonies:
becauſe it might fecure to them a fuperiority in
the fishery for ever, and the whole fur-trade of
the northern continent: it would provide them
with materials for building fhips of the greateſt
force, and with excellent ports and harbours, from
whence they might embark and launch into the
ocean; inftead of the tedious and hazardous na-
vigation down the river St. Lawrence. So that
in proportion as France fhould be deprived of
theſe advantages, Great Britain, by retaining the
poffeffion of Acadia or Nova Scotia, maintains
her fuperiority in the fifhery and in thoſe feas, and
preferves her colonies from the encroachments
and threats of their enemies, or rivals in trade.
France was fo fenfible of the ruin of all her fine
plans, for the extent and improvement of her Ca-
nadian colony; and for the deſtruction of the Bri-
tifh power, intereft and trade on the Continent
of North America; ſhould ſhe not be able by nẹ-
gociation or force to maintain her perfidious claim
to Acadia, that we have ſeen all her policy, riches
and ftrength employed, in this war, to get it
once more into her actual poffeffion.
New England, which was begun to be inha-
land firft bited in the year 1606, by patent from King
fettled, and
compofed James I. is now compofed of the provinces
of four of New Hampshire, Maffachufet's Bay, Rhode
'Ifland and Connecticut; which have, in courſe of
time, confederated for their common fupport
againſt
Provinces.
THE LATE WAR.
177
1755.
Encroach-
againſt the ſeveral attempts made by the French A.D.
on their back fettlements: For, fo early as the
year 1611, the French made encroachments upon ments by
the New England patent, and endeavoured to fe- the French.
cure their, ufurpation by feveral forts at mount
1
i.
Manfel, St. Croix, and Port Royal; and were
making difpofitions for further invafions, when
Sir Samuel Afgall drove them off, difmantled
their fortifications, and carried away both their ar-
tillery and ftores.
of Boſton.
At prefent, and for many years, New England The town
abounds with trading towns, of which Boſton,
the metropolis of the province of Maffachufet's
Bay, is the firſt city of all North America. It
contains ten churches, and about.. 30,000,
30,000 inhabi-
tants, is built on a peninsula at the bottom of a
capacious harbour, defended from the violence of
the ocean by feveral iflands and rocks, that ap-
pear above water; and from an enemy by a re-
gular fortrefs at the narrow entrance of the river.
The chief branch of trade in this city feems to
be in fish, which employs a vaft number of peo-
ple; but the inhabitants alſo drive a briſk trade
with the Weft Indies for lumber and provifions;
and with England in maſts, yards, pitch, tar, tur-
pentine and ftaves, and fome peltry. Befides,
by taking molaffoes in return for lumber on the
fugar iflands, the people of Bofton have ingroffed
the Indian trade on that Continent for fpirituous
liquors, and fupply the British colonies in North
VOL. I.
See Harris, Part I. p. 851. 1ft Edition.
A Z
N
America
4.
198
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755.
New York
fettled by
But
America, the Newfoundland fishery, and the greateſt
part of the commerce on the coaft of Guinea, with
a kind of rum diftilled from that barter.
nothing does the induftry of the New England-
men more honour, than the number of ſhips
built in their ports. By which they draw great
fums from other countries, and have become car-
riers for moft of the other colonies. They have
manufactures of hats, linnen and woollen; and
on all occafions, when called out for war, have
diftinguiſhed themſelves in courage; and there-
fore the French have always been endeavouring to
creep down upon them, and to circumfcribe both
their trade and power; which has been particu-
larly manifefted by building Fort Cohaffer and
Fort Frederic or Crown Point, a confiderable
way within their acknowledged frontier. Thefe
confederate provinces contain about 350,000 inha-
bitants, including a fmall number of blacks and
'Indians,
•
New York is the next colony to the fouth. It
Swedes and was first fettled by the Swedes, and by the name
Dutch. of New Sweden; and afterwards the name of New
Netherland was impofed by the Dutch, who got
footing on the Delaware river by the help of
Henry Hudfon, an Engliſh commander of a fhip,
fitted out by the Dutch Eaft India company to
find a nearer paffage to China. Who, fail-
ing in his diſcovery by the north west, fteered
for the coaft of Florida, puſhed into the river,
and made a lodgment at the place, where New
York now ftands, in the year 1609. Which, in
a few
:
THE
179
LATE WA R.
A. D.
liſh.
1755.
a few years, throve fo well, under the influence
and aid of the United Provinces in Europe, that
the Swedes were obliged to fubmit to their jurif
diction. But as foon as our national ſtrength and Driven out
ſpirit revived after the reſtoration, the Engliſh aſ- by theEng-
ferted their right; and the Dutch not able to
refift the force fent to reduce them, or to drive
them off, fubmitted to the King of England on
promiſe of being protected in their perfons and
properties, in the year 1664. King Charles II.
had granted this territory to his brother the Duke
of York by letters patent, before the expedition
failed; and therefore it was immediately named
New York in compliment to his Royal Highness
the Proprietor.
This province is about 50 miles in breadth,
within which compafs lies Long Island, on the
Long
fouth of Connecticut. But it extends on both Island.
fides of the river Hudſon, northerly, about 200
miles, till it meets with the Iroquois or Indians of
the Five Nations.
Hudfon River is navigable almoft 200 miles. Hudfon's
At its mouth is the iſland Manahatton, 14 miles River.
long and five broad, which forms an excellent
harbour, and contains the capital city, alfo named
New York. In which are upwards of 8000 in- Town of
habitants, who drive a good trade in corn, flour New York.
and other fpecies of provifions to the Weft In-
dies. It is neatly built, and has four churches.
At the diſtance of 150 miles ftands the town of Town of
Albany, upon the fame river; which, though Albany.
not large nor populous, is a place of great trade
N 2
with
180
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
Indians.
A. D. with the Indians, who come here to barter their
goods for powder and fhot, fire arms and cut-
lery ware, coarſe woollen cloths and linnen, &c.
And this is the place where all tranſactions and
treaties are negociated between the Engliſh and
Iroquois Iroquois; once the moſt powerful of all the hea-
thens on that Continent, but fo enervated by the
uſe of ſpirituous liquors chiefly, that their whole
confederate nation is not able to bring above 1500
men into the field, though augmented by the
Tufcororas, an Indian tribe, which was driven
from the confines of Carolina, and joined in their
confederacy.
•
It is computed that the province of New York,
including Long Iſland, contains 80,000 inhabi-
tants. It fhould feem, from the fituation of
Crown Point, between lakes Champlain and Sa-
crament, which ftands at least thirty miles within
the river Iroquois, that the French muft, have
gained over thofe Indians to their intereft, fo, at
leaſt, as to ſtand neuter upon any breach between
them and the English; which is confirmed by
their answer to General Shirley's invitation to ac-
company him to Niagara; and that they were
fortifying a road, that in a little time might put
them in poffeffion of Hudfon's river; which could
be eafily performed from Quebec, by the river
Richelieu and the lake Champlain and George;
and, confequently, gain them a fettlement in the
heart of our colonies, and a fafe and eafy com-
munication with the weftern ocean. The Mohok
Indians inhabit the country advanced from Albany.
¦་
New
THE LATE WAR.
181
1755.
New Jer-
fey.
New Jerſey lies in a foutherly direction from A. D.
New York, and is that piece of land, which is
incloſed between the boundaries of New York and
the river Dalaware, on the weſt, about 150 miles
in length, and 50 miles broad, containing about
50,000 fouls. It is ſo advantageouſly fituated be-
tween New York and Penfylvania, that its back
fettlements have little to fear from the hoftile In-
dians and this fmall tract of land excels in grain
and in all kinds of provifions and fruits, particu-
larly in peaches and melons. Its forefts, which
are large, abound with oak, afh, beech, cedar,
cheſtnut, cypreſs, wallnut-tree, pine, faffafras and
hickery. Both this country and New York pro-
duce good hemp and flax. All which commodi-
ties the inhabitants fend to the markets of New
York and Penfylvania, though there is a very
commodious harbour, capable of receiving fhips
of great burden, at Perth-Amboy, its capital,
which is very thinly inhabited; though the pro-
vince is fuppofed to contain about 60,000 fouls.
Penfylvania ſtretches foutherly from New York Penfylva-
and New Jerſey, 250 miles in length, and 200 in nia.
breadth, having no communication with the fea,
except by the mouth of the Delaware; containing
above 250,000 inhabitants, who carry on a large
commerce with Europe and the Weft Indies: and
the importance of this colony to its mother coun-
try, may be gathered from the value of the im-
ports from England, which in the year 1757
amounted to 268,4261. 6s. 6d. fterling. Phi-
ladelphia, its capital, is an extraordinary large,
rich
N 3
182
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
A. D. rich and flourishing city, built on a tongue of
land, at the conflux of the Dalaware and Schul-
of Phila- kel, two navigable rivers, in the form of a regular
delphia. oblong; with broad, fpacious and uniform ſtreets,
The town
Maryland.
Virginia.
crofs each other at right angles, leaving proper
fpaces for public edifices. The houſes are alfo
neatly built of brick, and there are commodious
docks for building of fhips. But one great mif-
fortune attends this opulent and numerous people,
whofe religious principles of Quakerifm, being too
pacific, have encouraged the fubtle French to
hover more about their borders than fome other
of their neighbours. They even erected a fort
on their property, at Lake Erie, and another
at fome diſtance to the fouthward of the River Au
Beuf, befides other encroachments, unmoleſted.
Maryland, in length about 140 miles, and al-
moſt of the fame breadth, ſpreads along the Bay of
Cheſapeak, bounded on the north by Penfylvania,
on the eaſt by the Atlantic Ocean, and on the
fouth by the river Potowmack. Its number of
white inhabitants do not exceed 40,000: But their
negro flaves are upwards of 60,000, by whofe
labour they cultivate and manufacture 40,000
hogfheads of tobacco, which is the ftaple commo-
dity of their province: Their capital is called
Annapolis, beautifully fituated on the river Pa-
tuxent,
ן'
Virginia, which is now properly ſo called, and
diſtinguiſhed as a province on this continent, is
the next fettlement to the fouthward, bounded on
the north, by the river Potowmack; on the eaſt,
by
THE LATE WA R.
188
by the bay of Cheſapeak; on the fouth, by Ca-
rolina; and without any limits to the weftward;
though the plantations have not yet extended be-
yond the Allegany mountains; making in length
about 240 miles, and in breadth not more than
200 miles. The white people in this province
are computed to be 70,000, and the blacks many
more; employed chiefly as in Maryland, and
raiſing much the fame quantity of tobacco, which
is the ftaple commodity of this province; though
Great Britain is fupplied from hence with a con-
fiderable quantity of flax, hemp, iron, ſtaves,
wallnut-tree and Cedar-planks; and a good trade
is carried on with the Weft Indies in lumber,
pitch, tar, corn and provifions.
This province abounds with vaſt foreſts of tim-
ber, and produces plenty of corn, and every fort
of fruit in great abundance and perfection.
A. D.
1755.
The Bay of Cheſapeak runs from fouth to north Chefa-
300 miles into the country, covered from the weſtern peak Bay,
ocean by the eaſt fide of Maryland, and a ſmall
part of Virginia on the fame Peninfula, and re-
ceiving many rivers on both fides; as James river,
York river, Rappahannock, and Potowmack.
As to its towns. James Town, its antient ca-
pital, is dwindled into a village; and the prefent
feat of government, named Williamſburg, is nei-
ther large nor populous.
The Carolinas, bounded on the north by Vir- The Caro-
ginia, form a fhore on the weſtern ocean of linas.
miles and upwards; extending in breadth near
№ 4
4.00
300
184
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755.
Georgia,
300 to the lands inhabited by the Cutabaws,
Creeks, Cherokees, and Chickefaws.
c
d
They are divided into two provinces, the north
and the fouth. North Carolina is moft populous,
and carries on a very confiderable trade in tar,
pitch, turpentine, ftaves, fhingles, lumber, corn,
peas, pork, beef, tobacco, deer-fkins, indigo,
wheat, rice, bees-wax, tallow, bacon, hogs-lard,
timber, &c. Its chief town is fmall and called
Edenton. But the capital of South Carolina,
called Charles town, is commodiously fituated at
the conflux of two navigable rivers, with a com-
modious harbour; contains about 800 houfes
well built, and is well fortified. The trade of
this province is much in the fame things, as in
North Carolina; excepting its ftaple commodities
of rice and indigo, which here are cultivated with
good fuccefs.
}
Georgia, the moſt fouthern of all our fettle-
ments on this coaft, extends about 60 miles along
the fea fhore, and runs almoft 300 miles from
thence to the Apalachian mountains, widening
in the inland parts to above 150 miles in breadth:
b They live in the middle of our plantations, about 200
miles from Charles Town.
C
• Inhabit a beautiful country, beginning at about 500
miles from Charles Town, and running weftward within 100
miles of the Miffifippi; and are accounted a brave and wife
people.
d Distant 500 miles from Charles Town, and 200 miles
from the neareſt Engliſh fettlement.
• Live about 600 miles west of Charles Town, and are a
brave, friendly and faithful people.
2
But
THE LATE WAR.
185
A. D.
1755.
of Savan-
nah and
But thinly inhabited. It is bounded on the ſouth,
by the river Attamaha, not far from the late
Spanish fort of St. Auguftine. The inhabitants
raiſe large quantities of rice and indigo; and have
made fome progrefs in the culture of filk. Its
capital is named Savannah, commodiouſly fituated The towns
on a river of the fame name, about 10 miles from
the fea. It has another town named Augufta, Augufta.
about 200 miles higher up that river, navigable
for large boats; at which town the Georgians
carry on a profitable trade for ſkins, with the
Creeks, Chickefaws, and the Cherokees, who are
at preſent the moſt reſpectable tribes of Indians,
both for number and ftrength.
Let us now refume the thread of our hiſtory. The mea-
The hoftilities commenced in the North American fures taken
by the Bri-
feas, as well as on that Continent, gave fuch a tifh court.
turn to the ſpirit of the nation, which received
the news with the greateſt joy, as obliged the go-
vernment to proceed; it being too late to retreat.
And, as the war was expected to be confined to
the fea, and to operations in North America, de-
pending upon a fuperiority on the ocean, they
pretended to ſtrike ſuch a ſtroke, as to deprive the
French at once of the means to man their fleets.
But this amounted to no more than an order for
our fhips of war to make reprifals upon the French, Reprifals
by taking all their fhips, wherever they fhould be made.
met; and to diſpatch Sir Edward Hawke, with
18 men of war,f to wait for the French fleet, un-
f On the zift of July.
der
186
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
Hawke's
Gruife.
A. D. der the command of M. de Guay, who had put
1755. into Cadiz; and was expected fhortly to return
Admiral to Breſt.
to Breft. Sir Edward's orders were, to cruize off
Cape Finefterre till the French fleet came in fight:
than which no ſtation could have been appointed
fo favourable to the French. It was ordered upon
the mere prefumption, that the French fleet muft
fail in that tract and in no other, leaving the
whole Bay of Biſcay, and the Atlantic Ocean, as
far as the Engliſh channel, open, for the courſe of
M. du Guay's fleet, as well as for the return of
the fhips from North America, which du Guay
had been fent out to convoy fafe into port. Accord-
ingly M. du Guay foon got intelligence of Admi-
ral Hawke's ſtrength and ſtation, and the pur-
poſes for which he had orders to lie there: And
like a ſkilful feaman, the French Admiral feized
the opportunity of the Engliſh ſquadrons confine-
ment, fo far diftant from Breft; and, departing
from Cadiz, fteered directly weft from Spain into
the Atlantic Ocean, and, at a great diſtance from
the coaft changing his courfe, he stood directly
for the Lands End of England; whereby he
avoided Admiral Hawke's fleet, cruifing off
Cape Finefterre, arrived fafe in the British chan-
nel, fell in behind it with his fquadron, and got
fafe into the harbour of Breft on the 3d of Sept.
Upon advice of du Guay's fafe return, Adm.
Hawke was called home; where he arrived on
the 29th of September. The miniſtry in order
See the Obfervation concerning this meafure, on p. 132.
to
THE LATE WAR.
187
A. D.
1755.
cruite.
to ſtop the clamour of the people, who were
greatly exasperated at their imprudent conduct on
this occafion, pretended to ftrike fome extraordi-
nary blow by another fleet of 22 fhips of the line
and fix frigates. But, it is evident, this was only
intended for a temporary expedient to cover them-
felves from national refentment: for, this fqua- Admiral
dron, committed to the command of Admiral Byng's
Byng, failed on October the 14th, and returned
on the 22d of November, from a weſtern cruiſe,
which was all the fervice he was directed to per-
form. Commodore Frankland was fent to the Weſt
Indies with four men of war, under the like in-
ftructions. By this commiffion for reprifals, the
French trade was diftreffed, and their navy de- French
prived of a great body of feamen. For before trade dif-
the end of the year, our cruifers brought 300
merchant ſhips, many of which were very rich,
from St. Domingo and Martinico; and 8000
failors, into our ports. By which the French
government were diftreffed for men, and the mer-
chants and manufacturers were ruined.
treffed.
meaſures
But this violent proceeding, without a formal Remarks
declaration of war, on the part of Great Britain on the
was loudly impeached of injuſtice, and breach of of the Bri
faith by the French miniſtry, and not greatly ap- ftry.
proved of by many thinking people at home.
A pamphlet foon appeared with remarks on
this meaſure; the author of which faid, "Whilft
the French are palpably obnoxious to the charge
of having been originally the incendiaries of the
war; whilſt the Engliſh have, on the other
I
hand,
tiſh mini-
188
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D, hand, the jufteft of caufes to maintain againſt the
$755-
:
open invafions of their rights and properties, it
feems the fate of this nation, never to imitate the
French, but in thofe points, which redound to
the reproach of their tafte, and of their honour.
The French, it is true, fet us an example of
committing hoftilities without a previous declara-
tion of war. But was fuch an example to be fol-
lowed? Or can the matter we blame, be given as
a reafon, and a fanction for our own proceeding?
If they violated the facred law of nations, in their
unformal attack upon a fort, in an obſcure, re-
mote ſpot of America, the old fair Engliſh way
was, to have inſtantly declared war, and to have
repelled their perfidy in a manner more fuitable
to the dignity of the nation.
To urge, that it was apprehended Spain would
have joined with France, had Great Britain de-
clared war firft, is a weak fuppofition. For an
open act of hoftility is a more effectual declaration
of war, than mere words in form. And we had
that advantage of the French. Nothing was more
eafy than to prove it.
The failure then of this effential form, has fur-
niſhed the French with that handle for declaming
againſt us, of which they have taken fuch advan-
tage.
The hoftilities begun and committed by them
in a corner of North America, though to the full,
as real breaches of the peace, as any we have
fince retaliated upon them, were not of that glar-
ing and univerfally ftriking nature, as the preda-
tory
THE LATE WAR.
189
tory war carried on by us upon the fea, which
was ſpread with their merchantmen, fecure, as they
had reaſon to apprehend, upon the faith of a
peace; of which this rupture had, as to them,
received no fanction of a declaration of war; and
furely ſuch a meafurc could not, humanly ſpeak-
ing, fail of bringing it on: So that, to treat them
only as proviſional captures, is as falfe, with re-
fpect to politics, as it is with respect to the law of
nations. Indeed, nothing could have been con-
trived more effectually to give fuch a good caufe,
as ours, the air and face of a bad one.
This was then playing the game agreeable to
the defires of the French. They could not but
feel the damage; but though the merchantile in-
tereft was very dear to them, it was confidered
as fubordinate to their general fyftem: Therefore,
in this cafe, they bore the injury with national
fortitude, and fecretly folaceing themſelves in this
reflection, That by fuch an act of precipitation in
politics, the English were doing themselves great-
er, and even irreparable damage in the opinion of
the public, and had given them a fair opportunity
fo vindicate their own breach of faith in the re-
pairs of Dunkirk, which they had, ever fince the
treaty of Utrecht, made a capital object of their
councils.
A. D.
1755-
Advices from the Eaft Indies, this year, com- Affairs of
plained of a want of ftrength, in the English, EaftIndies.
to maintain their former advantages over the
French and their allies: and that a negociation, A negocia
fet on foot between Mr. Saunders, the English foot with
tion fèt on
govern- Monf. Du-
pleix.
190
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755.
governor, and M. Dupleix, had miſcarried; the
commiffaries on our part having detected a forgery
His forgery
difcovered. in the commiffions, under which Dupleix pre-
tended to act from the Great Mogul, appointing
him Governor General, from the river Kriſtna to
the fea.h
Hoftilities
The congrefs broke up, and hoftilities con-
renewed. tinued, as uſual, in the neighbourhood of Tri-
chinopoly. The Engliſh were in poffeffion of the
town, and the enemy well encamped upon the
iſland before it, with a large body of cavalry, and
the river every where fordable.
This fituation of the enemy was of great dif
advantage to parties fent out for provifions and
ftores, which could not be avoided. In the
month of February 1754, they cut off a party of
two captains, fix officers, 180 men rank and file,
four pieces of cannon, 800 Sepoys, and about
7000 pounds of money, with a large convoy of
proviſions, by a party of 120 French infantry,
about the fame number of deferters, a French
troop of about 80, 6000 Sepoys, a large body of
Maiffore cavalry, and the Marattas, making in
all about 10,000, with feven pieces of cannon :
And it was with great courage and conduct, that
another convoy eſcaped the like fate, on the 12th
of May following. In which ſkirmiſh we loft
h They discovered that it was a falſe ſeal fix'd to the Saned or
grant, called the Mogul's; and another had no date. Every
grant from the Mogul is authenticated not only with a ſmall
ſeal, on which is engraven the name of the Mogul, but alſo
with that of his Vifiers.
abour
THE LATE WAR.
191
about 200 Sepoys, 59 private men, killed and
wounded, and fix officers wounded. In this
hazardous fituation, our Indian war continued the
whole fummer, till it was happily concluded by
an unforeſeen negociation.
A. D.
1755.
ons of the
The French East India company, having great Refoluti-
reafon to be difgufted with M. Dupleix's conduct,
which ferved to enrich himſelf, and to extend his Eaft India
French
company.
own power, ſo far, as to make them jealous of
his defign to raiſe himfelf to the dignity of an inde-
pendent Eaſtern Prince, and to eſtabliſh his go-
vernment at their expence, and perhaps upon their
ruin in thofe parts; and dreading the confequences
of a war with the Engliſh, on that trading coaft,
in cafe of a rupture between Great Britain and
France, which they were not able to ſupport; en-
deavoured to get clear of Dupleix, and to eftablifh
a good harmony with the Engliſh Eaft India com-
pany at the fame time: Having alfo intelligence,
that the Britiſh miniftry had already diſpatched Admirals
Rear Admiral Watſon, and Rear Admiral Pocock, Watfon
with a fquadron of capital fhips, and Colonel fail for
Adlercroon's regiment, to fupport the Britiſh in-
tereft beyond the Line; they immediately dif-
patched M. Godeheu, with a commiffion of Com-
1 In March 1754-
k
i.
* Confifting of the Kent 70 guns, Captain Speke, with
Rear Admiral Watſon on board: the Cumberland, 66 guns,
Captain Harriſon, with Rear Admiral Pocock on board; the
Tyger, 60 guns, Captain Latham; the Saliſbury, 50 guns,
Captain Knowles; the Bridgwater, 20 guns, Captain Mar-
tin; and the King's Fifher floop, 14 guns, Captain Smith.
miffary
and Pocock
E. Indies.
192
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. miffary General and Governor General of all their
1755 fettlements, and 1500 Europeans, and with in-
Dupleix ftructions to fupercede M. Dupleix in his govern
fuperced-
ment, and to do his endeavours to ftrike up a
provifional treaty of armftice and pacification with
the governor of Fort St. George, and with the
other Engliſh ſettlements on that coaſt.
ed.
M. Gode-
heu's paci-
M. Godeheu executed his commiffion with dex-
fic conduct. terity and honour. He, on his arrival, found the
English fquadron upon the coaft. A truce, if
poffible to be gained, admitted of no delay; and
in order to conciliate a good opinion of his pacific
intentions, he, immediately upon his landing, fent
back the troops which M. Dupleix had ftopped,'
in their paffage from Madrafs to Fort St. George,
and detained prifoners ever fince at Pondicherry;
and at the fame time fignified his inclination to
purſue pacific meaſures, and propoſed a ſuſpenſion
of arms between the two European grand com-
mercial companies.
m
Such a fudden change in the French was highly
acceptable to the English. The governor and
council by their diſpatch and promife concurred
with M. Godeheu in this work, and it was foon
A ceffation after agreed to fufpend all hoftilities and on the
of hoftili- 26th of December 1754, articles of a proviſional
A provi- treaty, and articles and ftipulations of a truce,
were figned by Thomas Saunders, Efq; Prefident
tween the for the honourable Eaft India company on the
two com- coaſt of Coromondel and Orixa, of Fort St.
panies.
ties.
fional
treaty be-
See before, p. 77.
On the 11th of Oct. 1754
George,
THE LATE WAR.
193
George, on the part of the English united Eaft
India company; and by the Sieur Charles Robert
Godeheu, Commiffary for his Moſt Chriſtian Ma-
jefty; Commander General of all the fettlements
of the French company on both fides the Cape of
Good Hope, and at China; Preſident of all the
councils there eſtabliſhed, and Director General
of the India company of France.
By the provifional treaty it was agreed in the
firft article, That the two companies, Engliſh
and French, fhould renounce for ever all Mooriſh
government and dignity, and never interfere in
any difference that may ariſe between the princes
of the country.-In which article the conduct of
M. Dupleix is particularly pointed at and con-
demned, whofe ambition had put him upon every
device of arms, of intrigue and forgery, to robe
himſelf with the pageantry of an eaſtern mon-
arch; to force himſelf into the Moorish govern-
ment, and to pillage the Nabobs, &c. of their
treaſure; ever fomenting difference between the
Princes of the country, that he might by fome
means come in for a part of the ſpoil.
The 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th articles, re-
late to the fettlements of both nations and their dif
tricts. By the 8th article, it was agreed,
“That
"theſe conditions accepted on both fides, altho'
66
they are not to be a law for a definitive treaty
"in Europe, fhould nevertheleſs produce a truce
"between the two nations and their allies, until
"news be received in India of the anſwers made
"in Europe concerning this agreement.".
VOL. I.
By
the
A. D.
1755.
5
194
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
*755.
A truce
concluded.
the 9th article, "That neither nation fhould be
"allowed to procure, during the truce, any new
66
<<
grant or ceffion, or to build forts for the defence
"of new eſtabliſhments; but only to rebuild and
repair the fortifications now fubfifting in the
"eſtabliſhments they poffeffed at that time, in order
"to prevent their entire ruin."— By the tenth,
"That until the arrival of anſwers from Europe
"to theſe articles, which were to be diſpatched
"by the firſt ſhips, to be ſubmitted to the decifion
"of the two companies, under the pleaſure and
66
approbation of the two crowns; the two na-
"tions fhould not proceed to any ceffion, retro-
ceffion, or evacuation of what they now pof-
"fefs, every thing being to remain on the foot-
ing of uti poffidetis."-And laftly, "That in
66
.
ર
regard to indemnification, the two nations may
expect for the expences of the war; This arti-
❝cle ſhould be amicably adjuſted in the definitive
"treaty."
The articles and ftipulations of a truce, conclud-
ed on the ſame day, and between the fame parties
to promote the re-eſtabliſhment of tranquility in
this
part of India, were as follow:
Art. I. To take place on the 11th of January
1755, the day of the expiration of the ſuſpenſion
of arms, proclaimed on the 11th of October
1754: all hoftilities fhall ceaſe between the Engliſh
and French.
Art. II. During this truce, which fhall be in
force until we are informed in India of the an-
fwers made in Europe concerning the faid provi-
fional
THE LATE WAR.
195
fional treaty; the troops of the two nations,
French and Engliſh, fhall not act againſt each
other, either as principals or auxiliaries.
Art. III. The two nations, Engliſh and French,
engage to oblige their allies to obferve all that is
ftipulated for the accompliſhment of a truce by vir-
tue of the treaty, and whoever ſhall dare to infringe
it fhall be reputed a common enemy, and ſhall be
reduced to good order by force of arms.
Art. IV. If either of the two nations, French
or Engliſh, or either auxiliary troops or allies,
ſhall commit any act of hoftility, poffefs them-
felves of any place, or any one fhall caufe any
damage to be done to another during the faid
truce, both oblige themſelves to make reparation,
proportionable to the damage and to the entire
reftitution of whatever ſhall be taken.
Art. V. If the allies, or other troops in pay of
either nation, ſhall be guilty of any act of hoſti-
lity, or commit any pillages in the territories
whereof either nation is now in poffeffion, it ſhall
be lawful for both nations to repulfe their infults
by force, by which the injured nation ſhall not be
deemed to have infringed the prefent agreement.
Art. VI. If the allies or auxiliaries, troops of
either nation ſhall take up arms and infult the
countries of which the nation, they are allied to,
is now in poffeffion: in this cafe, the two nations
ſhall affift each other againſt this enemy, who ſhall
thereby become the common enemy of both.
Art. VII. The troops of the two nations ſhall
be employed, during this truce, in the care of
0 2
their
A. D.
1755-
196
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
$755.
A. D. their prefent eſtabliſhments and poffeffions; they
may be tranſported freely, and without any diffi-
culty, from one place to another, at the pleafure
of the Governor, Generals, Commanders, &c.
of each nation; and all perfons actually under the
protection of either flag, may likewife go and
come at pleaſure, without being moleſted either
in their effects or perfons.
Art. VIII. Trade fhall be free throughout the
Carnatick, and in all the countries to the north-
ward of the Coromandel coaft, for the two con-
tracting nations: they may fetch merchandizes
from all the places in the dependance of each other,
and tranſport them freely, without any restraint,
through the reſpective jageers and territories.
Art. IX. All common enemies, or the particu
lar enemies of either nation, who fhall come to at-
tack the Engliſh and French in their prefent pof-
feffions, and trouble the tranquillity which is to
reign in India, fhall be repulfed by the united
force of the two nations, French and Engliſh.
Art. X. As foon as the truce is proclaimed,
the mutual exchange of priſoners ſhall be ſet about,
man for man, and means fhall be refolved on for
the eaſe of thofe, which fhall not be exchanged.
Art. XI. Commiffaries fhall be appointed on
both fides, to examine into the infringements com-
mitted by each party, or their auxiliary troops or
allies, and ſettle the reftitution to be made of all
the places taken, during the truce, againſt the
tenor of the fufpenfion of arms; as likewife of all
that may have been taken from them by the faid
auxiliary
I
THE LATE WAR.
197
auxiliary troops, in merchandizes, effects, money,
&c. and further to fettle in a fixed method, for a
guide, during the whole time of the truce, all
the names, and the extent of every country, pa-
ragana", and village, under the power and in the
poffeffion of the two nations, English and French.
Art. XII. It is agreed, that whenever, in the
courſe of the truce, any complaint fhall be made
by either of the faid nations of an infringement of
the fourth article, the faid commiffaries on each
fide appointed, fhall certify and examine the fact,
that juſtice may be done accordingly to the in-
jured nation, either by reftitution or reparation,
according to the nature of the injury received.
Done at Fort St. George, Dec. 31, 1754.
Dated at Pondicherry,
Dec. 26, 1754.
A. D.
1755.
on thefe
Theſe treaties (though manifeftly most favour- Remarks
able to the French, as they left them at liberty to treaties.
recover from the unnatural ftate, into whch Du-
pleix had thrown the company's affairs, by his
ambition, avarice, and tyranny; had opened a
free trade and communication for their under-
takings by fea, and left ſo many effential points
to be fettled by commiffaries, with a people that
are known never to determine in fuch cafes, but
by the ſingle argument of their own convenience
and intereft) promiſed the Engliſh confiderable re-
lief from the burthen and hazard of war; and
they were rendered more fatisfactory by the de-
n District.
Q 3
parture
198
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755.
The truce
broke by
parture of M. Dupliex; who was ordered and
ſent to France by the firft fhips; and by the
friendly conduct of M. De Sauffay, commander
of the French at Seringham, who, being follicited
by Nauderauze, the Maifforean General, with an
offer of three lack of rupees, to march off and
leave him at liberty to furprize Trichinopoly, in
poffeffion of the Engliſh, rejected the bribe with
difdain.
But, the Sieur Godeheu being returned for
the French. Europe, M. de Leyrit, his fucceffor, and M. Buf-
fy, who was left at liberty, in the late treaty, to
enlarge the valuable and extenfive poffeffions which
the French held in the north, foon convinced the
Engliſh that the tranquillity was not founded upon
ſuch a ſolid bafis, as expected; and that while
one fide of the country had laid down their arms,
there was no fecurity for our extenfive concerns
and interefts in other parts. For, exprefly con-
trary to the ninth article of the proviſional treaty
it appeared very early in the year 1755, that the
French were endeavouring to acquire the domi-
nion of all the provinces of the Deckan °. Buf
fy demanded of Salabatzing, the poffeffion of the
fort of Golconda; and Leyrit took the part of
the Polygar of the Velloure, the ſtrongeſt fort in
the province, againſt his Sovereign the Nabob
Mahomed Allee Cawn; threatning, by letter to
the Governor of Madrafs, and by marching 300
French, and as many Sepoys, from Pondicherry,
• See the account of the war in India, by Richard Owen
Cambridge, Efq; p. 132.
3
to
THE
199
LATE WAR.
1755.
to fupport the rebel, and to oppofe the Engliſh A. D.
employed by the Nabob to collect his revenues.
from the tributary Princes, that held under him ';
our fleet having then failed upon an expedition to
reduce the piratical ſtate of Angria, on the Mala-
bar coaft, which had for many years infefted the
trade of Bombay, and greatly endangered the na-
vigation of, not only the Engliſh, but of the
Dutch, &c. from Europe.
After this furvey of the tranſactions beyond the Affairs of
feas, let us return to the ftate of affairs at home. Europe.
Where, at the end of September, the admiralty
lift of the royal navy exhibited a moft formidable
aſpect for our enemies to meditáte upon. It con-
fifted then of
I ſhip carrying
5 fhips carrying
110 guns 1100 men
100 -1000 men, each
13
90
700
8
80-
600
5
74
500
29
70.
480
39
60.
400
3
54
350
28
50
300
4
44
250
35
40
250
42
20-
140
100
31 carrying from 18 to 10 -
213 Befides a great many bomb ketches, fire
ſhips and tenders.
P Ibid. p. 117.
0 4
Such
Britiſh
navy.
200
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
Such a navy was fufficient to oppoſe the united:
1755. maritime force of all Europe; whilft that of the
French, even at the end of this year, and in-
cluding the fhips upon the ftocks, amounted to.
no more than
French
navy.
6 fhips carrying 80 guns
21
74
I
72
4
70
31
64
2
60
$6
50
32 frigates
||||||
againſt
Bofcawen's
ings.
113
2.
French re- The French court, as foon as they heard of
monftrance Admiral Bofcawen's taking their two men of war,
Admiral dreffed up a freſh remonftrance againſt Great
proceed- Britain to the court of Spain; and repreſented
this action, before a declaration of war, to be
a proceeding, that threatened the very diffolution
of all faith amongſt nations; with a view to draw
the Spaniards, at once, into their quarrel. To
Anfwered which Sir Benjamin Keene the Britiſh minifter to
by Sir
Benjamin his moft Catholic Majefty confronted a ſtrong
memorial, importing, That it was well known,
Keene.
2
the French fleet fent to America, carried troops,
"ammunition, and every neceffary for defending
« countries, which the French had unjuſtly ufurped
in North America, and of which the Engliſh
"claimed the property. That the rules of felf-
"defence
THE LATE WAR.
201
1755.
"defence authorize every nation to render fruit- A. D.
"leſs any attempt that may tend to its prejudice.
"That this right had been made ufe of only in
"taking the two French fhips of war, and that
"the diftinction of place might be interpreted in
"favour of the English, feeing the two fhips
. were taken on the coaft of the countries where
"the conteft arofe." Such was the difpofition or
policy of the Spaniſh court at this time, that they
feemed fatisfied with Sir Benjamin Keene's anſwer
to the French complaint; though the French mi- Reply of
nifter replied with obferving, That the hoftilities
of the Engliſh had begun in the European feas,
from whence they had taken and carried a vaſt
number of French fhips into their ports,
P
the French,
tences con
But what is more extraordinary, the French Their pa-
miniftry ſtill maintained an appearance of mode- cific pre-
ration, and a defire to accommodate matters with tinued.
Great Britain without coming to blows. It is
certain, they were afraid of our fuperiority at fea,
ſhould it be let looſe upon them; and they were
diſappointed of their American ſcheme, to ſecure
their poffeffion by a fuperiority of European troops,
&c. before we ſhould be ready to oppoſe them.
Therefore any device to curb, or to keep us in-
active, was the beft game they could play. So
that, after we had carried the national refentment
to the lengths above related, taking every ſhip
our cruifers could meet with, and detaining both
their cargoes and crews, the French miniftry, as
foon as they heard one of their men of war had
taken at fea, and brought the Blandford man of
About 195 at this time.
war,
202
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1755.
man of war
and fent
home.
war, belonging to his Britannic Majefty into
Nants, with Mr. Littleton, appointed Governor
Blandford of Carolina, on board; they ordered the Governor
releafed to be fet at liberty, and fhortly after releafed both
the fhip and crew. Whatever might be the mo-
tive for this reftitution, whether to throw upon
us the breach of faith and the commencement of
the war, or to provoke us to more moderate mea-
fures, it had no effect. Our preparations for fea
ſervice were accelerated with incredible activity
and expedition. And the French in earneft be-
gan to make the beſt of their cafe, in order to
deprive us of the benefit of a naval war. Their
preparations for a land war went on with extraor-
dinary diligence: They made fure of the Empreſs
Queen, our old ally, and marched great numbers
of their troops on the coaſt of the Britiſh Chan-
Threaten nel, to terrify us with an invafion; a ſcheme that
us with an had often delivered them from the power of the
Britiſh arms, when they were not able to cope
with us in open battle.
invaſion.
The
turn from
In the midſt of this hurry his Majefty returned
King's re- from his Electorate, which he left on the 8th of
Germany. September, and he arrived at his palace at Ken-
fington on the 15th of the fame month.
Debates
about the
treaties
with Ruffia
and Heffe
Caffel.
The firſt thing his Majefty did was to finiſh
the treaty with Ruffia, above-mentioned, which
was ratified on the thirtieth of the fame month.
But when this and the treaty with Heffe Caffel
came before the parliament, they were canvaffed
¶ See page 135-
with
THE LATE WAR.
203
A. D.
1755.
with a good deal of diſlike: and previous to that,
the King of Pruffia taking great diſguſt at the
ſeventh article in his Britannic Majeſty's treaty
with Ruffia, which he looked upon as a menace
levelled againſt himſelf, declared by his miniſters
in all the courts of Europe, "That he would op- King of
"poſe, with his utmoft force, the entrance of declaration
any foreign troops into the Empire, under any cafion.
..
CC
pretence whatſoever."
Pruffia's
on that oc-
France.
This fpirited declaration by the King of Pruf- Its effect on
fia, at a time France had erected and filled feveral
great magazines in Weftphalia, by permiffion of
the Elector of Cologne, and had already marched
large bodies of troops towards the frontiers of the
Empire, drew overtures from that court imme-
diately. The Duke de Nivernoife was fent to
Berlin, and propoſed a new alliance with his Pruf-
fian Majefty, in order to perfuade his Majefty to
retract his declaration: and the French Ambaſſa-
dor's reception was fuch as made England dubi-
ous of the King's refolution to abide by what he
had declared. In this ambiguity his Britannic on Great
Majefty dreading the fate of his Electoral domi- Britain.
nions, in cafe Pruffia might be gained over by
France, whofe forces on the Lower Rhine were
provided with magazines, all the way to Hanover,
applied alfo to the court of Pruffia, with fuch ad-
vantageous propoſals, as made him entirely relin-
quifh all thoughts of further negociation with the
Grand Monarch: Though our treaty with his Pruf-
fian Majefty did not take effect till fome months
after.
His
204
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. His Britannic Majefty at the fame time de-
1755. manded the auxiliaries, which he had a right unto
Queen of
Hungary by treaties, from the Emprefs Queen. But, with
refufes to an unprecedented ingratitude that heiress of the
Britain ac- houſe of Auftria, for whole fupport againſt France
cording to in particular, Great Britain had ſpent and run our
aid Great
treaty.
National
diſcontent
nation in debt more millions than her hereditary
dominions are worth, not only abfolutely refuſed
to perform her engagements, under the pretence
that an American war was not a cafe of our
alliance with her: But afterwards, when re-
quired by England alſo, to defend her barrier
towns in the Low Countries, obtained for her
family by British blood and treaſure, on that ex-
prefs condition, the excufed herſelf from the fer-
vice, under a pretence of her fears from the King
of Pruffia.
The nation began to be greatly alarmed at the
with the meaſures of the court. The miniſtry, notwith-
miniftry, ftanding the attention given, all this year, to our
marine, and the lengths they had run, in making
reprifals, and in commencing hoſtilities in North
America, were fo perplexed and difpirited with
the news of Braddock's defeat, that they feemed
wavering in their councils, and more inclined to
an accommodation, than to proceed in their de-
mands of fatisfaction, and to maintain their na-
tional rights, by way of arms. And his Majeſty's
taking fuch a powerful army of Ruffians and Hef
fians into Britiſh pay, without confent of parlia
ment, and, as it was fuggefted, having drawn
upon the Treaſury for a part of the money (which
had
THE LATE WAR.
205
had been particularly intended by the vote of
credit in the laſt feffions of parliament for the ſea
fervice, and to maintain our poffeffions in North
America) to make good his agreement with the
Landgrave of Heffe Caffel; this created a jealouſy
in the people, that it was intended to enter into fuch
continental meaſures, as would neceffarily deprive
Great Britain of the means to diſtreſs the enemy
by fea, and to do herſelf juſtice in America.
A. D.
1755.
The ſpirit of the nation at this juncture, will Remarks
on the fpi-
beſt appear from the political obfervations pub- rit of the
liſhed by the patriots. It was obferved, That the nation.
nation had been long under the direction of ſtate
empericks; whofe only merit had been to ſkin
our wounds and palliate our diftempers.. That it
was now time to fearch the wound to the bottom,
and to apply wholeſome and regular medicaments
to the almoſt corrupted body: That the cure,
though perhaps painful, muſt be fpeedily under-
gone: becauſe a delay would certainly bring on
more dreadful fymptoms, and infallibly end in
political death. That the nation had been long
deluded by the magic found of words, and ſome
of the principal men had been drove from the
throne by odious diſtinctions and falfe imputa-
tions; whereby the rancour and animofity of par-
ties had been kept up, and the Sovereign de-
prived of the affiftance of fome of the ableft of
his fubjects, moft firmly attached to his perfon
and family: That we were loaded with a moft
heavy debt, and alarmed by imminent dangers
from within; and juft upon the brink of a war
with
206
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
A. D. with a great, and our moft powerful enemy; the
event of which might determine our being, as a
free and independent nation. Therefore, that
nothing less than a vigorous exertion of our na-
tural rights, and unanimous concurrence, with the
divine affiftance, in the defence of our liberties,
King and country, could prevent us from finking
under the weight of fuch multiplying and grow-
ing evils.
Does not the voice of the people, faid they,
who pay the taxes, cry loudly at prefent for a war,
to restrain the ambitious views of our perfidious
neighbours, the French? So that let thofe, now
concerned for the nation, fteer clear of the blun-
ders, miſtakes and malpractices, which deprived
Great Britain of the advantages expected in the
laft war; and make the true intereft of their coun-
try, the fole object of their operations, and they
need not doubt of giving fatisfaction to the na-
tion.
The intereft of this nation is fo very plain and
obvious, that honefty can never miftake it: we
want no extraordinary talents to feel our own
ftrength, or to know our own good. The fea is
our element to fight upon, fhips are our caftles:
and our marine is an over-match for all Europe.
We may in ſuch a war humble the Grand Mo-
narch, and reduce him to fubmit to equitable
terms of peace. It is as natural for Britain to
truft in her fleets, as a bull in his horns, or a lion
in his paws. But on the Continent France muſt
beggar
THE LATE WA R.
207
beggar us and difpofe us to accept of the condi- A. D.
tions fhe may pleaſe to grant.
As for fubfidiary forces; it was aſked, What
had the British Empire got by the vaft fums of
money paid in fubfidies to the Dutch, Saxons,
Bavarians, Heffians, Hanoverians, Danes, Ruf-
fians, Pruffians, Hungarians, to the King of Sar-
dinia, the Duke of Wolfenbuttle, and to God
knows who befides? All of whom had taken Bri-
tiſh pay, within fixty years paft, without enabling
us to humble one enemy, or to fecure a firm, laſt-
ing and equitable peace: or to ſtrike fuch terror
into our enemies, that they durft not invade our
property, plot againſt our liberty, or to interrupt
our trade, and without recovering the balance of
Europe, or putting our allies out of the power of
the common enemy. What then is Britain to ex-
pect from numerous and ftill more expenſive ſub-
fidiary treaties? but a national debt, which, if
not timely prevented, would in the end, reduce
us to beggary and contempt. Every one knows
that our land forces, whether mercenaries or ſub-
fidiaries, have no influence upon the councils of
our enemies. It is our naval force they are afraid
of. It is the number of our fquadrons of fhips
of war, when they are well manned and appointed,
under brave, experienced and honeft commanders,
and not a ſtanding army at home, nor a fubfidiary
army abroad, that gives us a due influence at fo-
reign courts. Such was the language and ſenti-
ments of the nation at this time.
The
3755.
208
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
Addreſs of
London.
The parliament being fummoned to meet on
1755. the 13th of November, the city of London ad-
the city of dreffed his Majefty, not with the flattery of a
miniſterial faction, to deceive and poifon the ear
of the Sovereign; to fmother the complaints and
prayers of the people, to palliate the national
diftreffes, and to fkreen our enemies from juft re-
venge; but with language and fentiment, that
flowed from hearts replete with truth and liberty,
and intended to rouſe the Britiſh lion from a ſtate
of dangerous fecurity, by making a tender of their
lives and fortunes, to enable his Majefty to begin
and carry on a juſt and neceſſary war againſt an
enemy, that is not to be bound by treaties; nor
to be fatisfied with any thing lefs, than our ruin:
but who may at any time be humbled by a proper
exertion of that naval force, with which Provi-
dence has bleffed and diftinguifhed this nation,
and enabled it, above all others, to defend itſelf.
This was followed by addreffes of the fame import
from the whole nation.
His Ma-
jeſty's
speech at
opening
the parlia-..
ment.
His Majeſty met his parliament on the 13th of
November, and opened the feffions with the fol-
lowing fpeech.
My Lords and Gentlemen! The prefent critical
conjuncture of affairs, and my conftant incli-
nation to have the advice and affiſtance of my
parliament on all important occafions, have made
me defirous to meet you here as early as poffible.
Since your laſt feffion I have taken fuch meaſures
as might be moft conducive to the protection of
our poffeffions in America, and to the regaining
fuch
THE LATE
209
WA R.
fuch parts thereof, as had been encroached upon,
and invaded, in violation of the peace, and con-
trary to the faith of moft folemn treaties.-For
this purpoſe, the maritime power of this kingdom
has been got ready with the utmoſt application
and expedition, and been principally employed.
Some land forces have been fent from hence to
North America; and all proper encouragement
has been given to the feveral colonies there, to
exert themſelves in their own defence, and in the
maintenance of the rights and poffeffions of Great
Britain.
With a fincere defire to preſerve my people
from the calamities of war, as well as to prevent,
in the midſt of theſe troubles, a general war from
being lighted up in Europe, I have been always
ready to accept reaſonable and honorable terms of
accomodation; but not fuch have hitherto been
propoſed on the part of France. I have alfo con-
fined my views and operations to hinder France
from making new encroachments, or fupporting
thofe already made; to exert our right to a fatif-
faction for hoftilities commenced in a time of pro-
found peace; and to diſappoint fuch defigns, as,
from various appearances and preparations, there
is reafon to think have been formed againſt my
kingdoms and dominions.-By thefe methods I
have purſued the plan, which I formerly pointed
out to you, and for which I had the fatisfaction
to receive the ftrongeft affurances of your vigorous
fupport.-What other power can object to pro-
ceedings fo abfolutely neceffary to our own de-
VOL. I.
P
fence
A. D.
1755.
5
210
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. fence and fecurity? My good brother, the King
1755 of Spain, fees with concern theſe differences; and
the part which he generouſly takes in the common
welfare of Europe, makes him earneſtly wish the
preſervation of the public tranquillity. He has
alſo given affurances, that he will continue in the
fame pacific fentiments.In purfuing theſe great
ends, I make no doubt of the vigorous and chear-
ful ſupport of my parliament: and that while I
am engaged in this juft and national caufe, the
affectionate aſſurances, which they gave me the
laft feffions will be effectually made good. In
confequence thereof, I have greatly increaſed my
naval armaments, augmented my land forces in
fuch a manner, as might be the leaft burdenfome;
and have concluded a treaty with the Emprefs of
Ruffia, and another with the Landgrave of Heffe
Caffel, which fhall be laid before you. His Ma-
jeſty concluded with obferving that the fervices
would require large fupplies: declaring that he
aſked no more than fhould be requifite for the
effectual carrying on of thofe meaſures, which
would be neceffary to fupport what has been be-
gun, according to their inclination, for the fecu-
rity of his kingdoms and dominions, and for the
purpoſes already mentioned, of an extraordinary
expence made this year by him, in purſuance of
the power given him by parliament; and pro-
mifing that whatever fhould be granted, fhould
be applied with the ftricteft oeconomy to thoſe
ufes only, for which it fhall be given.
This
THE LATE WAR.
211
1755,
This ſpeech met with uncommon oppofition in A. D.
both houſes of parliament, which appeared in the
formation of the addrefs from each houfe. The
Debates
upon the
miniſterial party amongſt the Lords had inferted addreſs to
this fpeech.
That they looked upon them-
Lords.
in their addreſs,
felves as obliged by the ſtrongeſt ties of duty,
gratitude, and honour, to ftand by and fupport
his Majefty in all fuch wife and neceffary mea- In the
fures and engagements, as his Majefty might have Houfe of
taken in vindication of the rights of his crown,
or to defeat any attempts, which might be made.
by France, in refentment for fuch meaſures; and
to affift his Majefty in diſappointing or repelling
all fuch enterprizes, as might be formed, not
only against his kingdoms, but alſo againſt any
other of his dominions, though not belonging to the
crown of Great Britain, in cafe they fhould be at-
tacked on account of the part, which his Majeſty
had taken for maintaining the effential interefts of
his kingdoms.' The other Lords in the oppofi-
tion', headed by Lord Temple, would not agree
to this infertion; becaufe, in the firft part of it,
the wiſdom of the houfe was prostituted, by en-
gaging to approve of the treaties with Ruffia and
Heffe Caffel, which they had not feen, and which
they apprehended could be of no uſe to Great
Britain: and, in the ſecond part, they would be
guilty of the greateſt indifcretion, by confenting
to meaſures, which manifeftly engaged this na-
tion in a continental connection for the defence of
↑ Amongſt whom, it is faid, were Lord Hallifax, Lord
Talbot, and Earl Pomfret.
P 2
Hano-
212
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. Hanover, that could not be fupported by Great
1755.
Britain, and would be fo far from being of ad-
vantage to us at fea, or in America, that, it was
to be feared, might, in the end, difable the na-
tion from defending itſelf in other parts of the
world. But the court party, upon putting the
queftion, carried their addrefs with this infertion,
by a great majority of voices againſt the weight of
argument.
His Majeſty received this addrefs with the fol-
His Ma- lowing moft gracious anfwer: My Lords! I
jeſty's an-
fwer to the give you my thanks for this dutiful and affectionate
addrefs of addrefs. I fee with the greateft fatisfaction the
the Lords.
Debates on
in the
Commons.
zeal you exprefs for my perfon and government,
and for the true intereft of your country; which
I am determined to adhere to. The affurance,
which you give me for the defence of my territo-
ries abroad, are a ſtrong proof of your affection
for me, and regard for my honour. Nothing
ſhall divert me from purſuing thoſe meaſures,
which will effectually maintain the poffeffions and
rights of my kingdoms, and procure reaſonable
and honourable terms of accommodation."
The addreſs in the Houfe of Commons was
the addrefs dreffed up with the fame zeal, gratitude and
Houfe of warm affurances to fupport his Majefty and his
foreign dominions; and with their approbation of
the treaties he had made; but not yet laid before
that houſe; and was carried, upon a divifion, by
a great majority, though ftrenuouſly oppoſed by
feveral gentlemen in high pofts under the govern-
ment; amongſt whom Henry Bilfon Legge, Efq;
the
THE LATE WA R.
113.
the Chancellor and Under-Treafurer of his Majefty's
Exchequer, and William Pitt, Efq; Pay-Maſter of
his Majeſty's forces, are faid to have diſtinguiſhed
themſelves, on the part of their country.
A. Da
1755.
fwer to
drefs.
His Majefty, when he received the addreſs of
the Houſe of Commons, gave the following an- His Ma-
fwer. "Gentlemen! I thank you for this dutiful jefty's an-
and loyal addreſs. You may be affured, although their ad-
I wiſh for nothing more than a ſafe and honour-
able accommodation, I am determined to protect
and maintain the valuable and undoubted rights
and poffeffions of my crown. Your affurances,
that you will affift me in the defence of my fo-
reign dominions, if they ſhould be attacked, on
account of the meaſures I am purſuing for the true
intereſt of theſe kingdoms, are fuch proofs of your
affection to me, and of your regard to my ho-
nour, as give me the greateſt fatisfaction."
Secretary
of State.
How triumphant foever the court enjoyed this National
advantage by a majority in parliament, the country
difguft.
conceived a very mean opinion of the miniftry,
eſpecially of Henry Fox, Efq; who, three days.
before the feffion was opened, had fucceeded Sir Mr. Fox
Thomas Robinſon, in the office of one of his Ma-
jeſty's principal Secretary's of State, and was em-
powered by his Majefty to manage his intereft in
parliament. The nation's attention was imme-
diately fixed upon this new minifter, and made
him refponfible for the addreffes above-mentioned,
and for an intention to involve his country in a
continental war, to the prejudice of our national
intereſt. Which difcontent was heightened very
P 3
foon
214
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. foon after by a draught from Ruffia, for a part of
1755, the fubfidy agreed for in the late treaty with the
Czarina; and not yet provided for by parlia-
ment and therefore it was refuſed by part of the
miniftry.
The miniſter took uncommon pains, even from
one member's houſe to another, to divide the
country party, and even to condemn in private
converfation the meaſures he was purſuing in par-
liament, and to pledge his honour for the up-
rightneſs of his intenfions, and his averfion to
continental connections. But, when no art was
powerful enough to conceal the falacy of his heart,
he was refolved to try what might be done by re-
moving the patriots from all fhare and pofts in the
government. Accordingly Henry Bilfon Legge,
Efq; and William Pitt, Efq; were diſmiffed from
their employments, for diftinguishing themſelves
on the part of their country, in the late parlia-
mentary debate; and Sir George Lyttleton was
made Chancellor of the Exchequer. But, neither
did
There was a new commiffion for the Treaſury, confiſt-
ing of the Duke of Newcaſtle, the Earl of Darlington, Sir
George Lyttleton, Thomas Hay and Robert Nugent, Efq;
But fuch was the fickleness of the times, that on the 16th of
November the Earl of Darlington and Mr. Hay were removed
from the Treafury, and appointed Pay-Mafters-General in
the room of Mr. Pitt. Earl Gower was fworn of the Privy-
Council and made Keeper of the Privy-Seal; the Duke of
Marlborough made Mafter-General of the Ordnance. Lord
Anfon, Sir Willam Rowley, William Ponfonby, Thomas
Villiers, Edward Bofcawen, Richard Edgecumbe, Efq; and
Lord Bateman, were conſtituted Lords of the Admiralty.
This
THE LATE WAR.
215
1755.
revived.
did this violent ſcheme anſwer his expectations. A. D.
Neither places, penfions, nor power were the objects
of a patriotic heart. The great men, difplaced for Patriotiſm
their virtue, perfevered in their endeavours to
prevent the fatal confequences of a war, on the
continent, prejudicial to our national intereſt.
So that, when the treaties of Ruffia and Heffe
came before parliament, they did not receive the
fanction of thoſe houſes, without very warm de-
bates; and feem to have received the approbation
of the houſe of commons, only to preferve his Ma-
jefty's honour, and to defend thofe countries,
which might be attacked merely on account of our
quarrel with France.
Without doors the nation rang with theſe or the Their ar-
like expreffions.-The quarrel with France, at gument.
prefent, is not for any of thoſe ruinous motives,
which have kindled ſo many bloody wars, in fup-
port of foreign ftates; nor for dominion, nor ex-
tent of territory; but for extent and protection of
trade: It is whether the trading genius of Great
Britain or France fhall prevail. It is whether
Great Britain or France fhall rule the main.
France has taken meaſures to ruin our trade
and navigation. They have ufurped upon thoſe
territories, by which our naval power and our
trade are fupported. What therefore have we to
do? But to prepare in time for a vigorous, and,
perhaps, a long war; to keep our fleets out con-
This was called the miniſtry, with Mr. Fox at the head;
but few of them were confulted in the adminiſtration of the
moſt important affairs.
P 4
ftantly;
216
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
A. D. ftantly; to fupply our people abundantly with
provifions, ftores, and money; a great deal of
which must be wanted to carry on a war in Ame-
rica and therefore, it is to be hoped, that we
ſhall not wantonly and unprofitably ſquander it
away in Germany. It is not meet we fhould take
the childrens bread and caſt it to the dogs. What,
then, in the name of common fenſe, can be the
meaning of hireing troops in Germany, or Ruf-
fia? To pretend that they are for our affiſtance,
is an impofition upon the common underſtanding
of mankind.
How cyad-
ed.
Supplies
raiſed by
parlia-
ment.
In order to quiet theſe clamours, the march of
a large body of French troops down to their
coafts, furniſhed the minifterial agents, with an
artificial argument, to terrify the people into a
better opinion of the fubfidiary treaties. They
ventured to fay, that thefe fubfidiary troops were
not only intended originally, but would foon be
found neceffary, and imported, for the defence
of our island, against a French invafion, to be
carried into execution by flat-bottomed boats, and
fuch ridiculous, incredible veffels. But, argu-
ments, that work only on our fears, and don't
conciliate a confidence and affection, feldom pre-
vail in fettling the mind.
Yet, while the nation was agitated by the ter-
rors of an invafion, and by the apprehenfions of
a war in the hands of a miniftry, obnoxious for
their flattery about the throne, and for their attach-
ment to continental meaſures, the houfe of com-
mons agreed to the fupplies for the enfuing year,
and
1
THE LATE WA R.
217
I
and provided for the deficiences of the provifion
for the former year. The houſe voted' 50,000
feamen, including 9138 marines, and 34,263 fol-
diers. In January following they voted ten new
regiments of foot, and 11 troops of light dra-
goons, beſides the former. They likewiſe voted
298,5341. 17 s. 10 d. for the maintenance of
forces already in our American colonies; and
79,9151. 6s. od. for fix regiments of foot from
Ireland, to ferve in North America and the Eaſt
Indies. 15,000 1. gratuity to New England for
faithful fervices, and 5000 l. to Sir William John-
fon in particular. 20,000l. to the King of Pruffia;
,4471. 2s. 6d. for Hanoverian forces.
121,4
The warlike preparations in South France be-
gan about this time to attract the attention of all
Europe. And it was with fome degree of confi-
dence repreſented to be intended against Minorca.
But this information was totally difregarded by
our miniſtry, which affected to interpret all the
motions of the French in every part of their king-
dom, to be deſtined either against the Britiſh ifles, or
America, or againſt Hanover. By inculcating and
perfuading the firſt report amongst the well-mean-
ing people, they prepared them to acquiefce to
the meaſures of the court; and by the fecond
they endeavoured to reconcile the diflike the
↑ On the 24th of November 1755. About this time the
Efperance man of war failing from Rochfort to Breft, to be
completely manned was taken, with 300 men on board, and
79 guns, by the Orford, Captain Stevens, after three hours.
engagement, and brought into Plymouth.
English
A. D.
1755.
218
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. English had to the fubfidiary forces to cover his
1755. Majeſty's electoral dominions.
Minifterial
conduct.
ous clauſe
added to
The minifter drove on Jehu-like by his majority
in the houſe; and, to give the better proof of
his principles, he carried fuch affairs, as under an-
other miniſtry would have given him a real cauſe
to inveigh againſt their arbitrary proceedings.
For, in the act for the more fpeedy manning of
A danger- his Majeſty's navy, he had this claufe added, That
the commiffioners impowered under this act
might order, wherever and whenever they
"pleaſed, a general fearch to be made for fuch
perfons (there deſcribed) in order to their being
brought before them to be examined: that the
pariſh and town-officers might, without any
"fuch order, fearch for and fecure fuch perfons,
"in order to convey them before the faid com-
"miffioners to be examined: and that when fuch
the navy
bill.
::
..
Co
..
66
perfon or perfons were judged by the recruiting
"officer to be fit for his Majefty's fervice, he or
"they ſhould be deemed a lifted foldier, and
"committed to a place of fafety or to a public
66
prifon." By a new claufe added to the act for
extending the maritime laws to America, a re-
cruiting officer was impowered to enlift and detain
an indented fervant, though his maſter ſhould re-
claim him, upon paying fo much as two juſtices
of the peace fhould allow. Both which claufes in
the hands of a wicked and enterprizing admini-
ftration might have been made fuch ufe of, as
would have undermined the bill of rights, and
been inconfiftent with that fecurity, which is pro-
vided
3
THE
219
LATE
LATE
WAR.
vided by our happy conftitution for the liberty of A. D.
the fubject.
1755.
brought
land.
But this was not all: the very minifter, who Foreign
pleaded the fupport of Hanover and our German troops
allies for taking German and Ruffian troops into into Eng-
Britiſh pay, made the terrors of an invafion, in-
duſtriouſly propagated for minifterial purpoſes,
the prop of that difgraceful, and dangerous mea-
fure of calling over Hanoverian and Heffian
troops to defend England from the attempts of
the French by which Hanover and Heffe were
left expoſed to the danger of the French army, as
had been fuggefted both from the throne and in
the debates for the fubfidiary treaties: and Eng-
land, with a powerful army of her own children,
was put under the protection of foreign troops. Mr.
Fox, by a meffage from his Majefty, got both the
houſes to approve of his requifition and bringing
over a body of Heffian troops ", and then to ad-
dreſs his Majeſty to bring a body of Hanoverians"
over alſo, into this kingdom. And accordingly
theſe foreign troops, notwithſtanding all the pre-
tended fears of fome people for Hanover, &c.
were landed in England, within the courſe of one
u The parliament granted for the charge of 6544 foot,
with the general officers and train of artillery from Feb. 23,
1756, to Dec. 24 following, together with the fubfidy pur-
fuant to treaty, 163,3571. 9s. 9d.
w The parliament granted for the charge of 8605 foot with
the general officers, train of artillery and hoſpital, from May
11, 1756, to December 24 following, 121,447 l. 2 s. 6d.
x 8000 Heffian foot and goo horfe, landed at Southampton,
on the 15th of May. 10,000 Hanoverians landed the 21ft of
May at Chatham.
month.
220
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1755.
great unea-
finefs.
A. D. month. Such expedition, and fo little need of
foreign troops to guard our coafts, created great
Creates jealoufies; and made the people of England more
afraid of their military friends, than the hoftilities
of an open enemy; dreading, from the ſpecimen
of thofe acts, which ftruck at the root of the
fubjects liberty, that theſe forces might be called
in to enable the miniftry to proceed to more vio-
lent meaſures. But under fo good and gracious
a King, as then reigned, his fubjects had reafon
to hope for better things, and theſe defpotic acts
ſerved only to bring fuch an odious adminiſtration
to a fudden end.
Pacific
meafures
pretended
by the
French
court.
!
Several paffages both in his Majeſty's fpeech,
and his anſwers to the addreffes of his parliament,
feemed to leave the French fome hopes of fuccefs
by way of negociation; if not to fettle affairs
amicably, yet to amuſe the Britiſh court, till they
might be perfectly prepared to execute their im-
portant ſchemes. We are indulged in this fuppo-
fition by that extraordinary correfpondence carried
on between the two crowns, during the recess of
parliament, at Chriftmas; which produced the
following letter, from M. Rouille minifter and
fecretary of ſtate for foreign affairs, to Mr. Fox,
ſecretary of ſtate to the King of England; dated
Verfailles, 21ft of December.
SIR,
M. Rou- BY command of the King my master, I have the
ille's letter bonour to fend your excellency the following me-
morial, &c.
to M. Fox.
1
< The
THE
221
LATE WAR.
1755.
"The King is able to demonftrate to the whole A. D.
univerfe, by authentic proofs, that it is not owing
to his Majeſty that the differences relating to Ame-
rica, have not been amicably accommodated.-
The King, being moſt fincerely defirous to main-
tain the public peace, and a good underſtanding
with his Britannic Majefty, carried on the nego-
ciation relative to that fubject, with the moſt un-
referved confidence and good faith. The affur-
ance of the King of Great Britain's difpofition to
peace, which his Britannic Majeſty and his mini-
ſtry were conftantly repeating both by word of
mouth and in writing, were fo formal and precife,
that the King could not, without reproaching him-
ſelf, entertain the leaſt fufpicion of the fincerity of
the court of London's intentions. It is fcarce
poffible to conceive how thefe affurances can be
reconciled with the orders for hoftilities, given in
November 1754, to General Braddock, and in
April 1755, to Admiral Bofcawen. The at-
tack and capture, in July laft, of two of the
King's fhips in the open fea, and without a decla-
ration of war, was a public infult to his Majefty's
flag; and his Majeſty would have immediately
manifefted his juft refentment of fuch an irregular
and violent proceeding, if he could have imagined
that Admiral Boscawen acted by the orders of his
court. For the fame reafon the King fufpended,
at first, his judgment of the piracies, that have
been committed for feveral months by the Eng-
liſh men of war, on the navigation and commerce
of his Majefty's fubjects, in contempt of the law
of
222
THE GENERAL HISTORY of
A. D. of nations, the faith of treaties, the ufages eſtab-
1755 lifhed among civilized nations, and the regard
they reciprocally owe to one another. The fenti-
ments of his Britannic Majefty gave the King
room to expect, that at his return to London, he
would difavow the conduct of his admiralty and
naval officers, and give his Majefty a fatisfaction
proportionate to the injury and the damage.—But
feeing that the King of England, inſtead of pu-
niſhing the robberies committed by the Engliſh
navy, on the contrary encourages them, by de-
manding from his fubjects fresh fupplies againſt
France; his Majefty would fall fhort in what he
owes to his own glory, the dignity of his crown,
and the defence of his people, if he deferred any
longer the demanding of a fingle reparation for
the outrage done to the French flag, and the
damage done to the King's fubjects.
His Majesty, therefore, thinks proper to ap-
ply directly to his Britannic Majefty, and demand
from him immediate and full reftitution for the
French ſhips, as well men of war, as merchant-
men, which, contrary to all law, and all decorum,
have been taken by the English navy; and of all
the officers, foldiers, mariners, guns, ftores, mer-
chandize, and in general of every thing belong-
ing to theſe veſſels.
The King will always chufe to owe to the King
of England's equity, rather than to any thing
elſe, that fatisfaction, which he hath a right to
demand: and all the powers in Europe will un-
doubtedly fee in this ftep, which he hath deter-
mined
THE LATE WA R.
223
mined to take, a new and ftriking proof of that
invariable, love of peace, which directs all his
counfels and refolutions.-If his Britannic Ma-
jeſty orders reſtitution of the veffels in queſtion,
the King will be difpofed to enter into a negocia-
tion for that further fatisfaction, which is legally
due to him, and will continue defirous, as he hath
always been, to have the difcuffions relating to
America, determined by an equitable and folid
accommodation. But if, contrary to all hopes,
the King of England fhall refuſe what the King
demands, his Majefty will regard this denial of
juſtice, as the moſt authentic declaration of war,
and as a formed defign in the court of London,
to diſturb the peace of Europe."
Mr. Fox fent to M. ROUILLE the following
anfwer, dated at Whitehall, January 13, 1756,
by his Majefty's command.
SIR,
A. D.
1755
anfwer.
Received on the 3d inftant, the letter dated the Mr. Fox's
21ſt paſt, with which your excellency honoured
me, together with the memorial fubjoined to it.
I immediately laid them before the King my maf-
ter; and by his command I have the honour to
inform your excellency, that his Majefty continues
defirous of preferving the public tranquillity: but
though the King will readily conſent to an equi-
y In French, ill becoming the firſt miniſter of ſtate in the
Britiſh court.
and
224
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Remarks
on this cor-
refpon-
dence.
The Bri-
ftry's re-
table and folid accommodation, his Majefty can-
not grant the demand that is made of immediate
and full reftitution of all the French veffels, and
whatever belongs to them, as the preliminary.
condition of any negociation; his Majefty having
taken no ſtep, but what the hoftilities begun by
France, in a time of profound peace, (of which
he hath the moſt authentic proofs) and what his
Majefty owes to his own honour, to the defence
of the rights and poffeffions of his crown, and
the fecurity of his kingdoms, rendered juft and
indifpenfible. I have the honour to be, &c.
•
The incongruity of this correfpondence between
two nations fo far engaged in hoftilities, as Great
Britain and France were at this time, would not
permit his Britannic Majefty to anfwer M. Rou-
ille's letter otherwife, than by his fecretary of
ftate, and required fome method to take off the
diſagreeable apprehenfions, which it began to dif-
fufe amongſt the people, already diffatisfied with
the pacific conduct of the miniftry, and to expoſe
to the feveral courts of Europe, the falfhood of
the imputations and facts therein contained.
Therefore the miniftry cauſed remarks to be made
on the principal articles of its contents; which
were publiſhed and difperfed at all the courts of
Europe.
In the first place, it is therein remarked, That
tifh mini- whatever may have been, or are now, the fenti-
marks on 'ments of the moſt Chriſtian King, with regard to
the differences concerning North America, it is
M. Rou-
morial.
unlucky,
THE LATE WAR.
225
unlucky, that the conduct of the court of Ver-
failles, towards Great Britain, fhould correfpond
fo ill to the difpofition, which M. Rouille's memo-
rial afcribes to his moft Chriftian Majefty, and to
the profeffions of good faith and unreſerved con-
fidence, with which, it was pretended, the negocia-
tion was, on their part, carried on. And if it be from
the courſe of this negociation, "that the authen-
"tic proofs, are to be drawn, by which the moſt
"Chriftian King is able to demonftrate to the
"whole world, that it is not owing to him, that
"the differences in queftion have not been amica-
"bly accommodated," it may not be improper to
touch upon fome parts thereof, and fhew that
every fact bears witnefs to his Britannic Majefty's
moderation.
For, in the month of January 1753, the French
Ambaffador returned to London, and made great
proteftations of his court's fincere defire, finally
and ſpeedily to adjuſt all difputes between the two
crowns concerning America: and notwithſtanding
the extraordinary preparations, which were known
to be making at that time in the ports of France,
her ambaffador propofed, "That before the ground
"and circumſtances of the quarrel fhould be en-
"quired into, pofitive orders fhould be immedi-
ately fent to our refpective governors, forbid-
.
t
<C
ding them to undertake any, new enterprize, or
proceed to any act of hoftility; and enjoining
See the proofs produced by the commiffarics, on p. 49,
&c. and p. 84, &c.
c. See page 121.
VOL. I.
Q
<< them
A. D.
1750.
;
6
226
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
66
..
"them, on the contrary, to put things, without
delay, with regard to the lands on the Ohio,
"on the fame footing that they were, or ought to
"have been, before the late war, and that the
reſpective claims fhould amicably be referred to
"the commiffioners at Paris, that the two courts
might terminate the differences by a ſpeedy
"accommodation."
..
66
The court of London immediately declared its
readineſs to confent to the propoſed ceffation of
hoftilities, and that all the points in difpute might
be difcuffed and terminated by the minifters of
the two crowns: but on this fpecial condition,
That all the poffeffions in America fhould previ-
ouſly be put on the foot of the treaty of Utrecht,
confirmed by that of Aix-la-Chapelle. Where-
fore, the King of Great Britain propofed, "That
"the poffeffion of the lands on the Ohio, fhould
"be reſtored to the footing it was on, at the con-
"clufion of the treaty of Utrecht, and agreeable
"to the ftipulations of the faid treaty, which
"was renewed by that of Aix-la-Chapelle; and
"more over that the other poffeffions in North
"America fhould be reftored to the fame con-
66
66
<6
dition, in which they actually were at the
figning of the ſaid treaty of Utrecht, and agree-
"ble to the ceffions and ftipulations therein ex-
preffed; and then the method of informing
"the refpective governors, and forbidding them
"to undertake any new enterprize or act of hofti-
ડ
.66
V
lity, might be treated of; and the claims of
"both parties referved to be ſpeedily and finally
"adjuſted in an amicable manner between the
"two
L....
THE
227
LATE WAR.
"two courts." That is to fay, the French ſhould
repair the injury done by open force, before the
parties ſhould enter into treaty about the claim of
right; after which the poffeffions of both parties
might be fettled on the foot of a definitive agree-
ment.
To this equitable expedient to divert the horrors
of an open war, the French ambaffador was fo
far from agreeing, that he ſeriouſly delivered a kind
of reply, which at bottom was only a repetition.
of his firft propofal. However, to foften the
affair, he produced, at the fame time, full powers
from his court to treat, conceived in very fpecious
and polite terms: though the effects were as little
correfpondent thereto, as before. France, like-
wiſe, ſoon after delivered a draught of a prelimi-
nary convention, which was nothing more than
the firſt propoſal enlarged. This, added to what
was doing on the coaft of France, was too plain
to deceive any. Therefore, England would by no
means agree to a convention, which fhould leave
France in poffeffion of all fhe had acquired by her
violences and ufurpations; the precife grievance
Great Britain complained of: and, after the ex-
piration of which, we ſhould have been juſt where
we were, when that convention was figned.
A draught of a counter-convention was after-
wards delivered to the ambaſſador, containing an
offer of the moſt moderate terms, being confined
to thoſe points only, which were his Majefty's
indifpenfible right, and effential to the fecurity of
his colonies. To this France did not vouchfafe
A. D.
1756.
Q 2
to
228
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. to make any anfwer, and her ambaffador was autho
3756.
rifed only to hear what was faid to him about the af-
fair, but to make no propoſals. In fine, after a long
feries of evafions, in which the ceffation of hofti-
lities was continually recurred to, the ambaſſador
inſtead of receiving inftructions to enter into a
negociation upon the counter-convention above-
mentioned, was ordered to demand, as a previous
condition, that England ſhould defift from three
points, which made a principal part of the fub-
ject in difpute, viz.
I. The fouth part of the river St. Lawrence,
and the lakes, that diſcharge themſelves into that
river.
II. The twenty leagues of country demanded
along the bay of Fundi: and,
III. The lands between the Ohio and Oubecho.
The difcuffions, with which this extraordinary
piece was followed, and during which France
fhuffled, at every turn, concluded with a memorial
prefented by the French ambaffador, in which was
treated the affairs of the iſlands, as well as that of
North America. This alfo was anſwered by a
very ample piece, that refuted the memorial ar-
ticle by article, and fully juftified the terms of
the counter-convention. But the French ambaf-
fador's fudden departure, about this time, pre-
vented any reply.
Secondly, it is remarked, that notwithſtanding
the meaſures taken to defend our rights and pro-
pérty in North America, both by ſea and land,
and the captures, which were made in July laft,
purfu-
1
THE LATE WAR.
229
purſuant thereunto, his Britannic Majefty's affur-
ances, of his pacific difpofition, given to France,
were as honeft and fincere, as they were formal
and precife and he muſt have condemned him-
felf, had he carried them fo far, as to endanger
the poffeffions of his crown, and the fafety of
his people, to purchaſe the friendſhip of France.
She
It is to no purpoſe that France gives the epithet
of hoftile to the orders and inftructions given to
General Braddock and Admiral Bofcawen.
would be glad to draw a veil over the hoftilities
committed by France in America, from the peace
of Aix-la-Chapelle to the date of thofe orders.
For almoſt from the very inftant of figning that
treaty, and even at the opening of the commif-
fion, which in confequence of it was eſtabliſhed
at Paris, for the affairs of America; France dif
truſted before hand her right; and, fetting up
for the judge, as well as the party, in her own
diſpute, cauſed the province of Nova Scotia to be
invaded, and, after a feries of open hoftilities
againſt the inhabitants, the King's fubjects erected
three forts in the heart of that province; and, if
ſhe had not been prevented, was prepared and
ready to deſtroy the new fettlement at Hallifax.
The like hoftilities were committed, at the fame
time, againſt his Majefty's lands and fubjects on
the Ohio and the Indian lakes; where, France,
without any ſhadow of right, forbid the Engliſh
to trade, ſeized them by force, and fent them
* See p. 22, 25, 41.
• See p. 28, 33, 43, 45, 49.
priſoners
Q 3
A. D.
1756.
230
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
f
A. D. prifoners to France; invaded the territories of
1756.
Virginia, attacked a fort, which covers its fron-
tier, and to fecure their ufurpations, erected, with
an armed force, a chain of forts on the lands they
had invaded.
If his Majefty could have thought, that the
governors of Canada acted by orders of their
court, he would have been intitled to repell thefe
hoftilities with that vigour, which the cafe re-
quired. He contented himſelf with complaining
to the court of France! but with fo little effect,
that the French miniſtry, not fatisfied with not
anſwering, gave on this occafion a very fingular
inftance of their honefty; for in fpite of theſe
complaints made by the Earl of Albemarle, (in
confequence of an order from his Majefty) par-
ticularly by an exprefs memorial delivered in May
1752, France had afterwards the modefty to
alledge, that England had never complained of
thefe proceedings, and confequently had nothing
to find fault with.
At laft the King's patience being worn out by
the continuance of thefe violences, he found him-
felf obliged to provide for the fecurity and de-
fence of his fubjects. Yet, notwithstanding the
juft reafons he had for proceeding to extremities,
he added, to his many years forbearance, a ſignal
proof of his moderation in the fmallneſs of the
fuccours he fent to America, which conſiſted only
of two battalions of 500 men each, efcorted by
? See p. 45,
See this memorial at large on p. 45, &c.
twg
J
THE
231
LATE WAR.
two frigates and in the orders given to the com-
manding officer, which were to diflodge the invaders
of the King's territories, there is nothing in theſe
facts irreconcileable with the affurances given of
his Majefty's difpofition towards peace. It is the
invaſion made by France, and the violences that
attended it, which are hoftile: and it never can be
unlawful to repel an aggreffor..
Therefore to make out the pretended infult
offered to his moft Chriftian Majefty's flag, France
is obliged to invert the order of things. She af-
fects to take the confequence and effect for the
caufe; and alledges, as the principal affair, what
was only acceffary, and proceeded from it; tak-
ing occafion from the fmall fuccours General Brad-
dock carried to America, to make the fending of
thofe fuccours, the rife of the troubles in that part
of the world. France equips a fleet of a very
alarming force, and the King, in confequence
thereof, is obliged to make proportionable arma-
ments. France fends that fleet to North Ame-
rica, (with three times the number of troops car-
ried to the fame continent by General Braddock)
in order for her commanders to fupport the acts
of violence already committed, and to add new
ones.
Now the fame law, the fame principle of de-
fence, which authoriſes the refiſtance of an invader,
equally authorifes the preventing of the part at-
tacked, from being over-powered by fo formid-
able a reinforcement: it was therefore very natural
to expect, that the King would provide for the
protec-
Q4
A. D.
1756,
232
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
protection and fafety of his fubjects, by hindering
the landing of fo powerful an armament in North
America, and endeavour to preſerve his American
fettlements from total ruin.
The fame motive of felf-defence hath forced
the King to feize the French fhips and failors, in
order to deprive the court of France of the means
of making a defcent; with which their minifters.
in all the courts of Europe have threatned Eng-
land. A menace, which is the moſt fignificative
to England, as it hath been accompanied or pre-
ceded by the precipitate recall of the minifters of
France at London and Hanover; by the march
and cantonment of large bodies of troops on the.
coafts of Flanders and the channel; and they
publicly avowed the re-eſtabliſhment of the port of
Dunkirk h.
For the reft: it is hard to imagine why the
French fhould conceive the King ought to difavow
¹ In Auguſt 1755, the Riſbank, a very ftrong battery, on
the right hand fide going into the harbour, was reſtored to its
original ftrength, or better fortified, though exprefly contrary
to the ftipulations of the treaty of Utrecht and Aix-la-Cha-
pelle. It was built entirely new in form of a half moon,
mounting 22 cannon, facing the mouth of the harbour, with
embrafures for ſeveral more; and many men were ftill employ-
ed on that part of the fortification. On the other fide of the
harbour, they were erecting a large rampart for a battery of
50 or 60 cannon, facing the fea: 2000 men were then em-
ployed to finish it with all expedition, and was to be called the
Bavarian Battery. They were alſo repairing the fluices, in
order to form a back water for cleaning and deepening the
harbour.
the
THE LATE WAR.
233
the conduct of his officers, who acted by his or-
ders; or why they ſhould wonder at his Majeſty's
demanding the neceffary fupplies from his fubjects
to enable him to fruftrate the ambitious and unjuf
tifiable views of France.
How can that court pretend to be ſurpriſed at
the acts of violence it complains of, after 'the
court of Great Britain had, during the whole
courfe of the negociation, conftantly rejected the
propoſals made by France for a fufpenfion of
arms, unleſs it were preceeded by a reftitution of
the poffeffions taken by open force from England?
A condition, to which the court of Verſailles
would never agree. This was informing that
court very plainly, what method the King pro-
pofed to take, in order to obtain his juft right.
For thefe juft and valid reafons the King rejected
the peremptory demand contained in the memo-
rial figned by M. Rouille: and to avoid taking
notice of the terms made ufe of in it, which
fhock common decency, his Majefty caufed a
fhort and negative anſwer to be made to it, in the
form of a letter, written by Mr. Fox, his fecretary
of ftate: and he is the more determined not to
admit what France demands, as a preliminary
condition, prior to any negociation, as it appears
from this very memorial, that after granting it,
he would be as far as ever from obtaining an equi-
table and folid accommodation with refpect to the
injuries he has fuffered for ſeveral years. And it
does not appear how his Majefty's refolution to
defend his American dominions, and hinder France
from
A. D.
1756.
234
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
British fub-
France.
from infulting his kingdoms, can be conftrued in
France to be a denial of juftice, and a formed
defign in the King of Great Britain to diſturb the
peace of Europe.
However, in confequence of that memorial and
jects order-
ed to de- Mr. Fox's anfwer, the French King's orders were
part from publifhed,at Dunkirk, for all British fubjects to leave
his dominions, before the 1ft of March, except fuch
as might obtain his permiffion to remain. An-
other edict was publiſhed at the fame time, in-
Privateers viting his moft Chriftian Majefty's fubjects to fit
out privateers, promifing a premium of forty
couraged livres for every gun, and as much for every man,
they might take on board the enemy's fhips;
with a further promife, that in cafe peace fhould
be concluded foon, the King would purchafe his
faid privateers at their prime coft.
ordered
and en-
by France.
British
thips feized
in port.
Purſuant to the above orders, the Engliſh vef-
fels in the feveral ports of France were feized, and
their crews fent to prifon.
Whatever might be the real motive for this
correſpondence, it outwardly appeared, on the part
of Britain, to be countenanced by the apprehen-
fions the miniftry had all along entertained, and
affected to entertain, of an invafion; and, on the
part of the French to prolong our neglect of ar-
maments for the Mediterranean; where now they
had determined to ftrike that great blow, fo long
Remarks threatened againſt Great Britain. For, though
Veral pieces Our Agents, Confuls and Ambaffadors at Paris,
of intelli- Carthagena, Turin, &c. perpetually repreſented
cerning an in the ftrongeft terms the naval and military pre-
on the fc-
gence con-
invafion.
2
parations
THE LATE WAR.
235
parations at Toulon; though Mr. Banks at Car-
thagena had informed the miniftry, on the 27th
of Auguft, that theſe preparations were exprefly
making againſt Minorca: the French, by their
emiffaries in Holland, &c. and by their move-
ments on the coaft of the Britiſh channel, and
ſometimes by counter orders at Toulon, endea-
voured to draw off their attention from the main
object. The French knowing the foible of their
neighbours, to be terrified with every motion,
they ſhould make on the coaft of the Channel,
played off their old political engine of an inva-
fion fo effectually, that they dampt the Britiſh
fire, which a few months before had threatened
deftruction to the navigation of France; and made
the miniſtry ſo cool, that they ſeemed unconcerned,
what became of the important tenures of their
mafter's crown in the Mediterranean.
i
A. D.
1756.
It is true that there was a report of the Pre-
tender's being at Paris: but the fame advice re-
marked, that it wanted confirmation: that an
embarkation was intended for Scotland: that the
Breft fquadron was ordered to continue in the
road; that the French miniftry were extreme bufy Dunkirk
in repairing the fortifications of Dunkirk, and repaired.
that there were fixteen battalions in and about
that town, befides feven companies of marines.
But there could be nothing fo terrible in all thefe
appearances, as to engage the whole attention of
the British miniftry, and our chief ſtrength at ſea,
1 16th of September, 1755.
to
236
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
an inva-
fion.
to wait upon their motions. For, other letters
on the 30th of the fame month informed, That
No figns of
though all the grenadiers in the Flemish garrifons
had orders to be ready to march, and the troops
at Dunkirk were ftill encamped, the infantry,
which are the only troops for an expedition againſt
this ifland, had begun their march into winter
quarters, and the cavalry were gone to Britany,
French-Comte and Burgundy. A natural difpo-
fition for covering their own coafts againſt a defcent
from Britain; but very improper to be interpreted
a diſpoſition for invading an iſland, whofe bulwarks
are the ocean, and whofe cities and towns are
without walls and fortifications. Had the French
ever intended to invade us, they would have kept
their infantry, and not their cavalry upon the
coaft.
Arma-
ments at
Toulon,
and their
deftina-
tion.
The advices in the courfe of the month of Oc-
tober, confirm the armament's deſtination from
Toulon againſt Minorca or Gibraltar. And from
thofe advices it appears; with great perfpicuity,
that the French obferved an exact uniformity of
conduct in their ports of the Mediterranean
fometimes in a hurry; at other times fhewing by
way of feint, a flackneſs in their armaments, or
a diſtant intention; but never lofing fight of their
real object, and making as much diſpatch, as the
nature of their expedition and the feafon of the
year would permit. In which they diſcovered
great policy and oeconomy; confounding our in-
telligence, and expending no more of the public
money than was neceffary, till the time of action
fhould
THE LATE WAR.
237
k
But
fhould diſcover their real defign; while in the
northern provinces they induftriouſly kept up the
report and appearance of an embarkation.
how could people be fo infatuated with ſuch an
improbability, weighing all circumſtances? Be-
fides the moſt penetrating intelligence received
on the 20th of October, by Lord Holderneſs,
ought to have rectified all fuch vague fuppofi-
tions, founded on no better authority than hear-
fay, "No court, faid that correfpondent, was
"ever in a more cruel fituation than that of
"France, they have been led into a war by the
"repeated affurances given them by the Duke
"de Mirepoix, That however angry the Engliſh
"nation was, the King and his miniftry would
"not enter into a war. As this was credited by
* Is it not amazing, that a perfon in the capacity of Ad-
miral Smith, than whom nobody could be ſuppoſed to under-
ſtand the requifites for embarkation and convoying troops,
deſtined for a deſcent upon an iſland better, ſhould hearken to,
and tranſmit to the admiralty, his own apprehenfions of the truth
of, a report, which fome French emiffary had impofed upon
him, That the defcent was to be made with 100,000 troops:
which would require more veffels to bring them over, than
all their nation could then furniſh; and a better ſtationed and
equipped navy to convoy them, than the few fhips of war at
Breft and Rochfort, whofe courfe down the channel to Ca-
lais and Dunkirk, muft be expofed to the Britiſh fleets at Ply-
mouth, Portſmouth, and at the mouth of the Thames. How
Admiral Smith could be fo credulous on this occafion is be-
yond comprehenfion: for, about a month after, he affures the
Lords of the Admiralry, That there was no movement in the
French ports of Dunkirk, &c. that indicated an embarka-
tion.
1
"the.
A. D.
1756.
238
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
No fear of
fion.
66
..
A. D. "the French council in general, they took their
1756.
"meaſures, in confequence, and were never more
furprized than when the news came of our
taking the two French fhips in America."
That the French King and his miniftry were
an inva- greatly enraged there is not the leaft doubt.
Neither fhall it be denied that an invafion of Ire-
land and Scotland was propofed. But upon ex-
amination, ſo many difficulties aroſe that it was
laid afide. However it was refolved to ſtrike fome
ftroke of great confequence, to indemnify the
French merchants for the lofs of their fhips: not
by a new embarkation for America, where their
force was already greatly fuperior to ours, and
which could not be undertaken with bad fhips,
and ſcarcity of artillery, men and provifions; nor
by invading Britain or Ireland; becauſe they had
neither tranfports for fuch an undertaking, nor
were making other difpofitions in the northern
provinces of their country, that could induce us
to give credit to fuch a report; but by fome
action in the Mediterranean againſt fome place
left unguarded.
Invafion
by the mi-
niſtry.
In the courſe of the next month, the alarm
propagated of an invafion increaſed, and was rung in every
body's ears by the minifterial agents and emif-
faries, who in this particular joined heartily in
the delufive pretences of the enemy. It appears by
the intelligence received at the proper offices, that
Without this terror of an invafion was founded upon no
fufficient better authority yet, than trite accounts of the
grounds.
Iriſh brigade being quartered on the French coaft;
4
of
THE LATE WAR.
239
of a few merchantmen detained or laid up in
Dunkirk and Calais; of feven frigates lying under
failing orders in Breft Road, for the protection of
their mercantile navigation, and a gafconade to
invade England with a fleet not in their power to
fend to fea, and at the fame time to attack Ha-
nover. Whereas the moſt punctual and intelligible
correſpondents declared, That there did not ap-
pear the leaft difpofition, nor was there any talk
of an embarkation. For, though different plans
had been propofed, they had all been rejected:
becauſe, in the firft place, it was impoffible for
them to collect a fufficient number of tranfports
in one or two harbours, as would be neceffary:
and becauſe the Breft fleet, was it in a condition
to put to fea, could not pretend to convoy them;
for fhould that fleet meet the English, either in
going or returning, it would be rifking the whole
trade of their country, and expofing both their
fleet and forces to ruin.
A. D.
1756.
active.
Stuart or-
Still our miniftry kept the greateſt part of their Naval force
naval force inactive, to watch the event of uncer- kept in-
tain, contradictory, and improbable, reports, and
paid no regard to the real armaments making at
Toulon; except we may admit an order for Ge- General
neral Stuart to repair to his command in Minorca, dered to
given this month, to be an indication of their Minorca,
first glance towards the defence of the important
fortress of Mahon : but even this was done with
fo little grace, that the General could not pro-
cure a paffage to his command till he failed with
Admiral Byng.
As
240
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
State of the
at Toulon,
ter.
A. D. As the winter advanced, the diligence in the
1756.
port of Toulon flackened; and this furniſhed va-
armaments rious conjectures, as if the French were inclined
in the win' to pacific meaſures, and to lay the intended ex-
pedition afide in the Mediterranean. But yet it
plainly appears, in the midft of that uncertainty,
that the Toulon fquadron, of twelve fhips of the
line, were in fuch forwardness as required no
greater expedition at that feaſon, and might be
eafily put to fea, early in the fpring: that, in the
mean time, all diligence was uſed to recruit the
land forces in Provence, and in the neighbouring
provinces that contracts were made for tranſports,
and that a ſtrict watch was kept to fecure a fuffi-
cient number of failors againſt the time of action'.
Nay, our admiralty received letters from Mar-
feilles, dated the 24th of December 1755, which
exprefly faid, That five frigates were ready to put
to fea, and that twelve fhips of the line were
under orders to be equipped with all expedition,
and would be ready to fail in three weeks, under
the command of M. de la Galiffionere, all the
officers being appointed: which is generally the
laft ſtep in the equipment of a French fquadron.
Its deftina-
}
Thus every particular, but the poſitive defti-
tion how nation of the Toulon fquadron was known; and
the intention to attack Gibraltar or Mahon was
to be col-
lected.
eafily collected from their victualling, for a fhort
time, the number of troops to be embarked, and
1 See Mr. Banks's Letter of the 7th of December 1755,
and feveral other correfpondents.
the
THE
241
LATE WAR.
the variety of fmall veffels taken up for tranfports, A. D.
which were not fit to paſs into the ocean.
1756.
by the mi-
However our miniftry continued to give credit Neglected
to, and to fix their whole attention upon the ad- nistry.
vices of the tranfactions in the north of France:
from whence Lord Holderneſs produced letters,
dated from the 5th to the 15th of December,
that mentioned great augmentations made to the
militia of Normandy and Picardy, which already vain pre-
confifted of twenty-two battalions each, and that tences of
nothing was talked of but a declaration of war, fion.
and a refolution to fix the Pretender on the
throne of England, in the March following: that
70 or 80,000 land forces were expected to arrive,
and to be cantoned in the towns and villages near
Dunkirk, to favour a fquadron to be commanded
by M. Bart, to fcour the north feas.
Whence was a fquadron to be expected fuffi-
cient to face the British navy? It could not be
from Toulon, for obvious reafons. It could not
be from Breft, nor from Rochfort; becauſe advices
of the first of December, to that fame noble Lord,
exprefly declared, that the fquadron in thoſe ports,
under M. Conflans went on very flowly; that the
fquadron under M. Perrier confifted only of five
fhips of the line, and four frigates, when com-
pletely equipped; that there was but one fhip fit-
ing at Dunkirk; and that there was no other mari-
time difpofition in that, or in its neighbouring ports.
It muſt be confeffed that fome advices, of the
ninth of this month, related a defign in France,
that could be made capable
to fit out every ſhip,
VOL. I.
R
to
an inva-
6
242
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Remarks
on all the
intelli-
gence.
to keep the feas, and to divide the whole into two
fleets, one at Toulon, the other at Breft; to fall
with force on the Britiſh fquadrons difperfed in
fmall numbers; and in the mean time to make a
powerful invaſion with 50,000 men. But, next
day, this formidable gafconade was knocked on
the head by freſh affurances, That France had no
other views than to gain time: that there were
no difpofitions on the coaft of the British channel
for an embarkation: that eight frigates had failed
from Breft, but were employed only as convoys
to merchantmen: and that there was nothing to
be apprehended of immediate danger or trouble
from the French on that coaft.
66
Sum up the whole intelligence, which brings
us to the conclufion of the year 1755, you will
not be able to find any ground for the minifterial
pannic continually dreaming of, and alarming the
people with the dread of an invaſion. How then
ought we to account for that paffage in his Ma-
jeſty's fpeech, where he informs his parliament,
"That from various appearances and preparations.
"there was reaſon to think, there have been formed
defigns againſt his kingdoms and dominions;"
except, as a noble Peer, many years at the head
of the law, has taught us, We confider fuch
fpeeches as the language of the miniftry, rather
than the fentiments of their royal mafter: and
then it may create a fufpicion, that this alarming
invafion was a pure minifterial bubble, grafted upon
the political conduct of the enemy, in order to
raiſe a prodigious fum of money out of the fears.
of the people.
3
On
THE
243
LATE WAR.
A. D.
1756.
The inva-
certained.
On the 4th of February 1756, Mr. Fox re-
ceived advice, dated the 17th of January, from
Mr. Birtles, Conful at Genoa, a port greatly con- fion of Mi-
nected with Toulon, That the Dukes of Riche- norca af-
lieu and Mirepoix were nominated to command
in Provence, and that it was whiſpered, they in-
tended to make a defcent from Toulon, with a
body of troops ", to furprize the inland of Mi-
norca. The Lords of the admiralty, on the 20th,
received an account of the ftate of the French
marine as follows,
At Breft
2. fhips of 80 guns
I
of 74
2
3
11
of 70
of 64
3
of 50
I
of 34
8
of 30
4
of 24
In all
24
At Rochfort 2 ſhips of 74 guns
I
3
of 70
of 64
7
of 30
In all
13:
m Sixty battalions under the command of the Duke of Riche-
lieu. As the fame gentleman wrote on the 26th of January.
State of the
French ma-
rine.
R 2
At
244
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
At Toulon I ſhip of 80 guns
3
of 74
7
of 64
I
of 60
1
4
of 30
2
of 24
In all
18
At Havre
2 fhips of 32
2.
Total 57
Minorca
le&ed.
The ſtate of Minorca did not yet ſeem to be
ftill neg- rightly confidered and attended to by the Britiſh
court, who fuffered themſelves to be deluded, or
were willingly engaged in the deception of a
French invaſion, which after Chriſtmas revived
with ſtronger ſymptoms of a determinate refolu-
tion. It was currently reported from the Hague,
that the troops were to be tranſported in flat-
bottomed boats; that M. de Bellifle was to com-
mand the expedition, who was already with the
Prince de Soubife making their circuit along the
Reports of French coaft: that 89,000 men were marching
the inva- to Dunkirk, and that M. Perrier's fquadron was
fion re-
futed.
n,
falling down into Breft Road. But Mr. Jofeph
Cockburn, of the Hunter cutter, having ventured
n One hundred and forty battalions, faid Lord Briſtol in
his Letter from Turin.
• Seven or eight hundred faid M. Villettes at Bern.""
4
into
THE LATE `W A R.
245
into Breft water in his row boat, could fee no
more than nine men of war of 50 guns, and un-
der, and fix fail of large merchantmen. Confe-
quently all this talk was calculated by the enemy
only to alarm and diftrefs us. For at this very
juncture the Breft fquadron above-mentioned failed
with a convoy of troops for Canada P, and not
upon that filly ineffectual errand to cover a fleet
of flat-bottomed boats in defiance of the Britiſh
navy.
A. D.
1756.
an intend-
of Minor-
The month of February increaſed the light into Certain
the deftination of the Toulon armament. Pofitive advice of
advice was received, that preparations were ed invafion
making to embark 25,000 men, with a train of ca.
artillery, defigned againſt Minorca: that the fhips
were hove down, and that they would be ready
to put to fea the middle of March. The fame
advice was confirmed very ftrongly from the
Hague. And Sir Benjamin Keene, the Engliſh From Sir
miniſter at Madrid, who having given General Benjamin
Blakeney, the commanding officer at Mahon, no-
tice of the French armament, and his apprehen-
fions concerning its deftination, writes to Mr. Fox t
in theſe pathetic terms: "The uneafinefs, I feel,
"comes from the approach of an intended attack
P See Letter in Lofd Holderneffe's office, dated January
31, 1756.
1 On the 26th of February, by the Admiralty from Mai
feilles.
r Ibid. and Conful Birtles, from Genoa.
s So early as the 14th of February.
On the 24th of February.
Keene, &c.
<6
R 3
on
246
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
17.56.
From Cap-
tain Har-
vey.
66
'
on his Majesty's dominions in the Mediterra-
"nean. I mean the iſland of MINORCA in par-
"ticular; being forced to this idea by repeated
"accounts of numbers of troops affembled at
"Marſeilles, and on the coafts of the Mediter-
"ranean, to be eafily tranfported in fmall veffels,
"under the convoy of twelve capital fhips ready
to fail from Toulon." Captain Harvey, of the
Phoenix, then at Mahon, gave notice" of the
fame to the Admiralty, and to Lieutenant-Gene-
ral Fowke, commanding at Gibraltar, That the
Toulon expedition was certainly intended againſt
Minorca; that there had been a council of war
called at Mahon, and refolutions taken to prepare
for defence; but adds, in his letter to General
Fowke, We can do nothing if you do not fend
us fome beef ſpeedily; and that the garriſon was
then in great diftrefs. This intelligence was fol-
lowed by a letter to Mr. Fox, from General
Blakeney. Blakeney himſelf, in thefe terms, "I can't be too
early in acquainting you, Sir, that by different
informations from France and Spain, there is
great reaſon to believe the French intend very
ſhortly to make an attack upon this iſland.-In
confequence I've called a council of war-and we
were unanimouſly of opinion, that confidering who
theſe informations came from, and the reports
every where about, which feemed to tally with
them, this iſland ought, with the greateſt ſpeed,
to be put in the beſt ſtate of defence it can :-
From Gen.
u
February 7. received March 6th.
and
THE LATE WAR.
247
and I am accordingly applying myself to every
meaſure, I think, for the ſafety and defence of this
place."
A. D.
1756.
fion.
Yet nothing feemed to awaken the attention of Neglected
by the mi-
the miniſtry for Minorca. The nearer the danger niftry.
of that iſland approached, the more determined
the French endeavoured to make us believe they
intended to invade Britain, thereby to keep our
navy in a ſtate of inactivity, till the blow was
ftruck in the Mediterranean. Bellifle's plan was
magnified, which was to affemble 100,000 men
between Cherburg and Dunkirk, in order to give Terrified
by chime-
an equal uneafinefs to the fouth and weft parts of rical inva-
England, and to oblige us to feperate our forces:
to bring twelve ſhips of the line and as many fri-
gates from Breft, to facilitate an embarkation of
600 fail of tranfports, each to carry 100 men, to
be pilated by fmugglers of Kent, Suffex and Hamp-
fhire, to three different attacks; two of which to
be only feints, the real one to be commanded by
the Marſhal in perfon. All which it was alledged
was feaſible in a freſh fouth-easterly wind, a dark
night, a fog, or a ſtark calm: becauſe in any of
theſe cafes, the English fleet could not come to
prevent their paffage.
It was further faid, That there were already col-
lected 140 veffels of different burdens at Dun-
kirk; a great convoy of provifions and ammuni-
tion fent to Calais, Dunkirk, &c. from Douay
and other places that there were 600 flat-bot-
tomed boats in the ports of Britany and Norman-
dy for the fame fervice; that the Pretender had
R 4
been
24.8.
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Refuted.
been at Verſailles fome time, and was to embark
with the M. Bellifle: that the train of artillery.
was prodigious, and the preparations both for de-.
fence and offence were immenfe that they were
determined to execute Bellifle's plan, though they
were fure to lofe all their veffels employed, and
riſk their whole kingdom: but that they hoped,
by their number of boats, and fuperiority of fire
from the heavy cannon, they were to carry, they
might form a fafe paffage, notwithſtanding they
ſhould meet with the Engliſh fleets; and that, in
cafe they could land their whole force, they would
march directly to London; and fecure Portſmouth,
with the battering train and the ſhips from Breft
and Toulon.
Yet if we attend to the following intelligence,
it will be found that all theſe preparations and gaſ-
conades, were no other than feints on the part of
France: it will appear that there was not near the
like certainty of a refolution to make a deſcent on
Great Britain, as there was on Minorca.
The bugbear of the fquadrons fitting out at
Breft was known on the firft of February to
amount to. no more than a fquadron under M.
Perrier, to fail to St. Domingo; another under
M. Beaufremont, to guard the coafts, and a third
under M. Conflans, to protect the French colonies.
So that nothing was to be feared from the naval
power of France in the Channel. The very men-
tion of 100,000 men for the fe vice of a maritime
expedition was enough to deprive it of credit;
and the fame correfpondents, who tranſmitted that
intel-
THE LATE
249€
WAR.
Or, as
A. D.
intelligence, thewed that they did not believe it to
be ſerious. It is believed, faid one, that their 1755.
motion to the fea coaft is nothing but an affected
parade of marches and counter-marches.
another of the fame date, An army to fkreen
their own coafts from a defccnt, and to inti-
midate England.'
On the fixth of February it was affured, from
undoubted correfpondents, that neither armament,
nor embarkation was then ordered: that the
troops, ordered from the interior parts of France
to the fea coafts, had received counter-orders:
that every thing for the prefent feemed quiet at
Calais that neither troops nor veffels of any fort
were collecting at Havre that all reports of fuch
armaments, as above-mentioned, on that coaft,
were falfe, and that there were no more than
fourteen or fixteen fail of fhipping in that port,
including two frigates on the ftocks, ready to be
launched, and two others of 30 and 40. guns, fent
from Breſt, a few days before, to be refitted: ".
fage to the
fig- parliament
concerning
It is, therefore, very extraordinary that his His Ma-
Majeſty was adviſed to ſend a meffage to the lefty's mef-
Houſe of Lords, on the 23d of this month,
nifying, That he had received repeated advices an inva-
from different places and perfons, that a defign
had been formed by the French court, to make
an hoftile invaſion upon Great Britain or Ireland,
and that the great preparations of land forces,
W
w Captain Whitwell's Letter to the Admiralty, on the 24th
of February.
ſhips,
fion.
250
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
fhips, artillery, and warlike ftores, were then no-
toriouſly making in the ports of France, oppofite
to the British coafts, left little room to doubt of
the reality of fuch a defign: that he had not only
augmented his forces by fea and land, to put his
kingdoms into a pofture of defence; but that he
had ordered tranfports to bring over hither a body
of Heffian troops, in order further to ftrengthen
Takes no himſelf; without taking the leaft notice of the
notice of advices of the intelligence concerning the hoftile
preparations for invading Minorca; which had
Minorca. been repeated uniformly, continually, and with
greater certainty than any of the advices about
the imaginary invaſion of Great Britain or Ireland;
and without mentioning any meaſures taken, or
intended, by his miniſtry, for its defence.
the intelli-
gence con-
cerning
Officers or-
dered to
Minorca.
X
The time of action drawing nigh, and no pre-
parations of a fleet, nor of an army by the Eng-
liſh, except an order for all the abfent officers
from Minorca, but General Hufke, to oppofe the
Duke of grand enterprize undertaken at Toulon; the Duke
Richelieu of Richelieu, on the road, to take the command
fervice a- of the embarkation, declared openly, at Lyons,
that its deftination was againſt Minorca, and to
befiege Mahon.
declares his
gainſt Mi-
norca.
This intelligence was immediately tranfmitted
from Bern, by M. Villettes, who had all along
diſcouraged the thoughts of fuch an expedition;
but now adds, That the armaments, then carry-
ing on in the neighbouring provinces of Spain
* Dated 3d of February 1756, in the war office.
with
THE
251
LATE WAR.
A. D.
1756.
with great activity, gave him room to think that
the two courts would join their force againſt Mi-
norca and Gibraltar. He particularly obferved,
That Galiffionere was arrived to take upon him
the command of the fleet: that feven fhips of
the line and five frigates were in the road: that
they were ſhipping 6000 bombs and 30,000 weight
of biſcuit: that twelve ſhips of the line and five
frigates would be ready to fail by the beginning
of April: that four gallies, four xebecks and fe-
ven or eight other veffels, fit for fuch a fervice,
were ordered to attend the fleet, and to carry the
ammunition and provifions, &c. viz. 2500 oxen,
6000 rations of hay, 6000 fafcines, 1000 barrels
of gunpowder, 12 cannon 36 pounders, 24 of
24 pounders, 8 of 12 pounders, 8 mortars of 12
inches, 6 of 8 inches, beſides petards, fufees, &c.
that cloth had been bought at Marſeilles for 350
tents: that they ftript the fea and land, and the The readi-
iflands, of their artillery and ammunition, to arm nefs and
the fleet at Toulon; and that all theſe ſteps, and appoint-
more, left no doubt, but that an attack would the Toulon
be made on Mahon; and that the whole embar-
expedition.
kation of twenty-three battalions of foot and one
of artillery would be in readineſs to fail on the
fifth of April. All which was literally true, and
confirmed from all quarters.
ments for
on the con-
In this fituation what did the Britiſh miniſtry do? Remarks
They had evidence, from moft unexceptionable duct of the
authorities, that there was a real armament at British mi-
y On the first of March. z On the eighth of March.
Toulon
niſtry.
252
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
orderedun-
Toulon of twelve men of war of the line, five
frigates, &c. ready to convoy a powerful army,
openly acknowledged by the enemy to be defigned
againſt Minorca: and they could not be ignorant
of the diſtreſs Mahon was in for officers, for men,
for provifions, and almoſt every neceffary to de-
fend fuch a fortrefs againft fo powerful, fkilful
and enraged an enemy; and, confequently, of the
danger of its falling a prey to fuch a powerful
attack, for want of a fuperior fleet, to cover the
Afquadron iſland from fuch an attempt. Yet this could work
der Adm. no further upon the miniſtry than to procure an
Byng, for order on the 8th of March for ten fhips of the
line to hold themfelves in readiness for the Medi-
terranean. Which fquadron, on the 11th, was put
under the command of Admiral Byng, a good dif-
ciplinarian, but never proved by any fevere fer-
vice, where he had the chief command; with an
order for him to take on board the Earl of Effing-
ham, General Stuart, and other officers, to the
number of forty-two, and ſome private men, or-
dered to their reſpective pofts and corps at Mi-
norca and Gibraltar. Theſe fhips were,
Minorca.
The Ramillies
of 90 gun's
Culloden
74
Buckingham
70
Captain
70
Revenge
70
Trident
64
Intrepid
64
Lancaſter
66
Kingſton
•
60
Defiance
60
But
THE LATE WA R.
253
a
A. D.
1756.
How de-
; layed.
But the equipping of theſe ten fhips was attended
with fuch directions, that their departure was de-
layed till the 6th of April, for want of men
Mr. Byng being directed to haften the fitting out
of the Stirling Caftle, and to complete her com-
pliment of men in preference to any other ſhip;
and reſtrained from meddling with the men on
board the Naffau, Torbay, Effex, Prince Frede-
rick and Greyhound, which the Secretary of the
Admiralty faid, were wanted on the most preffing.
Service, viz. to try to intercept four frigates and
a convoy of 40 merchantmen, drove into Havre
by the Windfor; a fervice no ways fo preffing, as
the relief of Minorca.
What adds to the negligence of the Britiſh mi-
niſtry, in regard to his Majefty's dominions in the
Mediterranean, is, that no advices, ever ſo welt
attested and confirmed, could prevail with them,
in the courfe of years fince the treaty of Aix-la-
Chapelle, to fend into thofe feas, for the protection
of Minorca, and the lucrative trade carried on by
our merchants through the Streights, more than
a Admiral Byng writes to Mr. Clevland, Secretary to the
Admiralty, April 1ft, ready for failing in every reſpect, ex-
cept want of men will take 336 men, now the regiments
are all on board, to complete them. My own fhip wants
222, 183 of them being lent to the Ludlow Cafle. The
Trident had 78 lent to the Hampton
Court and Tilbury,
which fhips we are likely to meet with. April 3d, Intrepid
Ludlow Castle and Cambridge came but yesterday to Spit-
head-ordered men immediately.-Hope to fettle to-day, to
be able to ſet fail to St. Helen's. April 4th, wind weft, dif-
appointed to find the Intrepid fhort of complement 150 men.
three
254
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
State of the
navy, and
how em-
ployed.
Continen-
tal affairs
three thips of 60, one of 50, three of 44, and
a loop, to cruiſe on that extenſive ſtation.
Our navy, at home, within this period, (from
the 1st of Auguft 1755, to the 30th of April
French carried on their arma-
1756',) when the
ments both by ſea and land, in their fouth and
north provinces, was employed only to reinforce
Admiral Hawke, cruifing off Cape Finiſterre ;
to form a fquadron of obfervation in the Downs,
under Vice Admiral Smith; another fquadron, as
noted above, to cruiſe to the weftward of Ufhant,
under Admiral Byng: and in another ſquadron of
13 fhips of the line, and one frigate, ordered on
the 9th of January 1756, under the command of
Vice Admiral Oſborne, to convoy a grand fleet of
merchantmen, and to cruiſe to the weftward.
So that the whole maritime ftrength of the nation,
which in the open feas would be a match for all
the fhips of war in Europe, was detained from
its neceffary ſervice, by the policy of France and
the fears of our own miniſtry.
Here let us leave Admiral Byng upon his
in Europe. Voyage to Minorca, and enquire into the negocia-
tions carrying on between Great Britain and the
b According to the admiralty account of the ſtate and con-
dition of the fleet, in the feveral ports of Great Britain in
January 1756, there were 21 fhips of the line, and 24 frigates,
ready to put to fea; and 32 ſhips of the line, and five frigates
fitting, which were very forward: and there was actually
muſtered on board thoſe ſhips 20,541 feamen, and borne upon
the books 24,853.
N. B. Exclufive of what were at fea.
He returned on the 16th of February.
Powers
THE
255
LATE WAR.
A. D.
1756.
pearance in
Powers on the Continent, in the beginning of
this year. We have already cited the correfpon-
dence between the ſecretaries of the two crowns of
Great Britain and France. Which put an end to
any further overtures from that infidious enemy.
Upon this, the face of affairs began to bear an Hoftile ap-
hoſtile aſpect, threatening not only this nation, Germany.
but the King of Pruffia with the moft powerful
efforts of arms, from France and her intereft upon
the continent of Europe; the conduct of the
court of Vienna having convinced his Majefty,
before he left Hanover, that there was a fecret in-
trigue between that court and Verfailles.
threatened
by France.
treaty with
As his Britannic Majefty was anxious for the Hanover
fafety of his electoral dominions, and they were
fpecifically threatened by France, it was natural
for him to provide, the beſt way in his power, to
defeat the intentions of his enemies, and to cover
his German dominions from furprize and invafion.
On the other fide, his Pruffian Majefty, without Motives
ally, and fully informed of the fecret practices and for the
deſtructive intentions of the Czarina, and the Em- Pruffia.
prefs Queen, and their allies on the continent,
againſt him; and far from being pleaſed with the
French conduct in cafe of an open rupture be-
tween him and thofe powers: theſe motives had,
in the latter end of the year 1755, brought about
a negociation for a treaty between England and
Pruffia, to keep all foreign troops from entering
the empire of Germany, as a meaſure neceffary
for the fafety of their refpective dominions; which
treaty
256
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. treaty was concluded and figned, on the 16th of
1756.
January 1756, and contained in fubftance,
The Pruf- 1. That Great Britain with her allies, and
fian treaty. Pruffia, fhall mutually afliſt each other, in endea-
vouring to keep all foreign troops from entering
the Empire.
Remarks
thereon.
II. That Great Britain fhall pay 20,000l. as an
indemnification for the captures of that merchan-
dize, which was taken on board Pruffian bottoms,
and fold during the laft war; and in return, that
Pruffia fhall pay the Silefia loan.
>
Whoever compares this treaty, with that made
a few months before with Ruffia, though they are
quite oppofite to each other, will find that they are
not contradictory, but very confiftent: for, what-
ever they may appear in terms; it is manifeft, that
they are both formed to anfwer one intention, on
the part of his Britannic Majefty. The King of
Pruffia's martial fpirit; his difguft for a long time
with the houſe of Hanover; his general attach-
ment to the intereft of France, which might dif-
pofe him to become a proper inftrument to execute
the projects of the French miniftry, already pro
vided for, againſt the electorate of Hanover, and
its dependencies; put the King of Great Britain,
Elector of Hanover, upon meafures to defeat any
attempt to his prejudice by the aid of Pruffia.
Which could not be done fo effectually by any
other means, than engaging a power fufficient to
deter him, and to keep him quiet, with an army
hovering over, and ready to break in upon his
regal dominions, the moment his Pruffian Majefty
dared
THE LATE WAR.
257
dared to join France in the execution of the inva-
fion of Hanover. This was certainly a good rea-
fon for the Ruffian treaty; and would not only
have anfwer'd the end propofed by his Britannic
Majefty, but completed the ruin of his Pruffian
Majefty, under the ſpecious appearance of main-
taining the liberties of the Empire, which was
then refolved by the confederacy againſt Pruffia,
though not come to the knowledge of his late
Majefty. But when his Majefty difcovered an in-
clination in the King of Pruffia to ſhake off his
French connections, and to become fincerely an
ally to Great Britain, and was from thence
thoroughly perfuaded, that his Electoral domi-
nions had nothing to fear from his arms, it made
the treaty with Ruffia uſeleſs; the power, whoſe
motions the Ruffian army was hired to watch,
having become a friend. The only dread, that
now appeared, was an invafion by the French
whofe entrance into the Empire was become the fole
object of thoſe councils, which were held for the
protection of Hanover. The beft means to pre-
ferve Hanover, was to feek for, and gain an alli-
ance capable of refifting any foreign power, fuch
as the French, from entering the Empire. This
could not be done by the Ruffian troops, which
were cantoned in Lithuania and other diftant fta-
tions but might be effectually undertaken with
the aid of the King of Pruffia. Therefore as the
fafety of Hanover was the chief object of thefe
two treaties; and that fafety could be more ef-
fectually maintained by making the enemy, of
VOL. I.
$
whom
A. D.
1756,
6
258
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
fian treaty
of a Ger-
whom we were jealous, a friend and ally, and to join
in keeping the French from entering the Empire,
it was a wife and good meaſure.
The Pruf- This treaty was foon perceived to contain the
the feeds feeds of a German war: for, fhould the French
perfift in their refolution to invade Hanover,
Heffe, Hanover and Pruffia would be obliged to
oppoſe them.
inan war.
His Britan-
nic Majef-
ty demands
6000
Dutch.
In Holland, the minifters of Great Britain and
France, ufed their utmoſt endeavours to fecure an
an aid of intereft with the States, for their reſpective maf-
ters. The Honourable Colonel York, his Bri-
tannic Majefty's ambaffador at the Hague, de-
livered a memorial on the 13th of February, im-
porting, "That although his mafter had con-
vinced all Europe of his defire to maintain
"the general peace, that had lately fubfifted;
he found himſelf threatened with a war be-
ing kindled in his own dominions. That France
"was at that time making immenfe preparations
"of all kinds, particularly on the northern coaft,
yet
which were evidently defigned againſt Great
"Britain; and which the French minifters at the
"feveral courts of Europe had confirmed by their
"declarations: that it was the intereft of their
.
High Mightineffes to defend Great Britain,
"and the proteftant fucceffion in his Majefty's
"illuftrious houfe that his Majefty was not
66
frightened by thoſe threatning appearances; but
" was determined to take every precaution to pre-
"vent their effect: and that the love he bore to
"his people, his attention to their ſafety, and to
4
the
THE LATE WAR.
259
"the prefervation of their liberty and religion,
"and his defire to protect all his coafts from the
66
ແ
ravages of the enemy, were motives, which
obliged him to demand the 6000 men, to be
"fent over to his affiftance, which the Republic
"was bound to do by treaty; and that the necef-
fary fhipping for their embarkation would be
got ready immediately."
66
66
A. D.
1756.
French am-
the Hague
oppoſes
fition.
But the French ambaffador prefented a memo- The
rial, in which he infifted that Great Britain was baffador at
the aggreffor; and threatened the States with the
high diſpleaſure of his royal maſter, in cafe they that requi-
complied with the requifition of 6000 men made
by England; putting them in mind of their ex-
pence and loffes in the laſt war: and feconded his
menaces with fhewing them, that there were
40,000 French troops in Flanders ready to invade
their provinces. This threatning and the weight
of the French penfioners in the councils of the
United Provinces, who are well paid, furniſhed
the Dutch with excufes for refufing, or, at leaſt,
for procraftinating their anſwer to this fœderal
demand; till the court of Great Britain, rather
than be obliged to reſent ſuch a breach of treaty
in a national way, delivered them out of the em-
barraffment, by ordering Mr. York to acquaint
the Princess Regent, That his Majefty would not
infift upon his demand.
duct of the
We muſt not quit the Dutch on this occafion, Remarks
without fome remarks on a conduct, which fhews on the con-
that there can be no dependance on their covenant- Dutch.
ed faith, nor any expectations of grateful returns
S 2
for
260
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
་
A. D. for the innumerable favours they have received
1756.
from England.-The dread of the French arms,'
and their inability to defend themſelves againſt ſö'
powerful an invader was their plea, to make void'
their engagement by treaty. But, if we fearch'
the hearts of thefe politicians, it will be found,'
that, if France had not been fo kind as to furnifh'
them with this excufe, they were determined to'
find fome other means to evade our demand.
Could the Dutch, that in the year 1745 picked
out 6000 men, who, they knew, were under a
capitulation not to fight the French, and fent
them, at our great expence, to defend this iſland
againſt that very foe, landed in North Britain,
be expected to act with fincerity and fidelity on
any other like occafion? Their dependance is en-
tirely upon trade and as their expectations to in-
creaſe their trade were to be attained only by an
exact neutrality, it was refolved, from the mo-
ment a war between Great Britain and France was
certain, to facrifice faith, gratitude, and every
public virtue to procure a neutrality: and that
they would have acted no otherwife is evident from
the reſolutions, previous to Mr. York's declaration
to the Princeſs Regent, delivered to the States of
Holland, by the towns of Amfterdam, Dort,
Haerlem, Gouda, Rotterdam and Enckhuyfen,
which flatly declared that England was uncontro-
vertibly the aggreffor in Europe, by feizing a con-
fiderable number of French veffels; that the
threatened invafion of Great Britain did not affect
the Republic's guarantee of the proteſtant fuccef-
fion,
3
THE LATE WAR.
261
fion, inaſmuch as it was only intended to obtain
reparation for the injury fuftained by the fubjects
of his moft Chriftian Majefty; finally, that the fuc-
cours demanded could not be of any advantage
to the King of England; as it appeared by the
declaration of his moft Chriftian Majefty, that
their granting thefe fuccours would immediately
lay them under a neceffity of demanding, in their
turn, affiftance from Great Britain.
Such fentiments deftroy all thoughts of any
fœderal aid from the Dutch, however ftrictly
bound by treaty and gratitude. If in cafes of fuch
emergency our neareſt allies can deny their affif-
tance upon the bear excufe of convenience to their
own intereft; it is time for Great Britain to with-
draw its dependance from all foreign connections,
and inſtead of relying on the forces provided by
treaties, to place its ftrength in a regular and well-
diſciplined militia, which we ſhall find wifely and
honeſtly eſtabliſhed under the next adminiſtration;
and, if kept up under due regulation, will always
relieve us from the neceffity of calling in a foreign
mercenary army to defend us from invaſions.
A. D.
1756.
The Empress Queen had fet the Dutch an ex- Auftria
ample of the fame kind of difregard to treaties France.
joins with
and of ingratitude, as obferved before. But not
content with departing fo much from the intereft
of that ally, which had fo often, and to its own
great. detriment, faved her houſe from ruin; ſhe,
on the 1ft of May, figned a treaty with France,
our natural enemy, and then in arms, and threat-
ning us with deftruction. By which extraordinary
revolution
S 3
262
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
!
A. D.
1756.
New fyf-
tem of po-
litics in
Europe.
Its caufes.
revolution in the interefts of Europe, its whole
political fyftem affumed a new face; and we find
it neceffary to fhew the cauſes which produced it.
The reigning King of Pruffia having, in the
courfe of the laft war, taken advantage of the
weakneſs, to which the houſe of Auftria was then
reduced, made good the claims of his family to
the moſt confiderable part of the dutchy of Silefia,
by force of arms; and, by the treaty of Dresden,
obliged the Queen of Hungary to cede and gua-
rantee to him his conquefts in Silefia; a fine coun-
of Pruffia, try, extending 200 miles in length, along the
portance. courfe of the large and navigable river Oder: a
Silefia
ceded to
the King
and its im-
country of the moft exquifite fertility and beft cul-
tivation, abounding with men, abounding with
valuable manufactures, and yielding a clear yearly
revenue of 800,000l. fterling. The peace was
fcarcely figned, before this Auftrian heirefs fet on
Queen of foot practices to recover, what he had ceded in
Hungary's December 1745. For on May the 22d 1746,
recover it. The entered into a league with the court of Peterf
burg, one of whofe fecret articles provides, That
in cafe his Pruffian Majefty fhould attack her Ma-
jefty the Empress Queen, or the Empress of Ruf-
with Ruf- fia, or even the Republic of Poland, that this at-
tack ſhould be confidered as a breach of the treaty
practices to
Her treaty
fia.
:
of Drefden that the right of the Emprefs Queen
to Silefia, ceded by that treaty, ſhould revive
and that the contracting powers ſhould mutually
furniſh an army of 60,000 men to reinveft the
King of Emprefs Queen with that dutchy. The King of
Poland was invited to accede to that treaty; and
Poland.
he
THE LATE WAR.
263
he did fo far accede to it, as to fhew he perfectly
agreed in his fentiments, and was willing to co-
operate with the two Empreffes. But, his fitua-
tion in the jaws of a formidable enemy, fhould
any thing perſpire too foon, and the experience of
paſt misfortunes, had rendered him fo wary, that
he declined figning the treaty, with the confent of
the parties concerned; who agreed with his re-
queft, that he ſhould have a fhare of the fpoil,
on the footing of a treaty (the 18th of May 1745,)
for the eventual partition of the King of Pruffia's
dominions. So that though the King of Poland,
Elector of Saxony, was excepted, he was, to all
intents and purpoſes, a party to the treaty of Peterf
burg.
A. D.
1756.
rations for
From this time every devife was practifed to Intrigues.
embroil the King of Pruffia with the northern and prepa-
powers; and efpecially to render him odious to war againſt
the King
the Czarina in perfon. This being fully effected, of Pruffia.
magazines and armies were prepared in Bohemia
and Moravia; and the King of Poland, under the
pretence of a military amuſement, raiſed an army
of 16,000 men, to fecure the important and ſtrong
poſt of Pirna. The Empress Queen went ſo far,
as to try her intereft with Great Britain, whether
ſhe might depend upon any fupport from thence
in cafe of need, depending much upon the diffe-
rences, which had fome time fubfifted between
his Britannic Majefty and the King of Pruffia.
But they that were moft ready to help her and
her family in diſtreſs, could not be brought to do
any thing for her ambition and revenge. This re-
S 4
buff
264
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
buff in England threw her into that humour,
which made her refufe her aid, when demanded,
Why the
Queen of by virtue of treaty, by Great Britain and the
Hungary British alliance with Pruffia foon after furnished
deferted
Great Bri- her with a reafon for throwing herſelf into the
arms of France d
tain.
Her prac-
tices difco-
vered by
of Pruffia.
Thoſe treaties could not be carried on without
the knowledge of his Pruffian Majefty, who jea-
the King lous of the Queen of Hungary's fincerity at the
time of her ceding Silefia, watched all their mo-
tions, and fpared no coft to gain perfect intelli
gence of their moft hidden defigns. Therefore,
when he ſaw that the Emprefs Queen was refolv-
ed to avail herſelf of her alliances and her ar-
maments, by means of the troubles between Eng-
land and France, his Majefty ordered his minifter
at Vienna, to demand a clear explication and pro-
per affurances concerning the preparations then
making within her dominions: and being anſwer-
ed very dryly, That ſhe was only taking meaſures
for her own fecurity, and that of her allies and
Why the friends; the King believing himſelf no longer
King of obliged to preferve any terms with one, that was
recourfe to preparing for his ruin; fenfible of the advantage
it would be to keep a ruinous war out of his own
territories, and well prepared for action, he enter-
ed Saxony with a powerful army.. Where we ſhall
leave him, till we have taken a further view of
our own affairs.
Pruffia had
arms.
d Some think that this was done in revenge for our making
a feparate peace at Aix-la-Chapelle, and making Auſtria the
victim. See p. 2.
The
THE LATE WAR.
265
C
A. D.
1756.
Admiral
The fquadron under the command of Admiral
Byng being fitting out, the lords of the admi-
ralty fent him thefe inftructions for his conduct. Byng's in-
"Whereas the King's pleaſure has been fignified ftructions.
to us by Mr. Fox, one of his Majefty's principal
fecretaries of ftate, that upon confideration of the
ſeveral advices, which have been received relating
to the ſuppoſed intention of the French to attack
the iſland of Minorca, a fquadron of ten fhips of the
line do forthwith fail for the Mediterranean, under
your command: and whereas we have appointed
the ſhips named in the margin for this fervice,
you are hereby required and directed immediately
to put to fea with fuch of them as are ready, (leav-
ing orders for the reft to follow you, as ſoon as
poffible) and proceed with the utmoſt expedition
to Gibraltar.
f
Upon your arrival there, you are to enquire,
whether any French fquadron is come through the
ftraits; and if there is, to inform yourſelf, as
well as poffible, of their number and force; and
if any of them were tranfports. And, as it is
probable they may be deftined for North America,
and as his Majefty's fhips named in the margins,
are either at, or going to Halifax, and are to
cruiſe off Louiſbourgh, and the mouth of the
← March 30, 1756, figned Anſon, Villiers, Rowley, Bof-
cawen, Bateman, Edgecumbe and J. Cleland. N. B. The
Admiral did not receive them till April the 1ft, at 10 in the
morning.
f See before, p. 252.
8 Grafton, Sterling Caftle, Fougueux, 4th, Nottingham,
Lichfield, Centurion, Norwich, 6th, Succefs, Vulture floop.
Gulph
266
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Gulph of St. Lawrence, you are immediately to
take the foldiers out of fo many fhips of your
fquadron as, together with the ſhips at, and going
to Halifax, will make a force fuperior to the faid
French fquadron, (replacing them with landmen
or ordinary feamen from your other fhips) and
then detach them, under the command of Rear Ad-
miral Weft, directing him to make the beſt of his
way off Louiſbourgh; and taking the afore-men-
tioned fhips, which he may expect to find there,
under his command, to cruiſe off the faid place,
and the entrance of the Gulph of St. Lawrence;
and uſe his utmoſt endeavours to intercept and
feize the aforefaid French fhips, or any other ſhips
belonging to the French that may be bound to,
or returning from, that part of North America.
If upon your arrival at Gibraltar, you fhall not
gain intelligence of a French fquadron having
paffed the Straits; you are then to go on, with-
out a moment's lofs of time, to Minorca: Or, if,
in confequence of fuch intelligence, you fhall de-
tach Rear Admiral Weft, as before directed, you
are to uſe equal expedition in repairing thither,
with the ſhips, which fhall remain with you; and
if you find any attack made upon that iſland by
the French, you are to ufe all poffible means in
your power for its relief. If you find no fuch at-
tack made; you are to proceed off Toulon, and
fhall
ftation your fquadron in the beft manner you
be able, for preventing any fhips getting out of
that port; or for intercepting and feizing any,
that may get out; and you are to exert the utmoſt
vigilance
THE LATE WAR.
267
vigilance therein, and in protecting Minorca and A. D.
Gibraltar, from any hoſtile attempt.
1756.
You are alſo to be vigilant for protecting the
trade of his Majefty's fubjects from being molefted,
either by the French, or by cruifers from Morocco,
or any other of the Barbary States; and for that
purpoſe to appoint proper convoys and cruiſers.
You are likewiſe to be as attentive, as poffible,
to the intercepting and feizing, as well fhips of
war and privateers, as merchant fhips, belonging
to the French, wherever they may be met with,
within the limits of your command. But in pur-
fuance of the King's order in council, you are not
to fuffer any of the fhips of your fquadron to
take any French veffels out of any port belonging
to the Ottoman Empire, upon any pretence; nor
to moleft, detain or imprifon, the perfons of any
of the fubjects of the Ottoman Empire; and alſo
not to feize and detain any French fhip or veffel
whatſoever, which they fhall meet with in the
Levant Seas, bound from one port to another in
thofe feas, or to, or from any ports of Egypt,
having any effects of Turks on board.
Upon your arrival in the Mediterranean, you
are to take under your command his Majefty's
fhips and veffels named in the margin", which
are at preſent there.
If any French fhips of war fhould fail from
Toulon, and eſcape your fquadron, and proceed
out of the Mediterranean; you are forthwith to
Princeſs Louifa, Portland, Deptford, Chefterfield, Dol
phin, Phoenix, Experiment, Fortune floop.
fend,
268
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. fend, or repair yourſelf to England, with a pro-
1756.
portionable part of the fhips under your com-
mand: obferving that you are never to keep more
fhips in the Mediterranean, than fhall be necef-
fary for executing the fervices recommended to
More in-
you.
To enable you, the better to perform the above-
mentioned ſervices, you are to take care to keep
the ſhips and veffels under your command in con-
ftant good condition, and to have them cleaned as
often as ſhall be requifite for that purpoſe."
i
By further inftructions it was ordered, that,
ftructions. (whereas the King had been pleaſed to direct that
the royal regiment of Fuzileers, commanded by
Lord Robert Bertie, fhould ferve on board his
Majeſty's fhips in the Mediterranean, and that the
faid regiment fhould be landed in Minorca, în
cafe the governor, or commander in chief of that
ifland, fhall think it neceffary for its defence; and
the governor of Gibraltar having orders, in cafè
a further reinforcement fhall be neceffary at Minor-
ca, to make a detachment equal to a battalion,
from his garrifon; which detachment, the admi-
ral, or commander in chief of his Majefty's fhips
in the Mediterranean, is to convoy to Minorca, on
board the men of war, or fuch tranſport veffels,
as he ſhall be able to provide for that purpoſe ;) he
Thould pay due obedience to his Majeſty's aforeſaid
directions, by landing Lord Robert Bertie's regi-
ment, in caſe the ſaid iſland of Minorca fhould be
Dated the 31st of March 1756, figned by Anfon, Vil-
liers, Rowley and J. Cleland.
attacked,
THE LATE WAR.
269.
attacked, and, upon confultation with the gover-
nor, the fame ſhould appear to be neceffary; and not
to confine himſelf to the landing that regiment
only, but alſo to affift with as many gunners and
men from his fquadron, as might be ferviceable,
and the fhips could poffibly fpare; and that he
likewiſe fhould pay due regard to his Majefty's
aforefaid pleaſure, in relation to tranſporting a
battalion from Gibraltar to Minorca.
A. D.
1756.
on inftruc-
tions.
Before we proceed with the expedition, it will Remarks
be proper to ſpend a little attention upon theſe
inftructions, of whoſe breach, the Honourable
Mr. Byng is accuſed. There is but one article in
the ſet of inftructions, fo far as they regard the
operations of the enemy, that can be accounted
pofitive which is the order that requires him to
put to fea as ſoon as poffible, &c. For, though
it is admitted in the introductory claufe, That fe-
veral advices had been received concerning the
fuppofed intentions of the French to attack the
iſland of Minorca; the next fuppofes, that their
real defign was, to flip through the Straits of
Gibraltar, and direct their courfe to North Ame-
rica; and makes a fuitable provifion for feparating
the fquadron, and fending off fuch a part of it,
under Rear Admiral Weft, together with fuch a
proportionable number of the foldiers on board, as,
added to the ſhips, he was fuppofed to find there,
would render him fuperior to the enemy and all
the other articles hanging in like manner upon
events, were accordingly to be obſerved, or not,
as circumſtances agreed, or otherwife. And as the
Admiral's
270
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. Admiral's inftructions were, in general, founded
1756.
on a perfuafion, that the French armament at
Toulon was deftined to North America; fo
it was declared with the utmoſt confidence, by
thofe, who ought to have known better, that, for
want of feamen, fix or eight fhips of the line at
moft, was the greateſt number the enemy could
poffibly put to fea from that port.
Hence it is manifeft, That, as there was no
want of early intelligence of the nature and defti-
nation of the armament at Toulon, the miniſtry
gave no credit to it: that inftructions unprecife in
their nature, being founded on miftakes and un-
certainties, accompanied with orders, yet more
unprecife and embarraffing, could not but be pro-
ductive of perplexities and difficulties in every
queftion, they gave rife to; confequently of fnares
and dangers in every reſolution taken upon them:
and that from the very different afpect of things
on the admiral's arrival at Gibraltar, from that,
which they had been made to wear in England,
a difference of conduct became abfolutely necef-
fary and thenceforward, he was either to proceed
diſcretionally, or not proceed at all.-Inftead of
fix or eight ſhips of the line, he had been inform-
ed were the moft the enemy could fend to fea on
the 13th of April, juſt a week after Admiral
Byng failed from St. Helens; he now found their
Toulon fquadron to confift of 12 fhips, from
64 to 84 guns; four frigates, from 24 to 46;
befides floops, five bomb veffels, &c. which had
1
already
THE
271
LATE
LATE
WAR.
already got poffeffion of all Minorca, except Fort A. D.
St. Philip.
This difference in the real ftate, as well as in
the afpect of things, will, in fome meaſure, ac-
count for part of that conduct, for which Admi-
ral Byng was fo feverely treated afterwards.
tar.
1756.
Gibraltar.
However, thus arrned and inftructed, the Ad- Admiral
miral failed for Gibraltar in his way to Minorca, for Ĝibral-
Byng fails
on the 6th day of April: but was kept at fea by
calms and contrary winds, till the 2d day of
May, on which he arrived at Gibraltar, where he Arrives at
received an information of the enemy's operations
and ſtrength on the iſland of Minorca, and on
that coaft, very different from what he had been
made to expect: and, without delay *, iffued his His con-
orders accordingly, on the very day of his arrival,
for all the fhips of his fquadron to complete their
provifions and water with the utmoſt expedition.
On the 3d the Admiral went a fhore to communi-
cate to the governor of Gibraltar his orders, re-
lative to a battalion, to be detached from the gar-
rifon, and to be embarked on board the fquadron
for the relief of Fort St. Philip.
duct therɛ
Fowke's
: But General Fowke the governor of Gibraltar, General
having alſo received inftructions or orders upon conduct.
this head from the war office, in three feveral let-
•
CC
k The first refolution of the court martial unanimouſly de-
clares, It does not appear that any unneceffary delay was
made by Admiral Byng, in the proceedings of the ſquadron
under his command, from the time of their failing from St.
Helens, on the 6th of April, till the time of their arrival off
Minorca, on the 19th of May.",
ters,
272
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. ters, which either did not appear fo intelligible
1756.
to him, as to warrant a precipitate compliance
with the admiral's demand; or, perhaps, new
matter had arifen, which had not been fo much as
fuppofed at the time of penning them, and fuch
as was productive of difficulties hardly to be fur-
mounted, he thought it his duty, in the firſt
Confults place to take the opinion of the Engineers beſt
Engineers.
acquainted with the works of Fort St. Philip,
(the principal of whom had been in ſervice there,
and enjoyed his prefent poft, on the merit of bring-
ing home a model of that fortrefs) concerning the
poffibility of relieving the fame. Who, the fame
Their opi- day, figned an opinion, That all circumſtances con-
fidered, it would be extremely dangerous, if not
impracticable, to throw fuccours into it.
nion.
Calls a
Next day, the 4th of May, this opinion was
council of fubmitted to a council of war, compoſed of the
war.
I
governor and all the field officers of the garriſon,
affembled to take into confideration the feveral
orders above-mentioned. Thoſe to Admiral Byng,
have been recited at length. General Fowke
pro-
duced Lord Barrington's letters to him, who in his
firſt letter, dated March 21, 1756, writes, "That
the King has ordered the royal regiment of Fuzi-
leers to embark immediately for Gibraltar, and
that upon their arrival, he is to make a detachment
from the four regiments then in garrifon, to Minor-
ca:" which implies, That if the detachment was
to go, the regiment was to ftay. But leaft this
fhould not be clear enough, the next paragraph
adds, "That together with the recruits for the
corps
THE LATE WAR.
273
corps in his garrifon, the faid regiment was to be
diſembarked and quartered in the garrifon under
his command: upon which faid difembarkation,
he, the faid General, in obedience to his Majef-
ty's further pleaſure, was to caufe a detachment,
equal to a battalion on the preſent Britiſh eſtab-
liſhment, to embark for Minorca." The next
letter, without the leaft reference to, or appeal of,
any part of the former, repeats the order for cauf-
ing a battalion to embark on board his Majefty's
fleet for the relief of the iſland of Minorca, in
caſe there ſhould be any likelihood of its being at-
tacked." And the third letter, dated April 1,
only directs him, "to receive fuch women and
children belonging to the royal regiment of Fuzi-
leers, as Admiral Byng fhould think fit to land
there."
As it was impoffible to form any abfolute judg-
ment upon theſe inconfiftencies; they had recourſe
to the Admiralty inftructions delivered to Admiral
Byng, dated March 31, for an explanation of
their intention. Wherein it is not only fignified,
That the King had been pleaſed to direct, that
the royal regiment of Fuzileers fhould ferve on
board his Majefty's fhips in the Mediterranean,
and alſo be landed at Minorca, in cafe the faid
iſland was attacked, and upon a confultation with
General Blakeney, it should be found neceffary:
but moreover that the governor of Gibraltar had
orders (only thofe above-mentioned) to make a
detachment, equal to a battalion, from his garrifon,
in cafe of a like neceffity for a further reinforce-
VOL. I.
T
ment:
A. D.
1756.
6
274
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. ment and this 'detachment, together with the
1756. ſaid regiment, the Admiral was required to larid
in Minorca, under the reftrictions before fpeci-
fied; together with what other affiftance of gun-
ners and men his fhips could poffibly fpare.
Their re-
folutions.
K
But after mature deliberation upon theſe letters
and inftructions, and upon the written opinion of
the engineers, and the fituation of his Majefty's
garrifons and forces in the Mediterranean, the
council came to this refolution, That the fending
fuch a detachment, equal to a battalion, would
evidently weaken the garrifoh of Gibraltar, and
be no ways effectual for the relief of Minorca:
affigning for the grounds and reaſons of this re-
folution, the impracticability of introducing any
fuccours into the place; the infufficiency of the
number propoſed, if thrown in, for the defence
and preſervation of the iſland in its prefent condi-
tion, which they apprehended to be the meaning
of the letters and orders before them; and the im-
prudence of weakening the garrifon of Gibraltar, un-
neceffarily rifking the lofs of an additional number of
his Majeftys troops, without any reaſonable proſpect
or hope of their being any affiftance to Minorca:
concluding with the following reafon :-" Becauſe
the Toulon fquadron, by the beft accounts the
"council have received, is at leaft equal in force,
"if not fuperior to that under Admiral Byng:
"and fhould the Britiſh fleet be any way weaken-
"ed by any engagement, or any other accident,
"the garrifon of Gibraltar would be expofed to
"imminent danger; and as the garrifon ftands
3
" at
THE LATE WAR.
275
at prefent, it is not more than fufficient to the A. D.
common duty of the garriſon."
1756.
Though theſe confiderations prevailed with the
council not to come into any meaſures, which
would have expofed Gibraltar, without preferving
Fort St. Philip; they nevertheleſs diſcovered a A fupply
laudable difpofition to do whatever could be granted.
pru-
dently done for the good of the ſervice, which was
to furnish one captain, fix fubalterns, nine fer-
jeants, eleven corporals, five drums and 235 pri-
vate men, to ſupply the deficiency of thofe fol-
diers, miners and feamen, put afhore at Fort St.
Philip by Captain Edgecumbe, and without which
reinforcement his fhips' could not be of any fer-
vice in an engagement.
pares to
Minorca,
Let us now revert to the conduct of Admiral Admiral
Byng on this occafion. Having now, for the firft Byng pre-
time, one pofitive fact to reafon upon, namely, fail for
That Fort St. Philip was actually befieged, by
a great force completely furniſhed with all man-
ner of neceffaries for fuch an undertaking, and
that the fiege was covered by a fquadron abun-
dantly stronger and better appointed, than had
been conceived by thofe, who dictated his inftruc
tions: His firft concern was to confider in what
manner he might conduct himſelf for the better
fulfilling his orders.-The American if, on which
his inftructions feemed to lay the greateft ftrefs of
probability, with refpect to the defign of the
French armament at Toulon, was now out of the
The Deptford, Princefs Louifa, and the Fortune floop.
T 2
queftion.
276
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. queftion. And the if, referring to the French
1756. fleet's being ſtill inactive in their port, and in that
caſe, directing him to ftation his ſquadron in the
beſt manner to prevent their getting out, was alfo
made void fo that his prefent duty was confined
to uſe all poffible means in his power, for the relief
of the place; at the fame time to take proper care
to protect Gibraltar from any hoftile attempt;
to protect the trade of his Majeſty's fubjects in the
Mediterranean, and to annoy the enemy within the
limits of his command; except, &c. therefore Ad-
miral Byng, having received on board the 267 men
from Gibraltar garrifon, on the 6th, and being
joined by the Experiment, the Portland and the
Dolphin, and having done all in his power to
ſupply the wants of his fquadron, though not
fully ſupplied with water, a deficiency entirely
owing to the infufficiency of the ſprings; he fet
fail on the 8th of May at eight in the morning,
the wind eaſterly. But it continuing variable, and
often interrupted by calms, this fquadron could
not reach the height of Palma, the capital of
Arrives off Majorca, till the 16th, where the Phoenix had
Majorca. been ſhut up, almoſt three weeks by two French
:
men of war, that cruiſed off that port, and retired
immediately on fight of the Britiſh fquadron in the
Offing. The Experiment was fent in with a letter
from the Admiral to the Engliſh conful for intel-
ligence, which returned with the Phoenix, Capt.
Harvey, who in the courſe of this war has acquir-
ed great honour to his country by his naval con-
duct and perfonal courage; by whom he received
advice,
THE
277
LATE WAR.
1756.
Gets intel-
advice, that the Toulon fleet, under the command A. D.
of M. de la Galiffionere, confifting of 10 fhips of
the line, five frigates, and 180 tranſports, with ligence of
11000 land forces, had failed from that port on the French
Aleet, &e.
the 12th of April; and landed in Minorca, at
Ciudadella on the 18th of the fame month. The
French fleet confifted of,
Line of battle fhips.
Le Foudroyant 84 guns.
La Couronne
74
Le Guerrier
74
18
Le Redoutable 74
Le Temeraire
74
L'Hippothame 64
Le Fier
64
Le Triton
64
Le Lion
64
Le Contant
64
Le Sage
64
64
L'Orphée
Frigates.
La Juno
46 guns.
La Rofe
30
Gracieuſe
30
La Topaze 24
La Nymph 24
The Admiral before he failed for Minorca, dif-
patched a letter by exprefs to the lords of the
admiralty; in which, though it might contain no-
T 3
thing
278
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. thing but truth, his zeal for the fervice, and
1756.
chagrin at the many difappointments and delays.
he had met with, prompted him to expoftulate too
freely with thofe, he knew, could have diſpatched
him with more advantage and credit. He begins
with a kind of accufation againſt their dilatory
Admiral orders for fitting out his ſquadron: "If, faid he,
Byng's
first letter I had been fo happy, as to have arrived at Mahon,
from Gib- before the French had landed, I flatter myself, I
raltar to
of the Ad-
the lords fhould have been able to prevent their getting a
miralty. footing on that ifland. He complained that there
were no magazines in Gibraltar for fupplying his
fquadron with neceffaries; whofe neceffities had
not been fully ſupplied at the time he was obliged
to fail from England, and had been greatly multi-
plied in a long and tedious voyage. In particular,
he obſerved, that the careening wharfs, pits and
ſtorehouſes were entirely decayed, fo that he
ſhould find the greateft difficulty in cleaning the
ſhips that were foul and this was the cafe, not
only of thoſe that here joined him from a cruiſe
in the Mediterranean, under Commodore Edge-
cumbe; but even of fome of thoſe carried out
from Portſmouth. He then very impoliticly gave
his opinion, that, if it should be found practica-
ble, it would be very impolitic to throw any men
into St. Philip's caftle; which could not, he faid,
be faved without a land force fufficient to raiſe
the fiege and therefore, that a ſmall reinforce-
ment would only add ſo many men to the number,
which muft fall into the hands of the enemy.
He funcher faid, That it was the joint opinion of
fuch
THE LATE WAR.
279
fuch engineers and artillerymen in Gibraltar, who
had been at Minorca, that it would be impoffible
to throw any number of men into St. Philip's, if
the French had erected batteries on the two fhores
near the entrance of the harbour, fo as to bar all
paffage up to the fally-port of the fortrefs; and
concluded, that his own fentiments were agree-
able to their opinion."
A. D.
1756.
This letter confifts of two parts: the former is Remarks
a pofitive impeachment of the miniſtry, for their thereon,
not fending a fleet to the affiftance of Minorca
fooner, and better provided; and for neglecting,
and fuffering the magazines and wharfs at Gibral-
tar, the only place for the King's ſhips to careen
at, and to be fupplied with neceffaries, when Ma-
hon was inveſted, run to decay and ruin.-The
latter part does as good as tell them, that they
had fent him upon an impracticable fervice, and
that if it mifcarried, as in all probability it was
like to do, it muſt be laid to their charge, who
had not fent a land force to raiſe the fiege, as
well as a fleet, that was inferior to the ene-
my's.
A
d..
The gentlemen in the adminiſtration not being
ufed to be rallied by their officers, and foreſeeing
that Minorca muft fall a prey to the French force
upon it, and that its lofs would be attended with
a general clamour againſt themſelves, fhould they
not be able to fix the blame elfewhere; it feems
moft probable, that from this moment, they
united to throw the mifcarriage, if it fhould fo
happen, upon Byng alone: for which purpoſe
Ꭲ 4
they
}
280
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. they could collect matter enough from this letter,
1756.
where he doubts of the fuccefs of his expedition.
Which they interpreted, and had it propagated,
to be a certain fign that Mr. Byng would not en-
deavour to relieve Fort St. Philip: and this was
fo well improved from Byng's future conduct,
that they effectually transferred the blame of the
lofs of Minorca from themſelves to the perfon,
who had taken upon him, fo unfeaſonably, to
hint a diſapprobation of their conduct. This ferved
to amufe the people, and made a facrifice of
Byng; yet, the moſt ſenſible and impartial part
of the nation faw through the artifice, and could
not acquit the miniftry of mifconduct, delays and
neglect, though they could not entirely approve
of the conduct of Admiral Byng, on the day of
battle; for which he fuffered death; yet his
crime was no more, than not having done all that
was in his power to do in the time of action; à
crime, if deſerving of death, that involved many
more, even every one, through whofe delay, im-
pediment, or neglect, that expedition was put
off to the 6th of April, and was fo badly fitted
Arrives on
Minorca.
out.
It appears by the journals of this voyage, that
the coaft of the wind continued eafterly until the 18th, at nine
at night, when a fine breeze fprung up northerly,
and the fquadron failed large all night, and found
itſelf on the coaft of Minorca at break of day, on
the 19th. The Admiral, about five in the morning,
diſpatched Captain Harvey, in the Phoenix, with
the Cheſterfield and Dolphin a-head of his fleet,
}
to
THE LATE WAR.
281
to reconnoitre, as cloſe as poffible, the harbour's
mouth, at Mahon, and the fituation both of the
enemy and their batteries; as alſo to obſerve whe-
ther it were practicable, and where, to throw any
fuccours into the caſtle; to look out for the French
ſquadron, and to pick up, if poffible, any of their
fmall craft, for intelligence, with proper fignals
for all theſe purpoſes.
Captain Harvey was alfo charged with the fol-
lowing letter to General Blakeney.
SIR,
Ramillies, off Minorca, May 19.
A. D.
1756.
defigned
Send you this by Captain Harvey, of his Ma- His letter
jefty's fhip Phoenix, who has my orders to for General
convey it to you, if poffible, together with the Blakeney.
inclofed packet, which he received at Leghorn.
-I am extremely concerned to find that Captain
Edgecumbe was obliged to retire to Gibraltar, with
the fhips under his command, and that the French
are landed, and St. Philip's Caſtle is inveſted;
as I flatter myſelf, had I fortunately been more
timely in the Mediterranean, that I fhould have
been able to have prevented the enemy's getting
a footing on the iſland of Minorca.
I am to acquaint you, that General Stuart,
Lord Effingham and Colonel Cornwallis, with
about 30 officers, and fome recruits belonging to
the different regiments now in garrifon with you,
are on board the ſhips of the fquadron; and fhall
be glad to know by the return of the officer,
what place you will think proper to have them
landed at.
The
282
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
The royal regiment of English fuziliers, com-
manded by Lord Robert Bertie, is likewife on
board the fquadron, deftined, agreeable to my
orders, to ferve on board the fleet in the Mediter-
ranean, unleſs it should be thought neceffary,
upon conſultation with you, to land the regiment
for the defence of Minorca: But, I muſt alfo in-
form you, fhould the fuziliers be landed, as they
are part of the ſhips compliments, the marines
having been ordered by the Lords Commiffioners
of the Admiralty, on board of other fhips at
Portſmouth, to make room for them, that it will
difable the fquadron from acting against that of
the enemy, which I am informed is cruifing off
the iſland: however, I fhall gladly embrace every
opportunity of promoting his Majefty's fervice in
the moſt effectual manner, and fhall affift you to
diftrefs the enemy, and defeat their defigns, to
the utmoſt of my power.
Pleaſe to favour me with information, how I
can be moſt effectual of fervice to you, and the
garrifon; and believe me to be, &c.
Captain Harvey had orders to deliver this let-
ter, if poffible, to the General; and as with a
view to fome fuch fervice as this, a private fignal
had been agreed upon between him and Captain
Scroope, of the Dolphin, who was in the caftle,
and had kept his boat, in order to come off, upon
occafion, it was expected that the letter would
have been fafely delivered.
The
THE LATE WAR.
283
The frigates above difpatched got round the
Laire of Mahon, a fmall island, about half an
hour before nine o'clock, and, though they met
with light airs of wind, and fometimes a ftark
calm, they continued to make the beſt of their
way for the harbour's mouth.
About half an hour paſt nine the whole fqua-
dron got round the Laire alfo, with a freſh gale;
but foon fell in with light airs and calms, at about
three miles from St. Philip's Caſtle.
A. D.
1756.
delivery.
In the mean time Captain Harvey, ftanding on what pre-
for the harbour's mouth, made his private fig- vented its
nals, but without the defired ſucceſs. No return
was made: no boat was feen to come off: and
the enemy's fquadron appearing at the fame time Enemy's
in the fouth-eaſt quarter, the Admiral thought it
adviſeable to call in the Phoenix, and the other
frigates; bore away for the enemy, and made the
general fignal to chaſe.
feet ap-
pears.
Both fquadrons made fail to each other, and Byng pre-
about two in the afternoon the Admiral made the battle.
pares for
fignal for the line of battle a-head, which for
want of fufficient wind, could not be form'd fo
properly, as otherwiſe it might have been. His
next care was to furniſh fuch of his fhips, as were
fickly and ill-manned (which was the cafe of fe-
veral) with feamen from the frigates". He or-
m Thirty out of the Phoenix into the Revenge; and twenty
into the Deptford. Forty out of the Experiment into the
Captain, and twenty into the Lancaſter: and out of the Dol-
phin twenty into the Intrepid, twenty to the Defiance, and
feventeen to the Portland.
dered
284
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. dered the Phoenix, which had long before been
1756.
reported unfit for fervice, and was furniſhed with
proper materials for fuch a purpoſe, to be con-
verted into a fire-fhip. He alfo difpofed his fqua-
dron in line of battle, as you'll find it in the note
at the bottom", according to the order he had
made on the 3d of May, while he laid in the Bay
of Gibraltar.
The enemy
Tacks.
About fix in the evening the enemy advanced
advances. in order, with twelve large fhips and five frigates;
but in an hour's time, at two leagues diftance,
they tacked, as it did feem, to gain the weather-
gage; an advantage, which Mr. Byng would have
committed a great error to lofe, and therefore this
obliged him to tack alfo, and to fecure the land-
wind in the morning; being then about five
leagues from Cape Mola,
having ſtood towards
the enemy, from the time of their firft difco-
The line of battle,-The Kingfton to lead with the ftar-board
and the Defiance with the lar-board tacks on board.
Frigates
Divifion
Ships
Commanders
Number of
Guns Men
4 Kingſton
Capt. Perry
60
400
4 Deptford
Amhurft
50
280
Chesterfield
3 Culloden
Ward
74
600
Phoenix to re-
2 Ramillies
peat fignals
Hon. J. Byng, Efq; & 90
Capt. Gardiner
780
Admiral of the
Blue.
Fortune floop
3
Trident
Durell
64 500
4
Prfs Louifa
Noel
60 400
3 Revenge
Cornwall
64 480.
Experiment
Dolphin to
repeat fignals S
3 Intrepid
Young
64
480
3 Captain
Catford
64
480
3 Buckingham
Capt. Everitt
Temple Weft, Efq; } 68
535
Rear-Admiral
3 Lancaſter
Hon. G. Edgecumbe
66
of the Red,
520
4 Portland
Capt. Baird
50 300
4:
Defiance
Andrews
60
400
• See the third and fourth Refolutions of the court-martial.
very
THE LATE WAR.
285
very, with calms and little wind; which conduct
was afterwards approved of by the court-mar-
tial P.
A. D.
1756.
forced
The enemy on ſhore, having got fight of our Is rein-
fleet, were not negligent in contributing all in their from the
power to encourage and ftrengthen their fleet for island.
engagement; and for this purpoſe they diſpatched
600 foldiers in two tartans to reinforce Galiffionere,
in the night. The two tartans, appearing cloſe to
the rear of the Engliſh fleet, were chafed, and one Lofe a tar-
of them, with two Captains, two Lieutenants, foldiers.
and about 100 foldiers, rank and file, fell into
the hands of one of our frigates, that gave them
chafe the other eſcaped.
tan wth
The 20th, in the morning, proving hazy, the
enemy's fquadron was not to be ſeen at day-break;
But ſoon after the taking of this tartan, it came
in fight, to the fouth-eaft; and Admiral Byng,
about two o'clock, threw out a fignal to bear Byng's fig-
away two points from the wind, and engage 1, nal to en-
Thus, from the time of firſt ſeeing the French fleet
in the morning of the 19th of May, till our fleet
weathered the French about noon the 20th, the
Admiral took proper meaſures to gain and keep
P Fifth refolution of the court-martial,
See twelfth and thirteenth refolutions, where it is faid,
That foon after the fleet was upon the lar-board-tack the
Admiral made fignals for leading two points to ſtar-board,
which brought the wind upon or abaft the beam, and the ſhips
continued that courſe nearly a-head of each other, till the Ad-
miral made the fignal for battle, about twenty minutes after
two o'clock.
gage.
the
286
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
:
A. D.
1756.
Admiral
Weft's
the wind of the enemy, and to form and clofe
the line of battle ".
But Rear-Admiral Weft perceiving it impof-
conduct in fible, at fo great a diſtance as they were then
theengage- from the enemy, to comply with both orders,
ment.
Errors of
Admiral
Byng.
bore away with his divifion feven points from the
wind, and clofing down upon the enemy, at-
tacked them with fuch vigour, that the fhips,
which oppoſed him were preſently driven out of
the line. This feems to have been the critical
moment, that decided the fate of Minorca, and
furniſhed matter for Byng's ruin. For, the other
divifion not bearing down, and the enemy's cen-
tre keeping their ftation, Rear-Admiral Weft durft
not purfue his advantage, leaft his communica-
tion with the reft of his fleet fhould be entirely
cut off.
What Admiral Byng was particularly blamed
for, was his order for the Deptford to quit the
line, before the engagement, and for all his divi-
fion to fall a-back in the beginning of the action,
when the Intrepid's fore-topmaft was ſhot away *.
For his order to the Deptford the Admiral faid,
it was to make the English fleet exactly equal to
the enemy's, which confifted of twelve fhips of
the line and five frigates: as for the other point,
See the eighth refolution of the court-martial.
s The five headmoſt ſhips of the enemy went away to lee-
ward, out of gun-ſhot, Ibid. reſolution fifteenth.
t A little before three o'clock. Ibid. refolution fix-
teenth.
though
THE LATE WAR.
287
though it fhewed a good deal of care of his Ma-
jeſty's fhips, to prevent their running foul or da-
maging one another, it was ill-timed, and gave
the cenforious world too much ground to queftion
his courage, and to caft the whole blame of the
miſcarriage of this day upon him alone; and an
opportunity for Galiffionere to retreat with his
fleet, and repair his damage; and as his hips
were clean, they were foon out of reach of
our fhips, which gave them chafe, being very
foul and unfit for the purſuit of a nimble
enemy.
}
A. D.
1756.
martial's
In this action it appeared, by the refolutions of The court-
the court-martial, That the van-divifion bore refolutions
down properly for the fhips oppofed to them in concern-
ing this
the enemy's line, and diſabled five of them: that action.
the Intrepid, the fternmoft ſhip of our van-divi-
fion, after an engagement of about a quarter of
an hour, loft her fore-topmaft a little before three
o'clock that the Revenge, the headmoft fhip
of the rear-divifion bore down, after the fhips of
the van bore down, for the fhip oppoſed to her
in the enemy's line, and that fhe brought up upon
the weather-quarter of the Intrepid, upon the In-
trepid's fore-topmaſt going away; and that the
quickly afterwards, upon the Intrepid's fetting her
fore-fail, bore down under the Intrepid's tee-
quarter and brought up there: and that upon the
fignal being made for battle, and the van putting
before the wind, the Admiral in the Ramillies
edged away fome points; and the Trident and
Princefs
288
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Galiffio-
Princeſs Louifa thereby coming to windward of
him, the Admiral thereupon hauled up his fore-
fail, backed his mizentop-fail, and endeavoured
to back his maintop-fail, to allow of their
getting into their ftations, and continued in that.
fituation for five, fix or feven minutes. Upon
which that court gave it as their opinion, That
the Admiral, after the fignal was made for battle,
ſeparated the rear from the van-divifion, and re-
tarded the rear-divifion of the British fleet from
clofing with and engaging the enemy, by his
fhortning fail, by hauling up his fore-fail, back-
ing his mizentop-fail, and backing or attempting
to back his maintop-fail, in order that the Tri-
dent and Princeſs Louifa might get a-head again
of the Ramillies: And further, that inftead of
fhortning fail the Admiral ought to have made the
Trident and Princefs Louifa's fignals to make
more fail; and that he ought alfo to have fet fo
much fail himſelf, as would have enabled the Cul-
loden, the worft failing fhip in his divifion, to
have kept her ſtation, with all her plain-fail ſet,
in order to have got down, with as much expedi-
tion as poffible, to the enemy, and thereby have
properly fupported the van-divifion ".
Having loft fight, and all hopes of feeing the
nere's con- French again under M. Galiffionere, whoſe beha-
fured. viour on this occafion feems more unpardonable
than Admiral Byng's; his fhips being clean, bet-
duct cen-
" See fifteenth to twentieth refolution of the court-mar-
tial.
ter
THE LATE WAR.
289
A. D.
1756.
ter manned, carrying a greater weight of metal",
and encouraged by a place of retreat, in cafe of a
defeat; the want of which was certainly a grand
confideration with an Admiral, who had no other Admiral
Byng's
relief in cafe of a misfortune, than to return to conduct af-
Gibraltar, where there were neither ftores, con- ter the en-
veniencies, nor yet provifions to fupply the wants
of ſuch a ſquadron, if diſabled from keeping the
fea; Admiral Byng brought to about eight o'clock
at night, to join the Intrepid, diſabled and left to
gagement.
w The Hon. Admiral Byng's||M. De la Galiffionere's ſquadron, when
fquadron, when he engag-
ed M. De la Galiffionere's
off Cape Mola, 20 May,
1756.
Ships Names
Wt of metal
on the
low mid upp men.
Guns
18
he landed the troops at Minorca 18
April, and at the engagement with
Admiral Byng's fquadron off Cape
Mola, 20 May, 1756.
Ships Names.
780 Foroyant
600 La Couronne
Le Guerrier
535
520 Le Temeraire
12 500 Le Redoutable
18 480 l'Hipopothame
12 480 Le Fier
12 480 Le Triton
9 400 Le Lion
12 400 Le Content
2 2
4.00
Le Sage
300 L'Orphée
Guns
wt.ofmt.
on the
Number Total
of
men on
board
low upp Sea | Sol-each
dec. dec. men. diers. fhip.
lb. lb.
250 950
84 52 24 700 150 800
74 42 24 650 150 800
74 42 24 650 150 Sco
74 42 24 650 150 800
74 42 24 650 100 600
64 36 24
64 36 24 500 100 6c0
64 36 24 500 100 600
64 36 24 500 100 6c0
643624
24 500 100 600
64 36 24 500 100 600
64 36 24 500 100 600
24,500
64 36 24 500 100 600
dec. dec. dec.
lb. lb. lb.
Ramillies
90 32 18 12
Culloden
74 32
18
Buckingham 68 32
18
Lancaſter
6632
Trident
64 24
Intrepid
64 32
Captain
64 24
Revenge
Kingston
64 24
60 24
Defiance
60 24
Prfs Louiſa
56 24
12
Portland
48 24.
12
778
Frigates
Deptford
48
280 La Juno
46
300
300
Chefterfield 40
250 | La Roze
Phoenix
22
160 Gracieuſe
ww
30
250
250
30
250
250
Dolphin
22
160 | La Topez
24
520
250
Experiment
22
160 La Nymphe
24
200
200
Total 932
VOL. I.
16885
Total 982
U
805015509600
the
5875
Frigates
828
6800 1550 835°
7
290
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. the care of the Cheſterfield, and to refit his fhips,
1756.
as fast as poffible, and continued fo all night.
But next morning the enemy was quite gone, and
Mahon was north-north-weft about ten or eleven
leagues. He then fent cruizers in queft of the
Intrepid and Cheſterfield, which had parted from
the reſt of the ſquadron in the night; and joined
him next day; and having, from a ſtate and con-
dition of the fquadron, brought him in by the
proper officers, found that the Captain, the In-
trepid and the Defiance, (which latter had loft
her Captain) were very much damaged in their
mafts, the Admiral thought it proper, on the 24th,
to call a council of war on board the Ramillies,
before he went again to look for the enemy,
A'council
of war.
Queſtions
debated.
This council, befides the proper naval officers *,
who by right are confulted upon fuch occafions,
confifted alſo of feveral land officers, by the Ad,
mirals particular requeft. For he defired General
Stuart, Lord Effingham, Lord Robert Bertie and
Colonel Cornwallis to attend, that he might col-
lect their opinions, upon the prefent fituation, and
concerning the future operations of the fleet un-
der his command. And the queſtions debated,
and the refolutions in this council were, as fọl-
low:
I. Whether an attack upon the French fleet
gives any proſpect of relieving Minorca. Anf. It
would not.
II. Whether, if there was no French fleet
cruifing off Minorca, the Engliſh fleet could raiſe
the fiege. Anf. It could not.
* The Admirals and Captains of all the fhips.
III. Whe-
THE LATE
LATE WAR.
291
III. Whether Gibraltar would not be in danger
by any accident that may befal this fleet? Anf. It
would be in danger.
IV. Whether an attack with our fleet, in the
preſent ſtate of it, upon that of the French, will
not endanger the ſafety of Gibraltar, and expoſe
the trade of the Mediterranean to great hazard.
Anf. That it would.
V. Whether it is not moft for his Majefty's
fervice that the fleet fhould immediately proceed
for Gibraltar. Anf. That it ſhould proceed for
Gibraltar.
:
At this council, fays the Admiral, in his letter
to Mr. Cleland, Secretary to the Admiralty,
dated on board the Ramillies off Minorca, May
the 25th, 1756, not the leaft contention or doubt
arofe. In the fame letter he informed the Lords
of the Admiralty, that he was making the beſt of
his way to Gibraltar.
A. D.
1756.
In this action the killed and wounded on our Lofs in this
fide were,
On board the Buckingham, wounded 7 killed 3
action.
Captain
30
6
Lancaſter
14.
I
Intrepid
39.
9
Princefs Louiſa-
13
3
Defiance
45
14
Portland
20
6
Total 168
42+
W 2
The
292
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
The only perſon of diftinction amongſt the flain
was Captain Andrews of the Defiance, whofe fhip
the Admiral gave to Captain Harvey.
The killed and wounded on the fide of the
French were, on board the
Foudroyant
wounded 10
killed 2
Le Redoutable
3
La Couronne
3
Le Tameraire
15
Le Guerrier
43
Le Lion
7
2
Le Sage
8
L'Orphée
9
10
Le Content
19
5
Le Triton
14
5
L'Hipopothame
10
2
Le Fier
4
Total 145
26
The
Minorca being thus given up by our fleet upon
the coaft, let us turn our attention to what was
doing upon the iſland.
The Marfhal Duke de Richelieu, who com-
French in- manded in chief by land, on this expedition, and
vade Mi- Count Galiffionere, who commanded the fleet,
norca.
attended by the principal officers of the army, had
entered the city of Ciudadella without oppofition.
The Engliſh garrifon, not able to diſpute the dif
embarkation of the troops, retired and the ma-
giftracy received the French officers with great ce-
remony
į
THE
293
LATE WAR.
1750.
Duke de
remony at their entrance ;-the Marfhal telling A. D.
them, That he was not come to attack them:
but that he was fent thither for no other reafon Richelieu's
than to obtain fatisfaction for the infults and in- fpeech.
juries done the King his maſter by the English.
He promiſed them his protection, and aſſured
them that he would take particular care of the
behaviour of his troops, ſo that they ſhould com-
mit no fort of violence, and pay for what they
fhould buy. But he added: "beware of carry-
ing on any correfpondence with the enemy; for,
"if you do, you ſhall be treated with the utmoſt
ſeverity."
This was upon the 18th of April; and on the
19th the Marſhal took poffeffion of a fmall fort,
abandoned alfo by the English, which ferved to
cover Fornelles, a fmall port, fituate on the eaſt
ſide of the iſland, at the point of a bay near a
cape of the fame name.
ward to
On the 20th, the Marquis du Mefnil and the March for
Marquis de Monteynard, two Lieutenant-Gene- Mahon.
rals, were detached from the army with twenty-
four companies of grenadiers and a royal brigade,
to encamp at Mercadel, from whence they were
to advance towards Mahon, in order to block
up
that port on the eaſtern fide of the bay, whilft
the main body of the army inveſted Fort St. Phi-
lip, and the French fleet under Galiffionere blocked Supported
up the entrance of the bay of Port Mahon, with by a fleet.
orders to give Admiral Byng's fquadron battle, in
caſe it ſhould attempt to relieve the fort.
U 3
We
294
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Condition
We have already feen that many of the prin-
cipal officers were abfent from Fort St. Philip:
of Fort St. for, though they had been fent on board Admiral
Philip. Byng's fleet, they were not landed. The garri-
fon alfo was thought to be too weak for a long
and vigorous defence of a fortrefs furrounded
with fuch numerous works, againſt an army, fo
eafily ſupplied and recruited from the fouth of
France for which reafon a reinforcement had
been ordered from Gibraltar, but without its pro-
per effect. For, the fiege was begun fome weeks
before our fleet appeared upon the coaft; and it
returned to Gibraltar, with the troops on board,
defigned to reinforce the garriſon of Fort St. Phi-
Governor lip.
lip. Yet Governor Blakeney has been greatly
Blakeney blamed for his conduct. It has been faid, that
he neglected his poft, by fhutting himſelf up in
his own houſe during the whole fiege, regardlefs
of the command entruſted to his care that he
ought to have broke up the roads from Cuidadella
and Fornelles, and pulled down the houfes in St.
Philips's town that he ought alfo to have com-
pelled the natives to go into the caſtle to ease the
foldiers, by doing the labour of the garrifon :
and that the fortrefs was not, in the whole, pro-
perly defended; and at laft, given up without
neceffity.
cenfured.
This is the fubftance of the charge; which,
after the Governor's return to England, was an-
y See a letter to the Right Hon. Lord By, being an
enquiry into his defence of Minorca.
fwered
THE LATE WAR.
295
2
A. D.
1756.
fwered minutely by a principal officer, with the
concurrence of the other officers under his com-
In which anſwer the in his con-
Defended
mand during the fiege.
public are informed, That, as there was not one duct.
Colonel to take the chief command, in caſe of
an accident; nor an officer between him and a
Lieutenant-Colonel; and that there were forty-
one Captains and Subaltern-officers belonging to
the four regiments in garrifon, abfent, the Go-
vernor thought it most advifeable, and beft for
the ſervice, to appoint one fixt place or ftation
for him to receive intelligence from the officers
commanded to go the rounds, or from any others,
as circumſtances and the exigencies of the fervice
might require; laying it down as a màxim, That
it fhould always be known, during a fiege, where
to find the Commander in Chief; and that the Go-
vernor of a fortification, who, out of vain curio-
fity, when the immediate fervice does not require
his prefence, goes to view the out-works, or ha-
zards his life, when there is no need of his at-
tendance, is guilty of great imprudence. He
kept two Lieutenant-Colonels, and the Aid-de-
Camp to one of them conftantly going the rounds:
for which they were excufed all other duty; that
they might have no excufe for remiffneſs in this.
Befides, the Fort-Major and Fort-Adjutant at-
tended the Governor as often as they could be
fpared the Captains, at every poft, had orders
ż See a full answer to an infamous libel, &c. Printed for
W. Reeve, 1757-
U 4
to
296
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
to inform the Governor, by a Subaltern-officer, or
ferjeant, immediately, of every proceeding or
accident that might happen under their reſpective
commands: A report was made every morning
to him, by the Field-officer of the day, of the
particular incidents within the twenty-four hours of
duty with an account of the ſhot and fhells fired
during that time, defcribing their particular di-
rections and his own Aid-de-Camp was always
ready to carry his orders when and where-ever re-
quired.
The circumference of the works being about a
mile, wholly invefted by fea and land, and the
approaches carried on every where, it might have.
been a fatal confequence, had the Governor, through.
a vain curiofity or imprudent bravery, gone to
view one part of the fortifications, while another
remote part of it had been attacked; or had he
thereby loft his life. Therefore, it was thought
most prudent, under thefe circumftances, to fix
upon the caſtle for his ftation to receive intel-
ligence, and to give his directions and orders. Not
that the caftle could be fuppofed exempt from
danger on the contrary, the Governor was here
much expoſed to the fire of the enemy's cannon
and mortars; who in a particular manner were
obferved to level their fhot and fhells at the body
of the caſtle and the Governor's houfe: But, it was
from the top thereof, as from the centre of the
fortrefs, he could beft and almoft inftantaneouſly
view all the works and pofts under his command,
and
THE LATE WAR.
297
and the operations, batteries, movements and A. D.
1756.
approaches of the befiegers,
During the whole fiege of feventy days, the
Governor never went into a bed nor undreffed
himſelf. Every one had accefs to him at all hours,
night and day and in the day-time he exercifed
the ferjeants and foldiers himſelf, on the public
parade, in the manner of defence upon any attack
of the fortifications, or fubterraneans; until it be-
came dangerous for the men, from the enemy's
fhot and ſhells; and after that he continued their
exerciſe in his own apartments, when time would
permit. Thereby diſcharging the duty of a good
Governor, with an attention and application fel-
dom to be met with in a man of eighty-two years
of age.
When a place on the Continent is threatened
with a fiege; the advance of armies, and the ne-
ceffary preparations to carry the deſign into exe-
cution cannot be fecreted: they foon grow noto-
rious, and furniſh the Governor with time to break
up roads, and to remove all buildings that may
either obſtruct the execution of his own batteries,
or favour the approaches of the enemy. But in
this cafe all the intelligence, that could be ob-
tained by the Governor, fhut up in an ifland,
was, that great preparations were making in the
fouth of France, which fometimes were faid to
be intended againſt Gibraltar, or Minorca, and
ſometimes againſt Corfiça, or againſt our planta-
tions in North America, or to join the Breft fqua-
dron in the invafion of Great Britain or Ireland.
!
In
298
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
a
In which uncertainty, having no advice, nor or-
ders for his conduct from England, he would
have acted very improperly to brake up roads.
and to remove buildings before the enemy's mo-
tions fhould put their intentions out of all doubt
to be levelled against his government; and then
Governor Blakeney did all that was in the power of
one in his circumftances, to do. For, as foon as
it was certain that the French were making good
their landing at Ciudadella, the Governor, with
the advice of the chief engineer, pulled down the
engineer's own houfe, which was a fine modern
building, and four windmills; thefe being the
only erections, fuppofed to be of fervice to the
enemy, during a fiege; there being fuch an ef
planade between the village and the fortifications,
that the houſes in St. Philip's town could do no
harm to the befieged, but, on the contrary, they
did great miſchief to the French, when beat about
their ears by the cannon-balls and fhells from the
caftle. As to the roads; the difficulty both in
regard to time, and to the nature of the ground,
might be admitted in excufe. The French landed
on the 17th, and meeting with no oppofition from
a land force, that was obliged to fhut themfelves
up
a General Blakeney had no certainty of this intended in-
vafion of Minorca, till two days before they landed, which
advice he received by a packet-boat difpatched on purpofe.
From which time he made the beſt preparations he could for
the defence of the caſtle.
. There was a ſmall redoubt, with one company, at For-
nelles, and a poft with five companies at Ciudadella, which
the
THE
299
LATE WAR.
up in the fort, they took poffeffion of Mahon on
the 19th of the fame month. Which was a ſpace
of time too fhort for removing the buildings of
St. Philips town, had it been neceffary; or to
break mp the roads effectually, had they been ever
ſo eaſy to dig up. But, the furface of the whole
iſland of Minorca is fuch a hard rock, that the
French could not fink entrenchments for about
a mile round the fort, with the labour of their
whole army: How then was it poffible for Go-
vernor Blakeney to break up the roads for thirty
miles with his ſmall number of men in three days,
and when they had other work and duty upon their
hands, which could not be left undone. Yet, even
under theſe difficulties, the Governor gave a
ſample of his attention to this part of duty. He
did order the bridges to be broken down, and
the roads to be broken up: and they were actually
ſpoiled, as much as the ſhortnefs of the time, and
the few men, that could be fpared, were able to
execute his orders. In which, or any other la-
bour or fervice, the Governor could depend upon
no affiſtance from the islanders. The Spaniards,
upon this occafion, refuſed to join in any act
againſt the French. The more fenfible part of
them would frequently acknowledge, that their
condition was greatly bettered, fince the Engliſh
had poffeffion of the iſland; and that their govern-
C
the Governor recalled, as he did all his advanced parties,
as ſoon as the enemy began to difembark.
Major Cunningham was charged with this part of the
fervice.
ment
A. D.
1756.
300
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
ment was mild and good: but fuch was the in-
fluence of the prieſts, over the lower clafs efpeci-
ally, by repreſenting the English to be enemies to
their religion, and in a ftate of damnation, or de-
vils upon earth; that it got the better of all other
confiderations, and kept up their averfion to us,
even to the laſt. For, though the Governor if
fued out a proclamation, with a promife of pay
and other encouragements, to as many as would
voluntarily enter the fort, only thirteen gentle-
men gave in their names; only three of them en-
tered the caftle with the Governor; and one of
them deferted afterwards. And of twenty-five
bakers and artificers, whom the Governor hired,
at a high price, to ſerve in the caſtle, and grati-
fied with a prieſt at the public expence, for their
fpiritual duties; fuch was the difaffection, that
five or fix of them deferted over the pallifadoes;
neither could the reft have been reftrained without
a proper guard always to watch them.
All that the Governor could do was actually
performed with great diligence and circumfpection.
He deſtroyed all the wine in the cellars of St.
Philip's town, to prevent any miscarriage in his
own men by drunkennefs; and he carried the
butts into the caftle to ferve for gabions and tra-
verfes. He drove all the cattle he could meet
with into the fort, for the benefit of the garrifon,
and made fuch a provifion of wine, that there was
no want of thefe neceffaries at the time of their
capitulation. He, not in a condition to give the
invaders battle, walled up his ports; he affigned
every
*THE LATE WAR.
103
every party their pofts; placed centinels; and or-
dered every other precaution becoming the beſt
commander in his circumftances.
At this time Commodore Edgecumbe laid at
anchor cloſe under the walls of St. Philip's Caſtle,
with ſeveral rich merchant fhips; which muſt
have all followed the fate of the fortrefs, had the
French fleet, as it might, have blocked them up
in the harbour of Mahon. But, they were per-
mitted to eſcape; upon a fuppofition, that their
crews would be too confiderable a reinforcement
to the garrifon, whoſe weakneſs the French Mar-
fhal was perfectly acquainted with. However,
when Edgcumbe failed with his fquadron, he left
behind him all his marines, a detachment from
Gibraltar, the whole crew of the Porcupine floop,
and the greater part of the Dolphin's, as a rein-
forcement to the fort, under the immediate di-
rection and command of Captain Scroop of the
Dolphin, who voluntarily offered himſelf for that
fervice, and fignalized himſelf for his conduct and
bravery during the fiege.
As foon as this little fquadron had failed for
Gibraltar, the Governor funk a floop in the chan-
nel leading to the harbour. But the French fleet
never attempted to approach the fort.
On the 22d of April Governor Blakeney fent
a letter by a drum to Marſhal Duke de Richelieu,
demanding the reaſons for fuch a hoſtile invaſion
of that iſland; to which he received for anfwer,
That he was come with intention to reduce the
iſland under the dominion of his moſt Chriſtian
Majefty,
A. D.
1756.
302
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. Majefty, by way of retaliation for the conduct of
1756.
the King of England, who had feized and de-
tained ſhips belonging to the King of France and
his fubjects.
It was conjectured by the French Commander
in Chief, that he fhould have very little trouble
in the reduction of a fortrefs, which, to all ap-
pearance, was not provided with fufficient ftrength
to hold out a regular fiege: and therefore he him-
ſelf did not come fo well provided with engineers,
as the fervice afterwards did require; and, as if
the bare fight of his army had been enough to
ftrike terror into the handful of men immured by
their Governor in Fort St. Philip, he erected his
batteries at Cape Mola, at fuch a diſtance, on the
other fide of the harbour, that they could do no
execution, and at the fame time were moſt ex-
pofed to the fire of the caftle; which was fo well
ferved, and fo continual on this quarter, that it
foon convinced the enemy of the vanity of their
fanguine hopes of an eafy conqueft, and of the
neceffity of changing their plan of attack, and to
make their approaches on the fide of St. Philip's
town. Where, on the 12th of May, and near
the fite, from whence the Governor had removed
the wind-mills, they, about nine at night, opened
two bomb batteries, with great fury. The fire
was inceffantly kept up, on both fides, from mor-
tars and cannon; and the French raiſed new bat-
teries continually, where they diſcovered the leaft
advantage againſt the fortreſs.
In
THE
303
LATE WAR.
In this precarious fituation Governor Blakeney
took the direction of the whole defence upon
himſelf. His order in writing was, "That no
"officer, of what rank foever he might be, ſhould
"direct a meaſure of any confequence to be taken,
"without being firft communicated to him for
"his approbation." Which was punctually ob-
ferved.
As the works were extenſive, the befiegers
much too numerous to be oppoſed by open force,
and the garrifon not half the number requifite
for the defence of the fort, the Governor could
make no fallies; and was confined to fuch
opera-
tions, as would annoy the enemy from his batte-
ries, and to fave his people for the defence of
the place, in the last extremity. Thus he made
as much uſe as he could of the fubterraneans to
ſhelter his men: he ordered the guards to parade in
them, and to march to and from the ſeveral poſts
affigned them, under their covers by the commu-
nications: and that part of the garriſon, not upon
duty, was ordered to continue always under thoſe
covers. By which prudent difpofition the garrifon
was faved, and the poſts conftantly ſupplied; and
it was in a great meaſure owing to the obedience
both of officers and men under this wife difpofi-
tion, that five thousand of the enemy were cut
off, with a ſmall loſs on our fide.
Having feen that all difpofitions were made for
defence, that providence could fuggeft, or the na-
ture of the place could admit of;-let us add,
A. D.
1756.
3
That
304
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
That the Governor, upwards of a year before the
fiege, had ordered a furvey to be taken of the
ordnance and of the ftores; found forty cannon
and upwards defective, and had them replaced by
the Board of Ordnance. He alfo had the fhot
and ſhells carefully furveyed and gaged; and find-
ing the fuzees in ftore unferviceable by length of
time, he ordered an equal number of empty ones
to be drove; and by ordering a number of fol-
diers to be difciplined in the management of the
artillery, many of them became expert gunners,
and did good fervice in the defence of the place.
--All which were proper attentions of a good Go-
vernor.-In the time of the fiege councils of war
were frequent, and the engineers always attended.
The batteries of cannon and mortars were well
ſerved, and did great execution: but he had no
miners, except fix or ſeven coal-heavers, or ſuch
like men, picked out amongst the regiments.
On the 19th day of the month the brave gar-
riſon exulted with joy at the fight of Admiral
Byng's fquadron; and Mr. Boyd, Commiffary of
ftores, ventured in an open boat with fix oars,
down a creek called St. Steven's Cove, on the weft
fide of the caſtle, through a fhower of mufket
and cannon-balls, from the enemy's poft on the
other fide, to join the Britiſh fquadron, and to
inform the Admiral of the condition of the gar-
rifon. This boat actually reached the open fea,
but was obliged to put back by the fame way he
came out, not being able to reach the fleet, which
was
THE LATE WAR.
305
was too far diftant, and then ftretching to the
fouthward, and alfo chafed by two light veffels
from the enemy. But no tongue can exprefs the
furprize they met with next day, when the French
fleet returned to their ftation, off Cape Mola; no
Engliſh fquadron was to be feen, and a general
diſcharge or feu-de-joye, in the French camp, con-
firmed the report of a deferter, that Admiral
Byng's fleet had been worsted, and obliged to
retire by the French fquadron under M. de la
Galiffionere.
How far Galiffionere could pride himſelf, or
the French were intitled to the claim, of a victory
over the Engliſh fleet, by the action on the 20th
of May, is beyond all conception: for, it is no-
torious, that Galiffionere ran away from Admiral
Byng. The misfortune on our fide was the per-
mitting the French fleet to retreat, without a ge-
neral engagement, and to flee without being pur-
fued, and to refume their ftation to block up
Mahon by fea, without being molefted. All which
circumftances, duly confidered, anfwered the pur-
poſes of the greateſt victory to the enemy: be-
cauſe the fea was fhut to the befieged, and open
for every neceffary purpoſe to the befiegers.
Theſe were, no doubt, fevere trials: but the
garrifon, in no wife degenerated from their cou-
rage: though they found themſelves abandoned
by the Engliſh fleet, they refolved to exert their
utmoſt in their own defence, and for the glory of
their country; not without hopes, that the fleet
might be reinforced, and return with fufficient
VOL. I.
X
ftrength
A. D.
1756.
7
306
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. ftrength to their relief. With fuch fpirits they
1756. ſuſtained and returned the enemy's fire without
ceafing, always ready to maintain the poſt of ho-
nour, and to feek for a ftation where they could
do moſt execution. Neither did their vigour
abate, but rather increaſed with their labour and
danger; when their embraffures and parapets were
demoliſhed, and they stood expoſed to every ball
and ſhell from the enemy, encompaffing them on
every fide; who at laft were augmented, by re-
inforcements, to twenty thousand men, and were
inceffantly carrying on their approaches with fixty-
two battering cannon, twenty-one mortars, and
four howitzers, befides fmall arms.
There was no refifting fuch a formidable army,
without further aid. And a well appointed fleet
was the only effectual means to fnatch the prey
out of the enemy's hands: which, as it was in
our power to fend, might be expected in a very
fhort time: And the French Marſhal having in-
telligence, that the court of Great Britain had dif
patched a ſtrong addition of one eighty gun fhip,
three of fixty-four and one of fifty guns to join
the fquadron under Admiral Byng as he could
not but foreſee his own difgrace in the confequences
of a defeat of his fleet, which would infallibly
lock his army up in an island where he could not
find fupport of any kind, and oblige him to fur-
render prifoners of war: and the prolongation
of the fiege being fo far beyond the time, his
court was taught to expect a furrender of Fort St.
Philip's; that his enemies about the King had
.2
:
made
THE
307
LATE WAR.
made uſe of it to leffen his abilities in their royal
maſter's eſteem, and were upon the point of getting
him recalled: therefore M. Duke de Richelieu
puſhed matters with the utmoſt vigour; and
having made a practicable breach in one of the
ravelins, and confiderably damaged the other out-
works on the 27th day of June, it was reſolved to
try the effects of a general affault, in that very
night.
A. D.
1756.
The garrifon was reduced to two thouſand five State of the
hundred men at the time the general attack was the general
garrifon at
made: on the contrary, the enemy's army, which attack.
had been continually reinforced by a regiment of
artillery and fupplies of troops, ammunition, &c.
was ſtronger than at the beginning of the fiege.
for the at-
On the evening of the 26th the Duke de Rich- The plan
lieu called a council of war, at which were preſent tack.
all the general officers, to whom he imparted the
whole project, and received their approbation. He
then proceeded to fettle their reſpective charges for
the execution of the plan; and took his own poſt in
the centre of the attacks on the left, with orders for
the Count de Maillebois, the Marquis de Miſnil,
and the Prince of Wirtemburg to attend him, to
give the neceffary directions for the fupport and
fuccefs of the attacks. It was likewife agreed,
That the fignal, for the beginning of the attack,
fhould be given by firing a' cannon and four
bombs, from the battery near the fignal houfe.
Things being thus difpofed, the artillery con- The fig-
tinued to batter the forts till the 27th at ten nal.
o'clock in the evening, when they all on a fudden
X 2
ceafed
308
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
The ftorm.
ceafed firing. Immediately the ſignal of a cannon
fhot and four bombs thrown into the caſtle, was
given, according to orders; and M. de Monty
marched againſt Strugen and Argyle, and Meffrs.
de Briqueville and de Sades, advanced fucceffively
againſt Kane and the Queen's redoubt. The men
of wars boats, with troops and fcaling ladders,
went up St. Stephen's Cove, at the fame time,
and attempted to carry Charles's Fort, but were
bravely repulfed.
The befiegers behaved like heroes, difputing
the ground inch by inch; but after much execu-
tion, by the fire on both fides, the Strugen or
Anftruther Redoubt was taken by affault, and the
Argyle and Queen's Redoubt by efcalade.-The
Argyle was blown up: and three mines were
fprung under the Queen's redoubt, the glacis of
the Anftruther and Kane's Lunette, with fuch exe-
cution, that they blew three companies of French
grenadiers into the air. But the lofs on this oc-
cafion to the garrifon was much more fatal. For,
Lieutenant-Colonel Jeffries, of Lord Effingham's
regiment, the fecond in command, and, indeed
the principal acting man in the fort, was taken
prifoner, between the Strugen and Argyle, as he
was hurrying with a hundred men to their relief.
When he found the French in poffeffion of the
redoubt, he endeavoured to retreat: but was fur-
rounded and obliged to furrender, with fifteen of
his men. Here alſo Major Cunningham, who was
in his company, though he had the good fortune
to preſerve his liberty, was ſo diſabled by a wound
through
4
THE LATE WAR.
309
through his right hand with a bayonet, and by
having his arm fhattered with a mufket ball, that
he was no longer able to continue on duty.
A. D.
1756.
made.
Theſe three redoubts being taken, and the ene- A lodge-
my in poffeffion of the cannon and mortars found ment
in them, made a lodgment inſtantly in that part,
which was the principal attack, and carried on
the other attacks with vigour. At the fame time,
the Prince de Beauveau, to whofe charge was
committed the attack againſt the weſtern and Ca-
roline lunettes, got poffeffion of the covert way;
but, as Kane's lunette was not taken, he was ob-
liged to retreat, having nailed up twelve pieces of
cannon, cut down the pallifadoes, deſtroyed the
gun carriages, and maintained this as long as he
could, in order to favour the principal attack.
The impracticability of maintaining a fortrefs
of fuch an extent, by fuch a thin garrifon, againſt
all theſe firings, and the combination of all theſe
various attacks, fo animated the French Com-
mander, that he made fure of fuccefs on the left;
and by break of day, his men being totally maf-
ters of the Queen's redoubt and the forts Strugen
and Argyle, they pofted 400 in the former and
200 in the latter: M. Richelieu and his noble at-
tendants, above-mentioned, continuing all the
time, as had been concerted, in the center of the
attacks on the left.
The brave Governor and garrifon defended Bravery of
themſelves with all the intrepidity that is natural ed.
the befieg-
to Engliſhmen in time of danger. But none di-
ftinguiſhed themſelves more than thofe in the
X 3
weftern
310
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
A parley,
and its bad
effects.
A council
weſtern and Caroline Lunettes, where each officer.
and foldier, emulous of glory, maintained their
ground with exalted courage and exerted bravery,
under the greateſt fatigue, againſt a vaſt fuperior
number of the enemy.
At day break on the 28th, the befiegers, fa-
mous for ftratagem, to accompliſh what they can't
perfect by force, beat a parley, and obtained a
ceffation of arms under colour of burying their
dead, which indeed laid in heaps about the places
of action. But the principal view of the enemy
was, to fnatch an opportunity to fecure the lodg-
ments they had made, by introducing into them a
confiderable number of troops, through a fubter-
ranean paffage, which had been opened by a fhell,
and not diſcovered by the befieged, till the day
cleared up; and then it was too late to diſpute its
poffeffion with the enemy.
When this was diſcovered, and it was known
that, by this paffage under the Kane, the enemy
might proceed to all the other communications of
the fubterraneans communicating with all the out
works, which the garriſon was not in a condition,
for numbers, to defend; the governor, during the
ceffation of arms, held a council of war; who
having duly confidered the circumftances of the
garrifon, and of the meafures propereft to be
taken, the majority declared for a capitulation.
Then the governor confulted the officers of artil-
lery who all declared, that the works were in a
Bad ftate fhattered, ruinous condition, and irreparable in
the preſent ſtate of the garrifon. He alfo fent for all
of war in
the caftle,
of the gar-
rifon.
the
THE LATE WAR.
311
the captains not upon duty; who all agreed, that
the garriſon was not in a condition to fuftain an-
other general attack: that the body of the caftle
was greatly ſhattered: the embraffures were beat
down that the pallifadoes were in many places
broken to pieces; that the garrifon was worn out
with inceffant duty and watchings; and that the
enemy, being in poffeffion of the fubterraneans,
which communicate themſelves under all the
caſtle, the governor muſt be obliged to defend
thefe alfo, fhould he ſtand another ſtorm, or leave
the body of the place expofed to the enemy, with-
out refiftance: for which there was not a fufficient
force under his command.
A. D.
1756.
Theſe confiderations and the want of intelli- Surrenders
gence, after the difappearance of the English lation.
by capitu-
fquadron under Admiral Byng, prevailed on the
governor to propofe terms of capitulation, in order
to preferve the remains of his brave garrifon, and
the lives of a confiderable number of his Majeſty's
fubjects, that were' in the fort; and which, with-
out diftinction, might have been thrown away in
caſe of a general ſtorm: and it was happy for
them that he did capitulate; for the enemy, the
very next day after the capitulation, landed 4000
men more with ammunition at Ciudadella.
Yet this meaſure has not eſcaped cenfure: there
was an oppofition even in the council of war.
For, fome officers argued that, as the garrifon
was very little & diminiſhed, was ſtill in high ſpi-
d
rits,
d The loss of the Engliſh amounted to no more than three
officers killed, five wounded, and 71 private men killed, and
X 4
326
Objections.
312
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
་
A. D.
1756.
rits, and in want of nothing: that, as there was
no breach made by the enemy in the body of the
caſtle, nor a fingle cannon erected to batter in
breach that, as the lofs of an outwork was never
deemed a fufficient reafon for furrendering a for-
treſs of ſuch a ſtrength and importance: that, as
the counterſcarp was fo well fecured by its rocky
foundation, as not to be taken, otherwife than by
affault, which would coft the enemy more men,
than in their laft attempt: that, as the counter-
ſcarp muſt be taken before the enemy could attack
the ditch, or batter in breach, and they muſt
have recourſe to galleries, before they could pafs
the foffe, which was furniſhed with mines and
counter-mines and that, as they might hope for
relief from the English fleet when properly rein-
forced, they could not fee the neceffity of capitu-
lating; eſpecially, as they held it to be the duty
of a governor to defend his caftle to the laſt ex-
tremity, without paying any regard to confe-
quences.
The capitulation did great honour to Governor
Blakeney; Marſhal Richlieu declaring, in his an-
fwer
326 wounded (25 of which died of their wounds) 10 died of
diſeaſes, and 17 were miffing.
• Articles of capitulation propofed by Lieutenant General Blakeney,
for his Britannic Majefty's garrison of the caftle of St. Philips's,
in the island of Minorca.
Article I.
THAT all acts of hoftility fhall ceafe, until the articles
of capitulation are agreed upon and figned,
Richlieu]
I.
Granted,
II.
THE LATE WAR.
313
fwer to the fecond article, that he had been induc- A. D.
ed by the brave defence made by the governor and
II.
garriſon,
That all the honours of war fhall be granted the garriſon
on their furrender, fuch as, to march out with their firelocks
on their ſhoulders, drums beating, colours flying, 24 charges
for each man, match lighted, four pieces of cannon, and two
mortars, with 20 charges for each piece, a covered waggon
for the governor, and four others for the garrifon, which ſhall
not be fearched on any pretence.
Richlieu]
II.
The noble and vigorous defence which the Engliſh have
made, having deferved all the marks of efteem and venera-
tion, that every military perfon ought to fhew to fuch actions
and Marſhal Richlieu being defirous alfo to fhew General
Blakeney the regard due to the brave defence he has made,
grants to the garrifon all the honours of war that they can
enjoy, under the circumftance of their going out for an em-
barkation, to wit, firelocks on their fhoulders, drums beating,
colours flying, 20 cartouches each man, and alfo lighted
match; he conſents likewife, that Lieutenant General Blake-
ney, and his garrifon, fhall carry away all the effects that
fhall belong to them, and that can be put into trunks. It
would be uſeleſs to them to have covered waggons; there are
none in the iſland, therefore they are refufed.
III.
That all the garrifon, including all the fubjects of his Bri-
tannic Majefty, as well civil as military, fhall have all their
baggage, and effects fecured, with liberty of removing and
difpofing of them, as they fhall think proper.
Richlieu
III.
Granted, except to the natives of the island, upon condi-
tion that all the lawful debts of the garrifon to the Minorquins,
who are to be confidered as French fubjects, fhall be paid.
IV.
That the garrifon, including the officers, artificers, foldiers,
and other fubjects of his Britannic Majefty, with their fami-
1756,
314
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
garrifon, to grant them fuch generous terms,
which intitled them to march out with all the
honours
lies, who fhall be willing to leave the iſland, fhall be provided
with proper veffels, and conducted to Gibraltar by the ſhorteſt
and moſt direct navigation: that they ſhall be landed imme-
diately upon their arrival, at the expence of the crown of
France, and that they fhall be ſupplied with provifions, out
of thofe that may yet be remaining in the place, at the time
of its furrender, as long as they fhall remain in the island, and
during their voyage at fea, and that in the fame proportion
that they receive at prefent. But if a greater quantity fhould
be wanted, that they ſhould be furniſhed with it at the ex-
pence of the crown of France.
Richlieu]
IV.
Tranſport veffels fhall be furniſhed from among thofe which
are in the pay of his moft Chriftian Majefty, and proper for
the military and civil garriſon of Fort St. Philip, and their
families. Thefe veffels fhall carry them by the ſafeſt naviga-
tion to Gibraltar, with the fhorteft delay poffible, and fhall
land them immediately, upon condition, that after their be-
ing landed, theſe ſhips fhall be provided with fufficient paſſ-
ports, that they may not be moleſted on their return to the
port of France they fhall be bound for: and hostages fhall be
given for the fafety of the tranfport veffels and their crews,
who fhall embark in the firft neutral fhip that fhall come to
fetch them, after the faid veffels fhall be returned in the port
of France.
The garriſon ſhall alfo be fupplied with provifions as well
- during their ſtay in the iſland, as for twelve days voyage,
which ſhall be taken from thoſe that ſhall be found in the Fort
St. Philip, and diftributed on the footing, that they have been
ufually furniſhed to the English garriſon; and if more be
wanted, it ſhall be furniſhed, paying for it as it shall be agreed
by commiffaries on both fides.
V.
That proper quarter fhall be provided for the garrifon, with
an hofpital fit for the fick and wounded, whilft the tranfports
are
THE
315
LATE WAR.
honours of war, and to be conveyed by fea to
Gibraltar. And his Majefty, our late fovereign,
who
are getting ready, which fhall not exceed a month, to be rec-
koned from the day of figning this capitulation; and with re-
gard to thoſe, who ſhall not be in a condition to be tranſported,
they ſhall ſtay, and care ſhall be taken of them, 'till they are
in a condition to be fent to Gibraltar by another opportunity.
V.
Richlieu]
The veffels being ready for the tranſporting the garriſon,
the providing quarters, as demanded, becomes unneceffary;
they ſhall go out of the place with the leaſt delay, in order to
proceed to Gibraltar; and with regard to thoſe, who cannot
be embarked immediately, they fhall be permitted to remain
in the iſland, and all the affiſtance they ſhall want, ſhall be
given them for their going to Gibraltar, when they ſhall be in
a condition to be embarked; a ſtate of them ſhall be drawn
up, and the neceffary paffports fhall be left, for a ſhip to go
and return; and an hoſpital ſhall alſo be furniſhed for the fick
and wounded, as ſhall be ſettled by the refpective commiſſa-
ries.
1
VI.
That the governor fhall not be accountable for all the houfes
that ſhall have been deſtroyed and burnt during the fiege.
Richlieu]
VI..
Granted for the houfes deftroyed or burnt during the fiege;
but feveral effects, and titles of the admiralty court, which
have been carried into the fort, fhall be reſtored, as well as
the papers of the town houſe, which have been carried away
by the receiver; and the papers and titles relating to the lad-
ings of the French merchant-ſhips, which have been alſo re-
tained.
VII.
When the garrifon fhall come out of the place, no body
fhall be permitted to debauch the foldiers, to make them defert
from their regiments; and their officers fhall have access to
them at all times.
A. D.
1756.
Richlieu]
316
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. who could not be fuppofed to be ignorant of any
1756.
part of the attack and defence of Fort St. Philip,
Richlieu]
VII.
i
not
No foldier ſhall be excited to defert, and the officers fhall
have an entire authority over them to the moment of their
embarkation.
VIII.
An exact diſcipline ſhall be obſerved on each fide.
Richlieu]
VIII.
Granted.
IX.
That fuch of the inhabitants of the iſland, as have joined
the Engliſh for the defence of the place, fhall have leave to
remain, and to enjoy their goods and effects in the island with-
out being molefted.
Richlieu]
IX.
General Blakeney, and Marthal Richlieu, cannot fix or ex-
tend the authority of the Kings their mafters, over their fub-
jects; it would be fetting bounds to it, to oblige them to re-
ceive in their dominions, thofe whom they ſhould not think
proper to have ſettled there.
X.
That all priſoners of war fhall be reftored on each fide.
Richlieu]
X.
All the prifoners that have been made during the fiege fhall
be reſtored on each fide, fo that when the French return thoſe
they have, the piquets, which were taken going to join the
French fleet, the day Admiral Byng appeared before Mahon,
fhall be restored.
XI.
That Mr. Cunningham the engineer, who acted as a vo-
lunteer during the fiege, fhall have a paffport, and leave to
go wherever his affairs require.
Richlieu]
XI.
Granted.
:
XII.
THE LATE WAR.
317
·
c
1756.
not only approved of General Blakeney's conduct; A. D.
but, upon his arrival in England, ennobled him;
and diſtinguiſhed him with other particular marks
of his regard and favour.
This brave commander, General William Blake-
ney, was a native of Ireland, and born at mount
Blakeney, in the county of Limerick, A. D. 1672,
XII.
Upon the foregoing conditions, his excellency the lieutenant
general governor confents, after the hoſtages fhall have been
exchanged for the faithful execution of the above articles, to
deliver up the place to his moft Chriftian Majefty, with all
the magazines, ammunition, cannons, and mortars, except
thoſe mentioned in the fecond article, and to point out to the
engineers all the mines, and fubterraneous works. Done at
the caftle of St. Philip, the 28th of June 1756.
Richlieu]
XII.
As foon as the foregoing articles fhall have been figned, the
French fhall be put in poffeffion of one of the gates of St.
Philip's caftle, as well as of the Forts Malborough and St.
Charles, upon the hoftages being fent on both fides, for the
faithful execution of the foregoing articles.
The ftoccado that is in the port fhall be removed, and the
going in and the coming out fhall be left open, at the difpo-
fition of the French, until the whole garriſon has marched
out, in the mean time, the commiffaries on both fides fhall
be employed, thofe on the part of his excellency General
Blakeney, in making an eſtimate of the effects in the military
magazines, and others: and thofe on the part of his excel-
lency the Duke of Richlieu, in receiving them; and to deli-
ver to the English fuch part thereof, as has been agreed upon.
Plans fhall alſo be delivered of the galleries, mines, and other
fubterraneous works. Done at St. Philip, the 29th of June,
1756.
e
By the title of Lord Blakeney, of mount Blakeney in
the kingdom of Ireland.
the
318
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. the ancient feat of his family. He entered into
1756.
the land fervice in the beginning of Queen Ann's
war, and was made an enfign by Lord Cutts at
the fiege of Venlo. But he was long overlooked
and neglected, till he found a friend in the late
Duke of Richmond, by whofe intereft he was
promoted to a regiment. He ſerved againſt the
Spaniards at Carthagena, and recommended him-
ſelf to his late Majefty by his courage and conduct
in the defence of Sterling caftle, againſt the rebels
and their French auxiliaries in 1745. Yet his
great merit and unblemished character could pro-
cure nothing better for him in the decline of life,
when old age bore hard upon him, than a com-
mand on the island of Minorca, where he was
obliged to refide feveral years as lieutenant go-
The caſtle,
&c. fur-
rendered.
vernor.
The articles of capitulation being figned, and
the hoftages given, M. de Richlieu entered Fort
St. Philip, on the 29th of June at noon: where he
found 240 cannon fit for ſervice; befides
40 ruined
or nailed up during the attack, 70 mortars,
700,000 lwt. of gunpowder, 12,000 cannon balls
and 15,000 bombs. The garrifon confifted of
2963 men, about 2300 of whom were military,
(the reft labourers, &c.) commanded by three lieu-
tenants colonels only, 23 captains, and a very few
Ammuni- fubalterns. In the defence of this fort there were
tion ex- expended, 27,018 fhells of different fizes, 1032
during the hand granades, 32,706 round fhot, 332 double
fiege. headed fhot, 959 grape fhot, 353,639 pounds
pended
13
THE
319
LATE WA R.
13 ounces of gunpowder, 73 carcaffes of 121
inches, 41 of 10 inches, and 86 fire balls.
A. D.
1756.
turn to Gi-
Admiral Byng, agreeable to the laſt reſolution Admiral
of the council of war, which was held on board the Byng's re-
Ramillies, on the 24th of May, gave orders for braltar.
the ſhips under his command to ſtand to the weſt-
ward; and they accordingly did ſo, in the afternoon
of the fame day. But, what by contrary winds, and
what by the detention occafioned by the care ne-
ceffary to be given to the crippled fhips, the Intre-
pid being fometimes forced to be taken in tow,
the fquadron did not arrive at Gibraltar till the 19th
of June; where the Admiral found Commodore Reinforc
Broderick, who had arrived four days before, with
five ſhips of the line, to reinforce his ſquadron.
ed.
inforce-
By the date of Commodore Broderick's in- Remarks
ftructions or orders, it is evident, that this rein- on this re-
forcement was ordered, before it was poffible for ment.
the miniſtry to have received any advice from
Admiral Byng himſelf, or any authentic intelli-
gence relating to his fquadron: and by the letter
fent by the Admiralty, and delivered by Captain
Broderick, to Admiral Byng, at Gibraltar, which
you have at the bottom of this page, it is alſo
evident,
f The Prince George of 80 guns, Hampton Court, Ipf-
wich, and Naffau of 64, and the lfis, of 50 guns.
8 May the 17th.
SIR,
Ꮒ
h Admiralty office, May 21, 1756.
M Y lords commiffioners of the admiralty having received
certain intelligence, that the French are fitting out more
fhips at Toulon, they have thought proper to reinforce the
fquadron
320
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. evident, that the neceflity of reinforcing the
1756.
Admiral was known foon after his failing fromi
England; and therefore that, had thoſe very five
fhips been originally added to, instead of follow-
ing, his fquadron, too late, it would have given
Admiral Byng fuch a fuperiority in the Mediter-
ranean, that the French admiral would not have
dared to wait for him.
Admiral
Byng
prepares to
feek the
enemy.
Thus reinforced, Admiral Byng refolved to re-
turn in queft of the enemy, and once more to
give them battle; with this refolution, he gave
immediate orders to remove the fick men in his
fquadron, amounting to near 1000, into the hof-
pital; for all the captains to refit their fhips for
fea with all poffible expedition, to complete their
ſhips with water, to affift the mafter-ſhipwright
and ſtore-keeper, with as many hands as poffible,
from every ſhip, to carry on the fervice of the
fleet; and for the agent-victualler to furnish all
the ſhips with wine and proviſions.
All thofe, with ſeveral other duties and fervices,
were forwarded with the utmoft diligence; and
the Admiral reſolved to put to fea, and to attempt
the relief of Fort St. Philip, which according to
fquadron under your command with the fhips named in the
margin, by whom this is fent to you.
pro-
Theſe ſhips carry out a regiment of foldiers, and will
bably take more on board at Gibraltar, if they can be spared.
I am, Sir,
Your moſt humble fervant,
To the Hon. Adm. Byng, Mediterranean.
J. CLEVLAND.
the
THE LATE WAR.
321
the intelligence. he had received, continued ftill to
hold out.
Admiral Byng alfo diſpatched a letter to the ad-
miralty, containing the particulars of the late ac-
tion, and of the refolutions of the council of war
concerning his prefent motions. But the contents
were not made public, for ſeveral days after its
arrival, and then garbled in fuch a manner, as to
throw the odium of the mifcarriage upon him, and
to fupprefs thoſe paffages, which tended to his own
juftification, or reflected upon the conduct of the
miniftry; eſpecially in the department of the ad-
miralty. For which partiality they were much
blamed by the friends of the admiral, and cenfur-
ed by the generality of the people. Becauſe it
expoſed the commander in chief entirely to the
reſentment of the public, without a poffibility of
exculpating himſelf; and fuggefted ftrong fufpi-
cions againſt the integrity of thofe, who durft not
truſt the people with a fight of theſe paffages in
the admiral's letter, that regarded their own con-
duct, in the affair of Minorca. But this will beft
appear from the entire letter, as it was afterwards.
publiſhed by the admiral in his own vindication,
as follows:
I
SIR,
Ramilies, off Minorca, May 25, 1756.
A. D.
1756.
ter of the
Have the pleaſure to defire you will acquaint Admiral
their lordships, that having failed from Gib- Byng's let-
raltar the 8th, I got off Mahon the 19th, having 25th May,
been joined by his Majefty's fhip Phoenix, off *756.
VOL. I.
Y
Majorca,
7
322
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Majorca, two days before, "by whom I had con-
"firmed the intelligence I received at Gibraltar,
"of the ftrength of the French fleet, and of
"their being off Mahon. His Majefty's colours
"were ftill flying at the caftle of St. Philip, and
"I could perceive feveral bomb batteries playing
upon it from different parts; French colours we
"faw flying on the weft part of St. Philip's. I
diſpatched the Phoenix, Cheſterfield and Dol-
phin a-head, to reconnoitre the harbour's mouth,
66
CC
66
and Captain Harvey, to endeavour to land a
"letter for General Blakeney, to let him know
"the fleet was here to his affiftance, though every
"one was of opinion, we could be of no uſe to
"him, as by all accounts no place was fecured for
covering a landing, could we have ſpared any
16
سلام
66
..
people. The Phoenix was allo to make the
private fignal between Captain Harvey and
Captain Scrope, as this latter would undoubtedly
"come off, if it were practicable, having kept.
"the Dolphin's barge with him; but, the enemy's
"fleet appearing to the fouth-eaft, and the wind
"at the fame time coming ftrong off the land,
obliged me to call thofe fhips in, before they
"could get quite fo near the entrance of the har-
"bour, as to make fure what batteries or guns
might be placed to prevent our having any
"communication with the caftle." Falling little
wind, it was five before I could form my line, or
diftinguiſh any of the enemy's motions, and not
at all to judge of their force more than by their
numbers, which were feventeen, and thirteen ap-
peared
THE LATE WAR.
323
}
peared large. They at firft ſtood towards us in a
regular line, and tacked about feven, which I
judged was to endeavour to gain the wind of us
in the night; fo that being late, I tacked, in order
to keep the weather-gage of them, as well as to
make ſure of the land-wind, in the morning, be-
ing very hazy and not above five leagues off
Cape Mola. We tacked off towards the enemy
at eleven; and at day light had no fight of them.
But two tartans with the French private fignal
being clofe in the rear of our fleet, I fent the
Princeſs Louifa to chafe one, and made the fignal
for the rear admiral, who was neareft the other,
to fend fhips to chafe her; the Princefs Louifa,
Defiance, and Captain, became at a great dif-
tance; but the Defiance took her's, which had
two captains, two lieutenants, and 102 private
foldiers, who were fent out the day before with
600 men on board tartans to reinforce the French
fleet, on our then appearing off the place. The
Phoenix, on Captain Harvey's offer, prepared to
ſerve as a fire ſhip, but without damaging her as
a frigate, till the fignal was made to prime, when
ſhe was then to fcuttle her decks, every thing
elfe being prepared, as the time and place allowed
of. The enemy now began to appear from the.
maft head; I called in the cruifers, and when
they had joined me, I tacked towards the enemy,
and formed the line a-head. I found the French
were preparing theirs to leeward, having unfuc-
cessfully endeavoured to weather me: they were
12 large fhips of the line, and five frigates. As
Y 2
foon
A. D.
1756.
324
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
foon as I judged the rear of our fleet to be the
length of their van, we tacked all together, and
immediately made the fignal for the fhips that
led, to lead large, and for the Deptford to quit
the line, that ours might become equal in number
with theirs. At two I made the ſignal to engage,
as I found it was the fureft method of ordering
every ſhip to cloſe down on the one that fell to
their lot. And here I muſt expreſs my great fa-
tisfaction at the very gallant manner in which the
rear admiral ſet the van the example, by inftantly
bearing down on the fhips he was to engage with
his fecond, and who occafioned one of the French
ſhips to begin the engagement, which they did, by
raking ours as they went down; I bore down on
the ſhip that lay oppofite me, and began to en-
gage him, after having received the fire for fome
time in going down. The Intrepid "unfortu-
nately" (in the very beginning) had his fore-top-
maft ſhot away, and as that hung on his fore-fail
and backed it, he had no command of his fhip,
his fore tack and all his braces being cut at the fame
time, ſo that he drove on the next fhip to him,
and obliged that, and the fhips a head of me to
throw all aback; this obliged me to do fo alfo for
fome minutes, to avoid their falling on board me,
though not before we had drove our adverſary out
of the line, who put before the wind, and had
feveral fhot fired at him from his own admiral.
This not only caufed the enemy's center to be un-
attacked, but left the rear admiral's divifion ra-
ther uncovered for fome little time. I fent and
called
THE
LATE WA R.
325
called to the ſhips a-head of me to make fail on,
and go down on the enemy, and ordered the Chef-
terfield to lay by the Intrepid, and the Deptford
to fupply the Intrepid's place. I found the enemy
edged away conſtantly, and as they went three
feet to our one, they would never permit our
cloſing with them, but took the advantage of de-
ſtroying our rigging; for though I cloſed the rear
admiral faft, I found I could not again cloſe the
enemy, whofe van was fairly drove from their
line; but their admiral was joining them by bear-
ing away. By this time 'twas paft fix, and the
enemy's van and ours were at two great a diftance
to engage; I perceived fome of their ſhips ſtretch-
ing to the northward, and I imagined they were
going to form a new line; I made the fignal for
the headmoſt ſhips to tack, and thofe that led be-
fore with larboard tacks, to lead with the ftar-
board, that I might by the firſt keep (if poffible)
the wind of the enemy, and by the fecond, be
between the rear admiral's divifion and the enemy,
as his had fuffered moft, as alfo to cover the In-
trepid, which I perceived to be in a very bad con-
dition, and whofe lofs would very greatly give the
balance against us, if they had attacked us next
morning, as I expected. I brought to about eight
that night to join the Intrepid, and to refit our
fhips as fast as poffible, and continued fo all night.
The next morning we faw nothing of the enemy,
though we were ſtill lying to; Mahon was
N. N. W. about ten or eleven leagues. I fent
cruifers out to look for the Intrepid and Chefter-
Y 3
field,
A. D.
1756.
326
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. field, who joined me the next day; and having,
1756. from a ftate and condition of the fquadron brought
me in, found that the Captain, Intrepid and De-
fiance (which latter has loft her captain) were
much damaged in their mafts, "fo that they were
"endangered of not being able to fecure their
"mafts properly at fea; and alfo that the fquadron
66
in general were very fickly, many killed and
"wounded, and no where to put a third of their
" number, if I made an hofpital even of the 40
gun fhip, which was not eafy at fea;" I thought
it proper in this fituation, to call a council of war
before I went again to look for the enemy. I de-*
fired the attendance of General Stuart, Lord
Effingham, and Lord Robert Bertie, and Colonel
Cornwallis, that I might collect their opinions
upon the preſent fituation" of Minorca and Gi-
"braltar, and make fure of protecting the latter,
"fince it was found impracticable to either fuc-
"cour or relieve the former with the force we
"had; for though we may juftly claim the victo
66
ry, yet we are much inferior to the weight of
"their fhips, though the numbers are equal; and
rr
they have the advantage of fending to Minorca
"their wounded, and getting reinforcements of
"feamen from their tranſports, and foldiers from
"their camp; all which, undoubtedly has been
"done in this time that we have been laying to re-
<<
fit, and often in fight of Minorca; and their
fhips have more than once appeared in a line
"from our maft-heads. I fend their lordships
"the refolution of the council of war," in which
there
THE LATE WAR.
327
66
QC
CC
6 6
there was not the leaft contention or doubt arofe.
"I hope indeed we fhall find ftores to refit us at
"Gibraltar, and if I have any reinforcement,
" will not loſe a moment's time to feek the enemy
again, and once more give them battle, though
they have a great advantage in being clean
ſhips, that go three feet to our one, and there-
"fore have the choice how they will engage us,
"or if they will at all, and will never let us clofe
them, as their fole view is the difabling our
ſhips, in which they have but too well fucceeded,
though we obliged them to bear up." I do not
fend their lordships the particulars of our loffes
and damages by this, as it would take me much
time, and that I am willing none fhould be loft in
letting them know an event of fuch confequence.
"I cannot help urging their lordships for a rein-
"forcement, if none are yet failed, on their know-
66
66
ledge of the enemy's ftrength in theſe feas, and
"which, by very good intelligence, will in a few
days be ftrengthened by four more large fhips
" from Toulon, almoft ready to fail, if not now
"failed to join theſe." I diſpatch this to Sir Ben-
jamin Keene, by way of Barcelona, and am mak-
ing the beſt of my way to "cover" Gibraltar;
from which place I propofe fending their lordships
a more particular account. I am, Sir,
Your moſt humble fervant,
To the Hon. John Clevland, Efq;
JOHN BYNG.
A.D.
1756.
Y 4
When
328
THE GENERAL HISTORY of
A. D.
1756.
When this entire letter was published by Mr.
Byng's friends, it was accompanied with fome re-
marks very difadvantageous to the miniſtry;
Remarks wherein it is obferved, That the firſt mutilation
on the mu-
fages,
marked
with "
4
tilated paf- concealed an allufion made to his former letter
from Gibraltar, which it was apparently the in-
tereft of the miniſtry to keep in darkneſs. It
feems likewiſe intended by this omiffion, to infinu-
ate that Byng never came within fight of Minor.
ca, and that he was caught unexpectedly by the
French. The words could we have spared any
people would have diſcovered the weakneſs of the
armament; and the opinion of the officers that
the landing place was covered, would have fhewn
the folly of thoſe, who contrived the expedition,
and ſent out a weak fleet, when they might have
made it ſtronger by adding the fhips of which the
crews were uſeleſsly devouring their provifions at
Spithead; and amufed the nation with an attempt.
to relieve Minorca, while they fent no land forces,
or none proportioned to the purpoſe, and fent
them out at a time, when they could not be
landed.
The next omiffion was likewife equally unfair,
and equally malignant, and appears defigned part-
ly to caft reproach on the admiral, and partly to
hide the faults of the miniftry. To conceal the
fitness of Byng's retreat, they fupprefs the damage
done to the fhips; to conceal their own negligence,
they omit the mention of the wounded, and the
want of an hoſpital ſhip for their reception.
This
THE LATE WAR.
329
This is the firſt time that a fleet was fitted for
fuch an enterprize, without ftore-fhips, fire-fhips,
hofpital-fhips, or tenders; and why this fleet was
thus imperfectly furnished, what reafon can be
given, if the relief of Minorca was intended.
The intent of this omiffion being principally to fix
upon Byng the reproach of returning without necef-
fity, it may now be enquired, whether it was proper
to have hazarded a ſecond engagement? No man
was ever expected to fight without hope of vic-
tory, or without profpect of advantage, propor-
tionate to the danger of defeat. Hope of victory
he could have none; the French fleet was at firſt
fuperior, and was far more fuperior after the bat-
tle; proſpect of advantage was now at an end,
for he could not now relieve St. Philip; though
Galiffionere had delivered up his fhips without a
fhot, it was already invefted by an adequate force,
and though the fiege might have been prolonged
it could not have been raiſed.
It is much harder to difcover why Galiffionere
fuffered our ſhattered ſhips to eſcape.
The next mutilation fuppreffes the account of
the enemies fuperiority. The French had an army
from which the fleet was fupplied with freſh men:
Byng had more than 1000 fick, without an hofpi-
tal fhip for their reception.
The next paffage omitted defcribes another ad-
vantage enjoyed by the French, that their fhips
were clean, to which it might have been added to
the honour of our minifters, that their ships were
better. A clamour was raifed by the affertion, that
they
A. D.
1756.
330
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
they failed three feet to one: a feaman's phrafe,
never defigned to be underſtood literally, nor ever
interpreted literally before; by which nothing is
implied but that they failed fafter, and had great
advantage by fuperior celerity.
He hoped to find ftores to refit him at Gibraltar;
where, in effect, from the ftate, in which he had
left it, and which was carefully concealed from the
public, he had little hopes of finding them: yet
this delay, which the minifters knew to be un-
avoidable, was imputed to him, as a new crime.
The next paragraph omitted, is the urging
"the admiralty to a fpeedy reinforcement, if
"none was already fent ;" a requeft which he
had before made; at the fame time" acquaint-
.66
ing them with the increafing ftrength of the
"enemy at Toulon, by four large fhips ;" which
circumſtance, though it tends not to justify the
admiral's behaviour, gives a favourable idea of
his zeal for fuccefs, and a contemptible one of
thofe, who, prefiding at the head of affairs, had
been totally ignorant of what was preparing at
Toulon, and negligent at beft of what happened
to Minorca.
The laft paragraph has but one word omit-
ted, which, inſtead of "making the beſt of my
(C
way to Gibraltar, is to cover Gibraltar;" a very
material alteration; the going to cover a place,
being very different from going to a place; the
one fignifying an act of prudence, and of a fol-
dier; the other, in fuch inftances, of flight, and
of a fugitive. Was not this word premedi-
tately
THE LATE WAR.
331
A. D.
tately left out, to prevent the afking what dan-
ger Gibraltar was in, and to what part of the 1756.
letter this referred?
But, the court of London had received advice
of the action of the 20th of May by the way of
France, with fome hints very diſadvantageous to
the character of Admiral Byng, and greatly im-
proved afterwards to his deftruction: though it
muft not be forgotten, that the French Admiral
Galiffionere, was as highly cenfured by his court,
for his conduct on the fame day; and was fuper-
feded, recalled, and put under arreft; and, if he was
not difgraced with the ignominy of a public exe-
cution, he diſappear'd foon after, not without fufpi-
cion of a violent death, upon the road to Paris.
upon Ad-
Byng.
Upon thefe advices, every inftrument of the The whole
miniſtry was employed to degrade the unfortunate blame caft
admiral, to repreſent him to be the fole caufe of miral
the national difgrace in the Mediterranean, and
to prepare them to caft the whole blame of the
lofs of Minorca upon him, fhould it be forced
to furrender to the French.
a.
Minorca,
The importance of Minorca, which had been
fo much flighted by the Britiſh miniftry, was nowance of
rung in every ear. It was now reprefented to be
the moſt happy for us in its fituation: to be ca-
pable of vaft improvements; to have the two beft
ports in the Mediterranean fea; which might
make that ifland a magazine of Britifh commodi-
ties, and the center of a moft extenſive commerce.
This iſland, ſaid they, who took no effectual mea-
fures for its defence, before it was too late, fo
juftly
332
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Defcrip-
tion of
Minorca.
juftly the object of our hopes; the trophy of our
victories; which drew to Great Britain, the re-
fpect of Spain; the confidence of Italy; and the
fubmiffion of the pyratical ſtates of Barbary; is
not only loft, but loft in fuch a manner, as fhould,
give every Briton a manly, rational and patriot
concern..
Before we quit this ifland it may be agreeable,
to the reader to give a deſcription of it, for which
we are chiefly obliged to John Armstrong, Efq;
engineer in ordinary to his Majefty. This gentle-
man informs us, that the iſland of Minorca lies
in the Mediterranean fea, about 60 leagues S. of
Its fitua- the coaft of Catalonia, and is one of thoſe iſlands,
that conſtituted the ancient kingdom of Majorca ;
cut and indented with a prodigious variety of
creeks and inlets on the north fide, occafioned by
Extent. frequent and violent northerly winds. It is up-
wards of 33 miles long, and varies in breadth
tion.
1
from eight to twelve miles, and in fome parts
more computed to contain 236 fquare miles, and
Divifion. 151,040 fquare acres. It is 62 miles in circum-
ference, and divided into four terminos or dif-
tricts; the termino of Mahon, of Alajor, the
united termino of Mercadal and Fererias, and
the termino of Ciudadella: which together con-
tain about 28,000 inhabitants.
Inhabi-
tants.
Mahon.
Mahon is the feat of government, in the neigh-
bourhood of St. Philip's caftle, the only fortrefs
of any confideration in the ifland. This city is
built on an elevated fituation, and the affent from
the harbour is ſteep and difficult. It was formerly
furrounded
2
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OTAL CATANIA
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FORTIFICATIONS
176
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Governor of the
Castle's House
Marlborough "Redoubt
THE LATE WAR.
333
furrounded with a wall, but at preſent the build-
ings have extended themſelves into large and
elegant fuburbs, beyond thofe limits. The build-
ings are univerfally of free ftone, either covered
with tiles, or flat-roofed and terraced. The
ftreets are not paved, the native rock appearing
almoſt every where: and they are generally very
narrow. At the foot of the hill, on which Mahon
ftands, is a fine wharf of great extent in length,
and proportionably broad. The whole weſtern
end thereof, was fet apart for magazines of naval
ftores, and other ufes of his Majefty's fhips. The
water at the key is deep enough for any fhip to
come as near, as it has occafion. The eaſtern
part of the dock is fet a part for the merchant's
fervice.
·
A. D.
1756.
A little out of the town, in the way to St. Philip's,
ftands a ſmall convent of Carmelite friars: and
about a mile below the town is Engliſh Cove, the
general watering place for the navy: where there
is a plentiful ſupply of fweet water. The harbour
at this place, is near a mile over; which is almoft
its greateſt breadth : half a mile lower, and about
a mile fhort of St. Philip's, lies Bloody Inland, Bloody
whofe area contains about 12 acres, making al-
moft an equal divifion of the harbour, leaving the
greateſt breadth and deepeft water next Mahon.
On this ifland ftands a capacious hofpital belong-
ing to the navy, with convenient apartments for
the proper officers.
Almoft oppofite to this
fide, lies the Oyfter Cove.
Iſland,
Cove.
ifland, on the Mahon Oyſter
This cave or cove is
fcooped
334
THE GENERAL HISTORY of
A. D.
1756.
Quarentine
Illand.
St. Philip's
Caſtle.
fcooped out of the rock, with a north-eaft afpect,
and takes its name from an oyster-fishery, managed
by Spaniſh divers, who venture ten or twelve fa-
thoms, with a hammer to break oyfters from the
bottom of the rock.
From hence, on the left hand, in the way to
St. Philip's, by water, is the Quarentine Ifland;
which is less than Bloody Ifland, and nearer to
Cape Mola fhore. Here all veffels from Barbary
and the Levant, when thofe parts are vifited by
the plague, are obliged to perform quarantine.
St. Philip's Caftle next prefents itſelf at the
entrance of Mahon Harbour; and is fituate on a
neck of land between Mahon Harbour and St.
Stephen's Cove. Its numerous works extend them-
ſelves to the fhore on both fides. The body of
the place confifts of four baſtions and as many
curtains, furrounded with a deep ditch, hewn out
of the folid rock, which furniſhed free-ftone for
the walls. The area is furrounded with the Go-
vernor's houſe, a chapel, guard-room, barracks,
&c. and in the center there is a pump to fupply
the troops with rain-water from a ciftern; and the
whole fquare is paved.
A
Over the flat-roof of the arched buildings is a
fpacious rampart, affording an extenfive prospect,
and the baftions are mounted with guns. The
communication from the lower area to the top of
the rampart is by a pair of ftairs, made likewife
of ſtone, and ſo wide, broad and eaſy of aſcent,
that mules and affes can carry burdens up to any
apart-
THE LATE WAR..
335
apartment, and great guns can be drawn up
them, when wanted.
The whole body of the place is undermined;
and very ſerviceable fubterraneous works are con-
trived in the rock, and communicate with one
another, where neceffary.
Before the entrance of the Caftle is a horn-work,
with other out-works to this and the reft of the
front; which works are better conceived by the
eye from the plan, than any words would be able
to defcribe them.
There is a great number of large guns mounted
towards the entrance of the harbour, befides thofe
that point to the land, which would require the
ſervice of a vaſt many artillery-men on occafion;
as indeed the various works demand a very con-
fiderable garrison to difpute them with an enemy.
The capacious galleries, that are cut out of the
rock, and extend themſelves throughout all the
works, are of the utmoſt advantage for here the
people are fecured from the ſplinters of ftone,
which in time of action would tare them to pieces,
as well thofe off duty, as thoſe obliged to expofe
themſelves. Thefe fubterraneans afford quarters
and fhelter to the garrifon, impenetrable to fhot
and ſhells, and not to be come at, but by cutting
a way to them through the living rock; againſt
which a number of countermines are provided, at
proper diſtances, and in fuch places as are moft
expoſed by their fituation.
In the main ditch is a fmall powder magazine:
there is a much larger under the Covert-way of
the
A. D.
1756.
4
336
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
St. Ste-
phen's
Cove.
the place where alfo there are ftore-houſes fuf-
ficient for every occafion, with an hoſpital near
St. Stephen's Cove. Befides the ciftern, which is
liable to many accidents, there are feveral wells
within the works: and a quantity of every fpe-
cies of provifions is conftantly kept up, to fupport
the whole foldiery of the garrifon, in cafe of a
fiege.
On the point of land, eaft of the Caſtle, ftands
Charles Fort, of little ufe. The grand battery
lies down at the water-edge, and has a high ſtone
wall to cover the gunners, who play their ordnance
through a long range of embraffures. This is
the common burial-place of the garriſon.
The Queen's Redoubt is the moſt advanced of
all the works towards the country, on the fide
where it ſtands: Between it and the harbour are
two other works. On the other fide of St. Ste-
phen's Cove ftands the Marlborough.
The Araval, or Suburb of St. Philip's, confifts
of quarters for officers, of barracks for foldiers,
a church, and, at one time, of fo many houſes
inhabitted by Spaniards, that the glacis of the for-
treſs almoſt reached thoſe buildings; which being
foreſeen to be favourable to an enemy, in cafe of
a fiege, the houſes were cleared away to fuch a
diſtance as to leave a fufficient efplanade between
the village and fortifications.
St. Stephen's Cove is a fmall inlet of the fea,
eaſily admitting boats with fish and provifions,
when the circumftances of a fiege fhall render it
diffi
THE LATE WAR.
337
difficult to approach the garrifon by way of the A. D.
harbour.
1756.
Mahon.
The Laire of Mahon, otherwiſe Coney-Ifland, Laire of
is feparated from the main land by a found about
two miles over, and very dangerous to fhips of
burden, on account of its fhoals and foul ground.
Here are a multitude of rabbits, and no inconfi-
derable quantity of falt.
There is a good key at St. Philip's for fhips; Fort Phili-
and on the other fide of the harbour, a little lower pet.
down, on the narroweft place, ftands Fort St.
Philipet, in which is a ſmall magazine of powder,
and a guard, with a battery of guns, on a level
with the furface of the water, for the defence of
the harbour.
la.
Cape Mola is a high land, fevered almoft from Cape Mo-
the iſland by Philipet Cove and a fmall bay on
the north ſide, and is univerſally eſteemed capable
of being rendered an almost impregnable fortrefs,
at a moderate expence, On the elevated top of
this cape is the fignal-houſe, to give the garrifon
due warning of fhips and veffels approaching
from the fea. A bush hung out denotes a ſmall
veffel, a ball a fhip, two or three balls two or
three fhips, and a flag a fleet: thefe fignals are
hoifted on the quarter the fhips are difcovered.
Purſuing the great road to Ciudadella, made by Alajor,
Governor Kane, and called after his name, we
meet with the fhire town of Alajor, and the next
in goodneſs to Mahon and Ciudadella. This
town ftands high and airy, and is tolerably well
VOL. I.
Z
built
8
338
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D., built, with a handfome Gothic free-ftone church
1756.
on an eminence. The buildings are of ſtone alfo ;
and the ſtreets very narrow and not paved. Here
are alfo quarters for a regiment of foldiers but
the garrifon ufually confifts of no more than nine
companies, the other being fent to the caftle of
Fornelles. There is only one convent in this
town, which is of Francifcan friars.
Mercadal.
Mount
Toro.
1
Fornelles.
Mercadal, the next fhire-town, is fituated on a
hill about the center of the iſland, is a very poor
place, and meanly built. A little to the eaſt of
which is Mount Tor or Toro, the higheſt ground
in the ifland: on whofe eminence ftands a con-
vent of Auguftine friars, in a moft agreeable fitua
tion.
About fix miles north of this mount is the caftle
of Fornelles, built on the weſtern fide of the en-
trance of a large harbour of the fame name. This
fort is fquare, faced with hewn ftone, and confifts
of four baſtions, and as many curtains, a very
little ditch, and no out-works before it. The
fquare within is filled with houſes for the troops,
and for laying up provifions and ammunition;
which are all ſtrongly vaulted and covered with
ramparts. The fignal-houfe is fituated at Atha-
lia, upon a high land on the oppofite fide of the
harbour. But the duty of this fort is done by one
company only, detached from Alajor. The port
is large and fpacious; but the fhoals and foul
ground make it very hazardous for fhips of bur-
den.
Mount
THE
339
LATE WAR.
Mount Agatha, fo called from the chapel fitu-
A. D.
1756.
ate on its fummit, dedicated to St. Agatha, ftands Mount
about four miles north-weft of Mercadal, is a Agatha.
very high barren rock on the top of which the
Moors fortified themſelves, and held out againſt
a numerous army, long after the Chriftians had
driven their countrymen from the lower parts of
the iſland. The ruins of which works are ftill to
be ſeen; and within their limits there ftill conti-
nue two remarkable rain-water cifterns entire,
containing together 2173 tons, or 547,596 wine
gallons, which, at the allowance of one gallon a
day would furniſh 1500 men with water for one
year.
la.
Ciudadella is the next place worthy of our at- Ciudadel-
tention. It was the antient capital of Minorca,
till the feat of government was removed by the
Engliſh to Mahon. By this means it has de-
clined in its trade and wealth. This town is fur-
rounded by a wall, bold and of great height,
built by the Moors upwards of fix hundred years
ago, next the Baranco. The reſt is more mo-
dern, and conſiſts of a rampart, with a great many
baftions and curtains, all of fquared free-ftone.
Though the rampart is narrow at the curtains, the
baftions are roomy enough; and the parapets are
all of ſtone. A good ditch has been laid out,
and cut to a confiderable depth in the folid rock,
in fome places, with the parapet of a covered-way
before it, but it is little more than marked in
other places. Theſe works, fays Mr. Armſtrong,
have been flighted ever fince Minorca has been in
Z 2
our
346
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
his march.
A. D. our hands, and the garrifon, upon an alarm, is to
1756.
make the beſt of its way to St. Philip's Caftle, (as
was the cafe in 1756) driving before it all the
cattle, that are to be eafily found; and ſpoiling
the roads, the better to obftruct the enemy on
This antient town is built at the
head of a little harbour, where coafting veffels
find ſhelter in a fufficient depth of water, clofe to
the very walls of the town. The garrifon, which
confifts of a regiment of foldiers, find the beſt
quarters in the ifland here. The chief buildings
are the exchange, an antient ftructure, raiſed on
Gothic arches of a confiderable height: The
Governor's houfe, a large irregular fabric, built.
in the gorge of a baſtion. Divine ſervice is per-
formed for the garrifon in the great hall of this
houſe. Here is the cathedral of the whole island.
It stands near the center of the town, is the
largest church in the island, and a noble Go-
thic building. Here is alſo another neat church
at a little diftance. Near Mahon-gate ftands at
convent of Auſtin friars, a large edifice, with a
handfome church within it. Fronting the great`
parade there is a Francifcan convent of friars.
This building is large, but irregular. The nuns
of St. Clara have alfo a convent in this town.
Near the entrance of the harbour, which is about
a mile from the town, ftands another chapel, de-
dicated to St. Nicholas, the Popish patron of fea-
faring people; adjacent to which are the ruins of
1 See page 300.
a finall
THE LATE WA R.
341
a ſmall caſtle, intended formerly, but very unfit,
to defend the entrance of the harbour. And a
little without Mahon-gate is a convent of the
order of St. Antonio; it is a ſmall houſe, but
well endowed. The fignal on the light houfe for
this fortrefs ftands about two miles north-weft,
and is called Torre del Ram: from whence, if a
fleet, in time of war, approaches, the country is
alarmed by a great fmoak in day-time, and by a
great fire in the night.
A. D.
1756.
in France.
mandate to
Paris.
As for the court of France; their King's man- Rejoicings
date to the Archbishop of Paris to fing Te deum
upon the conqueft of Minorca, and his rewards
beſtowed upon the officers concerned in the re-
duction of Fort St. Philip, give a full idea of
their fentiments and rejoicing on that occafion.
In the mandate the French King tells the Arch- King's
biſhop, That after having waited too long in vain the Arch-
for the fatisfaction he had promiſed himſelf from bishop of
the King of England's equity, as a reparation for
the outrages committed by his navy upon the
French fhips, to the great fcandal of all Europe;
he found himſelf obliged to have recourſe to arms,
in order to avenge the honour of his crown, and
66 It
to protect the commerce of his dominions.
"is, faid he, from fuch juft motives, that in the
"month of April laft I ſent a body of troops into
"the iſland of Minorca, under the command of
66
my Coufin, the Marſhal Duke de Richelieu,
"with a fquadron commanded by the Marquis
"de la Galiffionere, Lieutenant-General of my
❝ naval armies, to drive the Engliſh from a port,
"which
Z 3
342
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. "which they had feized upon through the fpirit
1756.
"of general domination, which they want to ex-
"tend over the two worlds. After a dangerous
"and toilfome fiege, during which the English
' fquadron, that came up to relieve Minorca,
"was repulfed by mine; and Marſhal Richelieu,
"in confequence of a difpofition, as boldly con-
trived, as it was to be rapid in its execution,
66
66
at laft gave French valour its full fwing; and
"whilft the enemy truſted to the ftrength of their
¡
ramparts, my troops carried the out-works of
"Mahon by affault, in the night between the 27th
" and 28th of laſt month: terror did the reft:
"the garriſon was forced to capitulate, and retire
"to Gibraltar; abandoning about 200 pieces of
"cannon and 80 mortars. The fuccefs of fo
• important an enterprize, wherein my troops
"were to furmount all the obftacles, which art,
"affiſted by nature, can contrive for the defence
"of a place, must be attributed to nothing, but
"the favour, which the Lord of Hofts is pleaſed
"to grant to the juftice of my caufe: and there-
"fore, to render him a public homage of my
"thankfulneſs, and to befeech him to continue
"unto me his divine protection, I write you this
letter, to acquaint you, that it is my intention,
"that you caufe Te deum to be fung in the me-
tropolitan church of my good city of Paris,
" &c." And the vanity of the French nation was
fed fo highly with this unprecedented and unac-
countable ſucceſs over the Engliſh, their antient
conquerors, and the prefent obftacle to thoſe vaft
ſchemes
THE LATE WAR.
343
ſchemes of univerfal monarchy, for many years
carried on by Gallic councils; that the people im-
mediately conceived; either that the Britiſh courage
was degenerated into cowardice, or that the Bri-
tiſh miniſtry had drank fo deeply of the fountain
of corruption, as to become indifferent, and in-
fenfible of their national intereſt.
A. D.
1756.
tions of the
cil.
&c. fent to
However, to efface fuch difagreeable imputa- Refolu-
tions, the firſt accounts of this difafter, brought privycoun-
the Britiſh miniftry to a refolution to fuperfede,
and to put under arreft the two Admirals, Byng
and Weſt, charged with miſconduct on the day of
action, and General Fowke, Governor of Gib-
raltar, for not obeying his orders, which were to
embark 700 men on board of the fleet fent to re-
lieve Minorca. For which purpoſe the Antelope Admiral
of 50 guns, was ordered to fail immediately for Hawke,
Gibraltar, with Admiral Hawke, Admiral Saun- Gibraltar.
ders, feveral navy captains; alfo the Earl of Pan-
mure and the Lord Tyrawley. The two Admi- To fuper-
rals had orders to fuperfede, to put under arreft, arreft
and to fend home Admirals Byng and Weft: and Byng, &c.
Lord Tyrawley had the like orders in regard to
General Fowke. The Antelope failed from Portf-
mouth on the 16th of June, and arrived at Gib-
raltar on the third of July, when Admiral Byng
was preparing, and was very near to fail for the
relief of Port Mahon. Admiral Hawke obeyed
his orders, and fent the ftate prifoners to England
on the 9th, in the fame man of war that brought
him to Gibraltar.
fede and
Z 4
On
344
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
On this occafion the Secretary of the Admi
ralty wrote this letter to Admiral Byng, to ac-
fuperfede quaint him with his Majefty's pleaſure.
Letter to
Admiral
Byng.
66
* SIR,
H'S
IS Majefty having received an account
¢ that the fquadron under your command,
"and that of the French under the command of
"Monfieur Galiflionere, came to action off the
"harbour of Mahon, the 20th of last month,
"and that the French (though inferior to you in
"force) kept before the harbour, and obliged you
"to retreat; I am commanded by my Lords
"Commiffioners of the Admiralty, to fend you
herewith an extract of Monfieur Galiffionere's
"letter to his court, giving an account of the
"action, and to acquaint you, that his Majefty
66
is fo much diffatisfied with your conduct, that
"he has ordered their Lordships to recal your-
"felf and Mr. Weft, and to ſend out Sir Edward
"Hawke, and Rear Admiral Saunders, to com-
"mand the fquadron.
<<
..
"I am extremely forry to be obliged to inform
you of fuch a diſagreeable event, being with
great regard,
SIR,
Your moſt obedient humble Servant,
Admiralty-Office,
June 8, 1756.
J. CLEVLAND.
To
THE
345
LATE WAR.
To this he returned a letter, which neither be-
trayed conſciouſneſs of guilt, dread of refentment,
nor confuſion of mind.
..
"SIR,
Gibraltar-Bay, July 4, 1756.
A. D.
1756.
Admiral
Byng's an
"BY Sir Edward Hawke I have received their ſwer.
Lordships orders, and your letter of the
"8th of June, which I have immediately com-
"plied with, and have only to exprefs my fur-
66
ર
prize at being fo ignominioufly difmiffed from
my employment, in the fight of the fleet I had
"commanded, in fight of the garrifon, and in
fight of Spain, at fuch a time, in fuch a man-
cc
66
ner, and after fuch conduct, as I hope fhall
"fhortly appear to the whole world. 'Tis not
"now for me to expoftulate; I flatter myfelf
that Mr. Weft and I fhall make evident the in-
66
jury done to our characters, which I know of
"nothing in the power of any being whatever
"that can atone for; fo high an opinion I have
"of that, which was ever unfullied before, and
"which I hope to make appear, has been moſt
« injuriouſly and wrongfully attacked now, on
"the grounds of a falfe gafconade of an open
“enemy * to our King and country, and which
would
k
Galiffionere's letter, dated the 22d of May, in which he
writes: The 19th in the morning we defcried the English
fquadron from the top-mafts-head, and the two ſquadrons
drew pretty near each other that day, but never were within
gun-fhot; which was not our fault, as the Engliſh were to
wind-
I
346
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
"would have evidently appeared, had the pof-
"fible time been allowed for my own exprefs's
"arrival, in which there was nothing falſe, no-
"thing vaunting, nothing fhameful, nor any
..
thing, which could have prevented our receiving
his Majefty's royal approbation, for having,
"with a much inferior force, fought, met, at-
“tacked, and beat the enemy: of this, it is
"needlefs for me to fay more at prefent, than
"that I am forry to find Mr. Weft, with the
Captains, Lieutenants, and officers of the ſhips,
"we had our flags on board of, are to be fufferers
"for what I alone, as Commander in Chief, am
"anfwerable: But it is fo much of a piece with
<6
windward of us. The 20th the French admiral worked about
ſo as to gain the wind; but juſt as he had got into a favour-
able poſition for it, the wind fhifted in ſuch a manner as ſtill
left this advantage to the English fquadron. At half an hour
paſt two in the afternoon, the two fquadrons were in line of
battle, and began the engagement. The English confifted of
eighteen fail, of which thirteen were of the line; and ours
of twelve ſhips of the line and four frigates. The action
lafted above three hours and a half, but was not general all
the time. The English fhips that ſuffered moft from our
broadfides got to the windward again out of gun-fhot; they
all along preſerved this advantage, that they might keep clear
of us as they pleafed. After having made their greateſt ef
forts on our rear-divifion, which they found fo clofe, and
from which they were fo furioufly canonaded, that they could
not break in upon it, they refolved to fheer off, and did not
appear again all the next day, being the 21ft. In general,
none of their ſhips long ſtood the fire of ours. The fhips of
our fquadron ſuffered but little; they were repaired in the
night, and ready to fight the next morning.
"the
THE LATE WAR.
347
"the whole unheard of treatment I have met
"with, that neither they, the fleet, or myſelf
can be more aſtoniſhed at that particular, than
"at the whole,
A. D.
1756.
J. BYNC.
i
ſent to
The Captains and others, who were fuperfeded Prifoners
and ordered home, on this account, were, Rear- England.
Admiral Weſt, Captain Gardiner of the Ramil-
lies, the Admiral Byng's fix Lieutenants, Gunner
and Purfer, and his Maſter and Surgeon; and
Captain Gough of the Experiment, and Captain
Baffett of the Fortune-floop, who had been ap-
pointed by him to thofe commands, occafioned
by the death of Captain Andrews and Captain
Noel.
Here we will leave Admiral Byng and his fel-
low-prifoners to meet their deſtiny; and defer the
narrative of the effects, this miſcarriage in the
Mediterranean produced at home, till we ſhall
have drawn a concife reprefentation of the opera-
tions and tranfactions performed by our arms in
diftant parts of the world.
Indies.
In the Eaft Indies we left the Britiſh fleet at Affairs of
Bombay, preparing for an expedition against An- the Eaft
gria, the fcourge of thoſe feas; whofe territories,
Expedition
from a neft of pyrates, was become a fort of em- againſt
pire, and ſubſiſted much in the fame manner, on Angria.
that coaft, as the ftates of Barbary, which ſprang
from a like original, make themſelves formidable
in Europe.
The
348
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
The origin of this Eaſtern pyratical govern-
ment, was laid by one Conogee Angria: who
His origin. having been advanced by Saha Raja, from the
ftation of a private Maratta to the poft of Gene-
ral and Admiral in his wars with, or rather rebel-
lion againſt the Mogul, about one hundred years
ago, and rewarded for his fervice with the govern-
ment of Severndroog, he foon threw off the yoke,
and feized upon feveral of his Prince's veffels, which
he had commanded, and with which he turned an
arch pyrate. His firft care was to fortify him-
felf on that ifland, and to ruin the Marattas fleet,
that they might have .no way to attack him.
However the Marattas built three forts upon the
main, within less than point-blank fhot of his
little territory, which was not above a mile in cir-
cumference, but a rock of ftone by nature and
well fortified by art. This did not anſwer their
expectations to reduce Angria to obedience, or to
reftrain him from encroaching upon their domi-
nions, and interrupting the trade and navigation
of that coaft. For, having the fea open, and
much fuperior to his country men in maritime
affairs and in bravery, he left them to purfue
a fruitless attempt againſt his fortifications, and
His terri- furprized feveral of their fea-ports, and carried his
gories.
conqueſts from Tamana to Rajapore, containing
fixty leagues of fea coaft, including feveral com-
modious harbours; and a diftrict of inland coun-
try from 20 to 30 miles backward; which he fe-
cured by forts properly difpofed on fuch eminences,
as commanded the narrow paffes and defiles. But
what
THE LATE WAR.
349
what made all his forts more formidable, they
were receptacles for fugitives, renegadoes and va-
grants of all nations.
A. D.
1756.
tributary to
The Marattas defpairing of fuccefs by their Becomes
arms, propofed to his fucceffors terms of accom- the Marat-
modation, for Angria to keep poffeffion of his ac- tas.
quifitions, on condition that he fhould acknow-
ledge the fovereignty of the Raja, and pay him an
annual tribute. To which Angria, then upon the
throne of this pyratical ſtate, agreed.
armed vef-
lish, &c.
Angria's armaments having now no employ Turns his
against his countrymen, he bent all his force to- fels again
'wards the fea, and fitted out a fleet, that made the Eng-
feveral confiderable captures both from the Eng-
lifh, French and Dutch. Amongst them were
the Darby, an English Eaft-Indiaman, richly
laden from Europe, with one hundred and fifty
men; and the Jupiter, a French fhip of 40 guns,
with 400 flaves on board. The Prince of Ge-
riah, as Angria was then called, grew fo infolent
at laſt that he dared to attack Commodore Lifle,
in the Vigilant of 64 guns, the Ruby of 50 guns,
and feveral other fhips in company, as the Com-
modore was departing from the Malabar coaft. Holds out-
a fiege.
He ftood a fiege by ſeven armed fhips and two
bomb veffels, fent by the Dutch from Batavia,
with a number of land forces, and obliged them
to retire without fuccefs; and then brooking no
kind of fubjection, and prefuming on his own Rebels a
ſtrength, he threw off his allegiance to the Raja gainst the
of the Marattas; and by way of contempt or-
dered the ears and noſes of the meffengers fent by
Marattas.
his
350
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
tween the
his Sovereign to reclaim him to his obedience, to
be cut off. Such a provocation infpired the Ma-
rattas with a ſpirit of vengeance, and drove them
to a reſolution to follicit the government of Bom-
bay for affiſtance, to attack him with their ma-
rine force, while he fhould prefs him cloſe by "
League be- land. Which ended in a treaty figned by the
English Nanna or Chief of the Marattas, and by the Go-
vernor of Bombay, on the part of the company
gainst him. But before the confederates were ready for action,
which was more than a year, occafioned by the
backwardness or dilatory proceedings of the Ma-
rattas, Angria was fo elevated with his fuccefs
His fuccefs against three Dutch fhips, one of fifty guns, one
againſt the of thirty-fix, and one of eighteen guns, the two
and Ma-
rattas a-
Dutch.
former of which he burnt, and took the laft; that
he had the vanity to declare his expectations to be
foon fuperior to any force, that could be brought
againſt him in the Indian feas; and accordingly
continued to augment his marine with feveral
veffels, and one that was to carry 40 guns.
Expedition This fhewed the neceffity of more activity on
againſt
him from the part of the confederates, to humble this com-
Bombay. mon enemy, already too formidable on the Ma-
labar coaft: Accordingly, the Marattas being
ready, the Protector of 40 guns, the Swallow of
16 guns, and the Viper and Triumph bomb-vef-
fels failed on the 22d of March from Bombay,
under the command of Commodore James, then
Commander in Chief of the company's maritime
force in India. This fmall fquadron fell in, next
day, with feven fail of Angria's grabs, and eleven
galli-
THE
251
LATE WAR.
·
A. D.
1756.
gallivats, off Rajapore, and chaced them to the
fouthward. On the fecond day, ftill continuing
the chace, Commodore James was joined off
Choule by feven Maratta grabs and fixty galli-
vats. But, as foon as this fleet got the length of
Comoro Bay, the Marattas, under pretence of
performing fome religious acts, not practicable on
board of ſhip, according to their fuperſtition, went
afhore,where they dallied away thirty hours. In the
mean time Angria's fquadron got into the harbour
of Severndroog. But upon the approach of Com-
modore James, who with much difficulty brought
up his dilatory allies, the enemy flip their cables and
put to fea, the gallivats towing their larger veffels;
and, as there was but little wind, that gave them
confiderable advantage over the Engliſh fhips of
war. So that, though the Commodore gave them
chaſe it was all in vain. For the enemy threw out The eſcape
every thing to lighten their veffels with amazing of his fleet.
induſtry and dexterity, and not only ſpread their
yards with all the fail they had, but they tried to
catch every breath of air by faftning their gar-
ments, quilts, and even their turbants extended
on the flag-ftaves. By this manoeuvre they gained
their point; whilſt our allies, the Marattas, whofe
ſhips are light, and built floaty for failing large
and in light gales, kept all aftern. Which obliged
Commodore James to give over the chace, and to
return to Severndroog; a fortrefs on an ifland Severn-
within mufket-fhot of the main land, with no
droog.
more than two fathom and a half in the Firth;
ftrongly, but not regularly fortified; the greateſt
part
352
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. part of the works being cut out of the folid rock,
1756.
and the reft built with ftones ten or twelve feet
fquare; and mounts fifty-four guns on the baf
tions. On the main land there are three forts,
one, the largeft, is called Fort Goa, built in the
fame manner, with large fquare ftone, and mounts
40 guns. The other two, built with ftones of
an irregular fhape, mount about 20 guns each.
Befieged.
The Commodore began to cannonade and bom-
bard the Iſland Fort on the 2d of April 1755.
but not being able to penetrate the walls, which
were fifty feet high and eighteen thick, on the
fide where he made his firft attack, he moved his
ftation fo, as to reach Fort Goa with his lower
deck guns, while he plied Severndroog with his
with´his
upper tier. By this prudent difpofition and a vi-
gorous fire, the north-eaſt baſtion of Severndroog
and part of the parapet, were laid in ruins, about
noon; when a fhell fet fire to the houſes, and the
Engliſh from the round-tops, with an inceffant fire,
prevented the garrifon's extinguishing it and the
wind being northerly fpread the flames all through
the fort, blew up one magazine, and cauſed a
general conflagration. A multitude of men, wo-
men and children, ran out and endeavoured to
eſcape, on the other fide of the iſland, in boats;
but they were taken up by the Swallow floop,
ftationed to the fouthward to prevent the throw-
ing in of fuccours on that fide. This enabled the
Commodore to turn all his fire thenceforward
upon Fort Goa: which was ferved with fuch a
fevere cannonade, that the enemy was foon obliged
to
THE LATE WAR.
353
to hang out a flag of truce; But the Governor, A. D.
without waiting the event of a capitulation in his
1756.
neceffitous circumftances, croffed over with fome
chofen Sepoys to Severndroog, where he ſeemed
determined to maintain his ground, till he ſhould
receive fuccours from Dabul,, trufting in the na-
tural ftrength of the place, notwithſtanding the
ruin it had fuftained in its walls and magazines
by the bombardment. This being evident from
all his anſwers to the fummons and meffages fent
him, the Commodore increaſed his fire, both from
the ſhips and from the three forts on the main,
now in his poffeffion: under which firing a num- Stormed.
ber of feamen were landed, with a determination
to carry their point, who ran up refolutely to the
gates of the fortrefs, and with axes opened to
themſelves an entrance through the fally port
without much lofs.
1
of Ban-
This conqueft was followed by the furrender of Surrender
Bancote, now called Fort Victoria, the moſt cote.
northern port of any confequence under the domi-
nion of Angria, which fubmitted upon the Com-
modore's fummons. The harbour is commodious
for a trade in falt and other goods, which are ſent
thither from Bombay in great quantities; and
was therefore preferred in the choice of the Eng-
lifh in the diftribution of the conquefts with the
Marattas who confented that our Eaft-India
company thould quietly poffefs this fort and port
for the future: The Commodore delivered" up
1 On the 8th of April.
m On April 11th.
VOL. I.
A a
the
8
354
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. the other fortreffes, he had reduced, to them; and
1756.
on the 15th he was recalled, as he was anchored
before, and was preparing to attack Dabul; the
ſeaſon for action at fea being too far advanced.
However, the Governor and Council of Bombay
conceived fuch an high opinion of Commodore
James's conduct and courage, and were fo ani-
mated by the fuccefs under his command, that
they prepared to follow the blow, in due time,
againſt their troubleſome and dangerous neigh-
bour, whofe deftruction was refolved upon.
Admiral
arrives at
In this ſituation ſtood affairs between the Engliſh
Watſon and their allies, and Angria, in November, when
Bombay. Rear-Admiral Watfon arrived with his fquadron
at Bombay. While theſe ſhips were cleaning and
repairing, Commodore James was diſpatched in
the Protector, with the Revenge and Bombay
frigates, to reconnoitre Geriah, the capital of An-
gria's dominions, and to found the depths of wa-
ter at the entrance of the harbour and upon his
return and report, on the last day of December
the Admiral ordered the Bridgwater and King-
fiſher's floop, and fome of the Company's armed
fhips, to proceed to the port of Geriah, and to
cruise off it. Theſe were joined on the 27th of
gainſt An- January 1756, by Commodore James in the Pro-
tector and Guardian frigate: and on the 11th of
February, by the Admiral and his whole fqua-
dron.
Sails a-
gria.
I
Such a formidable fleet, fo far beyond the ap-
Angriadif-
flies
ported Mes prehenfions of Angria, ftruck him with fuch ter-
Ma-
rattas ror, that he abandoned his fort and threw himſelf
entirely
THE LATE WA R.
355
entirely upon the mercy of the Marattas, with
whom he ſaw it was neceffary for him to purchaſe
A. D.
1756.
a peace at any rate. And they, without regard
to their treaty with the English, preferred the ad-
vantages, that they hoped to reap from his riches,
to every other confideration; and agreed to re-
ceive him under their protection, on condition,
that they might be immediately put in poffeffion
of the fort of Geriah, in which he had hoarded
up all his riches. To which Angria fubmitted,
and even figned an order for that purpofe to his
brother, whom he had left in command. Yet
this clandeftine treaty was not carried on fo ſe-
cretly, but the Admiral got information of it:
and, in order to defeat their union, he next day,
in the morning, fent a fummons to the fort, and,
receiving no answer, in the afternoon he marched, His fort
and ſtood in to the harbour in two divifions, the besieged,
Bridgwater leading his Majefty's fhips the Tyger,
Kent, Cumberland and Saliſbury, and the com-
pany's fhip, Protector of 40 guns: the other di-
vifion was made up of the company's fhips, the
Revenge, Bombay grab and Guardian frigate;
the Drake, Warren, Triumph and Viper bomb-
ketches, led by the King's-fifher. When this
fleet had taken its ftation there began fuch a fire,
as preſently filenced both the grabs and batteries.
About four in the afternoon the Reſtoration, an
armed fhip, taken by Angria fome time before,
from the Eaft India company, was fet on fire by
a fhell, which communicating to his whole fleet,
they very foon ſhared the fame fate.
A a 2
In
356
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Surren-
ders.
Lofs of the
Engliſh.
n
In the night, having no enemy to diſturb them
by fea, the Admiral ordered Colonel Clive to
land with all the troops, to prevent the Marattas
entrance into the fort and next morning the
Admiral fent a meffage to the Commander in
Chief, declaring, that he would give no quarter,
in cafe he would not furrender, and admit the
English troops into the fort, in an hour's time.
Which not being complied with, the attack was
renewed with fuch vigour, about four in the af-
ternoon, that the garrifon, in less than half an
hour, hung out a flag of truce. However, the
Commandant neither hauled down his colours;
nor admitted the English troops. This obliged
the Admiral to repeat the attack, which was car-
ried on with ſo terrible a fire, that the garrifon
cried out for mercy, and let in our troops; being
fubdued only by the terror of fo unuſual a fire;
it being impoffible for the heavieſt metal to make
a breach in the walls of that fortreſs, whofe
height and thickneſs were extraordinary; either
hewn out of the folid rock, or built of ftones ten
feet in length laid endways.
The ſtrength of thefe walls, within which the
enemy was fafe, after they were driven from the
ramparts, accounts for the fmallnefs of the num-
n This was proved to be their defign, by an offer they
made to the Captains Buchanan and Forbes of 50,000 rupees,
if they would fuffer them to paſs their guard: which they
rejected with indignation, and diſcloſed it to Colonel Clive;
whofe vigilance the Marattas found it impoffible to elude.
See Cambridge's account of the war in India, p. 129.
ber,
THE LATE
357
WAR.
ber, that were killed: and the inconfiderable lofs
of the Engliſh muſt be attributed to their own
bravery and fpirit, which foon drove the enemy
from their works by the brifknefs of their fire.
A. D.
1756.
But the lofs to the enemy was irrecoverable. Of the ene
There were found in the place 200 cannon, fix my.
brafs mortars, and a very large quantity of pro-
vifions of all kinds, befides 120,000l. and up-
wards, in money and effects. There were eight
ketches, one fhip, a great number of ſmall veffels
called Gallivats, and two large fhips upon the
ſtocks, one of 40 guns; without any poffibility of
recovering that power, by which Angria had for
ſo many years reigned a terror to the maritime
powers of Europe, frequenting thofe feas, as well
as to his neighbouring ftates. Amongſt the pri-
foners were the wife, children, and mother of
Angria; who received the admiral with a flood of
tears, and on their knees, with their faces to the
ground. Mr. Watſon comforted them with af-
furances, that he would be to them a friend and
a father. Upon hearing of which, the youngest
fon feized the admiral's hand, and fobbing, faid,
"Then you fhall be my father." Three hundred
Europeans, and as many Sepoys were left to guard
the fort, and four of the company's veffels to de-
fend the harbour.
Our fuccefs on this coaft was greatly checkered
with our loffes in other parts of the Eaft Indies.
We left the M. Legrit and M. Buffy feeking a
0
• See page 198.
A a 3
pretence
358
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
M. Buffy's
feize Gol-
conda.
pretence for rekindling the war, on the coaſt of
Coromandel.
M. Buffy not getting his ends of Salabatzing,
ſcheme to from whom he demanded the poffeffion of the
fort of Golconda, under pretence of fecurity for
the expences he had been at in his caufe againſt the
rebels; the haughty French man behaved at laſt
with fuch an air of arrogance, that the Moorish
Prince ordered him immediately to return to Pon-
dicherry, with his handful of Europeans. But
Buffy did not depart from the Moorish army with-
out giving ftrong hints of his intentions to accom-
plish that by force, which he was not able to ac-
quire by intrigue and folicitation.
Salabatz-
ing applies
for aid to
the Eng-
limh.
Buffy rein-
forced.
His march for Maffulipatam, by the way of
Hydrabad, the capital of Golconda, alarmed Sa-
labatzing, who immediately wrote to the governor
of Madras for an aid of troops to prevent any in-
ſults from this enraged and perfidious Frenchman,
who committed ſome diſorders in the countries
through which he paffed with his forces: tho'
narrowly watched by a party of Maratta horſe,
which hovered about his little army all the way.
Buffy had with him 400 Europeans, about
as many Seapoys, and he had ordered the gover-
nor of Pondicherry to reinforce him with 400 or
500 more Europeans, to be landed at Maffulipa-
tam, about 15 days march from Hydrabad; where
he arrived with a large ftock of provifions of
all forts, which he took by violence from the
Bazars in his march.
At
THE LATE WAR.
359
1756.
Fortifies
At Hydrabad Buffy converted a large houfe into A. D.
a fort; whereon he mounted fome great guns,
and prepared to defend himſelf, and to maintain himself at
that ftation, in cafe of an attack; which he had Hydrabad.
reaſon to expect from his injured ally, the Viceroy
Salabatzing.
batzing.
The governor of Madras having nothing to fear Aid pro-
from the fide of Pondicherry, fo much weakened mifed Sala-
by the large fupplies fent to Mr. Buffy from
thence, agreed to affift Salabatzing with 400
Europeans, including a train of artillery, and 400
Sepoys; which joined to 50,000 Moorish horſe
in the Viceroy's pay, were thought fufficient to
defeat the attempts of Buffy's whole army, that
did not exceed 1000 men. But when every thing How dif-
was fettled for their rout and fubfiftence, the lofs appointed.
of Calcutta and all the fubordinate Engliſh ſettle-
ments or factories in the kingdom of Bengal, ob-
liged the governor and council to drop this expedi-
tion, and do the utmoft in their power to re-eftab-
lifh thoſe ſettlements.
How far the French may be fufpected to have
favoured or fuggefted that fatal cataftrophe at Cal-
cutta has not yet tranfpired: but, as it had fuch
an influence upon our affairs at this critical con-
juncture, it will be proper to give the following
account,
fituation
and extent,
Bengal is the moft easterly province of the Mo- Bengal, its
gul's dominions in India, lies upon the mouth of
the Ganges, extending near 400 miles in length,
from E. to W. and 300 in breadth, from N. to S.
annually overflowed by the river Ganges, which
A a 4
makes
360
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. makes it one of the richeſt and moſt fruitful pro
1756. vinces in that quarter of the globe.
Bay of
Bengal.
The Bay of Bengal is the largeſt and deepeſt in
the known world; extending from the fouth part
of Coromandel to the river Huguley. In which
ſpace it receives the great rivers Ganges, and
Guena from the weft fide, and the Aracan and
Menamkiori or Avat river from the eaſt fide;
But Bengal, as a coaft, is ſuppoſed to extend only
from Cape Palmiras on the N. of the coaft of Gal-
Ganges ri- conda, to the entrance into the Ganges; which
rifes in the mountains of Nigracut, part of Great
Tartary, receives many other rivers, and after a
courfe of 3000 miles falls into the Gulph of Bengal
by fo many mouths, that travellers are not agreed
in the number of them. However the common
paffage for European fhipping is up the river
Huguley, one of the moſt weſtern branches.
ver.
Import-
ance of
Bengal.
Defcrip-
Culculla.
+
The richneſs and fertility of the country, and
the extenfive and fafe navigation of this large
river, fhew the importance of the fettlements,
within theſe limits; and have engaged the trading
companies of the maritime nations in Europe to
eſtabliſh factories upon the banks of the Ganges:
which will be better deſcribed by the following fur-
vey of the villages, &c. on each fhore, fo far, as
they ſerve to convey an idea of the intereft of the
Engliſh united Eaft India Company.
The first town worthy obfervation on the fide
tion of of the river Huguley is Culculla, a good market
for coarfe cloth, and for corn, oil, and other pro-
duce of the country. A little higher is the Dutch
Bank fhall,
THE
361
LATE
WAR.
Bankſhall, or place, where their fhips ride, when
the currents prevent their getting up the river.
A. D.
1756.
From Calculla and Juanpardoa two large deep
rivers run to the Eaft; and on the weft fide there
is another that runs by the back of Huguley ifland
to Radnager, famous for manufacturing cotton, Radnagor.
cloth and filk romaals, or handkerchiefs: and on
the fame river is grown the greateſt quantity of
fugar in Bengal.
Ponjelly, a little market town for corn, ftands Ponjelly.
a little higher on the eaft bank of Huguley river,
and exports more rice than any place thereon.
About a league above Ponjelly ftands a pyramid,
which ferves for a landmark or boundary of the
Engliſh Eaſt India company's fettlement of Cal-
cutta, that is about a league higher.
At Calcutta, when this diſaſter happened, there Calcutta.
was a fort, in which ftood the governor's houſe;
and convenient apartments for the factors and
writers; magazines for their ammunition, and
ſtore houſes for goods and provifions; garrisoned by
two or 300 foldiers; who were generally employ-
ed in conveying the company's fhips from Patana,
or Patna, loaded with falt-petre, piece goods, opium
and raw filk: for, as the company hold the colony
of Calcutta in fee tail of the Mogul immediately,
they were under no apprehenfions of being dif
poffeffed by an enemy; tho' the Rajas, whofe go-
vernments extend along the Ganges, between Patana
and Caffimbuzzar, had fometimes interrupted that
navigation, and endeavoured by force of arms to
exact the payment of certain duties for all mer-
chandize,
#
362
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
:
i
A. D.
1756.
Trade of
Bengal.
chandize, that paffed on the coaft, by or through
their dominions; which extend upwards of 1000
miles.
The trade of Bengal fupplies rich cargoes for
fifty or fixty ſhips yearly: befides what is carried
in fmall veffels to the neighbouring countries: and
the article of falt-petre only is become of ſo great
confequence to the European powers, that every
thing has been attempted by the French and Dutch
to deprive the Engliſh of that advantage. For
which reafon it was greatly to be fufpected that
theſe rivals in trade, that were always feeking an
opportunity to ruin the Engliſh intereſt in the
The Eng- Eaft Indies, had ſpirited up a new Nabob of Bengal
ed by the to extirpate the Engliſh factories within his domi-
Nabob of nions, under various flight pretences; of being
treated with difrefpect by Governor Drake; of
a right to certain duties, which were refuſed by
the company, and for giving protection to fuch
perfon or perfons, that had fled to him for fanc-
tuary.
lifh attack-
Bengal.
Why
His army
ceedings.
Whatever might be the real cauſe it does not ſo
much concern, neither does it appear, as yet,
with any certainty. Intrigue on the part of
the French and Dutch; avarice and ambition of
the Nabob; and fome indifcretions and neglect on
the
part of the Engliſh, are thé moſt reaſonable
conjectures.
About the end of May 1756, Saradjot Dollah,
and pro- the new Nabob, immediately upon his eſtabliſh-
ment, took the field, with an army of 30,000 horſe,
30,000 foot, and between three and 400 elephants.
He
THE LATE WAR.
363
He detached about 600 men to reduce Caffim-
buzzar', which forthe fummoned to furrender ;
affuring them that they fhould have caufe to re-
pent their reſiſtance: which not being complied
with, and expecting a refolute and powerful
oppofition, the cunning Nabob had recourfe to
ftratagem to facilitate his intentions. He ordered
20,000 men to join the 600, and propoſed a truce
for an amicable determination of the fubject of
complaint. By this means he inveigled Mr.
Watts, the chief of this factory, to his tent, un-
der promiſe of a ſafe conduct: but Mr. Watts
was no fooner in his power, than he was obliged,
by threats, to fign an acknowledgment of a debt
to the Nabob in a large fum of money. He then
infiſted upon Mr. Watts's fending for Meffrs.
Collet and Batfon, two of the council; which
being complied with alfo, the Nabob detained both
Watts and Batſon, and fent Collet to prevail on
P Caffimbuzzar, about 100 miles above Huguley, and 20
leagues weft from Dacca, are factories both English and Dutch,
of which, by their company's orders, the feconds of the
council ought to be the chiefs. It is a large town, much fre-
quented by merchants, and ftands in a very healthy and fruit-
ful iſland of the Ganges, whoſe inhabitants are employed in
many valuable manufactories, efpecially muflins and filks,
which are naturally yellowish, till the natives whiten them
with the afhes, which they call there, of Adam's fig-tree.
Tavernier fays, that the Dutch export 7000 bales of them
from hence annually; and, except what the natives keep for
themfelves, the Tartar and Mogul merchants ingrofs the rest,
which is about 15,000 bales.
1 Was fmall, regularly built, mounted 60 cannon, and had
about 300 men in garrison.
the
A.D.
1756.
364
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1
A. D. the factory to furrender, threatening death to his
1756.
two priſoners, whom he treated with the utmoſt
indignity, and hurried them away to Moxouda-
vat, or Muxedabad; and deſtruction to them all,
if they would force him to take it, by affault.
Caffimbuz-
ders.
This was oppoſed warmly by feveral of the gen-
zar furren- tlemen in the company's fervice: but the majority
of the people prevailed; and accordingly on the
4th of June, the factory of Caffimbuzzar was fur-
rendered to the Nabob of Bengal: which was fo
far from delivering the Engliſh out of their dif
treſs; that it encouraged the haughty eaftern
Prince to proceed with all his force againſt our
principal fettlement at Calcutta. The Moors hav-
ing thus got poffeffion of the fort at Caffimbuzzar
without exchanging a fingle fhot, feized upon
every thing; ill treated the people; left them
fcarce a fhirt to their backs, and, a few days after,
fent them alfo to Moxoudavat, the capital of
Bengal, to be confined in different prifons and
dungeons.
Calcutta
The Nabob diſpatched near 60,000 troops, 300
befieged. elephants, and 500 cannon to reduce Calcutta,
charging the commander in chief with a letter for
Governor Drake; in which he offered to accom-
modate matters with the Engliſh on condition,
that he would pay the arrears of his duty on trade,
for 15 years paft; to defray the expence of hist
army, till it ſhould return to Moxoudavat, as well
as what it had coft him already, and to deliver up
fome Moorish nobles, which had taken ſhelter from
his tyrannies, with all their effects, in that factory.
To
THE
365
LATE WAR.
To which Mr. Drake made no reply; but on that
letter's being repeated twice, thrice and four times,
he tore it to-pieces and trampled upon it. This
fo exafperated the Nabob, that he came in perfon
with the refidue of his army, and arrived by long
marches on the 17th, before Calcutta, having
driven the advanced guards from the paffes into
the fort. The Moors were permitted to commit
the greateſt exceffes in the town, which they plun-
dered for 24 hours, and ftript not only the houſes,
but the inhabitants, without diftinction of age or
fex, and left them naked.
A. D.
1756.
The enemy then threw up a fmall breaft work
oppofite to the fort, and mounted two twelve
pounders upon it; which fired twice or thrice in
an hour; and fo badly ferved, that it was impof-
fible for them to make a breach: however, long
before any real attack had been made, Mr. Drake,
who declared himſelf a quaker, refigned the fight-
ing-poft to his fecond, and under the favour of a The go--
thick fmoak, occafioned by the ftore-houfes and vernor flies
magazines ſet on fire by the Moors, conveyed all
the treaſure he could collect from the merchants,
&c. and the company's books, and carried all the
ladies, and the counſellors, with him on board
the ſhips, which laid off in the Ganges; leaving
Mr. Holwell behind, who ſaid he would ſtay and
-defend the place to the laft extremity; though the
party that fled on board had carried roo foldiers
from the garriſon with them.
}
to the hips.
Mr. Holwell thus left with only a few gentle- The fort
men and fome military officers, called a council of how de-
war:
fended,
2
366
THE GENERAL HISTORY or
A. D.
1756.
war: after which, to appeaſe the grumbling of
the foldiers, left in the fort, he divided three
chefts of treaſure amongst them; made them
large promiſes for their fidelity and courage; fe-
cured the keys of the gates himſelf; and next
morning ſtood to the defence of the place gal-
lantly.
The attack was made very brifk; the Moors
having got poffeffion of the counſellors houſes,
which were built clofe and round the fort, galled
the Engliſh much, and drove them from the baſ-
tions: but they were feveral times diflodged by
the fire from the fort; which killed upwards of
12,000 Moors, with the lofs of only five or fix
Engliſh, the firſt day: but on the third day, moſt
of the Engliſh foldiers being either killed or
wounded, and Mr. Holwell ſeeing himſelf defert-
ed by almoſt every body, attempted to make an
honourable and fafe retreat on board the fhips.
For this purpoſe, he is faid to have hung out a
flag of truce, and to have demanded a capitula-
tion, to amuſe the enemy, till he could carry his
retreat into execution. But the fhips were now
fell feveral miles below the fort, without leaving
a boat to affift the befieged in their efcape; which
defeated all expectations of fafety, that way; and,
it is very probable the fame circumſtance giv-
ing the Nabob reafon to think the fort would fur-
render at diſcretion, when thus deferted, without
hopes of fuccours and relief, he would attend to no
terms of capitulation.
The
THE LATE WAR.
367
The foldiers difpairing of fuccefs, and quite A.D.
difabled with their continual fervice, in the evening
1756.
How deli-
of the 19th, knocked off the lock of the Little vered up.
Gate and let in the Moors; who killed feveral
that firſt preſented themſelves; ſtripped all naked,
and loading them with irons, crammed 146 into a
dungeon, called the black hole, of about 18 foot
ſquare, with only two windows to the weftward,
at eight in the evening; out of whom next
day, there were no more than twenty three left
alive, at fix in the morning; the reft being
fmothered by the exceffive heat: and their re-
leaſe was owing more to the avarice of the Nabob,
than to any bowels of compaffion. For, being
informed that there was a confiderable treaſure
fecreted in the fort, entrusted to the confidence of
Mr. Holwell, the barbarous tyrant was moved to
order him and his companions out of the black
hole. Yet this was not the end of Mr. Holwell's
mifery. He, not privy to any ſuch treaſure, as Miſeries of
the Nabob queſtioned him about, and three of his Mr. Hol-
well, &c.
companions, were loaded with irons, and convey-
ed three miles, in a putrid fever, to the Indian
camp, and there expofed to a heavy rain all
night; next day brought back to Calcutta, under
the intenſe heat of the fun, and embarked in an
open boat, for Moxoudavat, not only without
help for people in their diftrefs; but treated in a
Occafioned by a profufe fweat on every individual, at-
tended with an inſatiable thirſt; and at laſt by the intolerable
fteam that aroſe from the dead bodies, as well as the living,
as pungent and volatile as fpirits of hartſhorn.
manner,
368
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. manner, that would ſhock a merciful reader. Ar-
1756. rived at the city of their deftination; they were
Aid fent to
Bengal.
lodged in a ſtable, led captives in chains through
the ſtreets, and treated as the worst of criminals;
till releaſed by the pity and interceffion of the
Nabob's grandmother. Mr. Watts and his com-
panion in flavery received the fame grace. But hav-
ing received advice, that the Engliſh ſhips were
making fome motions to recover their fettlement
and to revenge themſelves, he ordered that all the
inhabitants of Calcutta fhould withdraw and quit
the country within three days, under pain of hav-
ing their noses and ears cut off: fent pioneers to
raze the town to the ground; and wrote to the
governor of Madras, that no Engliſh fubject
ſhould thence forward fettle within his territory of
Bengal.
This was the cafe, that fo immediately required
all the aid of the government of Madras to pre-
vent the Engliſh being driven out, and extirpated
for ever from the moſt lucrative trade in falt-petre
and the other produce, and the manufactures of
thoſe countries watered by the Ganges; and to
give this fervice the preference to any other.
Accordingly it was refolved to drop the agree-
ment with Salabatzing, and to difpatch 600
Europeans, and 1000 Sepoys, under the command
of Captain Clive, againſt the Nabob or Suba of
Bengal, in order to reftore the company's factories
and commerce.
• See before, p. 359.
In
THE LATE WAR.
369
A. D.
1756.
effects of
the French.
In confequence of this refolution, Salabatzing
was under neceffity to hearken to the French terms
of accommodation, and to receive them into his
fervice: and Buffy, reinforced by 500 Europeans,
under Mr. Law, began the new year (1756) with The bad
the conquest of Ingeram, Baudermalanka and his agree-
Vizagapatam, factories belonging to the English. ment with
This having been foreſeen, the greateſt part of the
company's effects were fhipped off, from the two
former places, immediately upon the firft alarm
of hoftilities. And as the latter was in no condi-
tion to withſtand 600 Europeans, 6000 Sepoys,
4000 Pikemen, and 30 pieces of cannon, which
M. Buffy brought againſt it, whofe garrifon con-
fifted of no more than 140 Europeans, and 420
Sepoys and Topaffes, it furrendered by capitula-
tion; in which it was agreed, "To deliver up the Capitula-
"place, the fortifications, the artillery, marine tion of Vi-
"and military ftores, arms, fhip-ftores, &c. to tam.
"the company of France; as alfo all that fhould
"be found in the different magazines belonging
"to the English company; that the chief, the
"council, and all thofe employed in the Engliſh
"company's fervice, the officers and all others,
"both civil and military, to be prifoners of war,
"on their parole: that all the foldiers, failors and
"other Europeans fhould be prifoners, as long as
"the war fhould continue between the King of
"France and the King of England, or till they
"ſhould be exchanged." Befides the capture of this
place gave the French the entire poffeffion of the
coaft from Ganjam to Meffulapatam.
VOL. I.
B b
Affairs
zagapa-
8
370
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D..
1756.
Affairs did not fucceed much better in the
fouthern provinces of the Indies. The governor
Revolt and of St. George refolved to fend 1000 Sepoys and
of Mau- the Coffree company from Trichinopoly, under
phus
ufurpation
Cawn.
Affairs of
merica.
the command of Mahomed Ifouf Cawn, to re-
duce the rebel Polygars, who, by the inftigation of
the French, had united againſt the Nabob's brother
Mauphus Cawn; had obtained ſeveral advantages
over his troops, and had blocked up a large party
in a ſtrong fort, between Madura and Tinevelly.
But the day before theſe troops began their march,
advice came that Mauphus Cawn, had not only
obtained a complete victory over the rebels, killed,
the general and 2000 colleries, and taken 300
horſe, and all their baggage, guns, and fome ele-
phants, in a battle fought within ſeven miles of
Tinevelly; but that he had ufurped and feized
upon his brother's country; having firſt under
falfe and frivolous pretences, prevailed with our
Sepoys to quit the fortrefs of Madura.
In North America the loffes and diſappoint-
North A- ments of the expeditions, for the defence of the
Ohio, the territories yet uncultivated, and the fet-
tlements made by the Britiſh ſubjects on the back
of our provinces, on the fouth of the bay of St.
Lawrence, expofed our colonies to the inroads and
barbarities of the French and their Indian confe-
derates, during the winter; and were chiefly af
cribed to the appointment of improper command-
ers on that continent. For, it must be confeffed,
that there was a great overfight in the miniftry;
firft, to chufe a man for that fervice, who was
totally
THE LATE WA R.
371
A. D.
1756.
totally unacquainted with the country, to which
he was fent, and with the ſervice, which he was
to perform: and one, whoſe raſh and precipitant
temper made him unqualified for a fervice, whofe
fuccefs depended upon the moſt cool, wary and
circumfpect attention and forefight: and then to
fend him without a companion, equal to the poft,
and to fucceed him in the chief command, in cafe
of death, or other fatal accident. By the firſt
fault, we have feen that Braddock's expedition was
rendered unfuccefsful, and the territory on the
back of Virginia and Penſylvania was particularly
left expoſed to the ravages of a cruel enemy: and
by the ſecond miſtake, the chief command, upon
the death of General Braddock, devolved on Ge-
neral Shirley, a man, who had been worn out in General
the practice of the law, as a barriſter; who was Shirley's
naturally diffident, flow, and inert; who had never
feen battle, or fiege, and who had, nevertheleſs,
been made commander in chief of the King's
armies in North America, with the appointments
and pay of the great Duke of Marlborough. This
points out the erroneous conduct of the miniſtry;
but in no wife intended, as a flur on the character
of Mr. Shirley, who obtained the government of
Bofton by his merit; was reckoned an able politi-
cian; underſtood the intereft of his country well;
had the honour of his Majesty and the welfare of
his country very much at heart; was employed
in the commiffion to fettle the limits between
↑ See page 145, &c.
Bb 2
England
character,
372
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Remon-
England and France in North America, &c. in
which great truſt he acquitted himſelf with hon-
our; and from his thorough knowledge of his
Britannic Majeſty's title to that continent, he ſeems
to have been entruſted with the affairs thereof.
}
4
The miſeries, to which the back fettlements
were expofed, by feveral miſcarriages of the ex-
peditions carried on laſt fummer, againſt Fort du
Quefne, Niaguara and Crown Point, and the fatal
confequences, which were forefeen would follow
a want of a fuperior force, to oppofe and repel
the French, and to drive them off from the Bri-
tifh territories; and that difunion and difagree-
ment, which ſtill continued amongſt the provinces,
about raifing neceffary fupplies of men and money,
for the common fafety, greatly alarmed thofe,
who were neareft the feat of danger, and produc-
ed ſeveral ſpirited remonftrances to their rulers,
ftrances of and inftructions to their reprefentatives, fetting
vinces moft forth, That when they faw the views of an ambi-
expofed to
danger.
tious potent Prince, extended in defiance and in
open violation of the moſt folemn treaties with
the native Indians, and the crown of Great Bri-
tain; and his fubjects feizing lands undoubtedly
within his Majeſty's grants, fortifying themſelves
thereon, affifted by all the native forces of Canada,
and large numbers of veteran foldiers from France,
opening thereby a fhort and eafy paffage to our
own back fettlements: that, when they reflected,
that theſe intruders are the avowed enemies of our
trade, liberty, property, laws and religion, the
utter extirpation of which, can only fatisfy them:
the pro-
when
THE LATE WAR.
373
when they confidered that this appears to be the
grand leading ſtroke in all their ambitious views,
and the only way to bring about an arbitrary and
tyrannical empire, and introduce a bloody and per-
fecuting religion, throughout all the continent of
North America: to fucceed in which they ob-
ſerved them to act in one uniform manner, guided
by one ready council, all directed to one fixed and
unalterable point; their ftrength confifting in
union, and their profpect of fuccefs founded on
the preſent unhappy disjointed ftate of our colo-
nies; which appears fo evident to our Indian allies,
that felf-preſervation has induced many of their
warriors to go over to the French, believing ei-
ther that our circumftances are defperate, or that
we are an eaſy, effeminate and daftardly people,
and confequently not to be relied on, being
doubtful that the Engliſh would not make any
proviſion againſt the impending dangers. They
could not forbear being alarmed at a fituation fo
fhocking to every true fubject of Great Britain:
and that it was with the utmoft concern they had
feen thofe evils, from fmall beginnings, rife by
degrees to the moſt threatning dangers; and that
they could not help attributing their monstrous
growth to the private views, inaction, irrefolu-
tion, and diſunion of the ſeveral legiſlative powers
of Britiſh America: So that, an invafion, which
the natural ftrength of the colonies united, and
an eaſy expence, might have once repelled, is
now become matter of ferious concern and im-
portance to their mother country, and calls for a
provincial
B b 3
A. D.
1756.
374
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. provincial affiſtance in arms and money; and muſt
1756.
coft immenfe fums to thofe colonies, which a
friendly union and care might have faved.
fect upon
fembly of
nia.
Had no ef- Solemn and well grounded as theſe remonftran-
thequakers ces were, the fpirit of oppofition ftill continued,
in the af- eſpecially in the affembly of Penfylvania; in
Penfylva- which the leading men, amongſt the quakers, did
all in their power to obftruct the paffing any bill
for raiſing money, and for eftabliſhing a militia;
and fome of them went fo far as to vindicate the
enemy, and to adviſe forbearance, as the beft
means to fecure their liberty and property. To
confirm this delufion, which had feized upon the
majority of the reprefentatives, many preachers,
or fpeakers, both men and women, ran about with
more than common affiduity, declaiming againſt
all preparations for war, and declaring, "That
whatever evil might come upon our provinces, it
was of their own feeking: that the French were
fettled on their own lands, and that the defeat of
the King's troops was a judgment for diſturbing
the enemy in their peaceable habitations: that
their colony was under the immediate protection
of heaven; and that it was in vain to endeavour
to drive the French out of their forts; and par-
ticularly, that it was unneceffary for the Penfyl-
vanians to take up arms." This doctrine had fuch
effect, that the unhappy Penfylvanians deſpiſed
all military arts and military officers, and were
deaf to all meaſures towards maintaining the com-
mon ſafety; till the French themſelves, by puſh-
ing on their encroachments upon this province,
after
2
:
375
THE LATE WAR.
after the defeat of Braddock, fo as to threaten A. D.
their very capital with defolation; and the incon- 1756.
teftable proofs, that daily arrived from the back
fettlements, of the barbarities exerciſed by the
enemy upon men, women and children, gave the
affembly a more natural turn to acknowledge the
neceffity of preparing for the defence of their
province.
W
from the
concerning.
danger.
On the 3d of November, the affembly fitting, Several
the governor informed them, by a meſſage, that meffages
he had received intelligence of the encampment governor
of 1500 French and Indians" on the Sufqueha- the im-
nah, within 80 miles of Philadelphia; that they pending
had gained the Delawares and Shawaneſe to their
intereft that he could have put the province
into a poſture of defence to prevent the miſchiefs,
already committed by this party, had his hands
been properly ſtrenghtened; but that he had neither
money, nor arms, nor ammunition at his diſpoſal;
that their was no militia, and that it was not pof-
fible for him to form the backfettlers into fuch re-
gular bodies, as the prefent exigence required;
and he earneſtly entreated them to grant proper
u A body of 1400 Indians and 100 French, who marched
from the Ohio, with an intention to divide into ſeparate par-
ties, when they came near to the frontiers; viz. 40 to go
againſt Shamakin, 40 againſt Juniata, and 40 against Harris's
Ferry; and thus to fpread themfelves in fmall parties quite
over the province of Penfylvania, taking up their winter
quarters at Lancaſter.
w Theſe two tribes of Indians declared that they had re-
ceived a hatchet from the French, and were determined to uſe
it againſt the Engliſh, as long as any of us were alive.
Вь
B b 4
fupplies
376
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. fupplies of money, and to prepare a bill to aftab-
1756. lifh a militia, excepting fuch as are confcientiouſly
fcrupulous of bearing arms, it being impoffible
without fuch law to prevent confufion and dif-
order, and to anſwer the purpoſes of government,
whatever money might be raiſed.
The affembly admitted that the back-fettlers had
been greatly alarmed, and that great cruelties had
been committed by the Delawares and Shawanefe:
but instead of proceeding immediately to enable
the governor to reprefs and avenge theſe incur-
fions by the bill defired, they requeſted him to in-
form them, whether he knew of any difguft or in-
jury the Delawares and Shawaneſe had received,
or by what means their affections had been alienated
from the province; and put other queries of like
tendency to avoid coming to an explicit anſwer to
the governor's meffage.
Juft as this answer was diſpatched, the affembly
received another meffage, acquainting them with
the utter deſtruction of the fettlers at the Great
Cove. Which had no effect towards facilitating
refolutions for the common fafety. On the 10th
of November, the governor acquainted the affem-
bly, that the Indians had publicly demanded the
affiſtance of the province, and had declared, that
unless they ſhould be immediately fupported, they
muft in their own defence take part with the
French, whom they were not able to refift alone:
and further, that he was determined, with the
advice of his council, to fet out in perfon to fuc-
cour the back-fettlers by his prefence, and to put
them
THE
377
LATE WAR.
A. D.
1756.
them into the beſt order he could, difpairing now
of doing any thing in confort with the affembly.
This menace did not produce its defired effect:
eight days more were trifled away in fruitleſs and
diſagreeable meffages about the fupplies. On the
18th the governor acquainted the affembly, by
meffage, that the Indians had deftroyed and driven
away the inhabitants of Tulpehocken; and ob-
ferved, that the means they had under confidera-
tion for raiſing money were too dilatory; that, as
no money could be iffued thereby, in lefs than
fix weeks, in which time a great part of the pro-
vince might be laid wafte, he urged them for an
immediate fupply, and a law to regulate a militia,
and to ſubmit them to difcipline. This brought
on farther delay. But next day, November the The back
19th, many hundreds of the back-fettlers arrived
at Philadelphia, and in a body demanded that re- Philadel
fettlers
come to
phia.
lief, to which they were intitled by the laws of Demand
God and nature, and under the protection of go- relief and
protection.
vernment. Theſe unhappy and deſerted people
applied themſelves firft to the governor, who
pitied their diftrefs; told them that he had done
all in his power to gain from the affembly the re-
lief they follicited, and fhewed them the order for
50001. from the proprietaries, to be laid out as a
free gift in defence of the province. Upon which Bring
they hurried to the Stadt-houſe with a waggon murdered
loaded with the dead bodies of their friends, who friends.
had been fcalped about 60 miles off, by the
Indians; threw them down at the door of the
affembly houfe; curfing the quakers principles, and
down their
bid
378
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
•
A D.
1756.
Attend-
ed with
threats.
bid the committee of affembly behold the fruits of
their obftinacy, and confeſs that their pretended
fanctity would not fave the province without the
uſe of means; at the fame time threatring, that
if they fhould come down on the like errand
again, and find nothing done for their protection,
the confequences fhould be fatal. And this was
declared with fuch marks of grief and mifery in
their faces, who had loft their wives, their chil-
dren, and the labour of their whole lives, that
they, either moved by the diftrefs, or over-awed
by the threats of the injured people, immediately
dropped all their difputes; paffed the money-bill
for 60,000l. on the fame terms offered to them
in Auguſt laſt; and alſo paffed a militia-bill, by
* The quakers, least the affembly fhould waver in their
oppofition, folemnly conjured them, in a public addrefs, not
to grant any money for purpoſes inconfiftent with the PEACE-
ABLE TESTIMONY they profeffed, as it would deftroy the
religious liberties and the fundamental part of their conftitu-
tion; for which their forefathers left their country, and fettled
that, then a wilderneſs; declaring alſo, that if a tax ſhould
be granted to raiſe money for any unpeaceable purpoſes, many
would be under a neceffity of Suffering, rather than confent
thereto, by the payment of it.The other inhabitants
of the province addreffed them in the ftrongest terms, to
come into contrary meaſures. "We hope, faid they, that
we fhall always be able to preferve that refpect for you,
which is due to the faithful repreſentatives of freemen; but on
the prefen occafion you will forgive us, if we affume cha-
racters higher than that of humble fuiters, PRAYING for the da-
fence of our lives and properties, as a matter of GRACE: you
will permit us to make a poſitive and abfolute DEMAND ọf
it, as a matter of perfect and unalienable RIGHT by the laws
of God and man.
which
THE LATE WAR.
379
which thofe, who bear arms, might be formed into
regular bodies, fubject to difcipline, and rendred
more able to ſerve their country, and more terrible
to their enemies. Which being the first militia-
act ever paffed in Penfylvania, and containing
fome very remarkable paffages, in regard to the
fcrupulofity of thofe, who refufe to bear arms for
the defence of their country and of their own li-
berty, property and religion; the reader will find
it at the bottom of the page ".
In
▾ An Act for the better ordering and regulating fuch as are
willing and defirous to be united for military purposes within
the province of Penfylvania, paffed Nov. 75, 1755,
१
Whereas this province was firſt ſettled by (and a majority
of the affemblies have ever fince been of) the people
called Quakers, who, though they do not, as the world is
now circumftanced, condemn the ufe of arms in others, yet
are principled againſt bearing arms themſelves; and to make
any law to compel them thereto, againſt their confciences,
would not be only to violate a fundamental in our conftitu-
tion, and be a direct breach of our charter of privileges, but
would alſo in effect be to commence perfecution againſt all
that part of the inhabitants of the province and for them
by any law to compel others to bear arms, and exempt them-
felves, would be inconfiftent and partial. Yet forafmuch as
by the general toleration and equity of our laws, great num-
bers of people of other religious denominations are come
among us, who are under no fuch reftraint, fome of whom
have been diſciplined in the art of war, and confcientioufly
think it their duty to fight in defence of their country, their
wives, their families, and eftates, and fuch have an equal
right to liberty of confcience with others. And whereas a
great number of petitions from the feveral counties of this
province, have been prefented to this houfe, fetting forth,
that
A. D.
1756.
380
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
In Virginia the government, prevailed upon by
the miſeries fuffered by the back-fettlers, who had
been
that the petitioners are very willing to defend themſelves and
country, and defirous of being formed into regular bodies for
that purpoſe, inſtructed and diſciplined under proper officers,
with ſuitable and legal authority; repreſenting withal, that
unleſs meaſures of this kind are taken, fo as to unite them
together, ſubject them to due command, and thereby give
them confidence in each other, they cannot affemble to op-
poſe the enemy, without the utmoſt danger of expofing them-
felves to confuſion and deſtruction.
And whereas the voluntary aſſembling of great bodies of
armed men from different parts of the province on any occa-
fional alarm, whether true or falfe, as of late hath happened,
without call or authority from the government, and without
due order and direction among themſelves, may be attended
with danger to our neighbouring Indian friends and allies, as
well as the internal peace of the province.
And whereas the Governor hath frequently recommended
it to the Affembly, that in préparing and paffing a law for
fuch purpoſes, they fhould have a due regard to fcrupulous.
and tender confciences, which cannot be done where com-
pulfive means are uſed to force men into military fervice;
Therefore, as we reprefent all the people of the province, and
are compofed of members of different religious perfuafions,
we do not think it reaſonable that any fhould, through a
want of legal powers, be in the leaſt reſtrained from doing
what they judge it their duty to do for their own fecurity and
the public good; we, in compliance with the ſaid petitions
and recommendations, do offer it to the Governor to be
enacted, And be it enacted, by and with the advice and confent
of the repreſentatives of the freemen of the faid province in
general affembly met, and by the authority of the fame, That
from and after the publication of this act, it fhall and may
be lawful for the freemen of this province to form themſelves
into companies, as heretofore they have uſed in time of war
without
THE
LATE WAR.
381
been killed or taken, to the number of 70 perfons,
ordered the militia of the counties of Dumfries,
Prince
without law, and for each company, by majority of votes in
the way of ballot, to chufe its own officers.
And that as foon as the faid companies and regiments are
formed, and their officers commiffioned, it fhall and may be
lawful to and for the governor, or commander in chief, by
and with the advice and conſent of the colonels, lieutenant-
colonels and majors of all the regiments, to form, make, and
eftablish articles of war, for the better government of the
forces, that fhall be under their command, and for bringing
offenders againſt the fame to juſtice; and to erect and confti-
tute courts-martial, with power to hear, try, and determine
any crimes or offences by fuch articles of war, and inflict pe-
nalties by ſentence or judgment of the fame on thofe, who ſhall
be fubject thereto, in any place within this province.
Provided always, that the articles fo to be made and efta-
bliſhed, ſhall contain nothing repugnant, but be as near as pof-
fible conformable to the military laws of Great Britain, and
to the articles of war made and eſtabliſhed by his Majeſty in
purſuance of the last act of parliament for puniſhing mutiny
and defertion, the different circumftances of this province.
compared with Great Britain, and of a voluntary militia of
freemen, compared with mercenary ftanding troops, being
duly weighed and maturely confidered.
Provided alfo, that nothing in this act fhall be underſtood
or conftrued to give any power or authority to the governor
or commander in chief, and the faid officers, to make any
articles or rules that fhall in the leaft affect thoſe of the inha-
bitants of the province who are confcientiouſly ſcrupulous of
bearing arms, either in their liberties, perfons or eftates; nor
any other perfons of what perfuafion or denomination foever,
who have not firft voluntarily and freely figned the ſaid ar-
ticles after due confideration as aforefaid.
Provided alſo, that no youth, under the age of twenty-one
years, nor any bought fervant or indented apprentice, fhall
be admitted to enroll himfelf, or be capable of being enrolled
A. D.
1756.
in
382
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Prince William and Fairfax to be draughted; and
that 160 of them ſhould march out of Wincheſter
towards the fouth branch of the river Potomac,
where feveral late murders had been committed :
and 500 more were draughted about the middle
of October, from the regiments at other places,
and ordered to rendezvous at Fort Cumberland,
to prevent further exceffes from the French and
Indians in thoſe quarters, who had depopulated
five or fix counties, and cut off the correfpond-
ence with Fort Cumberland and Wills's Creek, for
a time.
The Moravian fettlement at Guaden Hutten,
or Mohony Creek, about 85 miles from Phila-
in the faid companies or regiments, without the confent of his
or their parents or guardians, mafters or miftreffes, in writing
under their hands firft had and obtained *.
Provided alſo, that no enliſtment or enrollment of any per-
fon in any of the companies or regiments to be formed and
raiſed as aforefaid, fhall protect fuch perſon in any fuit or
civil action brought against him by his creditors or others,
except during his being in actual ſervice in field or garriſon ;
nor from a proſecution for any offence committed againſt the
laws of this province.
Provided alſo, that no regiment, company, or party of
volunteers, fhall, by virtue of this act, be compelled or led
more than three days march beyond the inhabited parts of
the province; nor detained longer than three weeks in any
garrifon, without an exprefs engagement for that purpoſe,
firft voluntarily entered into and ſubſcribed by every man fo
to march or remain in garriſon.
This act to continue in force until the 30th of October next,
and no longer.
* See how this agrees with the clauſe in the act paffed in No-
vember laſt at Weſtminſter, page 212.
delphia,
1
THE LATE WAR.
383
delphia, was deſtroyed by the Indians, led on by
the French, only two perfons efcaping alive;
who continued burning and deſtroying every thing
they met with, and barbarouſly murdered all, with-
out regard to age or fex. Which had ſuch an
effect that the fettlers at Bethlem and Nazareth,
amongst whom were many Moravians, formed
themſelves into bodies, to oppofe and defend them-
ſelves againſt the enemy, and thereby prevented
the like outrages for the future in thoſe parts.
A. D.
1756.
the French.
Theſe, and an infinite more calamities, were Strength of
daily reported from the weſtern frontiers of our
colonies; where the French were in poffeffion of
the vaſt country on the Ohio, fecured for the pre-
fent by Fort du Quefne; and had cut off the Indian
nations from our colonies by Crown Point and
Fort Cohaffer, Niaguara and Frontenac, and a
multitude of fmall forts, on the back of New
England and New York, that commanded all the
paffes and the lakes; and by Fort Condé, and its
commandaries, properly eſtabliſhed behind the
Carolina's, to finiſh that chain, intended to girt
all the Engliſh colonies from Nova Scotia to
Georgia and the French in Canada employed the
whole winter in preparations for the fiege of Of-
wego, and to complete their operations on the
Ohio; placing ftrong garrifons at Crown Point
and Ticonderoga; from whence, and other fta-
tions, they fent out fmall parties to diftrefs the
Engliſh out-fettlements.
On our part, General Shirley exerted the ut-
moſt of his fkill and intereft to unite the Pro-
vinces
384
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Affairs in
tia.
vinces in vigorous meafures for the next cam-
paign; and was fo fucceſsful, as to effect in fome
meaſure the long-wifhed for union of the Governors
of New England and New York, in the common
cauſe of defence againſt the encroachments of the
enemy; in particular, to avenge the deftruction of
their back-fettlements, and to attack Crown Point
with 8000 New Englandmen and 1,300 men from
New York; and to conciliate many of the Indians
to the Britiſh intereft, who had gone over unto,
or had given great fufpicion of their intentions to
join, the French. But he was recalled before
an opportunity ferved to carry his winter councils
into action; being fuperfeded in his chief com-
mand, at Albany, by Colonel Webb, who deli-
vered to him his Majefty's orders to repair to
England without delay, dated the 31st of March,
his Majefty having, on the 17th day of February
preceding, appointed John, Earl of Loudon, Ge-
neral and Governor in Chief of Virginia; and on
the 20th General and Commander in Chief of all
his forces in North America.
In Nova Scotia matters did not favour the ene-
Nova Sco- my at all. General Lawrence purſued his fuc-
ceſs, and was obliged to uſe much ſeverity, to
extirpate the French neutrals and Indians, who
refuſed to conform to the laws of Great Britain,
or to fwear allegiance to our Sovereign, and had
engaged to join the French troops in the fpring,
expected to arrive from Old France, as early as
poffible, on that coaft, or at Louifbourg; fome of
which, with ammunition, ftores, &c. fell into the
hands
THE LATE WAR.
385
1
1756.
hands of our cruizers off Cape Breton. General A. D.
Lawrence did not only purſue thoſe dangerous in-
habitants with fire and fword, laying the country
wafte, burning their dwellings, and driving off
their ſtock; but he thought it expedient for his
Majeſty's ſervice, to tranfport the French neutrals,
fo as entirely to extirpate a people, that only waited
an opportunity to join the enemy.
neutrals
This meaſure was very commendable. But the
excution of it was not quite fo prudent. The French
method taken by the General to fecure his pro- how dif
vince from this peft, was to diftribute them, in poſed of.
number about ſeven thouſand, among the Britiſh
colonies, in that rigorous feafon of winter, almoft
naked, and without money or effects to help them-
felves. In which diftribution too many were
tranſported to thoſe colonies, where they might
with great eafe get to the French forts, or might
facilitate any enterprize from thoſe forts, on the
back of our provinces on the fouth of the Bay of
St. Lawrence. Befides it was exercifing a power
he had no right unto. For his command reached
not beyond the limits of Nova Scotia and this
was loading each government, into which thofe
neutrals were tranfported, with an arbitrary and
great expence.
This may be exemplified in the cafe of Penfil- In Penfil-
vania. The quota impofed upon that province vania.
were 415, men, women and children. They
landed in a moft deplorable condition at Phila-
delphia, to be maintained by the province, or
turned loofe to beg their bread: and this city not
C c
VOL. I.
being
9
386
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. being above two hundred miles diftant from Fort
1756. du Quefne, it was very probable, the men might
endeavour to get unto, and join their countrymen.
at that fort; or to ftrengthen the parties, which
hovered about the frontiers, and were continually
laying wafte the back fettlements.
↓
The government, in order to get clear of the
charge, fuch a company of miferable wretches
would require to maintain them, propoſed to fell
them, with their own confent: but when this ex-
pedient for their ſupport was offered to their con-
fideration, the tranſports rejected it with indigna-
tion, alledging, That they were prifoners, and
expected to be maintained, as fuch; and not
forced to labour. They further faid, That they
had not violated their oath of fidelity, which, by
the treaty of Utrecht, they were obliged to take
and that they were ready to renew that oath, but
that a new oath of obedience having been pre-
fcribed to them, by which, they apprehended,
the neutrals would be obliged to bear arms againſt
the French, they could not take it, and thought
they could not be compelled to do it. Thus Ge-
neral Lawrence cleared the country of the French
neutrals; and the Indians in their intereft, who
had been very troubleſome, being moſt of them
Roman catholicks, retired to Canada for pro-
tection. Which eſtabliſhed peace and tranquillity
throughout the province of Acadia or Nova Sco
tia, according to its antient limits, as ceded to
Great Britain by the treaty of Utrecht; till Fe-
bruary 1756, when a party of 300 French and
Indians
THE LATE WAR.
387
A. D.
1756.
French and
Scotia.
Indians returned to make inroads about Chieg-
necto, and to cut off the English wood-cutters,
as they lived in a ſtate of ſecurity from an enemy, Indians re-
Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, having intelligence of enter Nova
this party, marched with 300 provincials in queſt
of them, came up with them, killed eight Indians
on the fpot, and wounded a confiderable number
of the enemy; as was conjectured from the vaſt
quantity of blood, which the Engliſh ſaw, in the
purfuit after thoſe invaders.
Let us hence return to Europe, and reſume the Affairs of
affairs on the continent. The treaty concluded Europe.
between his Britannic Majefty and the King of
Pruffia, furniſhed the court of Vienna with a pre-
alliance
France and
Auftria.
tence to form an alliance with the court of Ver- Treaty of
failles, in order to facilitate a much further view, between
which it had been watching an opportunity to
effect, against the King of Pruffia. In confe-
quence of this alliance treaties were drawn up,
between thoſe two courts, under the name of
treaties of friendſhip and neutrality, with a for-
mal
By which the contracting parties reciprocally obliged
themſelves to the guarantee of all their dominions in Eu-
rope and to furnish each other with 18,000 foot, and 6000
horfe; or with a proportionable fum of money, viz. 8000
German florins for 1000 infantry, and 24,000 ditto for 1000
cavalry, in cafe of any attack from any power whatever.
This treaty was preceded by the following convention of
neutrality, which was figned the fame day.
The differences between his moſt Chriſtian Majeſty and the
King of Great Britain, concerning the limits of their re-
fpective poffeffions in America, feeming more and more to
Cc z
threaten
388
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. mal invitation to neighbouring powers to accede
1756.
thereunto; and folemn affurances that the con-
tracting parties had no other view than to preſerve
the general tranquility of Europe, and to prevent
the flames of war, already kindled between Great
Britain and France, from fpreading to other coun-
Its inten- tries. But, notwithſtanding thefe pacific declara-
tions, the King of Pruffia foon diſcovered, that
the principal end propoſed by the Empreſs Queen,
in this alliance, was the recovery of Silefia; in
tion.
threaten the public tranquility, his moft Chriftian Majefty,
and the Empress Queen of Hungary and Bohemia, who equally
defired the unalterable duration of the friendſhip and good
underſtanding that now happily fubfifts between them, have
thought it neceffary to take proper meaſures for that pur-
poſe.
To this end the Emprefs Queen declares and promiſes, in
the moſt folemn and binding manner, that ſhe will not, either
directly or indirectly, take any part in the above differences,
in which ſhe is now no way concerned, but on the contrary fhe
will obferve an exact and perfect neutrality during the whole
time of the war that may be occafioned by the ſaid differences
between England and France.
His moſt Chriſtian Majefty on his part, far from defiring to
engage any other power in his private quarrel with England,
reciprocally declares and promiſes, in the moſt folemn and
binding manner, that he will, on no pretext or reaſon what-
foever, attack or invade the Low Countries, or any other
kingdoms, ftates or provinces, under the dominion of her
Majefty the Emprefs Queen; as likewife neither directly nor
indirectly injure her poffeffions or rights; which her Majefty
the Empress Queen doth in the fame manner promiſe with re-
fpect to the kingdoms, ftates, and provinces, of his moft
Chriſtian Majefty. This convention or act of neutrality fhall
be ratified by the Emprefs Queen within the ſpace of fix
months, or fooner if poffible.
which
THE LATE WAR.
389
which France, who had affifted him in the con-
queft thereof, a few years before, did now con-
cur with her new ally; it being, at this time, the
intereft of the French court to reduce the power
of one, who is no longer to be made their tool in
the ruin of Germany. His Pruffian Majefty was
further confirmed in his opinion concerning the
hoſtile intentions of thofe powers towards him,
by the intercourſe of theſe two courts with Pe-
terſburgh. To which firft Vienna, and then Ver-
failles fent a ſpecial minifter. From thence he
concluded that a project was carrying on, by thoſe
three courts, against him; becauſe his power was
obnoxious to them all. And he was foon convinced
of the truth of thefe conjectures: for, early in
the fpring of this year, he received certain intel-
ligence, that the two imperial courts had agreed
upon a plan to unite their forces, and to invade
his dominions. In this fituation, he took every
meaſure, that could be fuggefted by the utmoſt
vigilance and magnanimity; as will foon appear
in the courſe of this hiſtory.
A. D.
1756.
Domeftic
The actual invafion of Minorca, at laſt, drew
on that open and formal declaration of war from affairs.
Great Britain, which had been provoked, and
ought to have been done long before; as we have
fhewn by fufficient evidences, in the courfe of
this hiſtory; wherein almoſt every page exhibits
fome breach of faith, hoftile intrigue or open
hoftility of the French, from the very figning of the
treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle; and which is confirmed
Cc 3
by
390
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. by his Majefty's declaration publiſhed on the 18th
1756.
of May, 1756, in this form and theſe words.
Declara-
tion of war
againſt the
French
King.
His Majesty's declaration of war against the
French King.
GEORGE REX.
THE unwarrantable proceedings of the French
in the Weſt Indies and North America, fince
the conclufion of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle,
and the ufurpations and encroachments made by
them upon our territories, and the fettlements of
our fubjects in thofe parts, particularly in our pro-
vince of Nova Scotia, have been fo notorious, and
fo frequent, that they cannot but be looked upon,
as a fufficient evidence of a formed defign, and
refolution in that court, to purſue invariably fuch
meaſures as ſhould moſt effectually promote their
ambitious views, without any regard to the moſt
folemn treaties and engagements. We have not
been wanting on our part, to make from time to
time the moſt ſerious repreſentations, to the French
King upon theſe repeated acts of violence, and to
endeavour to obtain redrefs and fatisfaction for
the injuries done to our fubjects, and to prevent
the like cauſes of complaint for the future: but
though frequent affurances have been given, that
every thing ſhould be fettled agreeable to the trea-
ties fubfifting between the two crowns, and parti-
cularly, that the evacuation of the four neutral
iſlands in the Weſt Indies fhould be effected, (which
was
THE LATE WAR.
391
was exprefly promiſed to our Ambaffador in
France) the execution of theſe affurances, and of
the treaties, on which they were founded, has been
evaded under the moſt frivolous pretences: and
the unjuſtifiable practices of the French Gover-
nors, and of the officers acting under their au-
thority, were ſtill carried on, till, at length, in
the month of April 1754, they broke out into
open acts of hoftility, when in time of profound
peace, without any declaration of war; and with-
out any previous notice given, or application made,
a body of French forces, under the command of
an officer bearing the French King's commiffion,
attacked in a hoftile manner, and poffeffed them-
felves of the Enlish fort. on the Ohio in North
America.
But notwithſtanding this act of hoftility, which
could not but be looked upon as a commence-
ment of war; yet, from our earneft defire of
peace, and in hopes the court of France would
difavow this violence and injuſtice, we contented
ourſelves with fending fuch a force to America as
was indiſpenſably neceffary for the immediate de-
fence and protection of our fubjects, againſt freſh
attacks and infults.
In the mean time great naval armaments were
preparing in the ports of France, and a confider-
able body of French troops embarked for North
America; and though the French Ambaffador
was fent back to England with fpecious profeffions
of a defire to accommodate thefe differences, yet
it appeared, that their real defign was only to gain
time
Cc 4
A. D.
1756.
392
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
time for the paffage of thofe troops to America,
which they hoped would fecure the fuperiority of
the French forces in thoſe parts, and enable them
to carry their ambitious and oppreffive projects
into execution.
In thefe circumftances we could not but think
it incumbent upon us to endeavour to prevent the
fuccefs of fo dangerous a defign, and to oppofe
the landing of the French troops in America; and
in confequence of the juft and neceffary meaſures
we had taken for that purpofe, the French Am-
baffador was immediately recalled from our court;
the fortifications at Dunkirk, which had been re-
pairing for fome time, were enlarged; great bo-
dies of troops marched down to the coaft, and
our kingdoms were threatened with an invafion.
In order to prevent the execution of thefe de-
figns and to provide for the fecurity of our king-
doms, which were thus threatened, we could no
longer forbear giving orders for the feizing at fea
the ſhips of the French King, and his fubjects:
notwithſtanding which, as we were ſtill unwilling
to give up all hopes that an accommodation might
be effected, we have contented ourfelves hitherto
with detaining the faid fhips, and preferving them
and (as far as was poffible) their cargoes entire,
without proceeding to the confifcation of them:
but it being now evident, by the hoſtile invafion
actually made by the French King, of our ifland
of Minorca, that it is the determined refolution of
that court, to hearken to no terms of peace, but
to carry on the war, which has been long begun
on
THE LATE
393
WA R.
on their part, with the utmoft violence, we can
no longer remain, confiftently with what we owe
to our own honour, and to the welfare of our
fubjects, within thoſe bounds, which, from a de-
fire of peace, we had hitherto obferved.
!
We have therefore thought proper to declare
war, and we do hereby declare war, against the
French King, who hath fo unjustly begun it, re-
lying on the help of Almighty God in our juft
undertaking, and being affured of the hearty con-
currence and affiftance of our fubjects in fupport
of fo good a caufe; hereby willing and requring
our Captain-General of our forces, our Commiſ-
fioners for executing the office of our High Ad-
miral of Great Britain, our Lieutenants of our ſe-
veral counties, Governors of our forts and gar-
rifons, and all other officers and foldiers under
them, by fea and land, to do and execute all acts
of hoſtility, in the proſecution of this war, againſt
the French King, his vaffals, and fubjects, and to
oppoſe their attempts; willing and requiring all
our ſubjects to take notice of the fame, whom we
henceforth ſtrictly forbid to hold any correfpond-
ence or communication with the faid French King,
or his fubjects and we do hereby command our
own fubjects, and advertiſe all other perfons, of
what nation foever, not to tranfport or carry any
foldiers, arms, powder, ammunition, or other
contraband goods, to any of the territories, lands,
plantations, or countries of the ſaid French King;
declaring, that whatſoever fhip or veffel fhall be
met withal, tranſporting or carrying any foldiers,
arms,
A. D.
1756.
394
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. arms, powder, ammunition, or any other contra-
1756. band goods, to any of the territories, lands, plan-
Remarks
claration of
war.
tations or countries of the faid French King, the
fame, being taken, fhall be condemned as good
and lawful prize.
And whereas there are remaining in our king-
dom, divers of the fubjects of the French King,
we do hereby declare our royal intention to be,
that all the French fubjects, who fhall demean
themſelves dutifully towards us, fhall be fafe in
their perfons and effects.
Certainly the found of war never echoed with
on the de- more fatisfaction, than at the prefent conjuncture.
It was the general requeſt of the nation; eſpe-
cially of them who were to fight our battles, and
of thoſe who, by their fortune and condition in
life, were likely to contribute moft to the expence
thereof. For, they reafoned thus; can a decla-
ration of war, to oppofe French hoftilities by open
force, and to treat the French King and his fub-
jects as our avowed and irreconcileable enemies,
be attended with more calamitous circumftances,
than to be continually alarmed with invafions and
other attempts upon the Britiſh dominions and
trade? Is it not as expenfive to be driven to the
neceffity of maintaining an army on our coafts,
and a fleet in a capacity to fail upon the first or-
ders, as to ferret the enemy out of their lurking
holes, from whence they are continually making
new encroachments; and to repel force by force?
War is the only remedy againſt injuries in times
of
3.
THE LATE WAR.
395
1
of peace. But there was another fort of men,
who, on this occafion propagated very induftri-
ouſly a difagreeable reprefentation of this meaſure,
as if the miniftry had been forced to adopt it,
not by choice, but in order to ftop the mouths of
a people ready to exact an account of the money
already expended in the greateft armaments ever
known in Britain, both by ſea and land, and at
the fame time permitting France to invade our
territories. And theſe infinuations gained too
much upon the timorous and avaricious.
However, national virtue made a ſtrong pufh
againſt every effort of the miniftry to render this
juft and neceffary war unfuccefsful. The friends
of our king and country could not help their
doubts of the fincerity of the court, and their
fears for the fatal confequences of a collufive war.
"Should this war, faid they, prove to be a mi-
"niſterial collufion, only a meaſure to facilitate
"the raifing new taxes; or an expedient, after
"the people have been fleeced full as much
as they are able to yield at one fhearing, to
frighten them into an infidious peace; what
" would become of Britain? And to relieve the
"nation from theſe apprehenfions, it is incum-
CC
bent upon thoſe in power, not only to conduct
"the war with integrity, prudence and vigour;
but to patch up no peace till the juft cries of
"the nation fhall be fatisfied for loffes and da-
"mages, and upon fuch terms, as no free par-
liament can difapprove.
« A war
A. D.
1756.
396
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
1
A. D. "A war committed to the management of
1756.
"fuch, whofe integrity does not ftand in the
"beft light; or whofe abilities in martial affairs.
"have been fufpected to favour the enemies eſcape,
rather than of that inviolable ſecrecy, with which
"the councils of our King and country ought to
be kept, would be far from anfwering the end
"of his Majefty's declaration, or obtaining for
"Great Britain and its dominions, fecurity from
66
"
injuries in time of peace. Nothing less than
"purſuing every meaſure with fidelity and vigour,
" and oppofing, counteracting and diftreffing the
"enemy in every place and attempt, according
6: to the fupplies granted by the people, can quit
"the miniftry from the guilt of pufillanimity,
"ignorance, or corruption. Nor can the war
procure for us the defirable ſecurity of a laſt-
"ing and peaceable poffeffion of our rights and
property, fhould it be protracted with other
views than to force the enemy to equitable
66
66
પ′
terms.
"A peace, worded in a dark, ambiguous man-
ner, can never guard us against cavils and dif-
putes: it would expofe us to the artifices of
"thofe, who are not in a capacity to decide the
-66 right in the field. It is by thofe kinds of peace,
"Great Britain has fo often been obliged to re-
.66
turn to arms. Had there been no claims left
"undetermined at Aix-la-Chapelle had the
"peace-makers, on the part of Britain, infifted
"upon the evacuation of Crown-Point, of the
$5
encroachments and fortreffes on the Ohio, and
6 in
THE
397
LATE WAR.
"in Nova Scotia or Acadia, there would have
"been no pretence left for this French after-
''
game. If this was an overfight, now is come
"the time to rectify the miſtakes of former mi-
"nifters, and to restore the honour and welfare
"of Britain and her colonies. The fword is
"drawn: and it is drawn to defend our property,
and to punish the ufurpations, encroachments
"and perfidy of France; and it is the hearty wifh
"of all good fubjects, that it may never bè
"fheathed till the enemy fhall make full fatis-
"faction, and be difabled from giving Great
"Britain any further reaſon to lie upon her arms
in time of peace.
cr
"Can there be too much caution in giving
peace to a people, who are infamous for their
"breach of faith? for embroiling all nations by
"their intrigues; and noted for rifking the event
"of a war, rather than yield any point by nego-
"ciation. Whofe quiet confifts in the trouble of
all others; and whofe advantage always takes
"root in the public calamities of their neigh-
"bours.
"Let us then purfue the war with that vigour
"and fidelity, which have ſo often made the Gallic
"throne to ſhake. Let all factions fubfide, and
"all parties unite in fuch meaſures, as will beft
coerce that power, which has broke through
"all treaties and promiſes, and under the fanction
"of peace was carrying on war fecretly into our
bowels. May all the fecret inftruments (if there
"be any) of that perfidious power be difcovered
" and
A. D.
1756.
2
398
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
ment be-
"and brought to condign punishment and may
"heaven direct our councils, and infpire us with
66
a reſolution never to accept of any terms of ac-
"commodation, which might affect either our re-
ligion, reputation, peace, trade, or naviga-
❝tion.
"Should theſe be neglected, it would be dif
"ficult to perfuade a Briton that the times are
"mended, or that more falutary meaſures are
C6
66
66
purſued, than when they had reaſon to com-
plain of thoſe traitors to their country ſo often
"mentioned in hiftory, who joined with the
prince in the fpoil of the fubjects, or kept him
“under ſuch reſtraints, as obliged him to be
content with their miſrepreſentations of facts, in
"order to extort from him unjuſt orders to juſtify
"or to fkreen their wicked counfel. They will
"look upon this declaration of war to be only a
"ſcheme to keep the minds of the people under
"conftant fears and alarms, in a conftant hurry
❝and agitation about their own fafety, to pre-
"vent their looking into public frauds; and to
"reduce them to fuch a low ftate, as to render
"them incapable of puniſhing thofe, who under
"the name of peace, attempt to enslave the peo-
"ple, impoverished by the exceffive burden of a
"collufive war.'
دو
On the 17th of May, 1756, the very day that
Engage- his Majefty figned this declaration of war, there
tween two happened a very warm engagement off Rochfort,
between the Colcheſter of 50 guns, Captain Obrian,
with the Lime of 20 guns, and two French men
Engliſh
and two
of
THE LATE WAR.
399
A. D.
1756.
French
men of
war off
of war, the Aquilon of 48 guns, M. de Maur-
ville, with the Fidelle of 36 guns, M. de Litar-
dais an action that begun at fix in the evening,
and lafted till half an hour paſt eleven between Rochfort.
the Lime and Fidelle, and till half an hour paſt
twelve between the Colcheſter and Aquilon, when
diftrefs and the darkneſs of the night obliged them
to part honourably.
They engaged fo clofe and warmly, that the
forefail of the Lime was fet on fire by the wads
of her adverfary, foon after the fight began.
Which being extinguiſhed, the Lime returned to
the charge, and continued the battle, till the
Frenchman flacked his fire, and fhe was obliged
to bear away, to ftop the holes received between
wind and water, having three feet and a half of
water in the hold; in about twenty minutes re-
turned a fecond time to the charge: but the Fi-
delle, though the fired the fignal of diftrefs, made
fhift to eſcape; the Lime being in no condition
to give chace, all her rigging, main, fore, and
mizen ftays, all her main fhrouds, being fhot
away, except two on a fide, and every maſt and
yard in the fhip wounded and rendered unfervice-
able 2. The Colcheſter never quitted her adver-
fary till fhe took fire, occafioned by red-hot bul-
lets fired by the Aquilon, as ſuppoſed; which ob-
liged her to bear away 6.
a
a
b
On
Eighty-fix fhot went through the maintop fail, fifty-four
through the main fail; every fail looked like a fieve; and a
great number of fhot went through the hull.
About this time the admiralty received advice of the loſs
of the Warwick of 60 guns, Captain Shouldham, taken by
the
400
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
The
Speaker's
addrefs to
ty.
On the 27th of May the parliament, after
granting all that the miniſtry aſked, to enable his
Majeſty to carry his declaration of war effectually
into execution againſt France, was adjourned, by
his Majeſty's command, to the 18th of June:
upon which occafion the Speaker, when the money
bills were preſented for the royal affent, addreſſed
his Majefty in the following remarkable ſpeech.
May it pleaſe your Majefty,
YOUR faithful commons, juftly fenfible of
the bleffings they have enjoyed under your
his Majef- happy reign, in juſt indignation at every attempt
to diſturb it, have exerted themſelves to the utmoſt
of their abilities, to fupport your Majefty in the
juſt war, which the ambition and perfidy of France
have obliged you to enter into, by giving, for the
fervice of this year, ordinary and extraordinary,
ten millions, befides a vote of credit to anſwer
any unforeſeen emergency.
They beg leave moft humbly to fay-they hope
the fword you have fo bravely drawn, and they
fo effectually ſupported, will be entruſted only in
brave, capable, and honeft hands; that fo the
naval, the natural ſtrength of England, will make
the Prudent man of war of 74 guns, who had in company
with her a 60 gun fhip, and a frigate of 36 guns, off Mar-
tinico. The Warwick perceiving herſelf over matched, en-
deavoured to get clear by a running fight; and had actually
got clear of the large fhips, but the frigate got under her
ftern, and raked her fo terribly that the Prudent came up
again, and the Warwick ftruck; having loft the captain and
a great number of men.
THE LATE WAR.
401
a figure, will do fervice, as much greater, as it is A. D.
exalted higher than ever before.
They apprehend; the prefent critical juncture
convinces, that alliances on the continent, as they
are unnatural, fo they muſt ever be prejudicial to
the true intereft of England; that there is no
gratitude to be expected from, no dependance to
be had on, fuch allies: allies, who though faved,
ſupported, ſubfifting by the blood and treaſure of
this kingdom for more than an age, have taken
the opportunity of the first profpect of preſent
profit, to break through every tye.
Not difcouraged by the ingratitude of allies,
nor, the ambition of enemies, they have with
pleaſure beheld the fword drawn to vindicate your
honour, the honour and intereft of England;
convinced, and proud to let all the world fee,
that England is able to fight her own battles, to
ſtand by her own natural ftrength, againſt all her
enemies.
Though ever attached to your Majefty's perfon,
ever at eaſe under your juft government, they
cannot forbear taking notice of ſome circum-
ſtances in the preſent fituation of affairs, which
nothing but the confidence in your juſtice, your
love to the people devoted to you, could hinder
from alarming their moft ferious apprehenfions;
and to whom ſhould they make their fears known,
to whom ſhould they complain, but to their pro-
tector, their guardian, and their father?-Subfi-
dies to foreign Princes, when already burdened
with a debt ſcarce to be borne, cannot but be
VOL. I.
D d
feverely
1756.
9
402
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
His Ma-
jeſty's
fpeech.
feverely felt; an army of foreign troops, a thing
unprecedented, unheard of, unknown, brought
into England, cannot but alarm: but ftill they
depend, ftill they confide in your Majefty, and
only beg leave moft humbly to fay, they hope
that their burden may be lightened; their fears
removed, as foon as poffible; and in the mean
time, that the fword of thefe foreigners fhall not
be entruſted a moment out of your own hand, to
any other perfon whatſoever.
His Majefty then clofed the feffions with a moft
gracious fpeech, thanking the members of both
houſes for their unwearied application to public
bufinefs, and for their vigorous and effectual fup-
port in maintaining the juft and national cauſe.-
He acquainted them, that as the injuries and ho-
ftilities, which have been, for fome time, com-
mitted by the French, were now followed by the
actual invaſion of Minorca, an iſland guaranteed
to Great Britain by all the powers of Europe, and
and in particular by the French King; he had
therefore found himſelf obliged to declare war in
form, and relied on the divine protection, and the
vigorous affiftance of his faithful fubjects.-Then
addreffing the commons, his Majefty particularly
thank'd them for their readineſs and diſpatch in grant-
ing the large fupplies; and gave his royal word that
they ſhould be strictly applied to the good purpofes
for which they were granted.Then fpeaking
to both houſes, he concluded with thefe words:
Nothing has given me more inward fatisfaction,
than
THE LATE WAR.
403.
than the confidence which you repofe in me. It
is the moſt acceptable return you could make to
me; and you may be affured, fhall be made uſe
of only for your good: the prefervation of your
religion, liberties, and independency, is, and al-
ways ſhall be, my great aim; and I truſt
you will
not be wanting to yourſelves.
In this feffions of parliament a bill for eſtabliſh-
ing a regular and well-difciplined militia paffed the
houfe of commons; and though it did not meet
with the fame fuccefs in the houfe of lords, who
threw it out at the third reading; it was recom-
mended to the members of both houſes to take
the fenfe of the people on it, in their respective
neighbourhoods, during the recefs of parliament,
that an effectual act might pafs for that purpoſe
at their next meeting.
b
Soon after the French King thought proper
alfo to make a formal declaration of war; in
which he concealed and evaded all the hoftilities
committed by his governors and commanders in
the diftant parts of the world, and fully fet forth
in this hiftory, before the year 1754: which take
in his own words.
The French King's declaration of war against Great
IT
Britain.
A. D.
1756.
claration of
T is known to all Europe, that the King of French
England, in the year 1754, was the aggreffor King's de-
in the contests concerning the fettlements in North war against
America; and that in the month of June laft, the tain.
Great Bri-
On the 9th of June.
D d 2
Britiſh
404
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. British fleet, in contempt of the laws of nations
1756.
and the faith of treaties, began to commit the
moſt violent hoftilities against the fhips of his
Majeſty, and the navigation and commerce of his
fubjects.
The King, juftly offended by this perfidious.
conduct, and the many infults that were offered
to his flag, would not have fufpended his refent-
ment, and with-held what he owes to the dignity
of his crown for eight months, if he had not been
unwilling to expofe Europe to the calamities of a
new war. It was upon this falutary principle,
that France hehaved with the utmoſt moderation,
during the moſt injurious proceedings of Eng-
land.
While the Britiſh fleet, fometimes by the bafeft
artifices, and ſometimes by the moſt outrageous
violence, were feizing the veffels of France, which
were failing without fufpicion of danger, under
the common fafeguard of public faith, his Ma-
jefty fent back to England a frigate which had
been ſeized by the French fleet, and ſuffered the
Britiſh merchantmen to continue trading without
interruption in the ports of France.
While the French foldiers and failors, captives
in the Britiſh iſlands at a time of peace, were
treated with a ſeverity by which the bounds that
the laws of nature and the common principles of
humanity have ſet to the rights of war, were ex-
ceeded, the Engliſh lived and traded without mo-
leſtation in France, under the protection of that
reci-
THE LATE
LATE
405
WAR.
reciprocal kindness and reſpect, which civilized na-
tions owe to each other.
While the Britiſh miniftry, under the appear-
ance of fincerity, impofed upon his Majefty's am-
baffador by falſe proteftations, they caufed orders,
directly contrary to the deceitful affurances they
had given of an approaching reconciliation, to be
executed in all parts of North America.
While the court of London was exhaufting all
the fubtilties of intrigue, and all the fubfidies of
England, to engage the other powers of Europe
to act offenfively againft France, his Majefty did
not demand even the fuccours which guarantees,
or defenſive treaties, authorized him to require of
them, but adviſed only fuch meaſures as might
beſt conduce to their peace and fecurity.
Such has been the conduct of the two nations;
and the ftriking contraft of their proceedings can-
not but convince all Europe of the jealouſy, am-
bition, and unreaſonable defires of the one, and
the honour, juftice, and moderation of the other.
His Majefty hoped that the King of England,
acting upon principles of natural equity and the
true intereft of his honour, would at length have
difavowed the fcandalous exceffes, which the officers
of his fleet continued to commit; efpecially as his
Majefty gave him an opportunity of doing it with
equal juftice and decorum, by demanding a ſpeedy
and complete reftitution of all the veffels of France,
which had been taken by Britiſh fhips; and had
offered, upon this preliminary condition, to enter
into a negociation concerning other fatisfactions,
D d 3
which
A. D.
1756.
406
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. which his Majeſty had a right to expect, and rea-
1756.
dily to concur in an amicable accommodation of
the differences concerning America.
The King of England having rejected this pro-
pofition, his Majefty could not but confider his
refuſal as the moſt authentic declaration of war,
as his Majefty had ſaid he ſhould do in his requi-
fition.
The Britiſh court therefore might have difpenf-
ed with a formality, which was become needleſs
the manner, in which ſhe had already declared war,
was a better reaſon than any that was explicitly
affigned, why ſhe would not fubmit, to the judg-
ment of Europe, the pretended grievances, which
were alledged againſt France in the written decla-
ration of war, that was publiſhed at London.
The vague imputations, which that writing con-
tains, have not the leaft foundation in truth, and
the very manner, in which they are fet forth, would
have confuted them, if they had not been demon-
ftrated to be falſe in the memorial, which his Ma-
jeſty has cauſed to be remitted to all the courts of
Europe, containing an exact ftate of all the facts
relative to the prefent war, and the negociations
that preceded it, fupported by inconteftible evi-
dence.
There is however one fact of great importance,
which is not mentioned in that memorial, becauſe
it was not poffible to foreſee that England would
carry her indelicacy, in the choice of the means of
illufion, ſo far, as the now appears to have done,
She
THE LATE WAR.
407
She talks much of the military works carrying
on at Dunkirk, and of the troops which his Ma-
jeſty has cauſed to affemble upon the coaſt; and it
might fairly be concluded from her declaration of
war, that theſe works and theſe troops have alone
determined her to feize whatever fhe finds at fea
belonging to his Majefty, or his fubjects.
It is however univerfally known, that the works
at Dunkirk were not begun till after the capture
of two of his Majefty's fhips, which were attacked
in a time of profound peace by an Engliſh ſquadron
of 13 men of war. It is equally notorious, that
the Engliſh fleet had been making prizes of French
veffels more than fix months, when the firft bat-
talions, which his Majeſty ordered to the ſea-coaſt,
began their march.
If the King of England fhould ever reflect on
the falfhood of the reports, which have been made
to him concerning theſe facts, he will not furely
forgive thofe, who have betrayed him into the af-
fertion of what is fo far from being true, that it
cannot by any artifice be rendered ſpecious.
That which his Majefty owes to himſelf and to
his fubjects, has at length obliged him to repel
force with force; but being ftill fteady to his fa-
vourite principles of juftice and moderation, he
has directed his military operations to be carried on
only againſt the King of England, his aggreffor;
and all his political negociations have been intend-
ed merely to juſtify the confidence, which has been
placed in his friendſhip, and the integrity of his
intentions, by the other nations of Europe.
D d 4
It
A. D.
1756.
408
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
:
Remarks
It is not neceſſary to affign more particularly the
motives which have induced his Majefty to fend a
body of his troops into the island of Minorca, and
which have at length obliged him to declare war
againſt the King of England, as the King of
England has declared war against him both by
land and fea.
His Majefty thus acting upon principles fo
worthy to determine his refolutions, doubts not
but to find, in the juftice of his caufe, in the va
lour of his troops, and in the love of his fubjects,
ſuch aſſiſtance, as they have always hitherto afford-
ed him: but above all he relies for protection upon
the Lord of Hofts.
This declaration concludes with a fevere prohi-
bition of all communication, commerce, and in-
telligence with the fubjects of Great Britain, upon
pain of death.
In this declaration the moft Chriftian King lays
thereon. afide that politeneſs, for which his court take great
pains to adopt in all their tranſactions, and that
veracity, on which the French monarch endeavours
to avail himſelf in all negociations and communi-
cations. He, forgetful of that decorum, which
is due to fovereign Princes, like a man raving with
deſpair, charges his Britannic Majefty with piracy,
perfidy, inhumanity, and deceit, even againſt the
conviction of his own confcience; which told him
that the very acts, falfely imputed, in the decla-
ration, to the King of Great Britain, were prac-
tifed continually by himſelf and his minifters: as
has
THE LATE WAR.
409
has been proved at large by the facts fo often pro-
duced in the courſe of this hiſtory, and fummed
up in the declaration of war, made by his Britan-
nic Majefty. Befides this farago of abuſe and
fcurrillity, there is nothing more than an accufa-
tion of our making reprizals, and oppofing an
open force to the French hoftilities, without the
ceremony of an open declaration of war: which,
though it is not justified ftrictly in point of form-
ality, or ufage between nations at peace with each
other; yet it can never make that Prince the ag-
greffor, who is obliged through neceffity to defend
himſelf and his dominions, against one, that in
time of peace invades and deſtroys his property,
and feizes, impriſons, and murders his fubjects;
as the French had done, with impunity, for feve-
ral years in America.
As the fuccefs of this war feems to depend
chiefly on a naval force, it will be proper to give
the following lift of the royal navy of Great Bri
tain, at the time it was declared.
FIRST RATES.
900 Men, 100 Guns.
Royal Ann
Britannia
Royal George
Royal Sovereign
Royal William
SECOND RATES.
750 Men, 99 Guns.
Blenheim
Duke
Saint George
Namur
Prince
Ramillies
Princess Royal
Union
THIRD RATES.
600 Men, 80 Guns.
Barfleur
Boyne
Princefs Carolina
Cambridge
A. D.
1756.
Lift of the
royal navy
of Great
Britain,
1756.
410
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Cambridge
Cornwall
Prince George
Stirling-Caftle
Suffolk
Marlborough
Neptune
Newark
Norfolk
Ruffel
600 Men, 74 Guns.
Culloden
Invincible
Monarque
Terrible
Torbay
Fougueux
600 Men, 70 Guns.
Bedford
Berwick
Buckingham
Burford
Captain
Chicheſter
Dorſetſhire
Edinburgh
Elizabeth
Effex
Somerſet
Vanguard
Yarmouth
Swiftfure
Magnanime
600 Men, 66 Guns.
Princefs Amelia
Cumberland
Devonshire
Lancafter
600 Men, 64 Guns.
Ipfwich
Intrepide
Trident
FOURTH RATES.
400 Men, 60 Guns.
Saint Alban's
Anfon
Auguſta
Canterbury
Defiance
Prince Frederick
Grafton
Hampton-Court
Dragon
Dreadnought
Dunkirk
Eagle
Kent
Exeter
Lenox
Greenwich
Monmouth
Jerſey
Naffau
Kingſton
Northumberland
Lion
Royal Oak
Medway
Orford
Princeffa
Revenge
Princefs Louifa
Princess Mary
Prince of Orange
Montague
THE LATE
411
WAR.
Montague
Nottingham
Pembroke
Plymouth
Rupert
Rippon
Strafford
Sunderland
Superbe
Tilbury
Tyger
Vigilant
Windfor:
Weymouth
Worceſter
York
300 Men, 50 Guns.
Advice
Oxford
A. D.
Portland
1756
Preſton
Panther
Ruby
Rocheſter
Saliſbury
Severn
Sutherland
Tavistock
Wincheſter
FIFTH RATES.
250 Men, 44 Guns.
Adventure
America
Anglefea
Ambuſcade
Cheſterfield
Crown
Diamond
Affiftance
Antelope
Briftol
Centurion
Chatham
Dover
Eltham
Colcheſter
Cheſter
Deptford
Falkland
Falmouth
Glory
Glouceſter
Guernſey
Hampſhire
Prince Edward
Expedition
Enterprize
Goſport
Prince Henry
Humber
Haftings
Harwich
Hector
Ifis.
Litchfield
Leopard
Newcaſtle
Nonfuch
Norwich
Jafon
Kinfale
Launceston
Ludlow-Caftle
Lark
Liverpool
Looc
•
412
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
$756.
Looe
Inverness
Lynn
Kennington
Mary Galley
Leoftoffe
Pearl
Lively
Penzance
Lys
Pool
Lyme
Rainbow
Margate
Roebuck
Romney
Mercury
Mermaid
Saphire
Nightingale
South Sea Caftle
Phoenix
Thetis
Torrington
Woolwich
SIXTH RATES.
Portmahon
Queenborough
Renown
Ranger
130 Men, 20 and 24 Guns.
Amazon
Alderney
Aldborough
Rofe
Rye
Sea-Horfe
Arundel
Bellona
Biddiford
Shoreham
Squirrel
Seaford
Sheerness
Boſton
Syren
Bridgewater
Sphinx
Blandford
Surprize
Centaur
Deal Caftle
Succefs
Scarborough
Durfley Galley
Solebay
Dolphin
Tartar
Experiment
Flamborough
Fowe
Fox
Gibraltar
Greyhound
Garland
Glaſgow
Grand Turk
Furnace
Hinde
Granado
SLOOPS.
Triton
Unicorn
Winchelſea
Wager
Royal Caroline
BOMBS.
Firedrake
THE LATE WAR.
413
SLOOPS.
Albany,
Badger
Baltimore
Scorpion
Shark
Speedwell
Swallow
A D
1956.
Swan
Cruizer
Diſpatch
Swift
Trial
Falcon
Ferret
Viper
Vulture
Fly
Fortune
Wafp
Weazle
Grampus
Happy
Wolf
Hazard
Hornet
YACHTS.
Hound
Catherine
Jamaica
Charlotte
Kingfiſher
Dorfet
Otter
Fubbs
Peggy
Mary
Peregrine
William and Mary
Porcupine
Bolton
Ranger
Chatham
Raven
Saltafh
Savage
Drake
Portſmouth
Queenborough.
There were alſo a number of fire-fhips, hoys,
tranfports, fmacks, lighters and hulks.
granted,
Beſides theſe ſhips of war, his Majefty ordered Letters of
that a commiffion fhould be prepared to empower mark
the lords commiffioners of the admiralty to grant
letters of mark, or commiffions to privateers for
feizing fhips and goods belonging to the French
King and his fubjects, or others inhabiting within
any of his countries, territories or dominions, and
ſuch other ſhips and goods, as are or ſhall be liable
to
4
414
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Encou-
for Priva-
teers.
to confifcation, purſuant to the reſpective treațies
between his Majefty and other Princes, States and
Potentates.
There was alſo a proclamation iffued by his Ma-
ragement jefty for the encouragement of privateers, and
for regulating prizes, &c. by which the fole in-
tereſt in, and property of, every ſhip and cargo,
was given to the flag-officers, commanders and
other officers, feamen, mariners and foldiers on
board his Majeſty's fhips, from and after the 17th of
May 1756, during the continuance of the war with
France and further allowing to them, and to priva-
teers, the fum of five pounds for every man alive at
the beginning of the engagement, on board of any
fhip taken, funk, burnt, or otherwiſe deſtroyed.
Claufe re-
lating to
neutral
fhips.
By the Britiſh declaration of war it is manifeſt
that our court was determined to feize and con-
demn as good and lawful prize, any ſhip or veffel, of
what nation ſoever, that ſhould be found tranſport-
ing or carrying either foldiers, arms, ammunition,
or other contraband goods, to any of the territories,
lands, plantations or countries of the French King:
accordingly we find that his Majefty's fhips of war
kept an immediate look out for Dutch fhips, and
brought a number of them into the Downs, in
the beginning of June, from off the coaft and
ports of France; and one into Portfmouth; fome
of which were laden with maſts and yards, from
Riga for Breft; of which the Dutch complained
as a hardſhip: and the magiftrates of Rotterdam
proceeded fo far as to lay a tax, equal to four
guineas a week, upon every Engliſh ſhip that
fhould
1
THE
415
LATE WAR.
A. D.
fhould take in lading at that port; and even in a
manner prohibited our ſhips taking goods in there 1756.
at all. But of this affair more hereafter, when, in
the courſe of this work, we fhall have occafion to
fhew the iniquitous practices of the Dutch carriers
for the French, and to confute their claim of right
treaties, to fuch a trade and navigation, in a
ftate of ſtrict neutrality.
diſcontent.
Theſe were meaſures perfectly agreeable to the National
inclinations of the people; yet England never
wore a more melancholy afpect. The lofs of Mi-
norca raiſed a clamour not only againſt Byng, but
againſt the miniftry, in every corner of the na-
tion; fo much as to addrefs his Majefty, from
every quarter, in the ſtrongeſt terms, to remove
the minifters of ftate; and to change thofe mea-
fures, which had brought fuch a diſgrace upon
Great Britain, and expofed us to derifion and
ruin.
of the na-
tion, by
tition to the
city of
London.
The voice of the nation was collected, as it The voice
were, and handed up to the citizens of London;
amongſt whom every art was tried, to diffuade way of pe-
them from that part, which they had always taken,
in any public calamity, or danger, to lay the na-
tional grievances before the throne, and to fue
for redrefs. "In the time of the moft alarming
"circumstances, the whole kingdom, faid the
"common voice of the people, flies to the an-
"cient and famous city of London for fafety
eyes for deliverance: to
66
upon her it cafts her
"her it will impute its deftruction, if it fhould
"become (which heaven forbid !) a province to
"France.
24
416
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
66
"France. The city of London is ftill able to
"fave three kingdoms; to fave millions and mil-
"lions from French tyranny and popiſh fuperfti-
❝tion. O let not the Syren luxury, let not a
"mean ſelfiſh ſpirit, the bane of every virtuous
"action, lull you into indifference! confider po-
fterity, and hand down to them that freedom
"and happineſs, which were delivered to you,
"for that purpoſe, by your forefathers. Provi-
"dence often fends great evils upon nations to
"rouze them from a ſtate of indifference and in-
activity, and thereby to fave them from utter
"deftruction. If this has no effect, a total diffo-
lution and ruin muft follow: this has always
*been the caſe under every government. Angels
as well as men are witneffes, ye honourable ci-
"tizens, that ye are now publickly told this im-
portant truth: angels and men will bear wit-
"neſs againſt you, if you do not regard it. Long
66
66
<<
has it poffeffed your minds, that England has
"an invincible fleet, that we are entirely fecure
"in theſe wooden walls; but the experience of
"late affairs has fhewn, that without fome confi-
"derable amendments, you truft in that, which
may fail you.
66
"Deceive not yourſelves by thinking (though
"he deferves your higheſt refentment) that ONE
"man ONLY is faulty; but, remember, and let it
"ſtrike deep on your minds, that a whole council
"of war approved of your fleets flying before the
66 enemy, inferior in number and ftrength;-Think
"not yourſelves fafe, becauſe you ſurpaſs in num-
"ber of fhips; for if you are not equal in cou-
«rage,
THE LATE WAR.
417
cr rage, ſkill, and conduct, you will foon become
"inferior in number, or your number will be of
"no fervice. The divine Providence has, per-
$5
<<
haps, permitted the fhameful difgrace, which
"has befallen us, to awaken you from a falfe fe-
curity. Hear, O citizens, the divine voice call-
ing to you from your fleet fleeing before the
enemy: a fight never beheld before! awake,
"or you, and we all, are undone."
66
66
<<
"Our wars of late years having been chiefly
on the continent, and our fleets almoſt excluded
"from any ſhare in them; it has been a received
opinion, that we were poffeffed of an immen-
"furable fuperiority over our dangerous rival
66 upon the fea, which nature has beſtowed upon
"this iſland for our fecurity: a bulwark in which
"all our fafety confifts. But now the time is
"come, that our defpifed rival in this element,
"defies us upon it; and ſtrives, as much as we
ourſelves have done, to confine the conteſt for
"dominion and trade to a fea-war. Which fide
"has fhewn fuperior conduct, fkill and courage,
"the annals of the times will tell. But this is
<<
plainly evident, that unleſs fome confiderable
"reformation; unleſs fome new laws and regula-
❝tions are made; unleſs pofts of command are
"made the rewards of merit only; unleſs an
higher fenſe of honour, love and glory be
"lighted up; unleſs an improvement in know-
"ledge be made the ftudy of our navy, we fhall
"in a few years become the fcorn of our enemies,
" and muſt live in perpetual dread of them."
VOL. I.
E e
"" It
A. D.
1756.
9
418
THE GENERAL HISTORY or
A. D.
1756.
Addrefs to
..
66
<<
"It is, then, your duty, O citizens! as the
metropolis of the kingdom, to have your eyes
*
open to theſe plain truths: to unite in one body
(calling on the other chief cities, &c. in the king-
"dom to do the fame) and addrefs our fovereign
"to inquire into the caufes of our miſcarriages:
“to exert our naval and natural ſtrength; and to
"difplace and puniſh bad miniſters and officers."
The city of London, accordingly, in common
the King council affembled, prefented their humble ad
by the city
of London. drefs to his Majefty, "humbly begging leave to
approach his facred perfon, and with hearts full
of gratitude for his Majeſty's paternal care of the
true intereft of his people, to exprefs their forrow
and apprehenfions, from the difquietudes, which
the late loffes and diſappointments muſt have
created in his royal mind." Then they fignified
their fears, "That the lofs of the important for-
trefs of St. Philip, and iſland of Minorca, (pof-
feffions of the utmoſt confequence to the com-
merce and naval ftrength of Great Britain) with-
out any attempt, by timely and effectual fuc-
cours, to prevent or defeat an attack, after fuch
"early notice of the enemy's intentions, and when
his Majefty's navy was fo evidently fuperior to
theirs, would be an indelible reproach on the ho-
nour of the British nation. They expreffed their
apprehenfions for the great danger his Majefty's
poffeffions in America were in, by the mifmanage-
ment and delays, which had attended the defence
d
On the zoth day of Auguſt,
• See page 235..
of
THE LATE WAR.
419
pre-
of thoſe invaluable colonies, the object of the
fent war, and the principal fource of the wealth
and ftrength of thefe kingdoms. They begged
permiffion to lament the want of a conftitutional
and well-regulated militia, which they accounted
to be the moſt natural and certain defence, under
Providence, of his Majefty's facred perſon and
government, againſt all invaders whatſoever; be-
cauſe thereby his fleets and armies might be more
fecurely employed abroad, to the annoyance of
the enemy; affuring him, that they were ready
and willing, whenever called upon by his Majefty,
to fhed the laſt drop of their blood in his fervice.
They fignified their hopes, that the authors of
the late loffes and diſappointments would be en-
quired into and punished: that his Majefty's
known intentions of protecting and defending his
fubjects in their rights and poffeffions, might be
faithfully and vigorously carried into execution ;
and, that the large fupplies, fo neceffarily called
for, and fo chearfully granted, might be religi-
ouſly applied to the defence of theſe kingdoms
and colonies; and to their commerce; and to the
diftreffing of our inveterate and perfidious ene
mies; as the only fure means of obtaining a laſt-
ing and honourable peace: concluding with the
utmoft fincerity of heart, to affure his Majefty,
that his loyal city of London would, at all times,
readily and chearfully contribute to whatever
might be neceffary for the defence of his Majefty,
and his illuftrious family, and towards the attain-
ment of thefe great and defirable ends." To which
E e 2
his
A. D.
1756.
420
THE GENERAL HISTORY or
A. D. his Majefty anſwered, That his concern for the
1756. lofs of Minorca was great and fincere: that he
Inftruc-
would maintain the honour of the nation and the
commerce of his fubjects with the utmost care
and vigilance: That nothing fhould be wanting,
on his part, towards carrying on the war with vi-
gour, in order to a fafe and honourable peace,
and for recovering and fecuring the poffeffions and
rights of his crown: and that he would not fail
to do juſtice upon any perfons, who might have
been wanting in their duty to him and their coun-
try; to enforce obedience and difcipline in his
fleets and armies, and to ſupport the authority
and refpect due to his government.
The citizens did alfo inftruct their reprefentatives
tions to the in parliament, "calling upon them moſt earneſtly
reprefenta-
tives of the to exert their utmoſt ability towards procuring a
city of
London.
ſtrict and impartial parliamentary enquiry into the
cauſes of ſo many late national calamities. An
almoft total neglect of our important fortreffes in
the Mediterranean, of fuch ineftimable confe-
quence to the trade and power of thefe kingdoms;
and the permitted abfence of their principal of-
*ficers, many months after the commencement of
hoftilities; the actual loſs of Minorca, and appa-
rent danger of Gibraltar,, are circumftances that
filled them with amazement and concern. But
when they reflected on the great preparations for
an embarkation of troops and artillery, and the
equipment of a powerful fleet publickly known to
be carried on at Toulon, whofe neighbourhood to
Minorca was fufficiently alarming, they could not
impute
THE LATE WAR.
421
1756.
impute thoſe fatal events to neglect alone; and A. D.
therefore conjured them to enquire, why a re-
fpectable fleet was not immediately fent from
hence? and why, at laft, fo fmall a fquadron was
ordered upon this important fervice, without any
frigate, fire-fhip, hofpital-fhip, tranſport, or troops
beyond their ordinary compliment? and this at a
time when the British naval force was confeffedly
fuperior to the enemy's. As the cruelties fuffered
and loffes fuftained by their fellow-fubjects in
North America, had long called for redreſs; whilſt
the mifmanagements in the attempts for their fup-
port, and the untimely and unequal fuccours fent
to their relief, have only ſerved to render the Bri-
tiſh name contemptible; they therefore required
them, to uſe their utmoſt endeavours for detecting
all thofe, who by treachery or misconduct, have con-
tributed to thoſe great diftreffes. They added their
preffing requeſt, that they would uſe their earlieſt
endeavours to eſtabliſh a well-regulated and con-
ftitutional militia, as the moſt honourable de-
fence of the crown, and the most confiftent with
the rights of the people: And this, they ſaid,
they were more anxious to recommend to their
particular care and attention, as every apprehen-
fion of danger has furniſhed a reaſon for increafing
the number of regular forces, and for the intro-
duction of foreign mercenaries; the expence of
which is infupportable: trufting that they would
purſue this meaſure before they ſhould conſent to
the gránt of fupplies; experience having convinced
them, that their laudable endeavours afterwards
might prove abortive. They hinted at fome viola-
Ee 3
tion
422
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. tion of the Bill of rights, by a fufpenfion or in-
1756.
Followed
terruption of the ordinary form of juſtice in fa-
vour of the foreign troops, then in England; and
defired that they would endeavour to bring to juſtice
the adviſers and inftruments of fuch an infult offered
to our laws. They intreated them, at all events,
to oppoſe the continuance of any foreign troops
within the kingdom; a circumſtance, which would
ever be confidered as a reproach to the loyalty,
courage and ability of this nation. They expreffed
their hopes, that they would endeavour to limit
the number of placemen and penfioners, that had
of late fo remarkably increaſed; and at a proper
ſeaſon to reſtore triennial parliaments; as they
conceived it to be the only means to obtain a free
repreſentative of the people. The immenfe fums
fo chearfully paid, when almoſt every meaſure re-
flects national difgrace, they faid, called upon
them ftrictly to enquire into their application; and
they expreffed their dependance upon their wifdom
and integrity to prevent all unnatural connections
on the continent, in order to preferve the inde-
pendency of theſe kingdoms."
This example was ſpeedily and ftrongly copied
by all parts by the moſt reſpectable parts of the nation; all of
tion. them breathing a true patriotic and loyal fpirit,
of the na-
South-
and fome of them fo truly Britiſh, that it would
be doing injuſtice both to thoſe patriots and to
pofterity, fhould we pass them over in filence,
The borough of Southwark, after affurances of
wark's ad- loyalty and readiness to fupport his Majefty, &c,
begged permiffion" to exprefs their deep forrow
drefs.
" and
THE LATE WAR.
423
"and amazement at the loſs of Minorca, at a time A. D..
"when our naval power fo eminently exceeded 1756.
«Ε
"that of our enemies, and the deſtination of
"theirs had been fo long apparent. But, they
"added, ftedfaft in our allegiance, unalterable in
"our loyalty, unanimous in the defence of your
Majefty's facred perfon and government, and
"animated with a juft fenfe of your Majefty's
"martial virtues, if fupported by a well-regu-
"lated militia, we fear not the vain threats of fo-
"reign invaders, and moft humbly beg leave to
"affure your Majefty, with the greateſt fincerity,
"that we will chearfully devote the utmoſt ex-
"ertion of our abilities to crufh all impious at-
<tempts, either foreign or domeftic, to fubvert
"our preſent happy conftitution; and alfo to
ſupport and invigorate thofe meaſures, which
your Majefty's great wifdom fhall dictate, in
conducting the ſcenes of this moſt neceffary
"and important war, and for bringing to juftice
LL
66
thofe, however dignified and exalted, who by
"their bad counfel, or mifconduct, have occa-
"fioned this our prefent and ignoble diftrefsful
"fituation."
The county-palatine of Chefter addreffed his
Majeſty in theſe terms.
of Chefter.
"We, your Majefty's moft dutiful and loyal Addrefs of
fubjects, the High Sheriff, Grand Jury, Gentle- the county
men and Freeholders of the county-palatine of
Chefter, moft humbly beg leave, at this very
extraordinary juncture, to addrefs your facred
Ee 4
perfon
424
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. perfon with hearts firmly attached to the preferva-
1756. tion of your Majefty's government, and the liber-
ties of our country: which we apprehend to be
ſo cloſely connected, that they muft mutually de-
pend on the exiſtence of each other.
Conſcious, therefore, of your Majesty's wonted
juſtice and paternal affection for your people, we
dutifully hope, that your Majefty will kindly,
and duly, confider the prefent unhappy fituation
of theſe once flourishing kingdoms.
We are too apprehenfive, from many alarming.
circumftances, that the fupplies, fo chearfully and
liberally given, for the fupport of your Majefty's
Britiſh dominions, have been fatally mifapplied,
:
We reflect, with the utmoſt concern and ab-
horrence, that our fleets and armies have been
rendered ineffectual by ignorance, cowardice, or
treachery That our American plantations, by
which our trade principally flourishes, are fhame-
fully torn from us, notwithſtanding the large fums
allowed for their defence: And that Minorca,
once gloriouſly acquired, and fince, no lefs va
liantly defended; an ifland fo effential to our com-
merce, and a jewel, fo confpicuous in your Ma-
jefty's crown, has been unaccountably abandoned,
to the perpetual difgrace of this nation and your
Majefty's glory, to our perfidious enemy; an ene-
my we have hitherto never feared, but have often
humbled.
Our concern naturally increaſes, when we reflect
farther, that the taxes are grievous, the national
debt immenfe; that our trade daily leffens, though
they
THE LATE WAR.
425
they multiply; by which, we fear, we may be
too foon difabled from raifing the neceffary fup-
plies for the fupport of your Majefty's and our
country's rights.
•
We behold alfo, with the deepeſt forrow, fo-
reign troops unavailingly imported, and expen-
fively maintained within this kingdom, while your
Majeſty's faithful fubjects are unarmed and re-
jected; who, innately brave, and cordially inte-
reſted, would ſtrenuously defend your facred Ma-
jefty, and their now endangered country.
Theſe melancholy reflections fill us with fear
and amazement; and our allegiance to your Ma-
jefty, and love of our native country, once the
arbitreſs of Europe, induce us to unbofom our
thoughts to your royal confideration; not doubt-
ing redreſs of our grievances from a King, who
loves to be eſteemed the father of his people.
Permit us, therefore, moſt humbly to repreſent
to your Majeſty the abfolute neceffity of having
our natural guards, a well-regulated Militia, upon
the footing of the Engliſh conftitution: and we
likewiſe moſt humbly hope, from your Majefty's
known juftice and goodneſs, that you will be
pleaſed to direct fuch a ſpeedy and ftrict enquiry
into the conduct of all thoſe, who, when it was in
their power, did not prevent our loffes; but have
conduced, or confpired, to overwhelm this na-
tion, and your Majefty's crown, with reproach and
diſhonour; that they may receive their due punish-
ment, which they ſo juſtly deſerve."
A. D.
1756.
A
In
426
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
<<
A. D. In the inftructions from the gentry, clergy and
1756. freeholders of the county of York, are the follow-
Inftruc- ing remarkable paffages.
"We moſt earnestly
tions of the recommend to you a diligent attendance on
county of
York. "parliament, and an active ſcrutiny into all thoſe
dire and fatal fprings of our military difafters
"and perplexed negotiations, which have brought
"fuch indignity and burden upon thefe abuſed
" realms.
"The extremity long predicted ſeems now to
"advance with much hafty ftrides. It is, alas!
66
a truth, which every voice authenticates; and,
"therefore, your conftituents conjure that you
"will be the faithful and honeft counſellors of
66
royalty, and be no longer amufed with the
"futile projects and venal ſpeeches of felf-defign-
ing men, who, in proportion as they promife
"and diſpenſe, only attempt to enſlave, and be-
વ come the prodigal ſpendthrifts of our patrimo-
"nies and acquirements.
"That the welfare of this country may not be
totally unhinged, either through our crimes, or
"the abufe of fecondary means, we hope, that
you will not only endeavour to introduce a
change of men, but of morals and meaſures;
"that the rank enormities, which deluge this land,
66
66
66.
may not be laid to the charge and example of
"its magiftrates and fenators: That venality and
gaming, the bane of buſineſs and the ruin of
"integrity, may, in particular, no longer make
"their profelytes to fervile dependence, or prefs
"into
THE
427
LATE WAR.
"into their ſervice advocates for foreign and
"nicious fyftems.
66
per-
"We farther lament, for the fake of ourſelves,
" and the illuftrious family on the throne, that
when, through the fate of human nature, his
".moft gracious Majefty fhall be demanded to
"other glory, that the heir apparent muſt fuc-
"ceed to fo diſadvantageous a proſpect: We
..
mean, to fo immenfe a debt, as makes each
"proprietor tremble and each neuter fad.
"Let it then be your conftant endeavours, by
"all equitable means, to make this burden light,
" and the yoke eafy: And, if a continent muſt
"be fupplied, if our ſpoils muſt be ſhared, let
"America partake, rather than ungrateful Ger-
many, the fepulchre of Britiſh intereft.
66
"It is with no little concern we find thoſe to
"be the open tenets now, which formerly were,
"with fome modeſty and addrefs, concealed. But
"we apprehend, and it is hoped you will alſo
"conceive it, that where the intereft of two
ແ eftates, centering in the fame perfon, inter-
rr
fere, that the leffer ſhould give way, and be
"fubfervient to the greater. This is the manifeft
"rule of right, the moſt uſual and natural ex-
"pectation.
"This loyal and martial county, the leader in
a late feafon of danger, the firſt in rank for
❝opulence, extent, and natural advantages, pre-
"fumes farther to advife, that you will oppoſe
"(unleſs exigencies change,) all future ſchemes
"of receiving foreign mercenaries into this land;
" and
A. D.
1756.
428
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Of Somer-
fetfhire.
Of the city
of Bristol.
"and that a conftitutional militia, with our own
'
troops, may fupply the occafions, for which
"aliens were imported; and that we may have
86
no further caufe to fear and fay, with Matta-
"thias, God forbid that we should forfake the law
"and the ordinances.”
The conſtituents of the Knights of the fhire of
the county of Somerſet applied to their reprefenta-
tives with the like zeal, and amongſt other parti-
culars referred them to the perfidy of France, and
the miſconduct of the British miniftry, ever fince
the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle: "How unhappy,
"fay they, muft it make every honeft and gene-
"rous Briton, to find, that notwithſtanding the
treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, our trade, rights,
"and our moft invaluable privileges are not ef
•
66
CC
fectually ſecured to us? for no fooner were we
pleafing ourſelves with the thoughts of peace
"and tranquillity, but we were alarmed with the
"augmentation of the naval force of our ene-
દ mies, and our colonies in America were claimed,
"encroached upon, and hoftilely invaded; and
"all this permitted without the leaft inquiry made,
"or refentment fhewn, by thoſe who had the
"conduct of our public affairs.A fupineness
" unaccountable and unparallelled!"
In the inftructions from Briftol, the gentle.
men, clergy, merchants, and other principal inha-
bitants obſerve, that "there is nothing fo reafon-
"able or fo juft, as the defire, univerfally expreffed
66
by the nation, that a clear and full account
may be obtained, of the immenfe fupplies
given
68
THE
429
LATE WAR.
s6
"given by their repreſentatives in, and raiſed
upon the people, fince the laft feffions of par-
"liament. The motives on which, and the ends
"for which, thofe vaft fums, in our preſent cir-
"cumſtances efpecially, were fo readily voted,
"and fo chearfully paid, were fufficiently divulged,
" and therefore the manner in which they have
"been applied, ought to be no fecret. The Ar-
"cana Imperii are well fuited to defpotic go-
vernments, but are inconfiftent with, and dan-
gerous to, the liberties of a free people. Be-
fides, it is no way reconcileable to the nature of
"our conftitution, which is founded on reaſon
"and equity, the liberty of the fubjects perfons,
"and the fecurity of their properties.
<<
"We find fome additional reaſons to ſtrengthen
"the people's claim, which we could wifh, tho'
warm friends to it, that they had rather wanted.
"Thefe additional reafons confift in difappoint-
"ments and loffes. In reference to the former,
<<
we had felt fomething of them before, and
"experienced them abundantly in the laft war;
"witneſs our attack on Carthagena, our invafion
"of Cuba, our defcent upon Bretagne, and many
"others. However, we must allow our preſent
66
diſappointment to be of quite a new fpecies,
"and yet much more galling and provoking than
"all the reft put together.-For, notwithſtanding
"all our liberal grants, and the fanguine known
"expectations of thofe who gave, at leaſt of thofe
"who paid them, we have attempted nothing.
૬૮
"Our loffes are to the full as wonderful, and
" rather
A. D.
1756.
430
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. "rather more affecting. In the Weſt Indies our
1756.
"enemy has a confeffed fuperiority, which has
"been augmented by the capture of almoſt the
Of the
county of
Effex.
66
fingle fhip of force we had then cruizing in
thoſe ſeas. In North America our colonies
"have been ranfacked for many months, by the
"moſt barbarous nations, almoft without de-
"fence. We have been deprived of Minorca in
66 a manner, which does as little honour to the
"French as to us. Our navy has been difgraced
"in the Mediterranean. If this, inftead of a
public, were a private cafe, on fuch fuggeftions
. as thefe, a court of equity would, beyond a
"queftion, decree an account."
ર
The county of Effex, in their reprefenta-
tion of the grievances on this occafion, obſerve,
That ftanding armies and foreign troops
« have not heretofore been thought the proper
66
means to repel an invafion: They are grievoufly
"burdenfome to the fubject, always dangerous to
"the conſtitution, and in every reſpect diſagree-
"able to the nation, as well as every way inade-
CC
quate to the real fervice againft our enemies,
"without the affiftance of a greater part of our
"fleet, than ought to be confined for that pur-
"pofe. Therefore, when a truly loyal, brave,
"and generous people, from every quarter, ar-
<s
dently defire that arms may be put into their
"hands for the defence of themfelves, their fa-
હૃદ milies, their King and their country, againſt
"the encroachments and attacks of a perfidious
"and dangerous enemy, it was hoped, that they
"would
THE LATE WA R.
431
"would do all in their power to prevent the denial A. D.
of fo natural a right to a free people.
"They the more earnestly requeſted their affiduity
"in promoting a conftitutional militia for theſe
"good purpoſes, from a thorough conviction
"that it would have as certain a tendency to-
"wards the fecuring the crown to his Majefty and
"his heirs, as the preferving the liberties and
"properties of the fubjects."
1756.
dreffes, &c.
In theſe acts of the people, it is clear that they Remarks
were ready to ſupport his Majefty in the juft and on theſe ad-
neceffary war he had been forced into by the ob-
ftinacy, perfidy and hoftilities of France, after
very long and fruitless negociations and forbear-
ance: even almoft to the irreparable injury of our
national intereft: But that they were diſcontented
with, and diffident of the miniftry, and unwilling
to truſt the national money, or that the conduct
of the war fhould be committed to them, who
had given fuch umbrage for fufpicion of their abi-
lities and neglect in the fervice of their country:
who, they prayed, might be removed out of the
adminiſtration whoſe meaſures they requeſted
might be ſcrutinized: and that the foreign forces
ſhould be ſent home; a national militia eſtabliſhed,
and the authors of our late mifcarriages might, be
brought to condign puniſhment.
His Majeſty, ever attentive to his faithful ſub-
jects, had already pledged his royal word for a
ftrict application of the fupplies, granted in the
laft feffion of parliament; and now, he not only
promiſed to redrefs their grievances and com-
4
plaints,
432
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
plaints, but commanded an immediate examination
1756. into the cauſes of the lofs of Minorca: and, as we
Admiral
refted.
fhall find, proceeded to fatisfy them in every other
part of their petitions.
Admiral Byng and the other ftate prifoners
Byng ar- arrived on the third of July, at Portſmouth.
Where the faid Admiral was immediately put un-
der arreft, and eſcorted fome time after from
thence to an appartment in Greenwich-Hofpital;
there to be kept clofe prifoner to prepare for
his trial which was delayed by the abſence of
many evidences, in the Mediterranean, required
both in his favour and againſt him.
Admiral
go to Lon-
don.
Admiral Weft and Lieutenant-General Fowke
Weft, &c. were ordered up to London. Where the Admiral
was graciouſly received by his Majefty; but Lieu-
Lieut. Gen, tenant-General Fowke was ordered to take his
Fowke to
be tried. trial, for difobeying his Majefty's orders tranf
mitted to him from the fecretary of war, relating
to the embarkation of a battalion of troops to be
fent by Mr. Byng to reinforce Fort St. Philip.
с
The court-martial commiflioned to try Lieute-
His court- nant-General Fowke, confifted of two Generals,
eleven Lieutenant-Generals, and three Major-Ge-
nerals. The Judge-Advocate read the letters,
martial,
• Gen. Sir Robert Rich, prefident-Gen. Sir J. Ligonier-
Lieut. Gen. Hawley-Lieut. Gen. Lord Cadogan-Lieut.
Gen. Guife-Lieut. Gen. Onflow-Lieut. Gen. Pulteney-
Lieut. Gen. Hufke-Lieut. Gen. Campbell-Lieut. Gen.
Lord de la War-Lieut. Gen. Charles Duke of Marlborough
-Lieut. Gen. Wolfe-Lieut. Gen. Cholmondeley-Major
Gen. Lafcelles-Major Gen. Bocland-Major Gen. Lord
George Beauclerk.
which
THE LATE WAR.
433
which you have at the bottom of the page, and
were faid to contain the inftructions broken, or
f To Lieutenant General Fowke, or, in his abfence, to the Com-
mander in Chief in his Majefty's garrison of Gibraltar.
SIR,
War-Office, March 21, 1756.
I am commanded to acquaint you that it is his Majefty's
pleaſure, that you receive into your garrifon Lord Robert
Bertie's regiment, to do duty there; and in cafe you ſhall ap-
prehend, that the French threaten to make any attempt upon
his Majefty's ifland of Minorca, it is his Majefty's pleaſure,
that you make a detachment out of the troops in your garrifon,
equal to a battalion, to be commanded by a lieutenant and
major, fuch lieutenant and major to be the eldeft in your gar-
rifon, to be put on board the fleet for the relief of Minorca,
at the difpofition of the admiral,
I am, Sir, your humble Servant,
BARRINGTON.
To Lieutenant General Fowke, or, in his abfence, to the Com-
mander in Chief at Gibraltar.
SIR,
War-Office, March 28, 1756.
I am commanded to acquaint you, that it is his Majeſty's
pleaſure, in cafe you fhall apprehend, that the French threaten
an attempt upon Minorca, that you make a detachment from
the troops in your garriſon equal to a battalion, commanded
by a lieutenant-colonel and major, for the relief of that
place, to be put on board the fleet at the difpofition of the
admiral ; fuch lieutenant-colonel and major to be the eldeſt
in your garrison.
BARRINGTON.
To Lieutenant General Fowke, or, in his abfence, to the Com
mander in Chief in his Majesty's garrifon in Gibraltar.
SIR,
War-Office, April 1, 1756.
It is his Majefty's pleafure, that you receive into your gar-
rifon the women and children belonging to Lord Robert Ber-
tie's regiment.
VOL. I.
Ff
BARRINGTON.
not
A. D.
1756.
10
434
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
not fulfilled by Lieutenant-General Fowke, as
Governor of Gibraltar. To this accufation the pri-
foner delivered a written anfwer by way of de-
fence; and he defired that the Judge-Advocate
might read it, and that he might be allowed to
afk fuch queſtions, as fhould neceffarily arife from
the nature of the caſe.
The defence fet forth, "that he had received
thoſe three letters together, by the fame hand
and must therefore take them together:" that his
orders were confuſed at leaſt, if not contradictory:
"that if they were confuſed, then he could not
know when he had executed them; and if they
were contradictory, they could not be executed
at all."
Here the Secretary of War being aſked feveral
queſtions by the priſoner, he candidly acknow-
ledged, that he apprehended the fecond letter fu-
perſeded the firſt; that he ought to have faid in
his fecond letter, notwithstanding my former orders:
and that the reafon for his incorrectneſs was his
little experience, having been only about four
months in that office.
Then the judge proceeded with the written de-
fence, in which the defendant ſaid, "My orders
being confuſed and contradictory, I called a coun-
cil of war, not to deliberate whether I fhould
obey my orders, or not, but only to take their
fenfe, what was the meaning of them."
Mr. Fowke here, and frequently, urged, that
his orders were not abfolute, but difcretionary;
and that the execution of them was left to his
and
THE LATE WAR.
435
and Mr. Byng's diſcretion and judgment; for
which he particularly referred to a letter from the
Secretary of War to the Commander in Chief at
Gibraltar, which throughout fuppoſes a difcre-
tionary power in the execution of former or-
ders &
He proceed to defended the meaſure itſelf, even
if the orders had not been inconfiftent and con-
tradictory. "The whole number, faid he, which
I had then in garrifon was but 2,700 men. I had
fpared to Mr. Edgcumbe's fhips 230, which
with 40 of my men, left by him in St. Philip's,
made 270: the ordinary duty of the garrifon re-
quired, in workmen and guards, eight hundred
men, ſo that I had then only 130 men more than
three reliefs. If I had made the detachment of a
battalion, and put it on board the fleet, I fhould
not then have had much more than two reliefs,
and this at a time, when I believed the place was
in danger of being attacked, for good reafons,
which I don't think myfelf at liberty to men-
tion."
The Lieutenant-General having explained Lim-
felf in this particular, returned to exculpate him-
g For in the Secretary's letter it was faid, "if that order
has not been complied with, then you are now to make a
detachment of 700 men out of your own regiment and Guife's,
and alſo another detachment out of Poultney's and Panmure's
regiments, and fend them on board the fleet for the relief of
Mahon. But if that order has been complied with, then
you are to make only one more detachment of 700 men, to
be commanded by another lieutenant colonel and major, and
to fend it to Mahon."
Ff2
felf
A. D.
1756.
436
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Arts made
injure Ad-
miral
Byng.
felf upon the doubtfulness of his orders and add-
ing, that he knew very well that his duty did not
allow him to hold a council of war, to deliberatè
upon the obeying of the orders; and that he had
fummoned that council only to affift him in the
underſtanding of them, the Judge-Advocate refted
the whole proof upon this conceffion, and obferving
that his own letter, and the minutes of the faid
council plainly implied, that they had no doubt
at all about their meaning, the court found him
guilty of the charge, and adjudged that he fhould
be fufpended for the fpace of one year h h. His
Majeſty did not only confirm this fentence, but
difmiffed him from his fervice. To which he was
never reſtored; but was, not long after, favoured,
as we are informed, with a handſome penfion.
In the mean time every thing feemed to inflame
ufe of to the public againſt Mr. Byng. His character was
artfully delivered over to the populace, to gratify
upon it the worſt paffions, that the worst artifices
and inftruments could raife. There was not a
fpecies of libelling in prints, in verfe, or in profe,
that was not exhaufted to render him odious:
the very ghoft of his honourable father was raiſed,
advifing him to lay violent hands on himſelf-
Laft-dying ſpeeches and confeffions were prepared
in his name-Mock executions were fpirited up,
h When the queftion was put, to quit or fufpend for a
year, the voices were equal: but the prefident being, in fuch
cafes, vefted with the cafting vote, he gave it againſt the pri-
foner.
2
to
THE LATE
LATE
437
WAR.
to make the way eafy for a real one-Thefe fan-
guinary diſcourſes and practices pointed out the
priſoner to be the ftricken-deer, which all the de-
pendents and followers of his profecutors were to
unite in goring out of the herd, and to reprefent
him to be the fole cauſe of the difgrace and lofs
fuftained by this nation in the Mediterranean.
A. D.
1756.
dice.
A letter was publiſhed, and faid to be dated at Letters to
Gibraltar 24th of June, in which it was affirmed,
his preju-
Mr. Byng might have ſeveral times fent letters, and
whatever he pleaſed into Minorca, but that he had
never attempted it: that private ſignals had been
appointed, by which the fleet and garriſon might
have underſtood each other; but that the Ad-
miral, when in fight, did not return one fignal.
That he fhewed no inclination, in any one inftance,
of coming near the object he had to relieve that
every thing fhewed, the enemy knew their man;
and the plan of his operations: that he had formed
his own divifion with the ftrongeft fhips in the
fleet, but would not fuffer one of them to affift
the wing that was engaged that he fired fix bar-
rels of powder, but a great deal of it was in fig-
nals to hinder others from doing their duty and
he kept at fo great diftance from the enemy, that
the balls directed against the French fell fhort of
their fhips 500 yards at leaſt.
Another was dated from the fame port on the
4th of July, under the defcription of a failor, who
delivered himſelf thus: " on the 20th of May,
it was in our power to finish the war, and make
"ourfelves gentlemen: but the Lord knows if
Ff 3
66 we
438
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D," we ever fhall have the chance again. We en-
1756.
“gaged and diſabled the French Admiral, a brave
in effigy.
..
80 gun fhip; which fell to our lot in the line;
"and we ſhould certainly have made her our
prize, if we had been permitted fo to do. We
broke our line to run through the French and
pick her up, but were immediately ordered to
66
keep our ſtation. We fet her on fire twice on
"the quarter; likewife drove two ports abaft into
(6 one; beſides carrying away her maintop-fail
"yard, and her top-fail ſheets fore and aft, and
her fails alfo; fo that he could not efcape at
any rate, if we only had the liberty to have
gone after her. And if ſhe had ſtruck, being
"the chief, no doubt but the reſt would have
« followed her example; for if ſeven fail beat off
"twelve, what muft our thirteen have done, if
"they had all played their part.
66
Hanged
There was ſcarce a village in the nation, but
and burnt dreffed up a man of ftraw, and committed him
to the gallows and to the flames, under the exe-
crated name of one, that had betrayed his coun-
try. London and its environs exhibited many of
theſe ſcenes. The populace at Greenwich were
permitted to infult the priſoner in the moſt out-
rageous manner, by executing him in effigy even
before the windows of the quarter, in which he
was confined. And, what is moft unaccountable,
a Byng, as the children were taught to call it,
with indignation, was, at an extraordinary ex-
pence, brought by day-light upon Tower-
hill, dreffed in the regimentals of an Admiral
escorted
THE LATE WA R.
439
eſcorted by a file of mercenary wretches hired
for that purpoſe, with muſkets on their ſhoulders;
and, after parading feveral times round that area,
with drums beating, under the walls of the Tower
of London, he was hanged upon a gallows, there
erected, twenty foot high; cut down and burnt
in the fight of 10,000 people, with ftrong impre-
cations, to the prejudice of his future defence.
A. D.
1756.
to be af-
cribed.
It is not collected only from the principal To whom
actors at the popular bonfires and incendiary ex-
ecutions, how to form an idea of the fecret fprings
of fuch actions, promoted and conducted chiefly
by the underſtrappers of great men, and inferior
officers under the crown: but from the corre-
ſpondence between Admiral Byng and the Admi-
ralty, in which, during his confinement, he could His com-
not forbear complaining of being put under an plaints.
arreft, after an unprecedented manner, without
any reafon affigned, which every criminal has a
right to be acquainted with: of being treated
with greater ſeverity and ftricter confinement,
than other officers; who, when their conduct was
doubted of, were ordered to prepare for their
trials, and were indulged with leave to regulate
their affairs on fhore, at large *: that his conduct
had been placed in England, before his arrival, in
an odious light by the induftry of fome, as yet
inviſible perfons, who were indefatigable in pro-
k
1 See Byng's letter, dated Antelope, Spithead, July 27,
1756.
See ditto, 30th of July 1756.
Ff 4
pagating
440
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. pagating falfhoods to his diſhonour'. Being told
1756.
of the tenderneſs and indulgence fhewn to him by
the Lords of the Admiralty, this unhappy pri-
foner could not contain himſelf. "What, ſays
he, with astonishment, can being kept moving
backward and forward, from one place of con
"finement to another, for near three weeks after
ત my arrival in England, fo as to make it im-
"poffible for me to prepare any thing relating to
my defence, be called by either of theſe names?
66
66
or, can my clofe confinement at Greenwich,
"without fuffering even my menial fervants to
remain in the houſe after dark, be called fo?
"And I think I have a right to complain of that
"cruel countenance and belief, which ſeems to
"be given to a groundless report" of my having
"attempted to make my eſcape, and the rigid
I See Byng's letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, dated
Greenwich, September 6, 1756.
im This was the fhamelefs forgery of his attempting to
make his efcape in his fifter's cloaths, an invention calcu-
lated by fomebody to countenance more appearance of guilt,
and authenticated to the public by an order for additional
bolts and bars, additional guards of foldiers; and, as if all
were not fufficient, a boatſwain and twelve men of the hof-
pital, by way of fuppliment, were appointed to watch in the
court below. Then an alarm was given, that four men were
feen at his window, in the upper ftory, and in the middle of
the night; but they could not be found, though ftrict fearch
was made by the officer on duty; nor could they find any
trace of fuch an attempt, yet this fiction was propagated for
an infallible truth, by an addition of a number of ſmiths
and bricklayers to wall up the doors (except one) to bar up
all the windows, and the very chimnies.
}
orders
THE LATE WAR.
441
"orders given in confequence of it, as if intended A. D.
"to confirm it; a report fo injurious to me, and 1756.
"fo abfolutely without foundation. And I can-
"not here avoid obferving, that all charge of
"keeping me in cuftody feems to be taken from
"the marshal, and committed to the governor of
"the hofpital, who feems diligent in diftinguiſh-
"ing himſelf in the fervice of his country, by
impofing upon me all the indignities and incon-
"veniences, that power can enable him to do;
"being-reftrained and diftreffed by all the
"methods power can impofe, and perſonally di-
"ſturbed day and night, with unparallelled treat-
"ment and unprecedented hardſhips and incon-
"veniencies "." And being denied the right of
fending for an additional number of witneffes, he
writes °, My cafe is very fufficiently hard, if in-
"dulged with every legal advantage: for I have
"too much reaſon to believe, that my profecution
" is carried on by perſons too powerful for me to
" contend againft, whofe influence muft add great
"weight to their accufations againſt me."
<<
After the whole art of political necromancy had
been exhauſted, in conjuring up alarming ſpectres
n See Byng's letter to the ſecretary of the admiralty, dated
September the 14th 1756.
• Dº. October the 17th 1756. N. B. When he was brought
to Greenwich hofpital; though he was an admiral, the fon
of a peer, and a member of parliament, he was hoifted up to
the top of the hofpital, into an apartment, where people were
in bed, after midnight, and was obliged to lay himself down
on the floor, with his portmanteau for a pillow, for refreſh-
ment, the remainder of the night.
of
442
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
Ordered
for trial.
A. D. of cowardice, treachery and treafon, and the wit-
1756.
neſſes were arrived from the Streights, the admiral
was ordered to prepare for his trial; in which his
fate feems at laft, to be determined upon a difpu-
table point of diſcipline only, or by a law quibble,
upon the words of the 12th article of the ftatute
22 Geo. II. But this will beſt appear from the
proceedings of the court martial.
Where and
The place appointed for this trial was on board
by whom. his Majefty's fhip the St. George, in Portſmouth
harbour, and the court was compofed of four admi-
rals and nine captains. They fat one and thirty
days, Sundays excepted, examining witneffes,
and hearing the prifoner's defence; which he made
in the following words, or to that effect:
Admiral
Byng's de- c
fence.
GENTLEMEN,
:
THE articles of the charge exhibited againſt
me, are of fuch a nature, that every thing
"which can be fuppofed intereſting to a man, is
" concerned in the event of this caufe. My cha-
"racter, my property, and even my life are at
“ſtake; and I ſhould indeed have great reaſon
P Thomas Smith, Efq; Vice Admiral of the Red, Prefi-
dent-Francis Holburne, Efq; Rear Admiral of the Red-
Harry Norris, Efq; Rear Admiral of the White-Thomas
Brodrick, Efq; Rear Admiral of the Blue-Captain Charles
Holmes Captain William Boys Captain John Simcoe-
Captain John Bentley Captain Peter Dennis - Captain
Francis Geary--Captain John Moore-Captain James Douglafs,
-The Honourable Captain Auguftus Keppel.
9 From the 28th of December 1756, to the 27th of January
3757.
* to
THE LATE WAR.
443
"to be alarmed, were not I confcious of my in-
"nocence, and fully perfuaded of the juſtice and
66 equity of the court.
"It is no new thing, gentlemen, to be ac-
"cuſed: court martials have of late, been very
frequent. I have been a long time under the
diſagreeable fituation of a confined priſoner, of
"a man accuſed, and confequently condemned
''
<6
by many. No means, no artifice has been omitted
by my enemies, to injure my reputation. However,
"I will not take up your time with a detail of
"theſe matters, but beg leave to obferve, that
"the nature of a ſea ſervice is complicated, de-
"pending on fo many circumstances, and fubject
"to fuch variety of accidents, that for a com-
"mander even of the greateſt capacity, to pro-
vide againſt all contingencies, is impoffible.
But to fet upon a foft chair and cenfure, and,
"after the event of an action, to point out how,
"and by what means it might have fucceeded bet-
"ter, is extremely eaſy. This fort of ſcience re-
"quires no other abilities, than a great deal of
"ill-nature and little wit. Even thofe actions,
"which have been attended with the greateft fuc-
cefs, and reflected the greateſt glory on this na-
❝tion, have not eſcaped the venom of theſe ma-
❝licious critics; and, perhaps, there never was
"an action fo complete, but it might have been
"better conducted, were it poffible to have fore-
feen all circumftances attending it. But I con-
❝fide in the candour and the equity of this court,
that my enemies will be diſappointed.
« As
A. D.
1756.
444
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
(6
<<
"As to the article exhibited againſt me, relat-
ing to my making any unneceffary delay in
failing of the fleet from St. Helen's to Gibraltar,
"and from thence to Mahon, the teftimonies of
"the evidence have, doubtleſs, ſufficiently proved
"the contrary; I fhall therefore trouble the court
" with nothing further on that head.
'
"As to the other articles exhibited againſt me,
"I hope to make my innocence appear, by a con-
"cife relation of the whole of my conduct."
Which he began with the account, as related
above, on page 276 to 283, and then, added:
"This behaviour will, I hope, appear to the
"court to be fuggefted by prudence, all that
"could have been attempted in the fpace of an
"hour, and the moſt advantageous ſtep, which
"could have been taken on that occafion. It
proves that I did not depend on the hear-fay
" evidence which I had received even from the
"beſt authorities at Gibraltar, nor on the united
..
opinion of every officer at that place; but that
"I was determined to be certified of the true
"ſtate of the harbour and citadel from General
<"
Blakeney himſelf, as I expected that Captain
Scroop, who, together with all the foldiers and
"marines of Mr. Edgcumbe's fhips, and 100
"feamen, had been left to reinforce the garrifon,
“would come off in his barge, and bring me a juſt
"relation of every circumftance neceffary to be
"known; and though I mentioned in my letter
"of the 25th of May,
"of all the fea and land
That it was the opinion
officers, that they could
"render
THE LATE WAR.
445
"render no fervice to the garrifon, as no place was
"covered for the landing of any men, could they
"have spared any ;' in this I only gave my opinion
"agreeable to that of all the other officers. Their
opinion had no influence on my conduct, and
"was only meant to fignify what might have
"been the event fuppofing the French fleet had
"not appeared at that time.
<c
૯
"So far then I hope it will appear to the court,
"that neither knowledge in my profeffion, pru-
"dence in conducting the expedition, or duty to
my King and country, appear to be deficient
"in me.
66
66
My letter to General Blakeney, ſent by Mr.
Harvey, though never delivered, for reaſons
immediately to follow, will, I think, evince this
“truth.
..
"My firſt care, after coming in fight of the
port, was to know the true ftate of the harbour
"and garrifon, to encourage the General and fol-
"diers, by acquainting him that I was arrived to
"his fuccour, and defiring to know how it might
"moſt effectually be put in execution.
"Thus then I hope all things will appear to
"the court, to be well conducted to the time of
"the French fleet's appearing in view; when, on
feeing the enemy, confiderations of another na-
"ture took place, and it became neceffary to defer
"the execution of all reſolutions, which I had
"taken ſince I ſaw Mahon, and to recall the men
"of war which I had difpatched to reconnoitre
"the harbour, and procure intelligence from
General
A. D.
1756.
$446
THE GENERAL HISTORY or
A. D.
1756.
66
«General Blakeney. It was now to no purpoſe
"to know the ftate of the citadel and harbour,
"before I had engaged the French fleet; I had
"no foldiers to land, but what made part of the
complement of my ſhips, and ferved as marines
" and if I had been provided with them, it would
"have been abfolutely imprudent to have landed
"them before the engagement with the enemy,
"and thereby render that force lefs, which was
"already too little, for the intent it ought to
"have been fent upon. Landing the troops would
have rendered the fleet unfit for action, and ob-
66
liged it to flee before the enemy. Had I be-
"haved in that manner, fuch a prepoſterous act
"could not have failed rendering me juſtly delin-
quent, and unequal to the command I preſided
"in.
"I was very fenfible that if fuccefs was the con-
"fequence of engaging the French, that I fhould
"have it more in my power to relieve the citadel,
"as far as landing the troops, which ferved as
"marines, could effect it. But I fufpected alſo,
"and with reaſon, that I might probably be ren-
“dered unable to keep the feas, though I obtain,
"ed the victory, and therefore prevented from
"effectually fuccouring the citadel.
"So far all, I hope, will appear to the court
to have been conducted with knowledge and
❝ prudence.
"Am I deferving of blame for not ſeeking the
66 enemy in the difabled condition I was in after
"the engagement?
" To
THE LATE WAR.
447
"To what purpoſe would this fecond engage-
"ment have been attempted with a fleet, originally
"fo greatly inferior to the French, and now ren-
"dered much more fo by the damages received in
"the late battle? A total defeat, in all probabi-
"lity, is the anſwer of reaſon; and if Monf. la
"Galiffionere had fought it, which providentially
"he did not, it is a reafonable prefumption that
"the whole Engliſh fquadron would have periſh-
"ed, or fallen a prey to the French, fince there
"was no port to fhelter them. Whereas, had I
"been in the Mediterranean before the arrival of
"the French at Minorca, a defeat on my fide
"even might have faved the iſland: I could have
"then faved my fhattered remains in Mahon, and
66
though conquered at fea, by means of the failors
"and foldiers, have preferved St. Philip's, and
"probably the inland. Thus a defeat of our fleet,
"had it been timely fet out, would have done more
"ſervice than a victory, after St. Philip's was in-
" vefted.
"It has been the fettled rule of all generals,
"that no commander fhould ever rifque an en-
gagement, but when there is greater expecta-
❝tion to gain by a victory, than to lofe by a de-
"feat.
“When then, from the inferiority of the Engliſh,
"nothing could be reaſonably expected but mif-
"fortune and difgrace; or if, by the greateſt
"efforts of good fortune, victory fhould declare
for our fleet, that no advantage could be drawn
"from it; when the rifque of lofing the whole
• feet
A. D.
1756.
448
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A· D. "fleet was the refult of an unanimous council of
1756.
"war; and the nation, confidering the real ſtate
"of the Engliſh and French navies, fo little able
"to fuftain a lofs of that kind; when Gibraltar
"would have been left defencelefs, and fallen of
"courſe to the enemy; could the feeking the
"French admiral, by a commander who forefaw
"theſe probable confequences, with not only an
"inferior, but a fhattered fleet, and no other
પ ſhips in the Mediterranean to reinforce him,
"have been juftified in the judgment of men,
"who have ſtudied the nature of military at-
"chievements, or according to the rules and ob-
"fervations of ancient and modern writers on this
"head?
૬૮
"The utmoſt advantage could have been but
"á prolongation of the fiege, without the leaft
"probability of raifing it; becauſe the fleet, un-
"able to keep the ſea, muſt have retreated to Gi-
"braltar, the port of Mahon being ftill command-
"ed by the enemies batteries.
"Are commanders then at all events to fhow
"no other token of generalfhip, but what is to be
"learned from brutes? an excess of courage
"only and are all who ufe the fuperior attributes
"of the human underſtanding, to be confidered
"as delinquents in their duty to their King and
66 country? What commander of common fenfe
"will ferve his country under fuch difcouraging
conditions, where, unless he fights againſt all
"kinds of diſadvantage, he is to be ftigmatifed
"with the eternal infamy of cowardice; and if he
«Ε
"does
THE LATE WAR.
449
"does engage his enemy, and does not fucceed
againſt this great fuperiority of force, he is to
"be deemed a coward alfo, and be given up to the
cr
ક
rage of the multitude? It appeared impractica-
"ble to relieve Mahon, and probable, that Gi-
"braltar would be attacked, and therefore the de-
"termination of proceeding thither, was become
"the moſt prudent decifion, which could have
"been made; the moft likely to conduce to the
"nation's fervice, and a juft refolution of the
"council of war.
66
CC
•
"It is a matter of confequence to confider, that
though two fleets may be of equal number,
they may yet be of unequal force, as it has hap-
"pened in this inftance: and a fickly fquadron,
"without means of providing for the difeafed and
“wounded, or recruiting their feamen and ſoldiers,
"of which, more than a thouſand fick, which at
"their return to Gibraltar, were ſent to the hofpi-
tal, was a confideration that ought greatly to
"influence at that moment; eſpecially when it
"was evident, beyond all contradiction, that
"the enemy poffeffed every advantage, which I
"was in want of, having a power of procuring
"recruits of ſeamen from the 200 tranſports, and
"foldiers from the camp of the befiegers."
A. D.
1756.
him.
But Admiral Weft having depofed, That there Evidences
appeared to him no impediment, why Admiral againſt
Byng and his divifion could have got up to
enemy, and engage them as clofe as the
VOL. I.
G g
the Of Admi-
van
did;
ral Weft.
10
450
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A D. did; and that the fignal for chafing was never
1756.
made: Lieut. General Blakeney having depofed,
General
Blakeney.
That boats might have paffed with great fecurity
on the 20th of May, between the garrison and
the fleet; and that if the detachment ordered from
Gibraltar had been landed, he could have held
out till Sir Edward Hawke came with more ef-
Mr. Boyd. fectual relief: Mr. Boyd having depofed, That
the fuccours were wanted, and might have been cer-
Captain tainly thrown in: Captain John Philips having de-
Philips.
pofed, That there was not fail enough made at the
firft; and that he never faw nor heard of any
fignal made by the Admiral for more fail: Capt.
Thomas Bailie having depofed, That the admiral's
divifion was never within a proper diſtance to en-
gage: Captain Ourry having depofed, That there
was wind fufficient to have carried the Admiral
down cloſe to the enemy, during the time of en-
gagement: Captain Young having depofed,
That he did not perceive the lofs of his fore-top-
maft occaſioned any impediment to the rear divi-
fion from going down and engaging; nor that
it endangered any fhip being on board him; that
if the rear divifion had bore down as the van did,
they might have come up as near the enemy, as
if they had bore in a line of battle abreaft; there
would have been no danger of their being on
Captain
Bailie.
Captain
Ourry.
Captain
Young.
r Confirmed by the evidence of Captain Everit, Lieutenant
Bover, Lieutenant Higgs, Lieutenant Wood and Lieutenant
Man, all of the Buckingham, Captain Gilchrift and the Hon.
Captain Harvey..
. Of the Intrepid.
board
THE LATE WAR.
451
A.D.
1756.
Gardiner.
board each other, as every ſhip appeared to him
to have room to wear; that there was no poffibi-
lity of bringing on a general engagement, with-
out the admiral and the rear divifion going down
right before the wind upon the enemy; that the
fpoiling of his ground-tier of powder, and his
defect in men were no detriment to him in his en-
gagement and Captain Gardiner, of the Ramil- Captain
lies, having depofed, That he had adviſed the
admiral to bear down, without being able to pre-
vail with him fo to do; that the admiral, on the
20th, took the whole command of the fhip from
him, and that nothing was done, that day, but what
he ordered the court, upon fumming up the evi-
dence, were of opinion. "That Admiral Byng Opinion of
did not do his utmost to relieve St. Philip's castle,
in the iſland of Minorca; then befieged by the
forces of the French King: That during the
engagement between his Majefty's fleet, under his
command, and the fleet of the French King, on the
20th of May laſt, he did not do his utmoſt to take,
feize and deſtroy the fhips of the French King,
and to affift ſuch of his Majefty's fhips as were
engaged in fight with the French fhips: That the
admiral", notwithſtanding he did fee the enemy's
fleet approaching, ought to have left the frigate
to endeavour to land the military officers: That
when the Britiſh fleet, on the ftarboard tack, were
ſtretched abreaſt, or about the beam of the enemy's
line, the admiral fhould have tacked the fleet al-
the court.
· Art. 33, 34, 35, 36, 37.
u Art, and 11.
G g 2
7
together,
452
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
W
A. D. together, and immediately have conducted it on
1756.
a direct courſe for the enemy; the van fteering
for the enemy's van, the rear for their rear, each
ſhip for her oppofite ſhip in the enemy's line, and
under fuch a fail as might have enabled the worſt
failing fhip, under all her plain fail, to preferve
her ſtation: That the admiral, after the fignal
was made for battle, feparated the rear from the
van divifion, and retarded the rear divifion of the
Britiſh fleet from clofing with and engaging the
enemy, by his ſhortning fail, by haling up his fore-
fail, backing his mizen top-fail, and backing, or
attempting to back his main top-fail, in order that
the Trident and Princefs Louifa might get a-head
again of the Ramillies: That inftead of fhort-
ning fail, the admiral ought to have made the
Trident and Princeſs Louifa's fignals to make more
fail; and that he ought alfo to have fet fo much
fail himſelf, as would have enabled the Culloden
(the worſt failing fhip in his divifion) to have kept
her ſtation with all her plain fail fet, in order to
have got down, with as much expedition as poſſi-
ble, to the enemy, and thereby have properly
ſupported the van divifion: That after the fhips,
which had received damage in the action, were as
much refitted, as circumstances would permit,
the admiral ought to have returned with the fqua-
dron off St. Philip's, and have endeavoured to
open a communication with that caftle; and to
have uſed every means in his power for its relief,
w Art. 19, 20,
X
x Art. 32.
before
THE
453
LATE WAR.
A. D.
1756.
Refoluti-
before he returned to Gibraltar." They then came
to the following RESOLUTIONS ", That the admi-
ral appears to fall under the following part of the ons of the
twelfth article of the articles of war: to wit, "Or
"ſhall not do his utmoft to take or deftroy, every
66
(6
court.
him to be
of cowar-
ſhip which it ſhall be his duty to engage; and
"to affift and relieve all and every of his Majefty's
ſhips, which it ſhall be his duty to affift and re-
lieve." And as that article pofitively preſcribes
death, without any alternative left to the difcre-
tion of the court, under any variation of circum-
ſtances, they adjudged him to be ſhot to death. Sentence
But as it had appeared by the evidence of Lord fhot.
Robert Bertie, Lieutenant Colonel Smith, Captain
Gardiner and other officers of the fhip, who were
near the perfon of the admiral, "That they did Acquitted
not perceive any backwardneſs in him, during the dice and
action, or any marks of fear, or confufion, either tion.
from his countenance or behaviour; but that he
ſeemed to give his orders cooly and diftinctly, and
did not ſeem wanting in perfonal courage; and
from other circumftances, the court did not be-
lieve that his mifconduct arofe either from cowar-
dice or difaffection; and did therefore unanimoufly
think it their duty, moft earnestly to recommend Recom-
him as a proper object of mercy." So that when to the ad-
they made a report of this fentence of death, of miralty for
which they found him guilty, thefe fame members
of the court martial, added the following remon-
▾ Art. 36 and 37. See alfo the report made by the faid
court martial of their fentence.
difaffec-
mend him
mercy.
G g 3
ftrance,
454
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. ftrance, to the lords of the admiralty, in favour
1756.
of the criminal.
Lords of
"We the underwritten, the prefident and members
"of the court martial, affembled for the trial of
"Admiral Byng, believe it unneceffary to inform
..
ઃઃ
66
66
your lordſhips, that in the whole courſe of this
"long trial, we have done our utmoft endeavours
to come at truths, and to do the ſtricteſt juſtice
"to our country and the priſoner; but we cannot
help laying the diftreffes of our minds before.
your lordſhips, on this occafion, in finding our-
"felves under the neceffity of condemning a man
"to death, from the great feverity of the twelfth
"article of war 2, part of which he falls under,
"and which admits of no mitigation, even if the
"crime ſhould be committed by an error in judg-
"ment only; and therefore for our own confci-
"ences fakes, as well as in juftice to the prifoner,
"we pray your lordships in the moſt earneſt man-
ner, to recommend him to his Majeſty's cle-
"mency."
..
The lords of the admiralty, in purſuance of this
taly apply recommendation from the court martial, preſented
the
z Twelfth article of war, 22 of Geo. II.
"Every perfon in the fleet, who through cowardice, neg.
"ligence, or difaffection, ſhall in time of action, withdraw
or keep back, or not come into the fight or engagement, or
"fhall not do his utmoſt to take or deſtroy every ſhip which it
"fhall be his duty to engage, and to affift and relieve all and
"every of his Majefty's fhips, or thofe of his allies, which
"it fhall be his duty to affift and relieve, every fuch perfon fo
"offending, and being convicted thereof by the fentence of
65 a court martial, fhall fuffer DEATH."
a memo-
THE LATE WAR.
455
A. D.
1756.
to his Ma-
of the 12
a memorial to his Majefty, in which after fetting
forth the proceedings and fentence of the faid
court upon Admiral Byng, and the reprefentation jefty for
of the faid court, and the petitions of George, the opinion
Viſcount Torrington, Nephew to the unhappy judges.
Admiral, for his Majefty's mercy, fay, That af
ter their moſt ſerious and deliberate confideration
of the proceedings of the court-martial, doubts
had ariſen with regard to the legality of the ſen-
tence, particularly whether the crime of negligence,
which is not expreffed in any part of their pro-
ceedings, can, in this cafe, be fupplied by impli-
cation; and that they found themſelves obliged
to befeech his Majefty that the opinion of the
twelve judges might be taken, whether the faid
fentence was legal.
tence re-
to the
Declared
His Majefty not only referred the fentence to The fen-
the twelve judges, to confider thereof, as requeſt ferred by
ed; which was pronounced by them to be a legal the King
ſentence: but after a warrant had been figned by judges.
the Lords of the Admiralty, for carrying the fen-
to be legal.
tence paffed upon Admiral Byng into execution, Execution
certain members of the court-martial having ex- at the re-
fufpended
preffed their ſcruples, alledging that they had queft of fe-
fomething to diſcloſe relative to the faid fentence, bers of the
which greatly affected their own confciences, and tial.
which, it was neceffary, fhould be difclofed in or-
der to do juftice to the faid Admiral John Byng;
and one of them applying to the Houfe of Com-
mons, praying to be releafed, by act of par-
liament, from that part of the oath of fecrefy
Gg 4
rela-
veral mem-
court-mar-
456
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Bill to ab-
folve thofe
members
oath of fe-
crecy.
a relative to the ſubject in queſtion; his Majefty,
agreeable to his ufual tenderneſs for the lives of
his fubjects, confented to the ſaid act and reſpited
his execution till the bill had paffed the Houſe of
Commons, and the parties had paffed a ſeparate ex-
amination upon oath in the Houſe of Lords, to find
out what ground there was for that application.
The bill for this purpoſe paffed the Houſe of
Commons with great rapidity; but in the Houſe
from the of Lords, at the fecond reading, each member of the
faid court-martial being called feparately, was aſked
in fubftance as follows, "Whether he knew any
"matter that paffed, previous to the fentence
pronounced on Admiral Byng, which might
fhew that fentence to have been unjuft; or to
"have been given through any undue practice or
"motive; and was defirous that the bill then un-
"der the confideration of the houſe, for dif
''
a "I A. B. do fwear, That I will duly adminifter juftice,
according to the articles and orders eſtabliſhed by an act,
paffed in the twenty-fecond year of the reign of his Majeſty
King George the Second, for amending, explaining, and
reducing into one act of parliament, the laws relating to
"the government of his Majeſty's ſhips, veffels, and forces
"by fea, without partiality, favour, or affection; and if
"any cafe fhall arife, which is not particularly mentioned in
"the faid articles and orders, I will duly adminifter juftice
56
according to my confcience, the best of my underſtanding,
" and the cuftom of the navy in the like cafes; and I do
❝ further ſwear, That I will not, upon any account, at any
"time whatſoever, difclofe or diſcover the vote or opinion of
46
any particular member of this court-martial, unless there-
6f
unto required by act of parliament."
"penfing
THE LATE
LATE WAR.
457
"penfing with the oath of fecrecy, fhould pafs
"into a law; and whether he was of opinion,
"he had any particulars to reveal, relative to the
"cafe of, and the fentence paffed upon Admiral
"Byng, which he judged neceffary for his Ma-
jefty's information, and which he thought likely
to incline his Majefty to mercy?" but they
ſeparately anſwering thoſe queſtions in the ne-
gative; the faid bill was rejected; and the
minal b
was accordingly executed on the
<<
<6
cri-
A. D.
1756.
Rejected.
14th of Admiral
March cuted.
Byng exe-
During theſe proceedings to fave the Admiral's life, the
public were preſented with the two following letters, one from
the Marſhal de Richelieu to the celebrated M. de Voltaire,
written originally in French; the other written in Engliſh, by
M. Voltaire to Mr. Byng, under fentence of death for that
very conduct which extorted, the praiſe of a generous enemy.
SIR,
Clux delices pres de Geneve.
Though I am almoſt unknown to you, I think 'tis my
duty to ſend you the copy of the letter which I have juſt re-
ceived from the Marſhal Duke de Richelieu: Honour, hu-
manity, and equity order me to convey it to your hands.
This noble and unexpected teftimony, from one of the moſt
candid as well as the moft generous of my countrymen, makes
me prefume your judges will do you the fame juftice.
To the Hon. J. Byng, Efq;
SIR,
I am with respect, Sir, &c.
VOLTAIRE.
I am very fenfibly concerned for Admiral Byng; I do
affure you whatever I have feen or heard of him does him
honour. After having done all that man could reaſon-
ably expect from him, he ought not to be cenfured for
fuffering a defeat. When two commanders contend for
victory
2
458
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
March 1757, on board his Majefty's fhip Mo-
narque in Portſmouth harbour, for the fake of
juftice, and of example to the difciplining of the
navy, and for the fafety and honour of the na-
tion, as his Majefty's meffage to both houſes of
parliament on the 26th of February did fignify.
A few minutes before he was called out of the
cabin to die, the Admiral addreffed himſelf to the
Marſhal as follows: "Sir, thefe are my thoughts
"on this occafion: I fhall give them to you, that
you may authenticate them, and prevent any
66
"6
thing ſpurious being publiſhed, that might tend
"to defame me. I have given a copy to one of
.. my relations."
victory, though both are equally men of honour; yet one
muft neceffarily be worfted; and there is nothing againſt Mr.
Byng, but his being worfled; for his whole conduct was that
of an able feaman, and is juftly worthy of admiration. The
ftrength of the two fleets was at least equal; the Engliſh had
thirteen fhips and we twelve much better equipped and much
cleaner. Fortune that prefides over all battles, and eſpecially
thoſe that are fought at ſea, was more favourable to us than
to our adverſaries, by fending our balls into their fhips with
greater execution. I am perfuaded, and it is the generally
received opinion, that if the Engliſh had obftinately continued
the engagement, their whole fleet would have been deſtroyed.
In ſhort, there can be no higher act of injuftice than what
is now attempted againſt Admiral Byng, and all men of ho-
nour, and all gentlemen of the army, are particularly intereſted
in the event.
RICHELIEU.
I received this original letter from Marſhal D. de Richelieu,
the ift of January 1757, in witneſs of which I have figned my
name.
VOLTAIRE.
The
THE LATE WAR.
459
The paper was wrote in his own hand, and A. D.
contained as follows:
1756.
On board his Majefty's fhip Monarque in Portf- His laft
mouth harbour, March 14, 1757.
66
66
4.
A
Few moments will now deliver me from
the virulent perfecutions, and fruftrate the
"farther malice of my enemies ;-nor need I
envy them a life fubject to the ſenſations my in-
juries, and the injuftice done me muſt create.
"-Perfuaded I am, juftice will be done to my
' reputation hereafter-The manner and cauſe
"of raifing and keeping up the popular clamour
"and prejudice againſt me, will be feen through.
"I fhall be confidered, (as I now perceive
66 myſelf) a victim, deftined to divert the
.
indignation and refentment of an injured and
"deluded people, from the proper objects.-My
"enemies themſelves muft now think me inno-
66
66
cent. Happy for me at this last moment, that
"I know my own innocence; and am conſcious,
"that no part of my country's misfortunes can
"be owing to me.-I heartily with the fhedding
my blood may contribute to the happineſs and
"fervice of my country but cannot refign my
juſt claim to a faithful difcharge of my duty,
according to the beft of my judgment, and the
" utmoſt exertion of my ability, for his Majeſty's
"honour and my country's fervice.-I am forry
'
that my endeavours were not attended with
"more fuccefs, and that the armament under my
66 com-
words de-
livered to
the Mar-
hal in
writing.
460
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
"command proved too weak to fucceed in an
66
expedition of ſuch moment.-Truth has pre-
"vailed over calumny and falfhood, and juſtice has
66
wiped off the ignominious ftain of my ſuppoſed
"want of perfonal courage, or difaffection-my
"heart acquits me of thefe crimes, but who
"can be preſumptuoufly fure of his own judg-
"ment? If my crime is an error in judgment or
differing in opinion from my judges; and if yet,
"the error of judgment ſhould be on their fide,
-God forgive them, as I do; and
and may the
diftrefs of their minds, and uneafinefs of their con-
66
66
، ،
(6
fciences, which in juftice to me they have repre-
"fented, be relieved, and fubfide, as my refent-
"ment has done.-The fupreme Judge fees all
"hearts and motives, and to him I ſubmit the
juſtice of my cauſe.”
66
JOHN BYNG.
Thus ended the enquiry into the conduct of
Generál Fowke and Admiral Byng, with the fin-
gular puniſhment of the Governor of Gibraltar
broke and difmiffed his Majefty's fervice, for not
complying with inftructions or orders he could
not underſtand, and appeared to him inconfiftent
and contradictory: and of the Admiral for ad-
hering to a council of war, and for not doing all
that, in the opinion of others, was in his power
to do, for diftreffing the enemy, and for the re-
lief of Minorca.
We
THE LATE WAR.
451
A. D.
1756.
Reafons
digreffions: cumftan-
tial an ac-
Admiral
We have thrown the proceedings of this re-
markable caſe together, though they were, by fe-
veral incidents, protracted nine months, or there for fo cir-
abouts, to prevent any unneceffary digreffions:
and we have been more particular in this narrative, count of
becauſe, on the part of the Commander in Chief, › Byng's
in this expedition to defend or relieve Minorca, it cafe.
exhibits the beft view of the caufes of its lofs;
which he attributes, primarily to the neglect of
the miniſtry; to the weakneſs of his fquadron,
and to a want of land-forces fufficient to raiſe the
fiege and on the part of the miniſtry, it fhews
how far the influence of a court intereft is able to
ſkreen men in power from the refentment of the
nation; and how far they are able to expiate their
own guilt with the blood of that fervant, who
dares to complain of their miſconduct. But more
eſpecially, becauſe this act of juftice upon a perfon
of a noble extraction; and this example, the dif
ciplining of the navy in the perfon of an Admiral,
the ſon of an Admiral enobled for his fervices,
contributed greatly to convince the people that
his Majeſty would fpare nobody, of what rank or
degree foever, if found deficient in his duty; that
he would do all, in his power, for the fafety and
honour of his people; and that he was determined
to maintain difcipline, as well as to punish cow-
ardice and treachery in his navy. In the mean Enquiry
time his Majefty, by warrant dated November into the
22d, appointed Sir John Ligonier, General Hufke the land-
and General Cholmondeley, to enquire why Ma-
jor-General Stuart, and the Colonels Cornwallis, ca.
and
conduct of
officers fent
to Minor-
462
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Their
pleas.
and the Earl of Effingham, did not join their re-
ſpective commands in the iſland of Minorca? and
whether they had uſed their utmoſt endeavours to
throw themſelves into Fort St. Philip's? and why,
being only paffengers, they affifted at the fea-
council of war; which adviſed Mr. Byng to re-
turn immediately to Gibraltar? To which they
pleaded, That it was not in their power to be at
Minorca before Mr. Byng's fleet; that they were
ready and willing to join their commands, but.
had no means to land them at Fort St. Philip :
and that they affifted at the council of war by or-
der of the Admiral, under whofe command they
thought themſelves to be; and that they thought
it their duty to co-operate with the fea-officers,
to the utmoſt of their power, for the advance-
Acquitted. ment of his Majefty's fervice. Upon which the
Parlia-
mentary
to the lofs
enquiry in-
of Minor-
ca.
Board fubmitted to his Majefty, That in their
moſt humble opinion, the conduct of theſe three
officers was clear from any fufpicion of diſobedi-
ence to orders, or neglect of duty.
When the parliament met, one of their proceed-
ings was to enquire into the cauſes of the lofs of Mi-
norca, and they addreffed his Majefty for all papers,
that might explain that intricate affair. To which
his Majeſty condefcended. But they whofe fafety
depended upon intricacy, confuſion and a majority,
fo managed, that this enquiry was committed to
How baf- the whole Houfe, and the papers were fwelled into
fuch a prepofterous number, that it required more
time to digeft them, than a whole feffion of par-
fled.
liament
THE LATE WAR.
463
A. D.
1756.
liament would allow . However, though this
method of enquiry may be faid to deliver fome
people from the loud accufations of the people,
under the protection of a parliamentary approba-
tion of their conduct, which on this occafion de-
clared that the miniftry had done all in their
power both by fea and land to fave Minorca; yet
it muſt be allowed, that it was this countenance
and diſpoſition of the King to gratify his faithful
fubjects with all the lights he could help them to,
and to inflict exemplary puniſhment on delin- Its effects.
quents, without diftinction, that difcouraged and
terrified fuch, as knew themſelves to be obnoxious
and guilty, and brought about that grand change
both of men and meaſures, which delivered the
nation from a timorous and inactive miniſtry; and
revived that courage and conduct, for which our
progenitors had been univerfally eſteemed, and
without which not only Minorca, but our colo-
nies, our allies, and thefe kingdoms, muft have
fallen a prey to an enemy, whoſe courage was
founded upon our timidity, and whofe fuccefs was
owing to our negligence; as will more fully ap-
pear from a due attention to the facts in the fe-
quel of this hiftory, compared with thofe already
publiſhed in this book.
c The moſt material facts in thoſe papers are to be found
in page 234 to 254.
THE
THE
GENERAL HISTORY
OF THE
LATE
WAR.
A. D.
1756.
BOOK
II.
Containing its progrefs in the East Indies and North
America. Our operations by fea and land. The
German war, wherein the Auftrians, Ruffians,
French, Swedes, Saxons, and Imperialists were
confederate against the King of Pruffia: And the
French invafion of Heffe Caffel and the Electoral
dominions of his Britannic Majefty: to the conclu-
fion of the year 1757.
TH
1
HE voice of the people having prevailed
with the Sovereign to reſolve upon vigorous
meaſures; and his Majefty provoked to declare
war againſt the French, by an actual invafion of
his dominions, and with threats to pour a nu-
merous army into Great Britain; they omitted
nothing that might convince him of their willing-
neſs to ſupport him in fo juft and neceffary a war.
Great as the ſupplies were, granted by parlia-
ment, the national generofity diſcovered itſelf in
many
THE LATE WAR.
465
A. D.
1756.
many laudable affociations for the public good.
The landholders and corporations, thinking that
their property and rights were at ftake, not only
ſubmitted with pleaſure to the reſolutions of their
repreſentatives; but raifed great numbers of men,
for the fervice of their country, by voluntary con-
tributions and large premiums. Nay, fome mer-
chants of London, convinced, by the difficulties Marine fo-
the ſtate met with in manning the navy, upon ciety.
fuch an immergency, that there was a neceffity to
train up a young nurſery, from whence the go-
vernment might always draw an immediate fupply
on any occafion, joined heartily in that extenfive
and moſt commer dable plan, called the Marine So-
ciety; and by their exemplary fubfcriptions en-
gaged fuch a fund, as, during the courfe of the
war, equipped for the fea fervice on board his
Majefty's fhips many thouſand orphans, friend-
lefs and forlorn boys; who were thereby reſcued
from mifery, and made uſeful members of the
commonwealth ª.
d
The
d Some account of the Marine Society, from a letter addreſſed by
a member to the public.
In order to make an account of the views of this fociety
generally understood, it is neceffary to premife that the of
ficers of every fhip of war, which carries 60 guns and 400
men, have a right to carry 30 fervants, and to receive their
wages, which wages are confidered as part of the officer's
pay.
Theſe fervants are generally boys between thirteen years
of age and eighteen; for when they are at or near their full
growth, as they can then rank as feamen, and receive pay in
VOL. I.
Hh
that
IQ
466
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
First object
of the
court.
The firſt object of the court, after the lofs of
Minorca, (which the miniftry could not but be
fenfible,
that clafs, it is not to be fuppofed they will be content to
enter on board as an officer's fervant, for fifty fhillings a year,
which is their ſtated wages.
The government therefore has allowed this number of boys
to officers, not only becauſe they are neceſſary in the fhip;
but becauſe by this means every fhip becomes a nurſery of
young feamen, who acquire fkill and ftrength together, and
are not only able, but expert failors before they are one and
twenty years of age.
Theſe fervants, however, it has been found very difficult
to procure; the poor vagrants, who are covered with filth
and rags, and fubfift either by begging or by pilfering, had
no immediate inducement, wretched as they were, to enter
on board a ſhip, where they must at once renounce their
lounging and idleness for conftant activity and labour; and
if they had at any time a tranfient wiſh for ſuch a change of
fituation, they did not know how to apply to bring it about:
the officers, who wanted them, had neither time nor opportu-
nity to fearch and follicit them, and the gentlemen who re-
fide in the country, though they might be inclined to render
the children of the poor thus ferviceable to their country,
there being no eſtabliſhment to which they could apply, had
no means of putting their intention into practice.
But befides that it is defirable for every fhip to have its com-
plement of boys, it is defirable, in a time of war, that not
more than one third of the number fhould be lefs than fix-
teen or ſeventeen; becauſe it would be too long before thoſe,
that are younger, can be rated as feamen; nor can they create
a quick fucceffion of youth into the fervice of officers, as a
ftate of qualification. It must alfo be obferved, that the youth,
that are procured, lofe feveral advantages by the difficulty of
procuring others; for an officer, when he lofes a fervant,
lofes his wages, and he will naturally be unwilling his fer-
vant ſhould be rated as a feaman, when he knows not how
to get another.
4
The
THE LATE WAR.
467
fenfible, had fallen to the French arms, through
their neglect of that ifland, occafioned by too
much attention paid to the French threats to in-
The view of this fociety, therefore, is to encourage the
induſtrious poor to fend their children to fea, and invite the
vagabond and pilferer, not only boys and lads, but men, to
become uſeful to the ſtate by the following advantages.
1. They ſhall be received immediately upon application,
and taken care of in a proper place, where they will be
accommodated with fire and beds, and three meals a day,
of good bread and broth, and roots, and meat, till they are
fent on board.
2. If any that offer are diftempered, they are immediately
put under proper methods of cure, and when they are fent
on board they are compleatly fitted out with cloathing and
bedding.
Thus are men and boys ſtripped of their rags, cured of
their diftempers, and fent clean and well cloathed, with as
good bedding and accommodations as any common feaman
on board.
As to the lads, if they are fixteen or feventeen,
they are very foon qualified to receive wages as feamen;
and as to the men, the diftinction between landmen and fea-
men on board, which uſed to create animofity, and fubject
the landmen to fome hardships, is loft, as they are no longer
known by their apparel.
Thefe accommodations, befides that they are an immediate
inducement to lads and men to enter, are ſo neceffary to
health and life, that for want of them many have miferably
periſhed, who might otherwife have been of fingular fervice
to their country.
The advantages are not lefs to the community than to the
individual; for it procures a ſpeedy fupply of ftout mariners.
in the room of thoſe, who, in the profecution of a war, muſt
neceffarily be cut off, at the fame time that thofe evils are
prevented, which the idle and diffolute poor of the rifing ge-
neration would produce, if they had continued at home.
Hh 2
vade
A. D.
1756.
468
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
vade thefe kingdoms) was the defence and fecurity
of our colonies and territories in North America.
From which object it was very evident the French
intended to draw the British councils, by attempt-
ing to carry the feat of war into the Mediterranean.
Why Mi- For, there was nothing in the conqueft of Minorca
norca was of that fingular importance to the French, as to
garded. prefer it to the fupport of their American fchemes;
now difre.
Meaſures
North A-
except we look upon it, as we ought to do, to be
a feint to keep England employed in a conteft for
that iſland in the Mediterranean, while their ma-
rine from Breft, &c. might be at liberty to re-
cruit and fupport their forces and encroachments
in America.
Therefore Minorca was fuffered to remain un-
der the dominion of France, till a more proper
time fhould favour our arms to retake it, or it
fhould be reſtored at a peace.
His Majefty had promiſed to prefer the fecurity
purfued for of his American fubjects, and the chaftifement of
merica. the French ufurpations and hoftilities in North
America, to all other confiderations. For this
purpoſe, it was thought neceffary not only to fend
more troops, but to have the army, on that con-
Lord Lou- tinent, better officered. We have feen that Lord
Loudon was appointed Commander in Chief, with
Comman- powers, that were fuppofed fufficient to remove
der in all the delays, and the caufes of thofe obftructions,
which had defeated most of the former opera-
tions, and falutary meafures, propoſed for their
common defence and General Abercrombie was
don ap-
pointed
Chief.
fent
THE
469
LATE WAR.
f
fent before with two regiments, and with orders A. D.
to fupercede General Shirley.
1756.
tions and
American
Every one wiſhed for, and turned their thoughts
towards an American war; and looked upon theſe
meaſures to preſage a vigorous effort to drive the
French out of their ufurpations, and to avenge
the inhuman practices of their Indian allies. But, Obftruc-
as if procraſtination had been the favourite mea- delays in
ſure of that adminiſtration, his Majefty's good the North
intentions, and the people's expectations were meatures.
once more diſappointed, by a detention of the
Earl of Loudon, who was charged with the chief
directions of the operations and plans in North
America; but ordered to wait for certain foreign
officers of experience, invited from Germany, to
command in a royal American regiment, confift
ing of four battalions, to be raiſed in Virginia;
and of which the Earl was to be Colonel. So
that notwithstanding the preparations made by the
provincials under General Shirley, to open the
campaign early in the year, they were obliged to
halt at Albany, for the arrival of a Commander
in Chief, and of the regular forces from Eng-
land, till the latter end of June, when General General A-
Abercrombie arrived there, and took the com- bercrombie
mand of the two regiments led off by Dunbar, North A-
after the defeat of Braddock, two battalions raiſed merica.
in America, two regiments brought with him The num-
from England; four old independent companies. ber of
belonging to New York, a New Jerfey regiment,
f In March 1756. It was the latter end of May before
arrives in
forces.
the Earl of Loudon failed.
Hh 3
four
470
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. four companies levied in North Carolina, and
1756
a body of provincials fent from New England
only.
Refolu-
tions for
the
opera-
g
It had been refolved in the council of war held
laft year, at Albany, by Mr. Shirley, &c. to
tions this endeavour to cut off the French communication,
fummer,
Why not
executed,
between Canada and Louifiana, by the reducing
of fort Niagara, fituate between the lakes Onta-
rio and Erie: which alſo would have obliged their
new forts on the Ohio, to fubmit to the Britiſh
arms, without much bloodshed: to cover the
borders of New York, and fecure the navigation
of Lake Champlain, by the conqueft of Ticonde-
roga and Crown Point: to befiege Fort du Quefne
on the Ohio; and, while thefe feveral and diftant
fervices were carried into execution, to alarm the
capital of Canada by a body of troops detached
the river Kennebeck h.
up
But Abercrombie, though approving of the
plan, thought it, by far, too extenſive, for the
forces under his prefent command, to be carried
effectually into execution. Befides the feafon was
too far advanced, to promife fuccefs. He there-
fore waited the arrival of Lord Loudon: and by
that determination another year was loft; the
provinces left expoſed to the invafions and barba-
* See page 166.
h The troops deftined for the campaign on Lake Ontario,
were intended to march for Ofwego, thence to be carried over
in 200 whale boats, built long, round and light, laſt winter
at Schenectady, on Mohawks river, and already brought into
the lake.
rities
THE LATE WAR.
471
i
rities of the enemy; and the French at liberty
to ſtrengthen their pofts, and to diftrefs the Britiſh
fettlements with impunity.
A. D.
1756.
During this ſtate of inactivity, and of dependance
upon reinforcements from their mother country,
the army received the difagreeable news of the
enemy's entring the country of the Five Nations,
Operations
our ancient allies; where they reduced a fmall French.
fort, garriſoned by 25 Engliſh, whom they put to
the fword, and butchered in a moſt barbarous
manner.
The French improved the opportunity: they
formed a camp at Ticonderoga of 330 tents and
70 log houſes, with 3000 troops at that place and
Crown Point, and daily increaſed their numbers.
But the defence of this fort was not their only
object; and as they were perfectly informed of
the orders for the English army not to undertake
any expedition, till the arrival of Lord Loudon;
and that his lordſhip could not land in North
America, before the time would be elapfed, either
to attack Crown Point, or to prevent Ofwego
falling into their hands; the enemy refolved upon
the fiege of Ofwego: and in order to facilitate
their operations againſt that fort, ambuſcades were
formed to harraſs and intercept any reinforcement,
or convoy of provifions, &c. which might be fent.
to Ofwego, from Albany, or from Schenectady.
i Who received a reinforcement of about 3000 men, un-
der the command of M. Montcalm, from Europe, under a
ſtrong convoy of men of war.
of the
Hh 4
However,
472
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Colonel
Brad-
vantage
over the
enemy.
k
However, a confiderable convoy of provifions
and ſtores was conducted thither very fafely by
Colonel Bradstreet, before the ambuſcade was.
ftreet's ad- laid. But in his return down the river Onondaga,
and ftemming the ftream with his battoes, formed
in three divifions, he was faluted by a party of
Indians, fecreted amongſt the buſhes and trees, on
the north fhore, with the war-hoop and a general
diſcharge of mufquetry: which killed about 70
of the battoe men. Colonel Bradftreet landed his
men immediately on the oppofite bank, and took
poffeffion of a fmall ifland', where he with fix
men only, drove off 40 of the enemy, who forded
the river to attack them. Then quitting the ifland,
and collecting his whole ftrength of about 200
men, he marched to meet another party of French
and Indians, who had forded the river a mile high-
er; whom he with only 40 men, fell upon, ſword
in hand, in a large fwamp, and cut moſt of them
in pieces or drowned them: then he boldly march-
ed and attacked the main body of the enemy,
conſiſting of 660 men, which had paſſed at ano
ther ford, and entirely routed them alfo. This action
lafted upwards of three hours. Our chief lofs was
amongst the battoe men, by the firft fire from the
Lofs of the bushes: but the enemy had about 200 killed and
enemy.
up
70 taken priſoners; and had not the reft been fa-
voured in their flight by a heavy rain, and the
fwelling of the waters, which put an end to Brad-
street's purfuit, it is very probable, that the whole
* July 3, 1755.
1 About nine miles from Ofwego.
detach-
THE LATE
473
WAR.
detachment, confifting of 700 French and Cana-
dians chiefly, would have been entirely cut off:
for, Colonel Bradftreet was joined the fame night
by Captain Patten and his grenadiers, marching
from Oneida to Ofwego; and next morning by
200 men detached to his affiftance from Ofwego.
So that theſe parties feparated. Bradstreet made
the beſt of his way to Schenectady: and the
others marched together for Oſwego.
A. D.
1756.
refolved
By the priſoners brought in by Colonel Brad- The fiege
ftreet, General Abercrombie was informed that of Ofwego
Ofwego was the immediate object of the French upon.
arms, and that its fiege was determined upon by
a large body of Europeans, encamped on the eaft-
ern fhore of Lake Ontario.
how de-
The importance of this place, to interrupt the Its defence
commerce, as well as the motions of the enemy; layed.
and its being the only place to build veffels, for
the navigation, upon that lake or inland-fea; and to
fecure an intereft with the Indians, that had not
declared againſt us; determined General Aber-
crombie to detach a regiment of regulars, under
the command of Major General Webb, to its re-
lief. But, notwithſtanding the advantage, which
the lofs of Ofwego would give the enemy in all
their future operations, and meaſures; and altho'
the Engliſh army at Albany could mufter 2600
regulars, and 7000 provincials, or thereabout,
under the command of General Winflow m be-
fides a confiderable number of battoe men; their
At Fort William Henry.
2
march
474
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
The hege
of the
Forts On-
wego, &c.
march was ſtopped by the arrival of Lord Lou-
don, while the neceffaries were providing for their
ſubſiſtence on the road. For, his Lordſhip, how
much foever inclined to forward General Aber-
crombie's orders for the relief of Ofwego, was fo
peremptorily and obftinately oppofed, in that
meaſure, by New England, New York and the
adjacent provinces, which infifted upon the reduc-
tion of Crown Point previous to all other opera-
tions, that, although they were at laſt pre-
vailed with to confent to the march of Major
General Webb, with the regiment firft ordered
by General Abercrombie, it was the 12th day of
Auguft, before this fupply could fet out from Al-
bany, and indulged the enemy with fuch an unac-
countable opportunity to complete their plan
againſt Ofwego, that, by the time Major General
Webb could reach the Carrying Place, between
the Mohawk's river and Wood's Creek, he met.
with the difagreeable news, that the French were
mafters of Ofwego, and had made the garrifon,
and 300 workmen and failors, employed to defend
the paffes between the fort and Burnet's field,
priſoners of war.
By this misfortune the nation loft the two forts
Ontario and Ofwego": Forts, that had been run up
taria, of in a hurry, unfiniſhed, and untenable againſt a re-
gular force. The Marquis de Montcalm, an
enterprizing officer, and fucceffor to Mr. Dieſkau,
was charged with this expedition, having under
See page 164 and 165.
his
THE LATE WAR.
475
his command 1300 regulars, 1700 Canadians, and
a confiderable number of Indians. His first care
was to prevent fuccours and intelligence between
Ofwego and Albany; which he effected by pofting
a ftrong body of Canadians on the road by land,
and by blocking up Ofwego by water with two
large armed veffels. This done, he, without op-
pofition, or danger of being diſturbed, tranf-
ported his ftores and artillery over the lake to the
Bay of Nixouri, appointed the place of general
rendezvous for this expedition.
Ο
A. D.
1756.
of the
rio.
Having proceeded with all the caution in his The ap-
power to prevent a furprize; and, in cafe of a proce
mifcarriage, to fecure a fafe retreat, he made the French
againſt
neceffary difpofitions for the fiege, and opened Fort Onta
the trenches before Fort Ontario, with about 5000
men, and 32 pieces of cannon, from 10 to 18
pounders, befides feveral large brafs mortars and
hoyets (part of the artillery which had been taken
from General Braddock) about midnight, on the
12th of Auguft, at the diftance of 90 toifes (or fa-
thoms, of fix feet each) from the foffe of Fort
Ontario, and like unto a parallel of about 100
toifes in front, and in ground vaftly embarraffed
with trunks of trees, and fuch like obftructions.
The parallel was finifhed at five in the morning,
when the workmen began to erect the batteries in
the midft of a hot fire, kept up by the garrifon
very briſkly from day break to fix o'clock at night,
and killed their chief engineer in the trenches.
• From Fort Frontenac, where he had arrived on the 29th
of July.
But,
476
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. But, as Colonel Mercer apprehended, that the
1756. fort was not tenable againſt fuch a fuperior force,
Against
Ofwego.
Behaviour
rifon.
and ſeveral pieces of heavy cannon mounted on a
battery at no more than 60 yards from it; he,
about three in the afternoon, having received an
account from the commandent, of his bad fitua-
tion, ordered him to fire away all his fhells and
ammunition, to fpike up the cannon, and to make
the beſt retreat he could to Ofwego. Which was
punctually executed by deſtroying the cannon, am-
munition and provifions, and paffing the river fo
as to join the troops on the weſtern ſhore, without
the loſs of a man.
The French General, informed of this defer-
tion of Fort Ontario, immediately took poffeffion
thereof, and ordered the communication of the
parallel to be continued to the bank of the river;
where, early in the fame night, he began a grand
battery, formed in fuch a manner, that it could
not only batter Fort Ofwego, diftant about two
miles Engliſh, and fecure the way from thence to
Fort George, fituate on a hill, about four miles.
and a half up the river, but annoy the entrench-
ment of Ofwego.
On the part of the Engliſh, the troops, to the
of the gar- number of 370, or the about, which had re-
treated from Fort Ontario, were ordered to join
Colonel Schuyler immediately, who was charged
with the defence of the fort on the hill to the weft-
ward of the Old Fort, under the direction of Mr.
Mackellar the engineer. But the advantages,
propofed by a communication between theſe two
forts,
THE
477
LATE
WAR.
forts, were foon fruftrated; not fo much by the
fire from the enemy acroſs the river, who at that
diſtance could never have pretended to batter in
breach, and to have reduced Ofwego to the necef-
fity of furrendering; but from a bold action of a
body of 2500 Canadians and favages, who fwam
over the river in the night between the 13th and
14th, and cut off the communication between
the two forts.
At the fame time the enemy were very bufy in
bringing up their cannon; and raiſing a battery
of 10 cannon, 12 pounders, on the eaft fide of the
river, againſt the Old Fort: tho' there was kept
up a conftant fire of cannon and fhells, from the
Old Fort and works about it.
A. D.
1756.
On the 14th day, General Mercer, informed
that a large party of the enemy had croffed the
river to fall upon him on the weft fide, ordered
Colonel Schuyler to march againſt them with 500
men. But this order was annulled by a cannon
ball, which, a few minutes after, killed Colonel Colonel
Mercer.
Mercer
killed.
Colonel Littlehales, who fucceeded Mercer in Council of
the chief command, being better informed of the war called.
numbers of the enemy, that had croffed the river;
that they were 2500 men; countermanded the de-
tachment under Colonel Schuyler; and obferving,
that the enemy had, with great celerity, raiſed a
battery of nine guns, and another of mortars
ready to play that there were 2500 irregulars and
Indians on the back of his garrifon, ready to ftorm
them, on that fide, and 2000 regulars ready to
land
478
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. land in front, under the fire of their cannon, and
1756.
that all the places of defence, under his command,
were either enfiladed or ruined by the conftant
fire of the enemy, he called a council of war ;
who, after taking the opinion of the engineers,
Refolved to were unanimouffy of opinion, that the works were
no longer tenable; and that it was by no means
prudent to riſk a ftorm with fuch unequal num-
bers.
furrender.
Not agree-
A capitulation was accordingly refolved upon;
able to the a white flag was hung out, and the chamade was
foldiery.
beat, and the firing ceafed on both fides; though
not without great reluctance of the foldiery, who for
fome time kept and uſed their arms, declaring their
reſolution rather to die, than yield and ſurrender to
the French. But the officers, though they had
behaved like men, determined to difpute their
poft and liberty to the laſt extremity; yet, to pre-
vent a mutiny, and any mifcarriage, that might
happen by the bad ufe the enemy could make of
the interval of this ceffation of arms, two of them
duct in the are ſaid to have been inconfiderately fent out to
propoſals.
the French General, not with the conditions, a
brave garrifon has a right to demand, and fel-
Mifcon-
་
dom fail of gaining by a proper countenance in
their diftreffed circumftances; but,
but to
know the terms he was willing to grant: and the
enemy were permitted openly to bring up more
cannon; to advance the main body of their troops,
within muſket fhot of the garrifon; and, to pre-
pare every thing for a ftorm, while the treaty for
a furrender was carried on.
The Marquis of
Montcalm
THE LATE WA R.
479
Montcalm informed by thefe officers of the diffi-
culty, with which the garrifon were brought to
ſubmit to a capitulation, anſwered, That the
Engliſh were an enemy he esteemed; that none,
but a brave nation, would have thought of de-
fending fo weak a place fo long againſt fuch a
ftrong train of artillery and fuperior numbers;
that they might expect whatever terms were con-
fiftent with the fervice of his moft Chriftian Ma-
jefty. But tied them down to the following pro-
poſals, viz.
a
A. D.
1756.
"The Marquis of Montcalm, Army and Field
"Marſhal, commander in chief of his moft Chri- The pro-
"ſtian Majeſty's troops, is ready to receive (a capitula-
pofals for
"capitulation) upon honourable conditions, fur- tion.
"rendering to him all the forts: he requires them
"to be priſoners of war: they fhall be fhewn all
"the regard the politeft of nations can fhew: I
"fend an Aid de Camp on my part, viz. Monf.
"de Bougainville, captain of dragoons; they
"need only fend the capitulation to be figned:
"I require an anſwer by noon: I have kept Mr.
"Drake for an hoftage.
Auguft 14, 1756.
"MONTCALM."
And accordingly the following demand was
made:
The
480
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. The demand made by the commandant of Ofwego from
1756.
the Marquis of Montcalm, Army and Field Mar-
fhal to the King, commander in chief of his moft
Chriftian Majesty's troops in North America.
The capi-
tulation.
"THE
ARTICLE I.
HE garrifon fhall furrender prifoners of
war, and fhall be conducted from hence
"to Montreal, where they fhall be treated with
humanity, and every one fhall have treatment
"agreeable to their reſpective ranks, according to
"the cuftom of war.
66
"II. Officers, foldiers, and individuals fhall
"have their baggage and cloaths, and they ſhall
"be allowed to carry them along with them.
"III. They fhall remain prifoners of war until
"they are exchanged."
To which the Marquis de Montcalm gave an-
fwer as follows:
،
"Accept of the above articles in the name of
his moft Chriftian Majefty, under the con-
"dition of delivering up faithfully the fortifica-
"tions, ammunition, magazines, barks and bat-
"toes, with their appurtenances.
cr
"I give full power to Monf. de la Pauze, Ma-
'jor-General, to reduce this prefent capitulation,
"and to agree upon the manner of becoming
mafter of the faid fort, of which our troops fhall
"take poffeffion, and to infure the garrifon from
"receiving any infult.
"Given at the camp before Ofwego, the 14th
''
day (at eleven o'clock in the morning) of
"the month of Auguft, 1756.
"MONTCALM."
By
THE LATE WAR.
481
A. D.
1756,
The forts
by the
French.
By virtue of this capitulation we loft Ofwego,
our only poft on the Great Lakes; the garrifon
laid down their arms, and furrendered prifoners of deftroyed
war; and the French immediately took poffeffion
of Ofwego and Fort St. George, which they en-
tirely deſtroyed, agreeable to their orders, after
removing the artillery, warlike ftores and provi-
fions; with the lofs of no more than one engineer, Lofs of the
one Canadian, one foldier and one gunner killed, French.
and 20 flightly wounded, on the part of the ene-
my. Whereas we loft Shirley's and Pepperel's re- Of the
giments, and part of Schuyler's militia, in all English.
1600 men, including 80 officers; 121 pieces of
artillery, (feven were brafs) 55 of which were
cannon of different bores, and 14 brafs mortars,
23000 wt, of powder, 8000 wt. lead and ball,
2950 bullets, 150 bombs of nine inch. and 300
of fix inch. 1476 grenades, 730 fuzees for gre-
nadiers, 340 common fuzees; 704 hogfheads of
biſcuit, a very great quantity of pork, beef and
meal.
A magazine of fo great importance, depofited Remarks
in a place deemed altogether indefencible and on this
magazine.
without the reach of immediate fuccour, gave the
nation great room to fufpect the integrity or to
impeach the underſtandings of thofe, who, for
the fake of gain, by agencies and contracts, or
through ignorance of its fituation and ftrength,
expofed fo valuable a prize to the firſt invader.
There were at Oſwego feven armed ſhips, viz. one
of 18 guns, one of 14, one of 10, one of eight guns,
, and three others mounted with ſwivels, beſides 200
fo ners
VOL. I.
I i
I [
482
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Future
the French.
battoes of different fizes, whofe officers and
crews were included in the capitulation.
As foon as the forts were demoliſhed the French
conduct of marched with the utmoſt ſpeed, with their pri-
foners" and booty, to join their army at Ticon-
doroga, and to oppofe the motions of the provin-
cial army, of about 7000 men, which ought to
have long before attacked Crown Point; but had
laid idle, under General Winflow, till reduced by
fickneſs and defertion to 4000, and till the French
were now in a condition to hold them at defiance.
The provincials deferted, becauſe they were dif-
heartned by an inactive campaign; and the new-
raiſed troops contracted many diſorders, for want
of care and cleanlinefs. But no enemy appearing,
they proceeded to Montreal, and thence to Quebec,
where the priſoners were immediately embarked
and fent to Portſmouth in a cartel fhip.
Remarks
on this lofs.
Thus within the ſpace of four days, from the
time the trenches were opened before Fort Onta-
rio, we have ſeen the lofs of the only poft Great
Britain had on the Great Lakes; much in the fame
way as Mahon was loft in the Mediterranean;
though it was of as much or greater importance
to maintain this poft on the continent of North
America, to overawe the wavering and hoſtile In-
dians, to protect our allies, to cover our fettle-
ments and to chaftife our enemies; as to preferve
n Such as were left alive; for, contrary to the faith of the
capitulation, Montcalm not only fuffered the garrifon to be
ftripped and many of them to be murdered by his army; but
he delivered twenty of them up to the mercy of the Indians,
by way of atonement for the lofs of their friends, that had
fallen in battle.
4
Fort
THE LATE WAR.
483
Fort St. Philip's in Europe. For, though the
vait quantity of artillery, ammunition, ſtores, and
proviſions of all forts, and the number of work-
men employed in building, and of others in the
navigation upon Lake Ontario, is a convincing
proof that the perfons concerned in the manage-
ment of the American war, were not infenfible of
the importance of this poft, both for defence and
offence; yet nothing can appear more notorious,
except the procraſtination of the defence of Mi-
norca, that this poft was alfo loft by delays and
neglect, and, at laft, by not doing all that was in
the power of a garriſon to do; as will more fully
appear from the following review of the ftate of
Oſwego for fome time before; when there was the
greateſt reaſon to expect a viſit from the French,
who made no fcruple to call it an encroachment,
or an invafion upon the French King's territory,
made in the time of a profound peace; and it was
declared that they would attack, take and de-
ſtroy it, as ſoon as opportunity would permit.
A. D.
1756:
wego had
lected.
Nevertheleſs Ofwego was fo neglected, that the How Of-
French might have executed their defign upon it been neg-
in the ſpring of the year 1755, when this fort was
garriſoned only by 100 men, under Captain King,
had no works but the Old Fort, mounting eight
four pounders only, and fo commanded by an emi-
nence directly a-crofs a narrow river, whoſe banks
were covered with a thick wood, that made it utter-
ly incapable of defence; or to command any re-
ſpect upon the Lake. As was the cafe on the
24th and 26th of May 1755, when 41 battoes,
with 15 men in each, in all 600 men, paffed in
I i2
fight
484
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
fight, and bid defiance to a fort, which they might
then have reduced in a few hours with one fingle
mortar.
A refolution was then taken to enlarge the fort,
or rather to erect fome additional forts, to build
veffels upon the lake, to increaſe the garrifon, and
to provide every thing neceffary to annoy an enë-
my, and to render the place tenable. Accordingly
Captain Bradstreet was diſpatched with a reinforce-
ment of two companies, fome fwivel guns, and
the firft ſet of workmen to build veffels: but theſe
men were employed in building fuch craft, that,
when, foon after, 11 more French battoes, with
troops on board paffed by Ofwego, and we had a
greater number of thoſe boats in the harbour,
they were fuffered to paſs unmolefted, to the great
danger and terror of our back fettlements; our
battoes not being ftiff enough for the foldiers to
ftand to fire off at fea; fo ticklifh that the in-
advertent motion of one man would overfet them,
and ſo ſmall, as not able to carry more than fix men
each. Yet, if that was the real cafe, no care was
taken to build their boats upon a more ferviceable
plan, against any future emergency, and to main-
tain the dominion of the lake. But there was
another most unpardonable overfight in thofe, who
had the direction of theſe works. Capacious
ftout veffels require a confiderable deal of iron
work in their compofition. The managers had
provided fmiths enough; but there was no more
than one pair of bellows. So that the firſt acci-
dent, which might unavoidably happen to that
neceffary
THE LATE WAR.....
#85
neceſſary inſtrument, would ftop all the operations A. D.
1756.
of the forge at once.
The next ſtep, towards improving the naval
force at Ofwego, was a fchooner of 40 feet in the
keel, with 14 oars and 12 fwivel guns, launched
on the 28th of July 1755. This was the firſt
veffel of force we ever had on this lake, and, with
320 men, was all the ftrength we had to defend
this poft in the beginning of July, that year and
the French were expected daily to attack it, on
the 13th of the fame month, when General
Shirley, with all his forces, was 300 miles dif
tant, without making all the expedition, the fer-
viće required for, it was the 8th of Auguft be-
fore that General arrived at Ofwego, and the 31st
before the laft divifion arrived under Colonel
Mercer. Where this army, at that unfeaſonable
time of the year, ferved only to eat up the pro-
vincial ftores, and brought on fuch a ſcarcity of
provifions, that they were almoft famiſhed, and
the party, left to fecure the important Carrying
Place at Wood's Creek, were actually obliged to
defert it for want of food.
About the middle of September four other vef-
fels were got ready, as per margin, with which
armed veffels, and a confiderable number of thoſe
battoes, which had been reported unferviceable,
or too ſmall to live, and to diſpute with an ene-
:
• A decked floop, eight guns four pounders, thirty fſwivels.
A decked ſchooner, eight guns four pounders, twenty-eight
fwivels. An undecked fchooner, fourteen fwivels, 14 oars.
Ditto, twelve fwivels, fourteen oars.
I i 3
my
486
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
my upon the lake in the calmeft weather, Gene-
ral Shirley prepared to attack Niagara, under
another moſt unhappy circumftance, the want of
provifions to carry his army in fight of the enemy,
and the impoffibility of getting any fupplies within
300 miles of the place they were going againft.
However, the improbability of fucceeding in an
expedition, undertaken without victuals, was dif
covered time enough to countermand the orders
to embark; and a friendly ftorm, fays an officer
then prefent, prevented an embarkation, when a
ſtock of provifions was got together, fufficient to
prevent the men from eating one another, during
the first twelve days. All thoughts of attacking
Niagara were laid afide; the General, indeed,
made a great fhew of his intention to maintain
the poſt of Ofwego, by the directions given for
ftrengthening the old, and for building new forts';
but his leaving the place before the additional
works were completed, and permitting the veffels.
belonging to the fort to be unrigged and laid up,
without having been put to any uſe, while a
French veffel was permitted to cruize on the lake,
and to carry ſupplies to Niagara, without inter-
ruption, and five more, as large as ours, were
ready to launch at Frontenac; and while our gar-
rifon at Ofwego increaſed, by infenfible degrees,
to the number of eleven hundred, without pay,
and in perpetual terror, on the brink of famine;
it gave very little reafon to believe that his inten-
As related before on page 163 to 165.
tion
THE LATE WAR.
487
tion was real, and filled every one with fad
henfions for the fate of that important poft.
appre-
A. D.
1756.
attacked by
before.
The reaſon, why the French did not ftrike the Why not
blow, when Ofwego remained in this defenceless the French
ftate, was founded upon good policy, and not to
be ascribed to any overfight or neglect in their
commanders. They knew that it would be im-
poffible for their arms from Canada to complete
their grand ſcheme on the Ohio, without the aid
of the Indian tribes, or at leaſt againſt the united
ftrength of the Indians and English. They alfo
were acquainted with the fentiments, which the
Indians entertained of the proceedings of the
Ohio company, and particularly of their objection
to the erecting fortifications at Ofwego, which
they made the grounds of their refufing to join
him in the pretended expedition againſt Niagara.
Therefore, they first tried to inflame the Indians
againſt the proceedings of the Engliſh on the lake
Ontario; caft upon them the fole caufe of the
miferies to which their country was expofed by
war; conciliated the friendſhip of the most con-
fiderable tribes, with promifes to protect them
from the encroachments of the Engliſh upon their
lands, and prevailed with them to affift in the re-
duction of Ofwego, with a promiſe to raze the
forts to the ground; and, as foon as theſe In-
dians were, by thofe means, alienated from the
Engliſh, and the French operations on the Ohio
were thought to be irrefiftible, they, as you have.
read, put their defign in execution.
• See page 109 and page 165.
Ii 4
General
488
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
Extraordi-
General Shirley continued inactive from Sep-
tember 1755 to March 1756, when he refumed
nary caufes the project of his execution against Niagara or
of delay in Frontenac, making proper provifions at a prodi-
of Ofwego. gious expence: but upon the crifis for carrying
the defence
this plan into execution, orders arrived from Eng-
land to attempt nothing till Lord Loudon fhould
arrive, early in the fpring, as it was fignified by the
fame exprefs. But this Lord's departure from
England was attended with fuch delays, that,
before he reached the army in North America,
Montcalm had time to arrive from France at Ca-
nada with 3000 men, and to take the field before
us; notwithſtanding the navigation of the river of
t Not only the departure of Lord Loudon was protracted to
an unreaſonable and to an unfeaſonable time, for an American
campaign; but the inferior officers of his Lordship's regiment,
together with arms, ammunition, and other military prepara-
tions, lay at Portſmouth fo late as the 12th of June, waiting
for tranſports; which were not then hired to take them on
board. And when the military ftores were ſhipped, it was
done in fuch a manner as to make the rifque of the voyage
as great as poffible: for the cannon were put on board one
fhip; the carriages, on which they were to be mounted, were
ſhipped on board another; the balls on board a third, and
the gunpowder on board, a fourth. By which contrivance
the chance of defeating the whole expedition, was encreaſed,
as four to one; for the lofs of any one of the four fhips,
would have made the contents of the other three uſeleſs. And
as if there was never to be an end of this conduct, the powder
fent upon this important expedition, which confifted of five
hundred barrels, was bought of the Dutch, and taken away
without proof of its capacity. So that, when it came into
ufe, it was found no better than ſaw-duſt.
St.
THE LATE WAR.
489
St. Lawrence being fhut up with ice till the month
of May. Whofe fucceſs againſt Ofwego entirely
depended upon his activity, during the time that
our armies were under orders, not to march in
queft of the enemy, nor to defend our own forts;
and the northern provinces, filled with apprehen-
fions for their own fafety only, oppoſed the expe-
dition againſt Niagara, and the neceffary fup-
plies for the defence of Ofwego.
A. D.
1756.
portance of
Thus, we fay, fell the key of the lake Ontario, by
the neglect of the managers; the impropriety and
infufficiency of the means to defend it from the at-
tacks of an enemy; from the delays that prevented The im-
a ſeaſonable or timely relief, and from too great this lofs.
a fear for the prefervation of New York, and New
England: as Minorca, the key of the Mediter-
ranean fea in Europe, was loft by the terrors of a
pretended and impracticable invafion, which locked
up our fhips and foldiers at home, when they
Thould have attacked the enemy on their own
coafts; by paying no regard to the intelligence,
given concerning the real defign of the enemy
againſt that iſland; by neglecting the neceffary
means to recruit and ftrengthen the garrifon, and
by fending an infufficient force, and at a time it
was impracticable to fave it.
But the loſs of this poft, and of the garriſon, and Its fad ef-
of the impliments of war, which had been ſtowed fects.
up there without difcretion, was not the worſt effect
of fuch fatal misconduct. It was followed with
that imprudent meaſure of immediately ſtopping
up Wood's Creek, our only communication from
the
I
490
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D.
1756.
;
the Mohawks river to Oneida, with great logs and
trees for feveral miles; and of deferting and de-
ftroying the forts at the great Carrying-Place ;
which, after the lofs of Ofwego, was become our
moſt advanced poft into the country of the Six Na-
tions; though there were at that time three thouſand
men, including 1200 battoemen, at that poft: a poſt
fo ſtrongly fortified, and fo inacceffible to the ene-
my's artillery, that it might have defied the whole
French army in North America, to take it.
Which, with General Webb's retreat with his
forces to a place called the German Flatts, about
60 miles nearer to Albany, and foon after to Sche-
nectady, not more than 17 miles from that city;
having expoſed the Six Nations, and all the ad-
jacent country, to the mercy of the enemy (who
were at liberty to over-run the fine country on
the Mohawks River down to Albany, and to pe-
netrate into the provinces of Penfylvania, Mary-
land, New Jerſey and Virginia) either encouraged
the Indians to join our enemies, or to obferve a
ftrict neutrality, when they found, that we were
either not able, or not willing to protect them;
and that the French had not only conquered, but
performed their promife to deftroy the forts at
Ofwego ".
Befides, during the ftate of inactivity, fo fatal
to the British nation, this year, both in Europe
"It is remarkable, that while the French were bufy in de-
moliſhing the works at Ofwego; we, to fave them the trouble
and hazard of attacking the forts at the great Carrying-Place,
had them demolished by General Webb, in his retreat.
and
THE
491
LATE WAR.
and North America, there were above 1000 inha- A. D.
bitants of the weſtern parts of Philadelphia maf- 1756.
W
vantages
gained on
the Ohio.
facred in cold blood by the Ohio Morians; againſt
whom, nothing was attempted, till Colonel Arm- Some ad-
ſtrong, with a party of 280 provincials, marched
from Fort Shirley, on the Juniata river, (150
miles weft of Philadelphia) to Kittanning, an Indian
town, and the rendezvous of the Morian murder-
ers, fituate about 25 miles above Fort du Quefne,
on the Ohio, a rout of 140 miles through the
woods; with whom he came up, in the morning
early of the fifth day, while the Indian warriors
were regaling themſelves at a dance. Colonel
w In order to revenge the particular caufe of the inhabi-
tants and of Fort Granville, on this river, which is thus related
in a letter from Philadelphia, dated Aug. 19. That on the
30th of July, Captain Ward marched from the fort, with his
enfign, and all the men belonging to it, except 24 under the
command of Lieutenant Armſtrong, to guard fome reapers in
Shearman's valley: that foon after he left the fort it was at-
tacked by about 100 French and Indians, who took Juniata
creek, and creeping under its banks to a gut about 12 feet
deep, came within 30 or 40 feet of the fort, where the ſhot
from our men could not hurt them, and there, by gathering
together pine knots, and other combuſtible matter, they made
a pile, and fet fire to the fort. The enemy called to the befieg-
ed, offering them quarters, if they would furrender; on which
one John Turner immediately opened the gates, and gave
them poffeffion; 22 foldiers, three women, and five or fix
children were made prifoners, of which the French took the
young men and women, and the Indians the old men and
children; and having loaded them with flour, &c. they ſet
off in triumph; but when they had marched a little way, the
French commander ordered Captain Jacobs back to burn the
fort, which he did.
Armſtrong
492
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. Armstrong difcovered their fituation by their
1756.
whooping; and, halting about 100 perches below
the town, on the bank of the river, he prepared
his men, and began the attack as foon as it was
light.
Captain
Captain Jacobs, the chief of the Indians, gave
Arm- the war whoop, and defended his houfe bravely
ftrong's
expedition. through loop-holes in the logs. The Colonel of-
fered them quarter; but they, fearful of our fincerity
to pardon the many and inhuman murders they had
been guilty of, upon the innocent and defencelefs
British fubjects, moft of them refuſed to ſubmit
prifoners of war. Wherefore Colonel Armstrong
ordered their houfes to be fet on fire; which was
immediately and with great activity done by the
officers and foldiers. By this obftinacy many were
fufficated and burnt; others were fhot in their at-
tempt to reach the river; and Captain Jacobs,
his fquaw and a boy, called the King's fon, were
hot as they were getting out of a window, and
were ſcalped.
Thefe Indians had a large quantity of arms
loaded in their houſes, and of gunpowder. The
loaded arms went off in a quick fucceffion, as the
fire reached them; and the gunpowder, which
was ftowed in every houfe, completed their deftruc-
tion, by blowing up the houſes and all that were
found in them, when it took fire.
Eleven Engliſh priſoners were happily releaſed
from captivity, or violent death; who informed
X
They were 40 in all that perished in this affault.
the
THE
LATE
LATE
493
WAR.
the Colonel, that on that very day two battoes of
Frenchmen, with a large party of Delawares and
French Indians were expected to join Captain
Jacobs, in order to proceed in an expedition con-
certed for attacking and reducing Fort Shirley,
and that an advanced party of 24 warriors had
been detached, the preceding evening, to reconnoi-
tre and alarm the country. This was foon after
confirmed by Lieutenant Hogg, who upon the
report of the fcouts, that there were not above
four Indians about a fire, on the road, about fix
miles from Kittanning, was ordered, the night
before, to halt with 12 men, and to endeavour
to furprize them, and to bring them up to the
main body but the Lieutenant, upon his ap-
proach, found them to be the 24 warriors above
mentioned. They ſtood upon their defence, killed
three of his men, mortally wounded the Lieuten-
ant, and put the other nine men to flight; who
abandoned their commander, not able to help him-
felf, when Colonel Armstrong fent out a party to
bring him and his men into the conquered town.
A. D.
1756.
after the
Theſe, we apprehend, are fome of the bad cir- Lord Lou-
cumftances to which Lord Loudon refers in his don's letter
letter to the governors of the provinces, after the lofs of Of
loſs of Oſwego. "As, fays his lordship, by
accounts I have received, his Majeſty's fort and
"garrifon of Ofwego, together with the naval
16
66
armaments and ftores, have, by a ſeries of bad
"circumftances, fallen into the hands of the
"French; and as from the condition and number
"of the troops left to me, when I came to my
"command,
wego.
494
THE GENERAL HISTORY OF
A. D. «‹
"command, I can fcarce hope to do more than
"to refift French power in that quarter: I moft
1756.
Remarks
ter.
(6
66
'
to
earneſtly recommend to you, to confider with-
"out delay, how far the provincials, now in arms,
"are expoſed to the weight of the French, in
"the parts towards Crown Point; and the dan-
gerous events of any accident happening
"them in confequence of theſe circumſtances,
"and what forces you can fend immediately to
"reinforce them, as it feems abfolutely neceffary
"to do, for the fecurity and fafety of the country.
"Therefore, in confequence of the power given
"to me by his Majefty's commiffion, under the
"Great Seal; and of his orders fignified to you
by his Secretary of State, I do demand of you
"an aid of as confiderably a body of men, with
રઃ
૨૬.
arms, as you can fend off, as faft as raiſed; and
"alfo a number of carriages and ox- teams, where-
"with I may be able to tranfport provifions, as
"this province alone is not able to ſupply all ".'
"
By this letter it is evident, That his lordſhip,
on this let the commander in chief of the Britiſh forces in
North America, gave up all thoughts of acting
offenſively againſt the French this year. But how
juft fo ever his lordship's reafons were for that in-
active reſolution, it is certain that the delay, which
followed our retreat from the lakes, when we had
a fufficient force in the field, raiſed, maintained
and ſupplied with all things neceffary for the ex-
y Dated at Albany, October 20, 1756.
pedition
THE
LATE WAR.
495
pedition againſt Crown Point, which was the only
meaſure, that could promiſe to retrieve our late
lofs; and wafting the remainder of the ſeaſon in
entrenchments at Lake George; and fortifying
Fort Edward and Fort William Henry, gave the
enemy time to ſtrengthen Crown Point, to recruit
and to refreſh their forces, and to improve their
late fuccefs.
A. D.
1756.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 02447 6049
A 540150