MEMOIRS
OF
MARGUERITE
DE VALOIS
QUEEN OF NAVARRE
Violet Fane
DC
122.9
.M2
A33
1892
LONG
ONEWNH1898
M

EX-LIBRIS
U OFM
JESSIE HORTON KOESSLER
LIBRARY
League Lihay
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Mary W. D'Ooge
THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN LIBRARIES
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Mary M. X. Ooge

A
•
7
i
:
MEMOIRS OF
MARGUERITE DE VALOIS
QUEEN OF NAVARRE

匯
​PANASTIRIJA
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REGVM
FILA SORO
XOROVE
MEMOIRS OF
MARGUERITE DE VALOIS
QUEEN OF NAVARRE
WRITTEN BY HER OWN HAND
WITH EIGHT PORTRAITS
0 0 0 0 0 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
EXPECTATA
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MEMOIRS OF
MARGUERITE DE VALOIS
QUEEN OF NAVARRE
WRITTEN BY HER OWN HAND
NEWLY TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH, WITH
AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES
BY VIOLET FANE
WITH EIGHT PORTRAITS FROM CONTEMPORARY
ENGRAVINGS
LONDON: : JOHN C. NIMMO
NEW YORK: CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
MDCCCXCII
1
:
.
:
:
DC
122.9
.M2
A33
1892
CHISWICK PRESS :-C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT,
CHANCERY LANE.
T
4
1
PEN
3/13/47
Stacks
Mick
ور الدين
*
16.6
671478-231
TO
HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
THE DUC D'AUMALE,
THE HONOURED DESCENDANT
OF
HENRY THE GREAT, KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE,
THIS BOOK
BOOK IS, BY PERMISSION,
RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
MARGUERITE DE VALOIS, QUEEN OF NAVARRE
Frontispiece
MARGUERITE DE VALOIS, QUEEN OF NAVARRE
(at the age of fifty-two)
FACSIMILE (REDUCED) OF THE
PAGE
46
AUTOGRAPH OF
MARGUERITE, being her acknowledgment of
certain payments, written the year of her death.
CHARLES IX., KING OF FRANCE (brother of Mar-
guerite)
•
60
70
JEANNE D'ALBRET, QUEEN OF NAVARRE (mother
of Henry, King of Navarre)
86
QUEEN CATHERINE DE' MEDICI (mother of Mar-
guerite)
106
HENRY III, KING OF FRANCE (brother of Mar-
guerite)
146
THE DUKE OF ANJOU (formerly ALENÇON) (brother
of Marguerite).
206
HENRY, KING OF NAVARRE, afterwards HENRY IV.
OF FRANCE (husband of Marguerite)
•
234

INTRODUCTION.

N following the chequered career of this
princess-the last survivor of an illus-
trious house whose sons had occupied
the throne of France for a period of
two hundred and sixty-one years—some
confusion is apt to arise from the fact that there lived,
in the sixteenth century, no fewer than three Mar-
guerites of Valois, all nearly related to one another,
and that two of these, besides being "daughters of
France," were married to Kings of Navarre who each
bore the name of "Henry." Then, again, both these
queens were learned ladies, encouragers of the arts
and sciences, proficients in most of the polite accom-
plishments of their time, and both of them were
authors. But it will be best to set down the three
Marguerites in their chronological order.
1. First, then, we have Marguerite, sister of Francis
I., who married, first, the Duke of Alençon, and,
secondly, Henry d'Albret, King of Navarre. "To the
learning, graces, and perfections of this queen," re-
marks a contemporary author (Guillaume de Roville,
who dedicated his " Promptuaire des Medalles" to
this princess), "several books, which were learnedly
written by her, bear witness." The same writer also
B
2
Marguerite de Valois,
alludes to her as "the paragon and phoenix of ladies,
queens, and princesses."
and princesses." She was the author or
compiler of the "Heptameron "; a writer of verse
(“Marguerites de la Marguerite des Princesses," etc.),
and was the mother of Jeanne d'Albret, who succeeded
her father as Queen-regnant of Navarre, and who
became, through her union with Anthony of Bourbon,
Duke of Vendôme, the mother of Henry IV. of
France, and the third of Navarre. This lady is often
confounded with the writer of the following memoirs,
who was her great-niece. Even the learned Dibdin,
in his "Library Companion" (p. 543), refers to the
work of the younger princess as having been written
by "Queen Margaret, sister of Francis I." The two,
in fact, are perpetually mistaken for each other, to the
confusion of inexperienced readers. Queen Marguerite
died in 1549.
2. The second Marguerite of Valois, likewise
a prominent figure in history, and who contributes
in some measure towards this confusion, was the
second daughter of Francis I., the sister of Henry II.,
and the wife of Emanuel-Philibert X., Duke of
Savoy. It was during the festivities in honour of the
marriage of this princess and of that of her niece.
Elizabeth (eldest daughter of Henry II., married to
Philip II. of Spain as his third wife), that the King
of France was accidentally and fatally wounded at
a tournament by Gabriel Montgomery, Count de
Lorges, the Captain of his Scottish Guard. She was
aunt of the Marguerite whose Memoirs are before us,
and is referred to in them as "Madame de Savoye,
my aunt," and "Madame Marguerite." She died at
Turin in 1574.
Queen of Navarre.
3
2
3. Thirdly, we come to the Marguerite of these
Memoirs; youngest daughter of Henry II. by his wife,
Catherine de' Medici, sister of Francis II., Charles IX.,
and Henry III., the last three Valois kings, and of the
Duke of Alençon' (the deluded suitor of our Queen
Elizabeth), and first wife of Henry IV., surnamed "the
Great," King of France and Navarre. She was born
at Saint Germain-en-Laye, on May 14, 1553, and
was only six years old when her father met with
his fatal accident. She was brought up at her birth-
place, where her education was conducted with so much
care that, with the exception of Jeanne d'Albret,
Queen of Navarre, she is said to have become the
most learned princess of her time. The companions
who shared in her studies at the Castle of Saint Ger-
main-en-Laye were her two sisters, Elizabeth and
Claude, and the young Queen of Scotland, who had
become her sister-in-law through her marriage with the
Dauphin (afterwards Francis II.) in 1558. Madame
de Curton, who acted as governess to these young
princesses, is frequently alluded to in Marguerite's
memoirs. Mongez states that this estimable woman
superintended the education of no fewer than seven
queens. After passing the years following upon
childhood (according to her own account), in absolute
3
¹ The Duke of Alençon assumed the title of the "Duke of
Anjou" when his elder brother, Henry (afterwards Henry III. of
France), who had previously borne it, was elected King of Poland.
2 She is the “Reine Margot" of Dumas' fascinating romance,
the name Margot" being that by which her brother Charles IX.
was accustomed to call her.
3 "Leur gouvernante fut Madame de Curton, qui occupa
auprès de sept reines le poste honorable que sa vertu lui avoit
assigné."-Hist. de Marguerite de Valois, par M. A. Mongez,
P. 2.
4
Marguerite de Valois,
subjection to the will of the queen her mother, and
in strengthening and confirming herself in what she
regarded as the "one true Faith," but according to
other authorities in a far less exemplary manner, she
was married when in her twentieth year (August,
1572) to her cousin, the young Huguenot King of
Navarre, who was of the same age as herself. In her
Memoirs will be found her own description of this
ceremony, which it was fondly hoped would inaugurate
a reign of peace and toleration, and reconcile for the
future the chiefs of the Catholic and Huguenot parties.
1
Whether this hope was ever honestly shared by
those who then held the reins of government, or
whether the eight hundred Huguenot gentlemen " all
dressed in black," who, with their retainers, had
arrived in Paris to attend the nuptials of Henry of
Navarre and "Madame Marguerite de France," were
merely inveigled there upon this pretext by the
Queen-Mother and her son King Charles, in order
that they might be treacherously butchered
upon the
eve of "la Saint Barthélemy," can scarcely be justly
determined at this distance of time.
It is probable that the Queen-Mother of France, in
common with many another historical personage, at a
time when party feeling, upon either side, was fierce
and bitter, has been made responsible for crimes.
which she never committed. The game she had
2
1 They were in mourning for Queen Jeanne d'Albret, the King
of Navarre's mother, who had died during the preliminaries of
the marriage. Her death has been attributed to poison, but most
unprejudiced historians are of opinion that she died of consump-
tion, from which she had long suffered.
2 "La Royne Mere, que le peuple avoit tant en horreur et
mauvaise reputation, que tout ce qui arrivoit de malencontre
Queen of Navarre.
5
ان
engaged in was a difficult one. Her most implacable
foes were all of the stronger sex, and she, no doubt,
felt justified, whilst acting in self-defence, in availing
herself of all her feminine powers of dissimulation.
When, some eight-and-twenty years later, Henry of
Navarre (who, in spite of the seventeen lives that
were between him and the crown at the time of his
birth, was then upon the throne of France) was
contemplating his second marriage with the Floren-
tine princess, President Grulard, to whom he was
announcing the news, thinking to please the King
whilst making a display of his own erudition, remarked,
after some learned allusions to the spear of Achilles,
that the House of Medici would now be the means
of healing the wounds which, in the person of
the Queen-Mother Catherine, it had inflicted upon
France. "But what was a poor woman to do, I ask
you," rejoined the good-natured Henry, generously
defending the mother-in-law from whom he had suf-
fered many things, "who had, through the death of
her husband, five little children upon her hands, whilst
two families in France-our own and that of Guise-
were trying to possess themselves of the crown?
Was she not obliged to play strange parts in order
to hoodwink both the one and the other, and, at the
same time, to preserve her children, as she did, who
reigned in succession through her wise conduct? I
am astonished that she did not do much worse!"1
luy estoit imputé, et disoit-on qu'elle ne faisoit jamais bien que
quand elle pensoit faire mal."-De L'Etoile, Journal du Regne du
Roy Henry III.
1
Catherine's two elder daughters were married at this time,
so that the "little children" above alluded to were Marguerite
and her four brothers.
6
Marguerite de Valois,
It is impossible to deny, however, that Catherine
was both cruel and unscrupulous, and of one proof of
this there is confirmation in her daughter's memoirs.
In concert with her favourite son, the newly elected
King of Poland (afterwards Henry III.), and the
princes of the House of Lorraine, she had made up
her mind, at the time of Marguerite's marriage, to
rid herself of Admiral Coligny, although she denied
that she had desired to compass the deaths of any
others of "the religion"; her sole desire having been,
she declared, “to remove this plague from the realm ;
the admiral alone." The admiral had implored King
Charles to emancipate himself from his mother's
dominion; his words had been repeated to Catherine,
and, added to the fact that he was a heretic, formed,
probably, the "head and front of his offending."
1
The following is the story, briefly told, of the
notorious massacre of Saint Bartholomew.
Whilst all the chiefs of the Huguenot party were
assembled in Paris, participating in the festivities con-
sequent upon the marriage of the young King of
Navarre with the beautiful sister of the French King,
Admiral Coligny was shot at from a window, and
seriously wounded, by a young man named Maure-
val, or Maurevert, at the instigation, as was generally
2
1 ((
Que son dessein d'elle n'avait esté en cette affaire que
d'oster cette peste de ce royaume, l'Admiral seul" (see Memoirs,
first edition, p. 57).
2 "Maurevert, jeune gentilhomme briois, cest insigne et tant.
renommé assassin, qui, en l'an 1569, avait à Niort, tué pro-
ditoirement d'un coup de pistolé le Seigneur de Moui, son
maistre, et en l'an 1592, tiré le coup de harquebouze à l'Amiral
de Chastillon, pour récompense desquels services il estoit pourveu
de deux bonnes abbaies."-De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry III.,
1576, édn. Champollion. The date "1592" is obviously a misprint.
Queen of Navarre.
7
supposed, of the princes of the House of Lorraine.
Henry of Guise, the handsome hero of so many a
romance of love and war, was, even at this time, the
idol of the Parisians, and, as such, was regarded with
no small amount of jealousy by his cousin upon the
throne. He believed, whether rightly or wrongly
cannot now be determined-there is evidence in sup-
port of both views that the admiral had caused his
father, Francis Duke of Guise, to be assassinated by
one Poltrot, and it was supposed that Maurevert's
abortive attempt upon the admiral's life was Henry of
Guise's revenge, an act which was regarded as justifi-
able in those days of violence and bloodshed. But King
Charles declined to take this tolerant view of the
situation. He was informed of the occurrence when
playing at tennis, and heaped imprecations upon the
head of the Duke of Guise for disturbing the peace
of the realm at such a moment. He visited the
wounded admiral in his chamber, expressed his sym-
pathy and regret with every demonstration of affec-
tionate solicitude, and ordered that, as a precaution
against any other such act of violence on the part of
the Guises, the principal Huguenot gentlemen should
take up their quarters in the immediate vicinity of
the Louvre.
Such was the position of affairs when the Queen-
Mother brought her baneful influence to bear upon
her son.
She confessed to him that the Duke of
Guise was not the only person who had desired to rid
“L'assassin de Mouy se nommait Louvier, et était Seigneur de
Maurevert et non Maureveil, comme l'ont écrit quelques historiens,
encore moins Moureveil. Maurevert est en Brie."-Citizen La
Chabeaussière, quoted by Monsieur Guessard, Mémoires et Lettres
de Marguerite de Valois, note to p. 27.
8
Marguerite de Valois,
France of Admiral Coligny; that she herself, and her
son the King of Poland (afterwards Henry III.), were
implicated in the affair; that the Huguenots were
aware of this, and were secretly preparing to take a
terrible revenge, and that it would be advisable for
him, if he valued his own safety, to be beforehand with
them. We read in the following Memoirs that "the
Queen-Mother had never experienced so much diffi-
culty as in persuading the said King Charles that this
counsel had been given him for the good of his
realm." He yielded at last, however, and an indis-
criminate massacre of the Protestants, with the excep-
tion of the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé,
was arranged to take place upon that very night, or,
rather, at two hours after midnight, at a given signal
-the fact that the victims were nearly all lodged in
close proximity to the Louvre, and that they were set
upon when unarmed and totally unprepared, render-
ing them an easy prey to their butchers."
1
The massacre of Saint Bartholomew took place
only five days after Marguerite's marriage. She
and her husband were occupying apartments in the
Louvre, so that some of its horrors are described in
the following pages by one who had the misfortune
to be an eyewitness of them.
It has pleased historians to describe the union of
Henry and Marguerite as exceptionally unhappy,
1
¹ Similar massacres took place in all the more important pro-
vincial towns—at Orleans, Troyes, Bourges, Lyons, Toulouse,
Bordeaux, and Rouen. Davila states that 10,000 persons were
slain in Paris alone, whilst, according to De Thou, 30,000 were
immolated in different parts of the kingdom.
2 Pibrac says that marriages contracted by French princesses
with Kings of Navarre have ever been fatal to happiness, and
Queen of Navarre.
9
but it is probable that Henry, at any rate, was far
happier with his first wife than with his second.
Marriages which were arranged from purely political
motives could not have been expected to result in
great personal attachment, but this one will bear
favourable comparison with many of the royal unions.
of the day, and it was free, at any rate, from the
darker elements of tragedy.
In her Memoirs the Queen of Navarre poses, it is
true, as an injured woman, but in her most com-
plaining mood she would probably scarcely have
desired to exchange places with some of her nearest
female relatives: with her eldest sister Elizabeth,
for instance (or Isabel, as she was called in Spain),
the wife of the implacable Roi Catholique, whom
Charles IX. believed to have been poisoned by her
husband's orders;' with Mary of Scotland; or with
her other sisters-in-law, the neglected and insignificant
queens of the two last monarchs of the House of
Valois. The quarrels of Henry and Marguerite were
more like the squabbles of wayward children, who
remain comrades and playmates in spite of their
quotes several examples in support of this, beginning with the
marriage of Louis le Hutin with Marguerite de Bourgogne, and
ending with that of the King of Navarre with the Marguerite of
the "Heptameron."
¹ It was partly to avenge his sister's death that Charles IX.
desired to wrest from Philip II. Flanders and Artois. We read
in Sully "que le Roy (Charles), ayant plusieurs causes de mescon-
tentement contre le Roy d'Espagne, et entre les autres la mort
qu'il sçavoit bien qu'il avoit procurée à sa femme Elizabeth de
France, par jalousie de ce qu'elle estoit en bonne intelligence
avec le Prince Charles (Don Carlos), son fils aisné, à cause de
tous lesquels il estoit resolu de luy faire la guerre," etc.-Sully,
t. i., p. 7, first edition. Saint Réal gives an interesting account
of the death of this queen, who was in her twenty-fourth year.
IO
Marguerite de Valois,
occasional disputes. They helped one another in and
out of all manner of scrapes, confided to one another
their mutual love-affairs, and made common cause
whenever they imagined that they were confronted by
a common foe. Henry was, at this time, as he is
made to say of himself by the anonymous author of
"Le Divorce Satyrique," "a king without a king-
dom."
The young couple resided at the court of
France, assisting at its pageants, and accompanying
it in its progresses. The keen eye of Catherine de'
Medici was for ever upon them. There were times
when they were prisoners in all save the name, and
others when they were prisoners indeed. No wonder
that, when they escaped from this thraldom, they com-
mitted all kinds of follies and excesses, at a time when
every sort of licence was countenanced and forgiven
in the great.
During the reign of her brother Charles IX., "the
magnanimous King Charles," as she terms him—a
designation which will scarcely now be regarded as ap-
propriate—the young Queen of Navarre could always
count upon having a friend at court. For this brother,
the "sole comfort and support" of her life (as she
says in her Memoirs), a brother from whom she had
experienced "nothing but good will," and for her
1 "Le Divorce Satyrique, ou les Amours de la Reine Mar-
guerite," a scurrilous publication purporting to have been
written in the name of Henry IV. as a kind of manifesto, setting
forth his real reasons for desiring to separate himself from this
princess. The greater part of its contents is unfortunately con-
firmed by history. De L'Etoile, in his "Mémoires pour servir à
l'Histoire de France," expresses his belief that it emanated from
the celebrated D'Aubigné, who makes no concealment in his
history of the extent to which he carried his hostility to Queen
Marguerite.
:
Queen of Navarre.
I I
youngest brother, the Duke of Alençon, she seems to
have felt the sincerest affection. With her brother
the Duke of Anjou, however (afterwards elected King
of Poland, and who subsequently became Henry
III. of France), she was altogether upon a different
footing. According to her own account, he was
already her bitter enemy when he ascended the throne,
and from the very commencement of his reign she
was subjected to nothing but insult and humiliation
at his hands. Henry III. was Catherine de' Medici's
favourite child. She has even been accused by her
enemies of poisoning her son Charles in order to in-
sure his succession to the throne.¹ Marguerite, there-
fore, being out of favour with her brother the king,
soon became upon less affectionate terms with her
mother.
Henry III., who is depicted by his sister in a most
P. 20.
"Advenant la mort du Roy Charles, que chacun tenoit pour
infaillible et fort prochaine: Aussi ayant voulu entreprendre
de conduire son Frere le Roy de Pologne, jusque hors la France
ou il ne le pouvait plus souffrir: Il fust contrainct de s'en
retourner dès Vitry, où il tomba malade de la langueur qui le
porta au tombeau: non sans soupçon de quelque malefice de la part de
ses plus proches."-Sully, Economies d'estat, première édition, t. i.,
This view is scarcely consistent with the fact that
Catherine, upon hearing the prediction of Nostradamus, to the
effect that all her sons would be kings-a prediction implying
that they would die young and without heirs-took the trouble
to change the names of three of them, hoping thereby to cheat
the Fates. Writing after the extinction of the race of Valois,
Brantôme says: "Il y a quarante ou quarante-cinq Ans, que si quelque
grand Devin eust prognostiqué cet Evenement, qu'on ne l'eust
cru que comme un Fol, et l'eust-on lapidé; bien que Nostra-
damus predit à la Reyne qu'elle verroit tous ses Enfans Roys ; ce
qu'elle a fait, comme le Roy François II., le Roy Charles IX., le
Roy Henry III., et Monsieur d'Alençon, qu'elle ne vit pourtant
Roy, mais autant valoit, estant Seigneur des Pays-Bas absolu.
Voilà comme la Reyne a pu voir ses Enfans Roys, par la
I 2
Marguerite de Valois,
•
contemptible light, was at this time dominated by
perhaps the least unworthy of his ignoble favourites,
one Du Guast, or Du Gua¹ (his name is variously
spelt). Brantôme describes him as a man of some
merit, and asserts that he exercised a beneficial influ-
ence over his royal master. "I have seen him," he
says, "remonstrate with the king when he perceived
that he was doing anything wrong, or when he heard
it reported of him. The king took it in good part,
and used to correct himself." De Thou, on the other
hand, says that the favours which Du Gua had received
from the king had turned his head, and rendered him
arrogant and overbearing. "He dared to place him-
self upon an equality with the greatest personages,"
this historian continues, "even going to the length
of treating them sometimes as if they had been beneath
him. He did not spare the first ladies of the court,
whose reputation he publicly assailed, often in the pre-
sence of his majesty, and he had even the impudence
to turn his slanders in the direction of an illustrious
princess" (Queen Marguerite).
·
Prophétie de Nostradamus, en cela très-veritable, qui n'avoit
jamais veu Louys Duc d'Orléans, qui mourut fort jeune en 1550,
dont ce fut grand Dommage, car c'estoit un très-beau petit Prince.
La Reyne changea à tous les autres trois leurs Noms. Le
Roy Charles s'appelloit Maximilian, tenu du Roy de Boheme,
depuis Empereur, duquel il épousa depuis la Fille. Le Roy
Henry s'appelloit Alexandre-Edouard, Filleul du Roy Edouard
d'Angleterre. François Duc d'Alençon s'appella Hercules, tenu,
je croy, des Cantons de Suisse. La Reyne, par tels changemens de
Noms, pensoit leur baptiser la Fortune meilleure, ou la Vie plus
longue, et vous voyez ce qu'en a esté. . . . Toutesfois, le Roy
François II. ne changea jamais. Si ne fut-il pas plus heureux
que les autres en Longueur de Vie."-Brantôme, Charles IX., Roy
de France, Discours lxxxviii.
1
•
¹ Louis Béranger Du Guast, or Du Gua, assassinated 1575.
Queen of Navarre.
13
Marguerite seems to have imagined that this man.
was responsible for all the hostility manifested towards
her by the king, and to have felt for him the most
bitter aversion. Henry, dreading the consequences of
a woman's resentment, was anxious to bring about a
reconciliation between his sister and Du Guast, and
entrusted Madame de Dampierre, aunt of "le Sieur
de Brantôme," with the delicate mission of arranging
their differences. This lady repaired, thereupon, to
the queen's private chamber, where, finding her in a
tolerably favourable mood,' she represented to her
that it would be to her own advantage were she to
endeavour to keep well with the favourite. Here is
Brantôme's account of the interview:-
"The Queen of Navarre, after having listened to
Madame de Dampierre very attentively, answered her
somewhat coldly, but nevertheless with a little smile
upon her face, according to her custom, and said:
'Madame de Dampierre, what you advise would be
all very well for you, who are in need of favours,
advantages, and benefits, and were I in your place
the words you say to me would be most proper and
appropriate, and I should willingly listen to them and
profit by them. But to me, who am the daughter of
a king, the sister of kings of France, and the wife of
a king, they cannot be of any service, since, with
these great and splendid advantages, I cannot, in
honour, become a suppliant for the favours, graces,
and benefits of the king my brother, for I take him
to be of so good a disposition, and so well acquainted
with his duty, that he would never withhold them
"En assez bonne trempe."
14
Marguerite de Valois,
from me because I had not sought the favour of De
Gua.'"
In a word, the Queen of Navarre refused to cringe
to the man she hated and despised. But then, as
now, people strained at gnats and swallowed camels.
It was not beneath the dignity of the daughter, the
sister, and the wife of kings, to cause her enemy to be
assassinated. Marguerite endured his persecutions,
or fancied persecutions, until her patience was ex-
hausted, and then took this sure method of putting
an end to them for ever. She addressed herself to
Guillaume du Prat, Baron of Viteaux, who, having
previously murdered Antoine d'Alégre, and incurred
thereby the king's displeasure, was lying concealed in
the Augustine Convent in Paris. Du Guast had been
anxious that the king should bring this man to jus-
tice, so that Viteaux likewise regarded the favourite
as his enemy.
"The princess," says De Thou, repaired
thither" (to the convent) "at night, and finding a
man accustomed to shed the blood of his enemies, and
whose past achievements had familiarized him with
these kinds of crimes, she easily persuaded him by
her cajoleries to become her avenger, whilst revenging
himself for his own wrongs." Du Guast was stabbed
to death by Viteaux in his apartment near the Louvre,
on All Hallows Eve, 1575, as he was reading in bed,
"according to his custom."¹
1 "Le lundi dernier Octobre (1575), veille de la Toussaints,
sur les dix heures du soir, le capitaine Gast, gentilhomme
dauphinois, favori du Roy, lequel il avoit suivi en Pologne, fust
tué dans sa maison à Paris, rue Saint-Honoré, et avec lui son
valet de chambre et un sien laquais, par certains hommes armés
et masqués qui l'assassinèrent à coups d'espées et de dagues, sans
Queen of Navarre.
15
Anquetil says that he was assassinated "almost
under the eyes of the king, who contents himself with
lamenting him, and dares not avenge him."
The Duke of Alençon, who by that time had
assumed his brother's title of Duke of Anjou, was
said to have been implicated in this murder. The
affair was afterwards hushed up, although the whole
court was well aware by whom the deed had been
planned.
As may be supposed, Henry and his sister were
not upon any better terms after this catastrophe. The
Queen of Navarre, alluding in her Memoirs to the
murder of Du Guast, says that he was killed “by a
judgment of God," without mentioning, however,
that she was herself the instrument employed by Pro-
vidence upon the occasion.
"Queen Marguerite," remarks Ste. Beuve, "so
unscrupulous in morals, is better than her brothers.
She possesses the good qualities, and many of the
defects, of the expiring race of Valois, but she is not
cruel."
>> 1
She was not cruel, that is to say, for a princess of
the sixteenth century, whose mother was an Italian of
the House of Medici. Had she been, she would
probably have had her enemy assassinated before !2
estre congneus ne retenus. Il dit mourant, que c'estoit le Baron
de Viteaux, qui estoit à Monsieur (the Duke of Alençon) qui
l'avoit tué: toutefois cela ne fust point averé, encores que la
présumption en fust grande."-De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry III.
1 "Causeries du Lundi: La Reine Marguerite, ses mémoires
et ses lettres," 3me édn., t. vi., p. 190.
2 Brantôme does not admit that Marguerite was implicated in
the murder of Du Guast. "Bien qu'il luy eut beaucoup
nuy," he remarks, "elle ne luy rendit la pareille, ny ven-
geance. Il est vray que lors qu'on l'eut tué, et qu'on lui vint
16
Marguerite de Valois,
Yet the heart of this same princess, who incited the
bravo De Viteaux to dispose thus barbarously of a
personal foe, could bleed at sight of the poor fugitive
who rushed terror-stricken and wounded into her
chamber, upon the fatal Eve of Saint Bartholomew,
and clung to her for protection. Nor did her com-
passion take merely a sentimental form. She had
him put to bed in her dressing-room, staunched
his wounds, and attended to him until he recovered.
De Miossans and Armagnac, two gentlemen in the
service of the King of Navarre, came to her soon
afterwards, and implored her to intercede for their
lives. She went at once and threw herself upon her
knees before the Queen-Mother and "the magnani-
mous King Charles," and obtained the boon she
craved. There is an apparent inconsistency in this,
but its explanation may be traced to that familiarity
with blood-shedding which has ever been the heritage
of those who are born in troublous times. Then, as now,
the Church professedly discouraged all acts of private
vengeance, yet the forfeit-money which was paid into
her coffers after the perpetration of such crimes con-
tributed largely to the increase of her revenues, whilst
the Holy Father himself did not hesitate to justify,
and even to extol, the most inhuman murders, when
they were committed for the eventual glory of God."
annoncer, elle estant malade, elle dit seulement: Je suis bien
marrie que je ne sois bien guérie, pour de joye solemniser sa
mort.' Mais aussi, elle avoit cela de bon, que quand on se fut
humilié à elle, pour rechercher pardon et sa grace; elle remet-
toit et pardonnoit tout, à la mode de la générosité du lion, qui
jamais ne fait mal à celuy que s'humilie."-Dames illustres, Fran-
çoises et etrangeres, Discours v.
¹ As an example of this may be cited the medal struck by
Queen of Navarre.
17
:
"
Public opinion, too, by which the morals of any period
ought to be judged, regarded assassination for private
ends with a most tolerant eye. Everybody made use
of this expedient from time to time. Nobody saw
any harm in it! To the same irresponsible tribunal
we are wont to appeal in these latter days, though
happily not in extenuation of the same crimes.
These were the days, too, of an almost unquestioning
faith in a spiritual future, so that pious murderers
could persuade themselves that, by removing human
obstructions from their paths, they were merely
shifting them, like chessmen, to a position more
favourable to their own interests. We constantly read
of assassinations which were not even inspired by a
personal antipathy. The victim merely happened to
be in the way of his murderer, who salved his
conscience with the thought that he would be better
off in a better world. This argument, however, will
not help us to forgive Marguerite for her murder
of Du Guast, for she particularly informs us in her
memoirs that his soul "became the prey of the
demons to whom he had done homage by magic and
by all kinds of abominations," so that, acting as she
did, with this conviction in her heart, her murder of
him was a very wicked murder indeed.
Ste. Beuve writes tolerantly and tenderly of "la
Reine Margot"—of her beauty, her accomplishments,
Gregory XIII. in commemoration of the Massacre of Saint Bar-
tholomew. On one side of it is a bust of the Pope himself in
profile, and on the reverse side is the date (1572) and a represen-
tation of an angel slaying the heretics. The Pope and the Car-
dinals went in state to return thanks to Heaven when they heard
of the blow which had been struck for the extirpation of the new
heresy.
C
18
Marguerite de Valois,
2
her follies. He makes no allusion to this one crime.¹
It is refreshing to turn to his pages after reading the
fulsome flattery of Brantôme, which even the queen
herself seems to have considered extravagant, or the
odious aspersions with which her enemies have sought
to blacken her memory. Between these two there is
a middle way, along which we cannot do better than
follow the great critic. Here is his description of
Marguerite's personal appearance a year or two before
her marriage:-
CC
<
Marguerite," he says, "at this flower of her
youth, was, according to every account, exquisitely
beautiful. This beauty was owing less to the actual
features of the face than to the general effect-to the
grace of her whole person, and to an air of mingled.
dignity and fascination. She had dark hair, which
was not then considered an advantage; fair hair was
in the ascendant; I have seen her also sometimes
array herself with her natural hair,' Brantôme informs
us, without any additional contrivance in the shape
of a wig, and, in spite of its being black-this she
inherited from her father King Henry-she under-
stood so well how to touzle, frizzle, and arrange it,³
in imitation of her sister the Queen of Spain, who
always wore her own, which was black like a
1
C
3
"Marguerite de Navarre," remarks Prudhomme sarcas-
tically, "se distingua par une modération peu ordinaire; elle ne
commit qu'un seul crime; un seul assassinat fut ordonné par elle:
quel excès de vertu!"-Crimes des Reines de France, p. 256.
2
At the head of the list of " belles dames" who were wont to
accompany Catherine de' Medici wherever she journeyed,
Brantôme places "la Reyne de Navarre sa fille," whom he de-
scribes as "le Miracle du Monde."-Dames illustres, Discours ii.
"Elle les savoit si bien tortiller, frisonner, et accommoder."
Queen of Navarre.
19
<
Spaniard's, that such dressing and arrangement be-
came her as well, or better, than any other whatso-
ever.' Towards the end of her life Marguerite had
no dark hair left, and went to great expense in fair wigs.
With this object she kept several tall, fair-haired
footmen, who were shaved from time to time.' But
in her youth, when she had the courage to be dark
according to nature, it did not misbecome her, for she
had none the less a most dazzling complexion. A
lovely fair face that resembled the heavens in their
sweetest and calmest serenity;' a beautiful brow of
glistening ivory'-say the contemporaries and the
poets, who in this respect do not seem to have spoken
falsely. We must not forget the artifices of the
toilet; the new inventions connected with it, which
only emanated from her; she was at once the queen
1 In proof of this, Brantôme quotes a conversation which took
place between Marguerite and her mother upon the occasion of the
visit paid by the two queens to Cognac, when on their way to
join the King of Navarre. The ladies of the country, it seems,
were never tired of praising Marguerite's beauty to the Queen-
Mother, who was, we read, thereupon "perdue de joye," and
who, “pour en donner plaisir à ces honnestes dames," desired
one day that her daughter should array herself "le plus pom-
peusement, et à son plus beau et superbe appareil." Margue-
rite, "pour obéïr à une si bonne mere," made her appearance
vestue fort superbement d'une robe de toile d'argent, ou colom-
bin, à la Boulonnoise, manches pendantes, coëffé si richement,
et accompagnée avec cela d'une majesté si belle et si bonne
grace, qu'on leust plustôt dite Déesse du Ciel que Reyne en
terre." Catherine was pleased with the effect of this costume.
"Ma fille, vous estes très-bien," she remarked. 'Madame,'
replied her daughter, "je commence de bonne heure à porter et
user mes robes et les façons que j'emporte avec moy de la Cour ;
car quand j'y m'y retourneray, je ne les emporteray point, mais
je m'y retourneray avec des cizeaux et des estoffes seulement,
pour me faire habiller selon la mode qui courra." Pourquoy
dites-vous cela, ma fille ?" asked the Queen-Mother,
CC car c'est
vous qui enventez et produisez les belles façons de s'habiller; et
CC
"
20
Marguerite de Valois,
of style and fashion. In this character she appeared
upon all solemn occasions, and particularly upon the
day when the Queen-Mother entertained the Polish
lords who came to offer the crown to the Duke of
Anjou, and when Ronsard, who was present, declared
that the fair goddess Aurora herself was eclipsed;"
or, again, on that Palm Sunday at Blois, when she
appeared in the procession all decked out and as
though starred with diamonds and precious stones—
in a dress of crimped cloth of gold which came from
Constantinople, and which by its weight would have
crushed any other than her, but which her fine and
well-developed figure supported admirably-holding
her palm in her hand, the sacred branch which had
been blessed, endowed with a royal majesty, with
a charm which was partly dignified and partly gentle.'
Here we have the Marguerite of the prosperous years,
before the flights and humiliations, before the Castle
of Usson where she vegetated and grew old.""
en quelque part que vous alliés, la Cour les prendra de vous, et
non vous de la Cour."-Brantôme, Marguerite de France, Dis-
cours v.
1 "Elle s'estoit vestuë," says Brantôme, writing of this time,
"d'une Robe de Velours incarnat d'Espagne, fort chargée de
Clinquant, et d'un Bonnet de mesme Velours, tant bien dressé de
Plumes et Pierreries, que rien plus. . . . Lors qu'elle parut
ainsi parée dans les Thuilleries, je dis à Monsieur de Ronsard,
qui estoit près de moy: 'Dites le vray, Monsieur. Ne vous
semble-il pas voir cette belle Reyne en tel appareil paroistre
comme la belle Aurora quand elle vient à naistre avant le jour
avec sa belle Face, et leur Accoustrement on beaucoup de Sim-
pathie et Ressemblance?' Monsieur de Ronsard me l'advoua ;
et sur cette comparaison, (qu'il trouva fort belle,) il en fit un
très-beau Sonnet, qu'il me donna."-Dames Illustres: Marguerite de
France, Discours v.
2 Ste. Beuve, "Causeries du Lundi : La Reine Marguerite, ses
mémoires et ses lettres," 3me éd., t. vi., p. 188.
Queen of Navarre.
21
Marguerite, however, like some of the beauties of
our own day, does not seem to have been contented
with the charms with which nature had endowed her.
(
"This beauty," Ste. Beuve goes on to say, "so
genuine and undoubted, and which had so little need
of artificial additions, had, like all the rest of her
person, its absurdities and its superstitions. I have
already said that she generally concealed her black
hair and preferred fair wigs instead; her comely face
was wont to appear all bedaubed and painted.' She
took such care to preserve the freshness of her com-
plexion that she spoilt it with washes and cosmetics,
which produced rashes and eruptions. In a word,
she was the leader and, consequently, the slave of
the fashion of her day, and, as she outlived it, she
ended by becoming, as it were, a kind of fetish,'
such as might be preserved as a curiosity to show
what departed elegance was like. When Sully reap-
peared one day at the court of Louis XIII., with
his ruff and his costume of the period of Henry IV.,
he excited the ridicule of its crowd of youthful cour-
tiers. When Queen Marguerite-having returned
from Usson to Paris-displayed herself at the new
court of Henry IV., she produced a similar effect
upon the rising generation, who smiled at beholding
this majestic survivor of the House of Valois." 1
It will be necessary to confess here what I had hoped
partly to evade-that Queen Marguerite bears one of
the worst characters, as far as morality is concerned,
in history. Immorality, like assassination, may be
said to have been to some extent the fashion of the
1 Ste. Beuve, "Causeries du Lundi," t. vi. (3me éd.), p. 189.
22
Marguerite de Valois,
day, but, as in respect to her dress, the Queen of
Navarre is said to have led and exaggerated this
fashion. And yet her evil repute in this particular
is one of the reasons why, to a student of human
nature, her memoirs are so particularly interesting.
Not merely because, the verdict of posterity having
been so severe, he is anxious to seek for the evidences
of compensating or palliating qualities, or because
there may be, to some minds, a sort of fascination in
the close contemplation of a monster of depravity,
but because, curiously enough, the pages before ust
might have been written by a prude. Sixteenth-cen-
tury prudes, however, were not quite like those
of our own day, some of whom may possibly take
exception to certain crudities of expression, which I
have not felt justified in either softening or sup-
pressing in what is virtually a characteristic historical
record of the time. For these Marguerite should not
be held responsible. She writes in the language of
her day, and in that which was then looked upon as
refined and elegant.' Natural facts are alluded to in
natural terms, without any mincing or shuffling, but, if
it be true that it is the intention of the author which
either purifies or defiles his work, these pages may claim
¹ Sir Harris Nicolas, in his " Memoir of Lady Jane Grey," is
constrained to make excuses for even that paragon of women, on
account of the coarseness of language employed in one of her
"It is true," he says,
letters.
"that the coarseness of its lan-
guage is not consonant to the gentleness and delicacy which we
attribute to her disposition, but we should ask ourselves whether,
in estimating the character of this interesting woman, we do not
forget the period in which she lived, and in the ardour of our
admiration, invest her with a refinement of ideas totally incom-
patible with the manners of the times."-Memoir of Lady Jane
Grey, by Sir Harris Nicolas, F.R.S.
Queen of Navarre.
23
to be as pure as the driven snow.
The Queen of
Navarre's intention has been to write an exceedingly
proper book, in which she is represented as an ex-
tremely proper person. "One of the rare distinctions
of these memoirs" (I am quoting again from the kind-
liest of her critics') "consists in the fact that she does.
not avow everything; that she does not, indeed, avow
the half of everything; so that, in the midst of all the
odious and exaggerated accusations which have been
brought against her, she is, when pen in hand, the
most delicate and discreet of women, These memoirs
have no kind of resemblance to confessions."
"One
finds in them," says Bayle, "a great many sins of
omission, but how could one expect that Queen Mar-
guerite would make admissions which might have been
prejudicial to her? One reserves such avowals for the
confessional, they are not intended for history."
When we learn, however, to whom these memoirs
are addressed, we seem to take heart, and to hope
that, after all, the Queen of Navarre may not have
been quite so bad-quite so openly regardless of
public opinion—as her enemies would lead us to sup-
pose. She is not writing exclusively for posterity,
but for the keen eyes of one of the most observant of
her contemporaries-for "le Sieur de Brantôme," who,
as the author of " Les Dames Galantes," was not likely
to have been very easily shocked, and who must have
known almost as much about her as her confessor.
Would she have assumed throughout this tone of in-
jured innocence, if, by her own conduct, she had made
it impossible for him to put faith in her assertions?
1 Ste. Beuve, "Causeries du Lundi," 3me édition, t. vi., p. 195.
24
Marguerite de Valois,
At page 34 of her memoirs, for instance,' we read
that she is horrified at its being supposed that she had
encouraged the addresses of Henry of Guise, upon
whom, if we are to believe the historians of the time, she
had bestowed her affections previously to her marriage.2
Monsieur de Guise, she declares, has hardly ever
spoken to her: for more than a year he has been court-
ing the Princess of Porcian (Catherine of Cleves).
It is all a mistake, a plot to injure her devised by her
enemy Du Guast, Marguerite is ready to marry the
King of Portugal, or anybody else whom her mother
may select for her, in order to give the lie to
this ridiculous report! Then again, at page 86, we
read that Henry III., shortly after his accession to
the throne, when walking in the streets of Lyons
(whither the court had repaired to meet him on his
return from Poland) with his brother-in-law the
King of Navarre, came upon Marguerite's empty
chariot "easily recognizable from being gilt, and
of yellow velvet ornamented with silver "-drawn
up in the "place," or square. Hard by, it seems,
lodged a gentleman of the name of Bidé, who was
indisposed. "Look!" cries the mischief-making
King of France, ever anxious to sow dissension be-
tween the young couple, to Marguerite's husband,
"there stands your wife's chariot, and yonder is Bidé's
lodging; I warrant she is there!" Then, like the con-
temptible creature that he was, he hurries back to tell the
First edition.
2 Evidence exists, in the collection of manuscripts at Simancas,
that Marguerite had engaged, at about this time, in a secret
correspondence with the Duke of Guise, in which she was
assisted by Mademoiselle de la Mirande, one of the maids of
honour attached to the Queen - Mother.
Queen of Navarre.
25
ì
Queen-Mother of this new enormity that her daughter
has committed. Marguerite returns soon afterwards,
knowing nothing whatever of all this. "Go and seek
the queen your mother," says Henry of Navarre laugh-
ing (for apparently he treated the matter as a joke),
"and I am sure you will come back in a fine rage!
The Queen-Mother was in a fine rage too. She con-
tinued "scolding, screaming, and threatening," and
would listen to no excuses. Next day Marguerite is
invited to a garden party, and asks her mother's permis-
sion to attend it, "having," she informs us, "always
observed such respect towards the queen my mother
whilst I was with her, as maid or wife, as never
to go anywhere without asking her permission." But
Catherine's wrath has not yet subsided. She tells her
daughter that she may go where she likes-that
she does not care. In a word, she has "washed
her hands of her!" And the best of it was, that
Marguerite had never been near poor Monsieur Bidé
at all! There were eight persons, altogether, inside
the yellow velvet chariot, which must have been of
enormous size, and they had all been spending a
highly edifying afternoon at the Abbey of St. Peter;
so that it was nothing more than a storm in a
teacup! Farther on, at page 103, we learn how Du
Guast endeavoured to make mischief about her and
the celebrated Bussy d'Amboise, who, as gentleman-
in-waiting upon her brother the Duke of Alençon,
was frequently in her company. Notwithstanding
that these memoirs bear so little resemblance to con-
fessions, Ste. Beuve remarks that her admiration for
Bussy leaks out in spite of herself.
"When she speaks of Bussy d'Amboise," he says,
26
Marguerite de Valois,
"she ill conceals her admiration for that handsome
cavalier, and one seems to feel by the extravagance of
her praises that her heart overflows."
Nevertheless, she is indignant at the reports which
have been set afloat. Du Guast did not long survive
his scandalous insinuations. But his death appears
to have done very little good. To the end of the
chapter it is always the same story-Marguerite is
maligned, misjudged, misunderstood. One would
like to believe that all this was not purely imaginary
upon her part, and that she may have been sometimes
falsely accused.
In 1576, under pretext of going upon a hunting
expedition, Henry of Navarre crossed the Loire at
Saumur, and escaped with a band of his faithful fol-
lowers from the thraldom of court life,' and Margue-
rite, after enduring all manner of vexations and
persecutions at the hands of Henry III. and his
insolent minions, obtained permission in 1578 to
rejoin her husband in Gascony, where she remained
for three years and a half. She regarded the days
passed at Nerac, which, in spite of the recommence-
ment of hostilities, were enlivened by balls, parties of
pleasure, and "all kinds of innocent enjoyments," as
a period of almost perfect happiness. Ste. Beuve says
that her husband's weaknesses harmonized with her
own, so that they went their different ways without
annoying or interfering with each other. Henry
soon overstepped the bounds of decency in his beha-
1 (6
They put my mother to death in Paris," he exclaimed, as
he crossed the Loire, "they slew the Admiral there, and all my
best friends; I will never return there unless dragged by force!"
When Henry next entered the capital it was as King of France.
Queen of Navarre.
27
..
viour, whilst Marguerite, upon her side, is accused of
much that is scandalous and improper.
CC
Marguerite," continues the same author, "who
had been passing some time in Paris at the court of
her brother" (he is alluding to the year 1582-3),
"only returned thence to her husband after receiv-
ing a disgraceful insult which had exposed her
weaknesses."
The Queen of Navarre suffered the insult here.
referred to, when Henry III., the unworthy censor
of his sister's morals, after accusing her publicly of
unbecoming conduct, ordered her to quit Paris upon
the following day.1 Nor did his brotherly solicitude
end here. Her carriages were stopped and searched
at Palaiseau by one Larchamp de Grimonville, having
sixty archers under his command, who roughly tore
the masks from the faces of the queen and her female
attendants. "Miserable wretch!" exclaimed Mar-
guerite indignantly, "do you dare to lift your hand
against the sister of your king? "I am acting by
his majesty's orders,” replied the captain of the archers,
after which there was nothing more to be said.
The horses' heads were turned in the direction of
Montargis, whither Marguerite and her ladies were
conducted, and confined in separate chambers in the
Abbey of Ferrières.
The excuse for this outrage was a scandalous report
to which a recent indisposition of the queen had given
rise. She is said to have been at this time deeply
2
1 "Cette affreuse scène finit par un ordre exprès de sortir de
Paris, et delivrer la Cour de sa présence contagieuse."-Mongez,
p. 278.
La Reine de Navarre est grosse ou hydropique," writes
28
Marguerite de Valois,
enamoured of the handsome and fascinating Harlay
de Chanvallon,' one of the gentlemen-in-waiting to her
brother the Duke of Anjou; and two of her ladies,
Madame de Duras and Mademoiselle de Béthune,
were accused of favouring this intrigue and of help-
ing to conceal its consequences. "The queen was
innocent of that which was imputed to her," remarks
Brantôme," as I happen to know." Dupleix, on the
contrary, states that Marguerite gave birth to a son by
Chanvallon. "He is living still," adds this historian;
"he is a monk called Friar Ange. I used to know
2
Busini, the Tuscan ambassador ("Négociations diplomatiques
avec la Toscane,” t. iv., p. 466).
1 (C
Jaques de Harlay, seigneur de Chanvallon, grand-écuyer
du Duc d'Alençon, grand-maître de l'artillerie pendant la Ligue,
créé par Henri IV. chevalier du Saint-Esprit en 1602, mort en
1630. Ce gentilhomme, aussi distingué par sa naissance que par
sa beauté, et qu'on appelait le beau Chanvallon, fut un des favoris
de Marguerite. C'est probablement vers l'an 1580 que com-
mença cette intrigue, dont naquit, dit-on, un fils qui fut capucin
sous le nom de père Ange. On ne saurait révoquer en doute les
relations de la Reine Marguerite avec Chanvallon, qui sont
attestées par la plupart des historiens, et auxquelles les lettres
que nous publions ici ajoutent un nouveau degré de certitude.
(Voyez Dupleix, Henri IV., p. 411; Busbecquii, Epist. 23;
De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry III., 1583; D'Aubigné, Hist., 1077;
Anselme, t. viii., p. 804.)"-Mémoires et Lettres de Marguerite
de Valois, par M. F. Guessard, note, p. 445.
2
Mongez says that this Friar Ange was engaged, later on, in
the conspiracy against Henry IV. in which the king's mistress,
the Marquise de Verneuil, and her half-brother, the "Bâtard
d'Auvergne" (son of Charles IX. and Marie Touchet), were im-
plicated, but that this did not prevent Queen Marguerite from
making it known in the proper quarter when she discovered it.
"La consideration du Pere Ange, (d'autres l'appellent Archange,)
dont elle etoit mere, et qui conduisoit l'intrigue, ne put l'empêcher
de faire le devoir d'une fidelle sujette. Ce trait suffiroit seul
pour jetter un voile indulgent sur ses défauts, quand elle n'auroit
pas eu d'ailleurs des qualités faites pour les compenser avantageuse-
ment."-Mongez, p. 320, edition 1777.
Queen of Navarre.
29
him."¹
believe? 2
Which of these two statements are we to
It was only at the instance of the Queen-Mother,
who was horrified at the indignity to which her
daughter had been subjected, that Madame de Duras
and Mademoiselle de Béthune regained their liberty.
1
¹ Dupleix, "Histoire de Henri IV.," p. 595; Busbecquii,
Epist. 23; Anselme, t. viii., p. 804, etc.
2 Alluding to some of the love-letters from Marguerite to
Chanvallon which have been published, Ste. Beuve remarks:
"Ce n'est plus le style agréable, modérément orné, et naturelle-
ment poli des Mémoires; c'est de la haute métaphysique et du
pur phébus presque inintelligible et des plus ridicules. Adieu,
mon beau soleil! Adieu, mon bel ange! beau miracle de la
nature!' . . . Ce sont là les expressions les plus communes et
les plus terre-à-terre; le reste monte et s'élève à proportion, et se
perd au plus haut de l'Empyrée. Il semblerait, en verité, à lire cest
lettres, que Marguerite n'a point aimé de cœur, mais plutôt de tête
et d'imagination; que nesentant proprement de l'amour que le phy-
sique, elle se croyait tenue d'en raffiner d'autant plus l'expression,
et de pétrarquiser en paroles,-elle qui était si positive dans le pro-
cédé.... Ôn a cité d'elle un mot d'observation pratique qui nous
dit mieux le secret de sa vie : Voulez-vous cesser d'aimer ?
possédez la chose aimée.' C'était pour échapper au moins en
idée à ce prompt désenchantement, à ce triste et rapide réveil,
qu'elle prodiguait ainsi les expressions figurées, mythologiques, im-
possibles."-Causeries du Lundi: La Reine Marguerite, ses mémoires et
ses lettres, 3me édition, p. 183. In one of her letters to
Chanvallon a curious side-light is thrown upon this subject. She
has heard, she says, that he was anxious to marry,
pour estre
chose que vous pensiez estre à vostre avantage et à l'avantage de
nostre amour, pour la commodité de nous voir plus souvent," but
Marguerite does not consider that the lady to whom he was
thinking of proposing marriage was rich enough. “Celle-là n'a
que trente mille livres de rente," she says,
"dont elle ne peut
aucunement disposé, ayant donné son bien à ses enfans." She
knows of another, however, who is richer, "plus belle que l'autre,
et d'une plus douce humeur, et est certes honneste femme et parle
bien italien." Marguerite says that she has been able to oblige
this lady "en une chose où je luy puis plus servir que personne,"
who is desirous, with her daughter, of attaching herself to her
person. ("Bibl. de l'Arsenal, Récueil de Conrard,” t. v., p. 113.)
30
Marguerite de Valois,
Henry III., however, dismissed them from his sister's
service, and, in writing to apprise the King of Navarre
of this fact, alludes to them as "pernicious vermin."
"From this time," Ste. Beuve continues, "her life
never regained its first smiling felicity. She had
passed her thirtieth year. The civil wars had broken
out again, only to be extinguished by the complete
defeat of the League. Marguerite, sunk now to the
level of an adventuress-queen, changed her abode
several times before she found herself in the Castle of
Usson, where she remained for no less a period than
eighteen years (1587-1605). What took place there?
No doubt a great many unbecoming follies; less
odious, however, than the abusive chroniclers of the
time, who are the only authorities for what they
advance, would lead us to believe."1
The memoirs of Queen Marguerite, which are
addressed to her friend and panegyrist Brantôme,
embrace a period extending from about the year 1559
to the year 1582, when they break off abruptly, just
before the queen returned in an evil hour to Paris
at the invitation of Henry III., whence she was,
as has already been stated, shamefully expelled soon
afterwards by his orders. During this period she
had beheld four monarchs occupying in succession
the throne of France. She can just remember her
father, King Henry II., and how he took her upon
his knee and questioned her as to the respective merits
of her two boyish playmates, the Prince de Joinville,
afterwards "that great and unfortunate Duc de Guise,"
and the Marquis de Beaupreau. Over the short reign
1
¹ Ste. Beuve, "Causeries du Lundi : La Reine Marguerite, ses
mémoires et ses lettres."
Queen of Navarre.
31
of her brother, Francis II., she passes in silence, being,
as she reminds us, too young at that time to remem-
ber anything in detail, so that the unbroken narrative
is only continued through the reign of her brother
"the magnanimous King Charles," and the greater
part of that of Henry III. That the Queen-Mother
-"la Royne ma mère"-was the real motive power
in France during these three miserable reigns, is amply
proved in her daughter's memoirs. Whilst her hus-
band, Henry II., was upon the throne, Catherine had
been quite an insignificant person at court, but for
this period of neglect and eclipse no woman was ever
more royally compensated than she was during the
three following reigns.
This is the reason why the Queen of Navarre
addresses her memoirs to Brantôme.¹ He was en-
gaged at this time upon his "Dames illustres, Fran-
çoises et etrangeres," and, having completed his por-
trait of Mary Queen of Scots, he was about to add
that of Marguerite to his gallery as another example
of the cruel uncertainty of Fortune.
"Marguerite," continues Ste. Beuve, "at the time
when Brantôme was occupied with this description
of her, so replete with inspiration and enthusiasm,
and consigning to paper a eulogium which may be
truly called delirious, was shut up in the Castle of
Usson, where, having begun by being a prisoner, she
had succeeded in fascinating her captor, and taking
1 It is stated in the preface to the first edition of the memoirs
that they are addressed to "Messire Charles de Vivonne, Baron
de la Chasteigneraye et Seigneur de Hardelay," an obvious mis-
take of "le Sieur de Granier," who first introduced them to the
public in 1628.
32
Marguerite de Valois,
possession of the stronghold. Here she passed the
period of the disturbances, and a considerable time
subsequent to them, in an impregnable haven.
Writing to her husband in 1594, she playfully in-
formed him that if he could only see the position, and
the manner in which she defended herself therein, he
would certainly conclude that God alone could bring
about its surrender, and that she had every reason to
believe that this hermitage had been miraculously
constructed to serve her as an ark of salvation.' This
castle, which she thus compared to Noah's ark, and
which others amongst her panegyrists likened to
Mount Tabor-fondly imagining that she who inha-
bited it was entirely absorbed in heavenly contempla-
tions—was represented as a kind of Capri, the abode
of everything abominable, by those enemies who only
regarded it from afar with eyes of hatred. One thing,
however, is certain, which is, that Queen Marguerite
lost nothing, during her residence at Usson, of the
refinements of her wit, as it was here that she under-
took to write her memoirs in a few afternoons,'¹ so
as to assist Brantôme in his narration, and to correct
him upon certain points."
2
The Castle of Usson had been fortified by Louis
XI,, who had intended it for a prison. The "captor"
whom she seduced and vanquished by her charms was
the Marquis de Canillac (written "Cavillac" some-
times), who had been deputed by her brother
Henry III. to surprise and take her prisoner on her
departure from Carlat in the mountains of Auvergne.
2
1 "En quelques après-dînées."
Jean Timoléon de Beaufort-Montboissier, Marquis de
Canillac.
Queen of Navarre.
33
Miss Freer, speaking more plainly, in her able "His-
tory of the Reign of Henry IV." (vol. i., p. 35),
alludes to Marguerite's "scandalous liaison with the
Marquis de Canillac," and, indeed, the Queen of
Navarre, at this time in her thirty-fourth year, seems
to have found no difficulty in inspiring the tender
passion; although, as the years went on, the chival-
resque forms of Henry of Guise, of Bussy d'Amboise,
of Harlay de Chanvallon, fade away in the distance,
and her admirers appear to decline somewhat in the
social scale. The anonymous author of "Le Divorce
Satyrique" makes Henry of Navarre cut all kinds of
coarse jokes at the expense of these infatuated men.
"Her manners were so insinuating" (the king is
supposed to assert) "that it was difficult to defend
oneself when she chose to exert them. She made so
many advances to Cavillac that he could not avoid
becoming aware of them; he preferred a fleeting
gratification to the duty he owed his master, and suf-
fered himself to become enslaved by her whom he had
captured. He sacrificed his interests to the blandish-
ments of love, and adopted every expedient to gratify -
his new mistress. This illustrious gallant, who was as
dirty as myself¹ before he was metamorphosed by Love,
began then to consult his looking-glass, and to have
recourse to all the accessories which might increase his
short stature."
1
This is not the first allusion that we find in the writings.
of the time to the King of Navarre's disregard for the luxuries
of the toilet. Marguerite detested the effeminate youths who
frequented her brother's court, but it is probable that her
soldier-husband may have suffered at times from the very con-
trast he presented to these curled and scented “mignons,” and that
he may have seemed to be slovenly, or even dirty, in his wife's eyes.
D
34
Marguerite de Valois,
Some time before this, according to the same
authority-and, as I have already said, "Le Divorce
Satyrique" had, unfortunately, a good deal of truth
in it-the queen had "directed her thoughts towards
her man-cook"; after which her choice fell upon
Aubiac, her equerry, "who could never have hoped,
with his red hair, freckled skin, and rubicund nose, to
become the lover of a daughter of France.”¹
If Aubiac did indeed attain to this high honour, it
did not bring him good luck in other respects; for
Cavillac, upon discovering that he had a rival, hanged
him at Aigueperce. The romantic youth met his death
with great firmness, and, "instead of endeavour-
ing to save himself, he went on kissing, until the last
moment of his existence, a blue cut-velvet sleeve,” all
that remained to him of the favours of his beloved
mistress. Marguerite is said to have composed some
melancholy verses upon the demise of Aubiac, "who
passed from the stables to the queen's chamber."3
1
2
"En la voyant pour la première fois, à Agen," says Monsieur
Hector de la Ferrière, “un homme s'était écrié, comme le Nubian
de Cléopâtre : 'Oh! l'admirable créature! si j'étois assez heureux
pour lui plaire, je n'aurois pas regret à la vie, dusse-je la perdre
une heure après ! Ces propos furent répétés à Marguerite. . . .
Cet homme se nommait Aubiac. La reine l'avait pris pour
écuyer. Pour rabaisser encore plus la femme, Aubigné a laissé de
lui ce vilain portrait: 'Escuyer chetif, rousseau, et plus travelé
qu'une truite, dont le nez teint en escarlatte,' etc. ("Divorce
Satyrique'). Tout au contraire, un témoin plus impartial, l'am-
bassadeur toscan Cavriana, nous dit: 'Il était noble, jeune, beau,
mais audacieux et indiscret' (Négociations avec la Toscane,'
t. iv., p. 669)."-Quoted in "Trois Amoureuses au XVIe Siècle,"
P. 238.
2Il basoit un manchon" (the word then employed to signify
a cuff, or sleeve, instead of a muff, as now) "de velours raz bleu,
qui lui restait des bienfaits de sa dame."—Divorce Satyrique.
3 "Divorce Satyrique."
Queen of Navarre.
35
After repeating all this scandal, it is only fair that
I should quote another and a kindlier authority,
Father Hilarion de Coste, described as "a monkish
chronicler," and who thus apostrophizes the Castle of
Usson whilst it served as a refuge to the Queen of
Navarre :-
"Usson! crowned by thy royal castle, sacred and
holy abode! Sweet hermitage where majesty medi-
tates! Thou rock that art a witness of the voluntary
seclusion and piety of thy peerless Princess Marguerite!
Usson! earthly paradise of delights, where sweet
music¹ and harmonious voices combine to soothe,-
the only spot in which royalty enjoyed the repose
and contentment of the blest!"
It is evident from his language that Father Hilarion
de Coste regarded the Castle of Usson from the
Noah's ark point of view.
Whilst Marguerite was at Usson she did not cease
altogether to correspond with her husband. Henry
III. had, by this time, been assassinated by the monk
Clement, and Henry of Navarre was King of France.
If," remarks Ste. Beuve, "the conduct of the
royal couple left everything to be desired as regarded
their behaviour, both to one another and to the
public, we must admit that their correspondence, at
1
CC
Marguerite, we read, was extremely fond of music, and com-
posed the words to her own songs. "Elle fait souvent quelques
vers et stances très-belles," says Brantôme, alluding to this time,
qu'elle fait chanter, (et mesme qu'elle chante, car elle a la voix
belle et agréable, l'entremeslant avec le luth qu'elle touche bien
gentiment,) à des petits enfants chantres qu'elle a; et par ainsi
elle passe son temps, et coule ses infortunées journées, sans offenser
personne, vivant en la vie tranquille qu'elle a choisie pour la
meilleure."-Brantôme, Dames illustres, Françoises et etrangeres,
Discours v.
36
Marguerite de Valois,
any rate, is that of good-natured well-bred people,
whose hearts are worth more than their morals. When
reasons of state determined Henry IV. to obtain a
divorce, and to break off a union which had not only
been scandalous but sterile, Marguerite acquiesced
without making any resistance, whilst appearing, at
the same time, to realize what she was losing. The
Pope had delegated several bishops and cardinals¹ to
settle the formalities of the divorce, whose duty it was
to interrogate the husband and wife separately. Mar-
guerite expresses a desire that, as it is necessary that
she should be questioned, it may be by persons who
are more 'private' and 'familiar '-her courage not
going to the length of enabling her to endure publicly
such a degradation; and fearing,' she proceeds,
'lest my tears should lead these cardinals to suppose
that force or compulsion had been used, which would
interfere with the wishes of the king."2 Henry was
touched at the sentiments she displayed during these
lengthy negotiations. 'I am, likewise, extremely satis-
fied with the candour and straightforwardness of your
behaviour,' he writes, and I hope that God will
bless the remainder of our days with a fraternal
affection, which, when united to public prosperity,
will make them very happy.' Henceforward he
calls her his sister, whilst she tells him that to her
he is father, brother, and king.'
1
"Monsieur Bazin, who has written upon this subject
"Le Pape délégua par son Bref du 24 Septembre, 1599, le
Cardinal de Joyeuse, l'Evêque de Modêne, son nonce en France,
et Horatio del Monte, Archevêque d'Albes, pour connoître de
cette affaire."-Mongez, p. 309, edition 1777.
2
21st October, 1599.
Queen of Navarre.
37
with judgment and moderation, says that, whatever
may have been the shortcomings of their married life,
'their divorce was royal.
It is scarcely correct to say, however, that Mar-
guerite agreed to the divorce in the first instance
without making any resistance. She had been prepared
to do so, she explains, for the good of the realm,
but, upon hearing a report to the effect that the king
only desired to obtain his freedom in order that he
might marry his mistress, Gabrielle d'Estrées, "Queen
Marguerite, Duchess of Valois," as she was now
styled, wrote to say that, having been born a daughter
of France, and having been likewise the daughter,
the sister, and the wife of kings, and being, further-
more, the sole survivor of all the royal race of Valois
that now breathed the breath of this life, she so
dearly loved her country and was so well disposed
towards the person and the inclinations of the king,
and desired so ardently that he might have legitimate
offspring who should succeed without dispute to the
crown, that, not being in a condition to bring him
this happiness in her own person, she wished and
hoped to witness its accomplishment through another
who should be worthy of him, and that, for this same
end, she had been resolved to contribute, by every
means in her power, towards facilitating and acceler-
ating the dissolution of his marriage, but that, if he
only desired to obtain a divorce in order to put in her
place a woman of such low extraction, and who had
led so impure and evil a life' as the one about whom
1
"Une vie si salle et si vilaine." After the death of Gabrielle
d'Estrées the queen explains, in a letter to Sully, that she has
no longer any objection to the divorce, "si j'ay ci-devant usé
38
Marguerite de Valois,
these rumours were current, she should act quite in a
contrary manner, and relinquish nothing of her own
to see him thus unworthily mated.'
Upon this occasion Marguerite acted as her hus-
band's true friend, although her words go towards
swelling the number of instances when the pot has
been betrayed into calling the kettle black. Gabrielle
d'Estrées, or, to speak more formally, the Duchess
of Beaufort, expired mysteriously, shortly after
having given birth to her second son by the king,"
nobody doubting but that she had, to use the expres-
sive language of the day, "been assisted" towards her
end. The susceptible Henry, however, did not long
de longueurs et interposé des doutes et difficultez," she writes,
vous en sçavez aussy bien les causes que nul aultre, ne voullant
veoir en ma place une telle descriée bagace, que j'estimois subject
indigne de la posseder, ny capable de faire jouir la France des
fruits elle desirez."
par
us that the term
Mongez assures
bagace "n'était pas déshonnête dans ce temps là." This is
questioned by Monsieur Guessard, "Lettres de Marguerite de
Valois."
It is interesting to compare this letter with one addressed
by Marguerite, two years previously, to Gabrielle herself, in
which, desiring to obtain a favour from the king, she expresses
herself thus: "J'ay pris tant de confiance en l'asseurance que
(vous) m'avez donnée de m'aimer, que je ne veux prendre aultre
protecteur en ce que j'auray à requerir le Roy, au quel je n'ose
user de si longue importunité, qui sur du papier l'ennuiera, mais
partant de vostre belle bouche, je sçais qu'il ne peust estre que
bien reçeu." This letter is addressed to "Madame la Marquise,"
and concludes, "Je vous aurois une grande obligation de m'en
faire savoir sa voulenté" (alluding to the king), "qui me sera
une perpetuelle loi, comme perpetuelle sera en moy l'affection
tres-fidelle que je voue à vostre merite, pour en eternité me
conserver vostre tres-affectionnée et plus fidelle amye, Marguerite."
Collection Dupuy, t. 217, folio 58.
1
Sully, t. i., chap. lxxxv., p. 499, first edition.
2 Alexandre de Vendôme, Grand Prior of France, died a
state prisoner in the reign of his half-brother, Louis XIII.
2
!
Queen of Navarre.
39
1
remain inconsolable for her loss. He very soon fell
into the toils of Henriette de Balzac, afterwards
created Marchioness of Verneuil, to whom he foolishly
gave a written promise of marriage, which she was in
the habit of carrying about in her pocket and displaying
to her friends. Sully, at that time Baron de Rosny,
tore up the promise in question when the king showed
it to him at Fontainebleau. "I think you must be
mad!" exclaimed Henry, astonished at his boldness.
"Would to God, sire, that I were the only madman
in France!" replied this faithful servant. Henry
remained silent after this, whilst Rosny offered him
the most wholesome but unpalatable advice. Then
he picked up the severed scraps of paper, and went
into his study to draw up a fresh document to the
same effect.
Marguerite, in her impregnable fortress, appears to
have heard nothing at the time of this episode, for, in
spite of her objection to retire in favour of a woman
of "impure life," she ceased to oppose her husband's
divorce upon the death of Gabrielle d'Estrées, and
was even the first to suggest that the affair should be
concluded without delay. Whereupon the king's
loyal ministers and advisers, alarmed at the thought
of what might ensue were he to obtain his liberty
whilst under the dominion of so violent a passion,
protected him against himself by hurrying on the
matrimonial negotiations which had already been
commenced with the court of Florence. The reasons
put forward by the king for desiring to regain his
1 Eldest daughter of the Marquis d'Entragues, by his wife,
Marie Touchet, formerly mistress of King Charles IX., and
mother, by him, of Charles de Valois, Comte d'Auvergne.
40
Marguerite de Valois,
..
freedom were all other than those set forth in the
scurrilous "Divorce Satyrique." Marguerite was too
zealous a daughter of the Mother-Church for any
such pretexts to have found favour with the Pope or
the Cardinals, nor had the king's own conduct been
such as would have justified his advancing them. The
royal couple, who acted in collusion upon the occa-
sion, merely pretended to have discovered that they
were too near of kin to have ever been legally mar-
ried at all without a special dispensation from the
Pope, which nobody could remember anything about.
Historians disagree as to whether this dispensation
had any real existence, but Henry and Marguerite
affirmed that, if it had ever been granted, they,
at least, had never been informed of the fact.
The king declared that after the Massacre of Saint
Bartholomew he had acted entirely under compulsion,
and had had scarcely any liberty of action, whilst
Marguerite, upon her side, excused herself for having
consented to the marriage by reason of her fear of
displeasing her brother King Charles, and of the
obedience she had always shown to the wishes of her
mother.¹ Finally, a plea of spiritual consanguinity
1
"Le mercredy 10 de novembre, les trois commissaires, apres
plusieurs conferences tenues sur cette grande affaire, dans la
maison d'Henry de Gondy, evesque de Paris, ont jugé le mariage
nul des le commencement, à cause de la parenté dans un degré
prohibé; que la duchesse Marguerite de Valois avoit esté forcée
par le roy Charles IX.. son frere, et par la Royne sa mere, et
qu'elle n'avoit apporté autre consentement que la parole et non
le cœur, laissant à l'ung et à l'autre la liberté de se marier à qui
bon leur semblera. Le lendemain le Roy envoya le comte de
Beaumont en Auvergne, pour donner avis à la royne Marguerite
de ce jugement, et l'assura par lettres que, quoique leur mariage
fut dissous pour le bien de la France, son desir etoit toute fois de
l'aimer non seulement comme son frere de nom, mais en lui
Queen of Navarre.
41
was discovered and advanced, potent enough to have
invalidated the marriage of the least scrupulous.
King Henry II., Marguerite's father, had actually
held Henry of Navarre, who had since become
her husband, at the baptismal font in 1554! This
proved the last straw in a whole camel-load of argu-
ments, and the marriage was dissolved forthwith in
1599.¹
By his letters patent, dated December 29, 1599,
the king decreed that Marguerite was to retain her
title of Queen, prefixed to that of Duchess of Valois,
and that she and her heirs were to enjoy the estates of
Angenois, Condomois, and Rovergne, together with
the townships of Verdun, Rieux, Riviere, and Albi-
geois, and the Duchy of Valois, which had been
assigned to her as a marriage portion. To these
favours he added the payment of her debts.
guerite, besides being extremely lavish in her personal
expenditure, was very generous to her servants and
ever ready to help those in distress, so that her debts
by this time amounted to an enormous sum.²
Mar-
The
faisant dorenavant connoistre les effets de sa bonne affection."
De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry IV., 1599.
1
¹ When Marguerite's agent, Chancellor Bertier, handed to the
king the paper in which she finally gave her consent to the
divorce and agreed to all its conditions, Henry, being all heart,
could not restrain his tears. "Ha, la malheureuse!" he ex-
claimed, “elle sçait bien que je l'ay toujours aimée et honorée, et
elle point moi, et que ses mauvais déportmens nous ont fait
séparer, il y a long-tems l'un de l'autre !"
2 When, upon her return to Paris in 1605, Henry IV. begged
her to be "plus ménagère, et de ne pas faire de la nuit le jour, et
du jour la nuit, elle lui repondit sur le premier, que la dépense
et la prodigalité etoient chez elle un vice de famille, attaché aux
Médicis; quand au second, elle lui dit qu'il lui étoit impossible de
se corriger d'une habitude aussi invétérée."-Mongez, p. 319;
De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry IV., Août, 1605.
42
Marguerite de Valois,
queen-duchess wrote at once a charming letter to
thank the king for his generosity, at the conclusion of
which she signs herself, "Your very humble, faithful,
affectionate and obedient sister, servant, and subject,
Marguerite;" so that the divorce was arranged as
amicably and satisfactorily as possible.
Marie de' Medici did not arrive in France under
very favourable auspices. Diego des Ursins, Duke
of Bracciano, espoused her by proxy in the king's
name, and Henry went to meet her as far as Nemours,
whither he came straight from the society of his
mistress.
After five or six days passed at Fontainebleau, the
king and his new queen proceeded to Paris, where
Henry made no secret of renewing his relations with
Madame de Verneuil. He had the bad taste to insist
that she should be introduced to the queen, and com-
manded the Duchess of Nemours to present her.
The mistress was, naturally enough, but coldly re-
ceived by the wife, and the king, to soothe her
offended dignity, threw all the blame upon Madame
de Nemours, who had been most unwilling from the
first to comply with his request. Thus, from the
earliest days of his second marriage, Henry appears
to have been the victim of female jealousy and of his
own incorrigible weakness with regard to women.
Two parties were formed, one of which favoured the
interests of the queen, and the other those of the mis-
tress, and, as a natural consequence, the court soon
became the centre of a series of intrigues and cabals
which wellnigh drove the good-natured king to dis-
traction.
Some nine months after his marriage, both ladies
Queen of Navarre.
4.3
presented him with sons.
The queen, to the intense
joy of the nation, gave birth to the Dauphin (after-
wards Louis XIII.), and the Marchioness to Henry of
Bourbon, Duke of Verneuil, afterwards Bishop of
Metz. The queen was so triumphant at having
given an heir to the throne that she sent to inquire
after the health of her rival, and proposed that, when
convalescent, she should dance in one of the court
ballets, which, with many other entertainments, were
being prepared to celebrate the auspicious event. This
act upon the part of the queen enchanted the king,
and for a while all was harmony, festivity, and
rejoicing. But it was for a while only. Ere long the
squabbling, plotting, and intriguing recommenced,
the queen and Henry's female favourites seemingly
vying with one another as to which of them should
vex and embarrass him the most.
(C
Some time before this the king had remarked to
Sully, when he and the duke were discussing the sub-
ject of his marriage, that he would prefer a wife who
was somewhat coquettish" to one who was ill-
tempered and wrong-headed.' Marie de' Medici
was ill-tempered, and frantically jealous of her husband
besides. The king could understand the feeling of
jealousy once upon a time, but then this was when he
had experienced it himself. "Are you not aware that a
little jealousy is the sure accompaniment of the purest
and tenderest affection?" he had inquired of Gabrielle
d'Estrées when he was jealous of the Duke of Belle-
garde, his rival. "If I treasured and cherished you
1 <<
J'aimerois mieux une femme qui fit un peu l'amour qu'une
qui eût mauvaise tête."
44
Marguerite de Valois,
less," he continued, "I should not be so afraid of
losing you."
But the weakness which he could thus palliate and
excuse when he had himself been a prey to it,
appeared to him to be merely vexatious and unreason-
able when indulged in by the queen, and, as he afforded
her perpetual cause for its display, he was continu-
ally being subjected to her indignant reproaches. Per-
haps there may have been moments when he almost
regretted his first wife, with her sisterly affection, easy
temper, and still easier virtue!
Such was the position of affairs when, in 1605,
Queen Marguerite, with a numerous train, arrived in
Paris. She had grown tired of the seclusion of Usson,
and as she had behaved so very well at the time of
the divorce, and it had then been particularly stipulated
that she should reside where she pleased, Henry could
not refuse her request when she expressed a desire to
revisit the capital.
He at once sent the Dukes of Vendôme and
Montbazon, with several other noblemen, to welcome
and "compliment" her upon her arrival.' The queen
likewise despatched some of the officers of her house-
hold upon the same polite errand. Henry himself
followed soon afterwards, and paid a four hours' visit
to his former wife at the Château de Madrid 2 (where
1 If we are to believe Dupleix, Harlay de Chanvallon, Margue-
rite's former admirer, "lequel elle avoit autrefois plus aimé qu'elle
ne devoit," was amongst these noblemen deputed by the king to
welcome her upon her arrival, and we read that this attention
upon Henry's part, coupled with the presence of his own natural
son, the Duke of Vendôme, was not considered in good taste :
"l'on estimoit cet accueil honteux," remarks the historian, "à
une si grande princesse."-Dupleix, t. iv., p. 367.
2 "Cette maison était ainsi appelée " (maison de Boulogne)
+
Queen of Navarre.
45
:
Marguerite passed the first six weeks following upon
her return), which was of an extremely amicable and
cordial character.¹
Two days later she paid a formal visit to the
Louvre, where she was received by the king in the
centre of the courtyard, and by the queen at the foot
of the grand staircase.
Towards the end of the month of December 1605
she took up her abode at the Hôtel de Sens, whither
all the principal inhabitants of Paris flocked to pay
her their respects, and manifested the greatest pleasure
at her return to their midst. In this last descendant
of the race of Valois were centred so many memories
and associations connected with their departed kings,
"whose apparent virtues," says Mongez, "above all
their piety, magnificence, affability, and love of literature
and the arts, they seemed to behold reproduced in her."
Hostile critics have affirmed that Marguerite had
merely desired to return to the capital in order to
continue a life of licence and dissipation. The dilapi-
dated state of her wardrobe, however, might alone
have furnished her with a sufficient excuse for wish-
ing to return to the refinements of civilization. The
beautiful dresses upon which Brantôme dilates with so
much rapture were all worn out, and, if we may believe
the author of "Le Divorce Satyrique," there had been
"parce qu'elle était située dans le bois de Boulogne. Elle portait
aussi le nom de Madrid, qui est encore aujourd'hui celui de
l'emplacement occupé naguère par cette habitation royale."—
Guessard, Mémoires et Lettres de Marguerite de Valois. For the
origin of the name "Madrid," see Hilarion de Coste, and Mongez,
"Histoire de Marguerite de Valois,” p. 392.
1
Henry paid his first visit to Marguerite at
evening of July 26, 1605.
"Madrid" on the
3
46
Marguerite de Valois,
times when, during her residence in the mountains of
Auvergne, “she had not only been deprived of a state
bed," but was actually "in want of a shift !"
No doubt, upon her return to Paris, she set to work
to remedy these deficiencies, but her day had gone by.
She was now in her fifty-third year; she had lost all
touch with the prevailing mode, and to the young
courtiers of the new queen this sole survivor of a de-
parted race appeared hopelessly dowdy and " rococo"
-a kind of "Rip Van Winkle" in hooped petticoats.¹
She had developed, too, during her long sojourn
in the provinces, many strange crazes and super-
stitions. She lived in a world of her own creating,
and became the centre of a society which, although
it included some few men of merit and distinction,
was composed for the most part of interested and
needy adventurers, upon whom she bestowed titles
and appointments, and with whom she kept up all
the ceremony of a court. What a contrast this
grotesque and eccentric old lady must have presented
to the brilliant queen of fashion who had graced the
court of "Le Roy Charles" (that best of brothers),
whose radiant aspect in her dress of "pink Spanish
velvet, heavily trimmed with tinsel," had inspired the
¹ We read that Marguerite had by this time become stout and
ungraceful in figure. "Au lieu de cette taille svelte et souple,"
says M. Hector de la Ferrière, "faite pour danser les gaillardes
et les branles les plus rapides, une épaisse et lourde carrure, élargie
encore par l'ampleur démesurée de son corps de jupe: au lieu
de ces abondants cheveux d'un noir d'ébène, qu'elle avait si
prématurément perdus, une perruque d'un blond de filasse blan-
chie sur l'herbe, et d'un demi-pied plus haute que les coiffures
d'alors.”—Trois Amoureuses au XVIe siècle, pp. 292-3. “Il y avait
des portes," says Tallemant des Réaux, writing of this time, " par
où la reine ne pouvait plus passer."-Historiettes, t. i., p. 165.

PORTRAICT AV NATVREL
DE
LA
ROYNE
MARGVERITE FAICT EN SEPTEMBRE
1600
کے
Queen of Navarre.
47
poet Ronsard, and who had fascinated by the charm
of her beauty so many of the most illustrious and
distinguished men of her day!
"Queen Marguerite, Duchess of Valois," purchased
two houses upon quitting the Hôtel de Sens. One
of these was situated in the capital itself, in what was
afterwards the "Rue de l'Université," and the other
was at Issy, in the environs. It is when writing of
Marguerite at this period that Ste. Beuve describes
her as an "antiquity," "a kind of fetish, such as
might be preserved as a curiosity to show what
departed elegance was like. Nevertheless," he adds
fondly, "she had still her amorous and tragical
adventures."
Here is one of them. Amongst the members of
her little court was one Date de Saint-Julien, who,
if we are to believe the chroniclers of the day, was
tenderly beloved by his royal mistress.¹
He is said to have been the son of a carpenter of
Arles, and, according to the "Divorce Satyrique,"
the Queen of Navarre ennobled him; after which,
like Rizzio, he was raised to the dignity of secretary,
whilst by the courtiers of the other queen (Marie de'
Medici) we learn that he was facetiously spoken of
as "le Roy Margot.' His end was scarcely less
1
This Saint-Julien is sometimes confounded with a young
man, his predecessor in the queen's affections, called "Pomini,"
or Comini," who appears to have died during her residence at
Usson, and who was the son of a tinker of Auvergne, where he
began his career as a chorister in one of the cathedral churches,
after which Marguerite appointed him one of her musicians.
2 Tallemant des Réaux says (t. i., p. 16) that this title was
conferred upon a young gentleman named Villars, who suc-
ceeded Bajomont, who succeeded Saint-Julien, who succeeded
Pomini, who succeeded Aubiac, etc., and that it was Villars'
1
48
Marguerite de Valois,
tragical than that of Mary Stuart's Italian favourite.
One of the queen's personal attendants, a young man
named Vermont, jealous of the privileges he enjoyed,
shot him one morning under her eyes, as he was
assisting her out of her coach upon her return from
hearing mass at the Church of the Celestines. The
poet Maynard, a youthful disciple of Malherbe, who
was likewise a member of Marguerite's court, com-
posed some touching stanzas upon Saint-Julien's assas-
sination, and the king, hearing of the bereavement
which had been sustained by his former wife, wrote
her an affectionate letter of condolence.¹
beautiful voice which had captivated the queen, but the ages,
functions, and circumstances of these youths being more or less
identical, some confusion respecting them is almost certain to
arise. It is a case of "ex uno disce omnes." Like the "mignons
of Henry III., Marguerite's favourites nearly all met with
premature or violent deaths.
1
The king heard of the catastrophe from Marguerite herself.
Under the date of April 5, 1606, she writes to him thus:
Monseigneur, il vient d'estre fait un assassinat à la porte de mon
logis, à ma veue, tout contre mon carrosse, par un fils de
Vermont, qui a tiré un coup de pistolet à un de mes gentilz-
hommes nommé Saint-Julien. Je supplie tres-humblement vostre
majesté vouloir commander qu'il en soit fait justice et n'en
vouloir point donner de grace. Si cette meschanceté n'est punie,
il n'y a nul qui puisse vivre en seureté. Je supplie tres-humble-
ment encore vostre majesté vouloir faire punir cet assassin," etc.-
Lettres de Marguerite de Valois, Coll. Dupuy, t. 217, fol. 141.
"Le Mercredi 5," says De L'Etoile, "fut tué à Paris un gentil-
homme favori de la roine Marguerite, par un autre jeune gentil-
homme âgé de dix-huit ans seulement, qui le tua d'un coup de
pistolet tout joignant la Roine. Le meurtri se nommoit Saint-
Julien, lequel ladite Roine aimoit passionnément; et pour ce, jura
de ne boire ni manger qu'elle n'en eust vu faire la justice, comme,
aussi, dés le lendemain, il eust la teste tranchée devant son logis,
qui estoit l'hostel de Sens, où elle assista; et, dés la nuit même,
toute effrayée, en deslogea, et le quitta avec protestation de jamais
n'y rentrer. Le criminel marcha gaiment au supplice, disant tout
haut qu'il ne se soucioit de mourir, puisque son ennemi estoit
mort, et qu'il estoit venu à bout de son dessein."-Journal de
""
Queen of Navarre.
49
The house in the Faubourg St. Antoine became
hateful to her after this catastrophe, and it was with
the object of effacing the memory of it from her
mind that she took up her abode in the Faubourg
St. Germain.¹ Here the good-natured Henry fre-
quently used to visit his adopted sister, with whom he
remained upon the most friendly terms, although he
is said at times to have ridiculed her weaknesses.
She endeavoured to please and conciliate him by
every means in her power. We read of numerous
entertainments devised by her for him and the queen;
of the superb "collation" at which, amongst other
"sumptuosities," there appeared three silver dishes,
one of which bore an orange-tree, another a lemon-
tree, and a third a pomegranate-tree, all so beauti-
fully imitated from nature that the illusion was
perfect, and they seemed to be real plants. She
congratulates Henry in the most cordial terms upon
the births and expected births of each one of his
Henry IV., Avril, 1606. The following verse, if we are to believe
De L'Etoile, was composed and sung in the streets of Paris at about
this time:-
"La reine Vénus, demi-morte
De voir mourir devant sa porte
Son Adonis, son cher amour,
Pour vengeance a, devant sa face
Fait desfaire en la mesme place
L'assassin presque au même jour."
"Sa
¹ Some time after this, when Bajomont ("Monsieur de
Bajomont," as Marguerite calls him in one of her letters), a
successor of Saint-Julien, fell ill at this new residence,
Majesté," says De L'Etoile, "allant voir la Roine Marguerite et
l'aiant trouvée toute triste de la maladie de Bajomont, son
favorit, dit en sortant à ses filles qu'elles priassent toutes Dieu
pour la convalescence dudit Bajomont, et qu'il leur donneroit
leurs estrennes, où leur foire, 'Car s'il venoit une fois à mourir,
ventre-saint-gris,' dit-il, 'il m'en cousteroit bien davantage,
E
1
50
Marguerite de Valois,
children,¹ and one fancies from her language that these
events must really have afforded her intense gratifica-
tion. Writing to the king during his absence from
Paris (May 17, 1606), she tells him that she has had
the honour, two days ago, of kissing the hands of
"Monsieur le Dauphin," and that he and the princesses
("et Mesdames aussi") are in excellent health, and
growing in stature and in beauty, as are all the rest
of the little party ("tout le reste de la petite troupe"),
but foremost of all the Dauphin, "who bears upon
his countenance, and in all his royal actions, the true
imprint of what he is."
Queen Marguerite stood godmother to Gaston,
Duke of Orleans, the king's second son, and she seems
also to have taken, or feigned, a great interest in "Mon-
sieur de Vendosme, " the king's eldest son by Gabrielle
d'Estrées, to whom she alludes in one of her letters
pour ce qu'il me lui faudroit acheter une maison toute neuve, au
lieu de ceste-ci, où elle ne se voudroit plus tenir.""-De L'Etoile,
Journal de Henry IV., Avril, 1607.
1
¹ We find that Marguerite took some credit to herself for this
happy state of affairs, which, but for her consent to her own divorce,
could not have come to pass. Writing to the king from Usson
("ce 17 Mars 1601"), she thus expresses herself: "Monseigneur,
l'heureuse et bonne nouvelle, de quoy il a pleu à vostre majesté
m'honorer, de la grossesse de la Roine ne sera reçeue de nulle
avec tant de joie et de contentement que de moy, comme celle qui
ya le plus contribué, et qui a plus d'obligations et d'occasions de se
rejouir du bien et contentement de vostre majesté," whilst, upon
the birth of the Dauphin (afterwards Louis XIII., born Thurs-
day, September 27, 1601), she writes to the king thus: "Mon-
seigneur, comme la plus obligée de toutes celles qui ont voué
tres-humble service à vostre majesté, elle me permettra, apres en
avoir rendu de tout mon cœur graces à Dieu, de me réjouir avec
elle de la grace que Dieu lui a faicte de lui donner un fils."
Lettres de Marguerite de Valois, Collection Dupuy, t. 217, fol. 64.
Cæsar, Duke of Vendôme, eldest son of Henry IV. by
Gabrielle d'Estrées.
2
Queen of Navarre.
51
to Henry as "a worthy result of a royal birth, his
body being as perfect in beauty as his mind, which far
surpasses what one might expect at his years." She feels
assured that God has given this child to his majesty
in order that he may render him some signal service, or
give him some particular satisfaction. “I was never
more enchanted," she continues," than whilst admiring
this marvel of childhood, so full of wisdom and of
serious conversation. Of a truth this royal creation is
worthy of your majesty, who never produces anything,
either animate or inanimate,' which is not out of the
common way," whilst, in a postscript at the conclusion
of the letter, she calls this same child a "little angel."
Upon the occasion of the coronation of Marie de'
Medici at St. Denis (May 13, 1610), Marguerite
de Valois walked in the queen's procession, and, as
she considered that her own rank was far superior to
that of either the king or queen, we read that she
was somewhat ruffled when "Madame," Henry's
little five-year-old daughter, was ordered to take
3
2
¹ It appears, from the context, that these "inanimate crea-
ces beaux bastiments" which Marguerite says that
she has observed when crossing the river Seine.
tions were
2 "Journal de Henry IV."
3
Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Henry IV. and Marie de'
Medici, married to Philip IV. of Spain. "La Reine Marguerite,"
says the "Chevalier C. B. A.," in his historical and political notes
to De L'Etoile's "Journal de Henry IV." (edition 1741), "eût
bien desiré de ne point assister à cette cérémonie, mais de demeurer
en son Hôtel et de feindre une maladie, si elle n'eût eu la crainte
d'offenser le Roy. Dans cette occasion elle se representa ce
qu'elle étoit par sa naissance, ce qu'elle avoit été par son mariage,
et cependant elle se voyoit obligée de marcher après Madame,
encore enfant; elle usa de beaucoup de dissimulation, et ce ne fut
qu'en presence de ses plus confidens domestiques, qu'elle montra
sa douleur accompagnée de larmes, de murmures, et de reproches."
See also Dupleix, p. 403.
52
Marguerite de Valois,
precedence of her at the ceremony. Both princesses
were arrayed, as daughters of France, in a bodice of
cloth of silver, with a tippet or surcoat of ermine,
ornamented with precious stones, and a royal mantle of
purple velvet lined with ermine and bordered by two
rows of "fleurs de lys" embroidered in gold. On
their heads they wore crowns of gold enriched with
jewels. The train of Marguerite's magnificent mantle
was borne by the Countesses of Curson and De la
Rochefoucault. She afterwards presented it to the
Church of Saint Sulpice, to form the daïs which is
raised over the Host upon solemn occasions. This
was the queen-duchess's last public appearance in the
reign of Henry the Great. Upon the afternoon of
the following day, when she had been celebrating the
anniversary of her birth at Issy, as was her custom,
she heard of the king's assassination by Ravaillac, and
is said by her more favourable biographers to have
displayed considerable emotion at the disastrous news.
Those historians, however, who seem to wish to de-
prive her of every good quality, declare that her
lamentations were merely the result of terror, as she
was afraid that the regency might fall into the hands
of some one of the princes who was hostile to her.
As soon as she learnt that Marie de' Medici had
been appointed regent, she is said to have recovered
her equanimity, and to have resumed the absurdities
and irregularities of her former life.'
¹ One thing is certain. Marguerite endeavoured by every means
in her power to find out the persons who had planned the king's
murder. She even chanced upon a clue which might have led
to their discovery, but her zeal was treated at court with a strange
indifference, and no steps were taken to bring about the result
she desired. Under the date of "Samedi 22 Mai" (1610), we
Queen of Navarre.
53
}
የ
It would be unjust, however, to reproach her with
leading a life which was wholly frivolous. Like some of
the faded beauties of more modern times, her later years
exhibited many strange contradictions and inconsist-
encies. In spite of her follies, she spent much of her
time in serious reflection and devotion. She appointed
Vincent de Paul, then quite a young man, her almoner,
and founded and endowed convents and hospitals,
whilst she encouraged philosophers and musicians to
enliven her profaner moments.
She executed many grand designs in gardening and
architecture, and continued to hold her little court as
long as she lived, mingling together, in the strangest
manner, licentiousness with piety, the love of learning
with that of vanity, and Christian charity with injustice.
She prided herself upon the regularity of her attend-
ance in church, upon her encouragement of men of
letters, and upon the giving up of a tenth part of her
income to the clergy, whilst she gloried, at the same
time, in always having some fresh love-affair on hand,
in the invention of all kinds of new amusements, and
in never paying her debts.¹
1
"But in spite of all this," says Ste. Beuve, "she was
beloved."2
read that "Le même jour la Reine Marguerite fit chanter aux
Augustins, un beau service pour le répos de l'âme du Roy défunct,
dont elle avoit été la chère épouse vingt-deux ans, et qui volon-
tairement agréa, avec la dispense du Pape, la désunion et dissolu-
tion du mariage, specialement parce que le Seigneur ne l'avoit pas
béni d'une heureuse lignée, qui était grandement souhaitée par
les bons Français."-De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry IV., t. iv., p. 83.
¹ De L'Etoile, "Journal de Henry IV.," 1605, and Mongez,
p. 334.
1
3
It is said that Marguerite's name is even to this day loved
and remembered amongst the mountains of Auvergne.
"Entrez
dans la plus pauvre chaumière, isolée, perdue dans les montagnes,'
>>
54
Marguerite de Valois,
"On the 27th of March" (1615), writes a contempo-
rary, "there died in Paris Queen Marguerite, the sole
survivor of the race of Valois; a princess full of
kindness and good intentions for the welfare and
quiet of the state, and who was only her own enemy.
She was deeply regretted.
›› 1
Queen Marguerite was in her sixty-third year at
the time of her death, which resulted from a chill.2 She
was interred temporarily in the Church of the Augus-
tines, the first stone of which she had laid in 1608, and
where the erring heart which must have gone through
so many varying emotions, was permanently deposited.
says Monsieur de la Ferrière, "on vous parlera d'elle. Margue-
rite est passée à l'état de legende; elle le doit au souvenir de
ses bienfaits."-Trois Amoureuses au XVIe siècle. On the 14th
of May, previous to her departure from Usson, she signed
a document which perpetuated all her local charities.-Notes
historiques sur Usson, 1855. She delighted, too, in somewhat
eccentric and sensational acts of charity, which tended to increase
her popularity with the Parisians. De L'Etoile relates an example
of this. "Ce jour," he says (Samedy, 10 Septembre, 1605),
"comme la Reine Marguerite entroit aux Jacobins pour gagner
les pardons, elle trouva une pauvre Irlandoise à l'entrée qui venoit
d'accoucher; et à peine étoit-elle delivrée de son fruit, qui étoit
un garçon, qu'elle le voulut tenir; et ayant sçu que Monsieur de
Montpensier étoit là, le fit son compère, et lui donna le nom de
Henry."-Journal de Henry IV.
1 "Journal et Mémoires de Pontchartrain."
2
Marguerite had never entirely recovered from the effects of
a serious illness contracted soon after her return to Paris, which
left her so weakened by pain, and by the violent bleedings
administered by the doctors, that, as she informed the king in a
letter dated November 8, 1606, she was reduced to a skeleton,
whilst thinness caused her nose to appear as long as that of
her grandfather King Francis I. "Je perdis hier au soir la fievre
du tout," she writes, "ne me restant plus que la foiblesse d'un
mal sy cruel, pour lequel l'on m'a tiré tant de sang que je crois
que, quand j'auray l'honneur de baiser les mains à vostre majesté,
vous me prendrez pour une anatomie, ayant, à cette heure, le nez
aussi long que le Roy mon grand pere."-Lettres de Marguerite de
Valois, Coll. Dupuy, t. 217, fol. 102.
Queen of Navarre.
55
Her body was afterwards borne in state to Saint
Denis, and placed in the chapel which her mother
Catherine de' Medici had constructed.
""
During the "Reign of Terror" Marguerite's
remains shared the fate of those of so many of her
kingly progenitors, when the mob of desecrators broke
into Saint Denis (October 12, 1793), and, after hack-
ing to pieces the magnificent bronze gates presented
by Charlemagne, proceeded to empty the "rat-holes,'
as these miscreants were pleased to term the reposi-
tories of royal bones, and to cast what was left of
their mouldering and mummified kings, queens, dau-
phins, and other royal personages into the huge lime-
pit which had been dug for the purpose at the entry
to the cloisters outside the church. The Emperor
Napoleon III., who completed the restorations at
Saint Denis which had been commenced by his uncle,
caused the royal ashes in this pit, mingled as they
were with quicklime, to be collected and placed under
the high altar in the crypt; so that Marguerite's career
as a mummy has been almost as chequered and erratic
as was her pilgrimage when in the flesh.
:
It will be apparent to the reader from this sketch
that, as a woman, as a wife, and as a queen, Margue-
rite de Valois has been tried in the balance and found
wanting she was born, as Catherine de' Medici
remarked, “in an evil day." But neither as a woman,
as a wife, nor as a queen, is it incumbent upon
us to sit in judgment to-day. "She has been
relegated," to quote again from Ste. Beuve, "to the
great republic of letters," whence she can be regarded
from an altogether different standpoint, and where, by
giving the reins to our imagination, we may even
56
Marguerite de Valois,
picture to ourselves, in the midst of some ghostly
assembly of authors, "la Reine Margot," in her flaxen
wig and obsolete sixteenth-century costume, holding
out the beautiful hand which she inherited from her
mother, who was said to have had the most lovely
hands of her time, in welcome to some newly arrived
congenial spirit of these latter days. "It is,” con-
tinues Ste. Beuve," through some few exquisite pages,
which form an epoch in our language, that she has
earned, in her turn, a place in literary history (that
noble refuge of so many a battered barque !), and by
reason of which an enduring radiance will cling to her
name."
It may be well to remind the reader, in order to
prevent disappointment, that the beauty of the
pages
thus eulogized by Ste. Beuve is of a somewhat archaic
type, their elegance the elegance of a departed time,
and that, whilst the antiquary and the student will
delight in their tortuous and elaborate style, in the
paragraphs which, abounding in moral reflections,
classical allusions, and needless reiterations of names
and titles, seem as though they would never come to
an end, the hurried "enfant de siècle" may possibly
consider them both laboured and tedious. These
lengthy sentences, however, I have striven not to cur-
tail, and where Queen Marguerite, as sometimes hap-
pens, commences her narrative in one tense and con-
tinues it in another, I have almost always faithfully
followed the original text, being loth to sacrifice any
of the quaint expressions or modes of construction
which are alike characteristic of the author and
of the epoch at which she lived. Hence this trans-
lation may be at
may be at once too crude
once too crude and idiomatic
Queen of Navarre.
57
to suit the public taste; nay, for the above reasons,
I have endeavoured that it should be almost literal,
and that each sentence should be rendered, if
possible, as it was written by the author. In
certain instances, however, to save the reader from
becoming involved in a labyrinth of words, whence it
would have been difficult for him to extricate himself,
I have been reluctantly constrained to cut Queen
Marguerite's sentences in half. Then, again, as the
queen does not always adhere to the same spelling
with regard to the names of people and places, so have
I, in this translation, varied as she varies, since there
was no arbitrary rule as to such matters at the time
at which she wrote.
It may possibly be objected that, although this
book professes to be a translation, most of the names.
of the personages mentioned, and many of the quota-
tions and footnotes, are given in the original French.
To this I would reply that these pages are not in-
tended for those who are absolutely ignorant of French.
Few such readers exist, it may be assumed, in these
enlightened days; but there are many to whom the
French of nearly three hundred years ago, with its
quaint abbreviations and omissions, might seem to pre-
sent some difficulties, and who for this reason, having
never waded through the attractive pages of Brantôme,
Castelnau, or Sully in the original editions, may also
have left unnoticed the memoirs of Queen Marguerite.
It is for such readers that this translation has been under-
taken-readers who, although well acquainted with
modern French, might shrink from the intricacies of
that of the sixteenth century, as they would shrink,
maybe, from their native tongue as issued from the press
!
58
Marguerite de Valois,
of Wynkyn de Worde, or when written in Elizabethan
manuscript. But a footnote here and there, or an
occasional quotation, may not overtax their patience,
and so, when a phrase has seemed to me to be untrans-
latable in its original spirit and intention, or when it would
gain in spontaneity by being untampered with, I have
given it in French. I have also left the names and
dignities of the personages alluded to in the memoirs
precisely as they were originally set down by the
queen.
The illustrations which accompany the text are
reproduced from contemporary portraits, most of
them being taken from the series executed by Thomas
Le Leu. The portrait of Marguerite which serves
as a frontispiece, and which, according to the date,
represents her in her forty-fifth year, bears no per-
ceptible resemblance to the " Portrait au naturel de
la Royne Marguerite fait en Septembre 1605,” taken
at the fair-wig period, after her return from Usson
to Paris, when Ste. Beuve alludes to her as "an
antiquity." The caprices of fashion rather than the
passing of only seven years are probably responsible
for this diversity of aspect, or possibly the earlier
portrait may have been taken some time before it
was engraved. Neither in the face of the coquettish-
looking lady wearing the high lace collar, nor in that
of the buxom dame of fifty-two at page 46, do we
perceive much trace of the marvellous beauty which
is said to have turned so many heads, but both are
wearing the "little smile" mentioned by Brantôme
as having been habitual to the countenance of the
Queen of Navarre-a smile of mingled self-satisfac-
tion and benevolence-and both portraits seem to be
Queen of Navarre.
59
quietly conscious and appreciative of the fact that they
represent one who was "the daughter, the sister, and
the wife of kings "—a fact to which Marguerite was
never tired of alluding.
1
The memoirs of Marguerite de Valois have been
translated before now into English, but this was more
than two hundred and forty years ago, and, besides
being faulty and incorrect in many respects, the book
is scarce and difficult to procure. The translation
which I now make public, with much diffidence, is
taken from the first edition of the memoirs, which
was published in 1628, thirteen years after the queen's
death, "avec privilege du Roy," to which I have
affixed the notes and corrections supplied by Monsieur
Guessard (who had access to the original manuscripts)
to his edition of Queen Marguerite's works which
was published in 1842.
December, 1891.
2
VIOLET FANE.
1 "The History or Memorialls of the most Illustrious Lady
Queen Margaret, Daughter to Henry the Second, and First wife
to Henry the Fourth of France, Truely Representing the con-
trivement and prosecution of the bloudy Massacre, and the growth
and fury of the Civil Warres in that Kingdome, occasioned by
the policy and ambition of the Catholick Nobility and by the
pernicious Counsell of some Bishops. Written in French by her
owne most Royall Hand, and faithfully translated into English,
By Robert Codrington, Master of Arts. And recommended to
the publick. Printed for R. H. 1648."
2 Louis XIII.

commed of sunda piha
подв
делонов
como con op mood of recole as
apron fue of ones wike apocondry out in pajas,
now now out of yourpre ceque comes to prono
меном книги до од прив поперной город всмореть
виж глезни лотину лено 198 дці лига 19-
від день
+
weyouw juusay so suas apponly of aghmamag my sons nou
зиньяд озна ложного
ператод
wins my guilty pusse of mas of on his day outonny 224
op sandrozes py to spor gjounou penyem ressoned.
coury export unserpont nur se
либ
мартви казни лети од лагро зии люк насо
летитор Пиаво
usy spares gou our young of ayios of "sanozunagry mous
soy jouousk morao suprojong uspor assid
герой
т
конь зу
но той
T

THE MEMOIRS OF MARGUERITE,
X
QUEEN OF NAVARRE.
BOOK THE FIRST.

SHOULD praise your work¹ more if it
did not praise me so much, being un-
willing that what I might have bestowed
upon it should be attributed to self-love,"
rather than to sound judgment, and that
people should consequently imagine that, like The-
mistocles, I think that he expresses himself the best
who flatters me the most. It is a common failing
amongst women to delight in flattery, even if it be
undeserved. I blame my sex for this, and should
be sorry to entertain any such notion. Nevertheless, I
look upon it as a high honour that so worthy a man
as yourself should have seen fit to depict me in such
glowing colours. In this portrait the charms of
the picture greatly surpass those of the original. If
1 "Your work"-that is to say,
that is to say, "L'éloge de la reine Mar-
guerite," by Brantôme, to whom these memoirs are addressed.
See Introduction.
2 Philaftie" is the word here used, from the Greek piλavría,
signifying "self-love."
62
Marguerite de Valois,
I ever possessed any share of those beauties which you
ascribe to me, the troubles which have destroyed them
outwardly have effaced them likewise from my remem-
brance, so that, upon contemplating the image evoked
by your discourse, I am inclined to do like the
venerable Madame de Rendan, who, having remained
ever since the death of her husband without looking
in her mirror, upon meeting her face accidentally in
that of another, inquired who the person was that
she beheld. And although the friends who behold me
would fain persuade me to the contrary, I look upon
their judgment as open to suspicion, and hold that
their eyes are blinded by too much affection. I believe
that if you were put to the test you would share my
views upon this head, and say, as I very often write,
quoting Du Bellay's verses :-
"Tis seeking Rome in Rome, and never aught
Finding of Rome, in Rome, of what was sought."1
But just as one delights in reading about the de-
struction of Troy, or the greatness of Athens, and of
other such mighty cities, when they were flourish-
ing, although the traces remaining of them are so
insignificant that one can scarcely tell where they once
1 "C'est chercher Rome en Rome, et rien de Rome en Rome
Ne trouver."-Memoirs, first edition, p. 5. Here is a correct
version of the lines quoted
"Nouveau venu, qui cherche Romme en Romme,
Et rien de Romme en Romme n'apperçois
""
Euvres françoises de Joachim du Bellay,-
who describes himself upon the title-page of his volume of verses
as "gentilhomme Angevin et poète excellent de ce temps,
fol. 384 (Rouen, 1597). Du Bellay dedicated a collection of his
poems to Marguerite de Valois.
Queen of Navarre.
63
stood, so do you take pleasure in describing the per-
fection of a beauty whereof the sole testimony is to
be found in your own writings. If you had desired to
illustrate the contrast which sometimes exists between
nature and destiny, you could not have selected a
fitter subject, the two having contended together in
this case in order to test the strength of their power.
Upon the side of nature, you, who have seen with
your own eyes, will not require any information, but
upon that of destiny, having been guided merely by
rumour (which is apt to be invented by persons who
are either badly informed or badly disposed, and who,
through ignorance or malice, are unable to portray the
truth), I assume that you will be glad to receive these
memoirs from the one who knows most about them,
and who is most interested in the faithful narration of
the subject. I have been led to this undertaking, also,
on account of some five or six mistakes which I have
noticed in your discourse. These are: when you
speak of Pau, and of my journey out of France;"
when you speak of the late Monsieur le Mareschal
de Biron; when you speak of Agen, and also of the
Marquis de Canillac's sortie from this place.³
2
3
1
I shall trace my memoirs, to which I shall give
no more ambitious name, although they rather de-
serve that of "history," in the interest of naked
truth, which will therein be found without any kind
¹ In the first edition of the Memoirs this sentence is thus
written "lorsque vous parlez de ma peau et de mon visage de
France," an obvious misprint which is corrected in subsequent
editions.
2 Armand de Gontaut, Maréchal de Biron, surnamed "Le
Boiteux," who was killed at the siege of Epernay in 1592.
From Usson, where Queen Marguerite is writing.
64
Marguerite de Valois,
2
of adornment; for not only do I look upon myself
as unequal to the task of bestowing it, but I have,
at present, no time. This work, therefore, of one
afternoon,' will reach you all in confusion, in a dull
and ungainly shape-a chaos, from which you have
already drawn light. There still remains the work of
some five or six more days. It is a narrative worthy,
in all truth, of being written by a noble knight, a true
Frenchman, born of an illustrious house, nurtured by
the kings my father and my brothers, the kinsman
and familiar friend of the most charming and estimable
women of our day, whose social intercourse I had the
happiness of cementing. Preceding events, together
with those of these later days, oblige me to begin in
the time of King Charles, that being the first period at
which I can recollect anything remarkable. Starting
like the geographers, who say, when in describing the
earth they arrive at their last limit of knowledge:
Beyond this there are nothing but sandy deserts, un-
inhabited regions, and unnavigated seas; " I, too, shall
say: "Beyond this point there was nothing save the
vague consciousness of a first childhood, when we are
guided by nature, rather after the fashion of plants
and animals, than like human beings, who are ruled and
governed by reason," and I shall leave to those who
had charge of me at that age those superfluous
researches, which may perhaps result in the discovery,
CC
1
2
3
"D'une aprés-disnée.”—Memoirs, b. i., p. 5.
Ira vers vous comme les petits ours, en masse lourde et
difforme.”—First edition of Memoirs. Monsieur Guessard,
who has had access to the original MS., renders the phrase,
comme le petit ours, lourde masse et difforme."
³ Charles IX., second surviving son of Henri II. and Catherine
de' Medici, born 1550, died 1574, aged twenty-four years.
Queen of Navarre.
65
2
amongst my childish actions, of some as worthy of re-
cord as those connected with the childhood of Themis-
tocles and Alexander-one of whom threw himself into
the middle of the road, under the feet of the horses of
a charioteer who refused to stop at his bidding, whilst
the other despised the prize of the race unless he had
contended for it with kings. To this category might
belong the reply which I made to the king my
father,¹ a few days before the ill-fated blow which
deprived France of peace, and our house of happiness.
Being then only four or five years of age, he, taking
me upon his knee to try and make me talk, asked
me to choose which I should like best for a sweet-
heart-Monsieur le Prince de Joinville, who became
afterwards that great and unfortunate Duc de Guise,
or the Marquis de Beaupreau, son of the Prince de
la Roche-sur-Yon (whose mind was so generously
endowed by nature, that envious fortune became
his deadly enemy, depriving him by death, in his
fourteenth year, of all those honours which were
due to his greatness and goodness of soul). Both
4
3
¹ Henry II., accidentally killed at a tournament by Gabriel
Montgomery, Comte de Lorges, Captain of his Scottish Guard,
July 10, 1559.
2
'On est surpris," remarks Mongez, "de voir la Princesse ne se
donner dans ce récit que quatre ou cinq ans; tandis qu'elle devoit
avoir à la mort de son père au moins sept années accomplies.
L'auteur des Anecdotes des Reines et Régentes de France explique
cet oubli par la réflection suivante: Il est naturel à une belle
femme qui parle d'elle-même à un certain âge, de se donner quelques
années de moins. Cela échappe à l'amour-propre, sans qu'il s'en
apperçoive."-Hist. de Marguerite de Valois, p. 5.
3
Henry, Duke of Guise, treacherously assassinated at Bloist
by order of Henry III., December 23, 1588.
* Henri de Bourbon, only son of Charles de Bourbon, Prince
de la Roche-sur-Yon. He died in 1560.
F
66
Marguerite de Valois,
2
were at play close to my father the king, and I
was watching them. I told him that I should like
the marquis best. "Why?" said he; "he is not so
handsome" (for the Prince de Joinville was light-
haired and fair, whilst the Marquis de Beaupreau had
a brown complexion and dark hair¹). I replied that
it was because he was a better boy, whereas the
other was never satisfied unless he was doing harm
to somebody every day, and that he always wanted
to be master-a true prophecy of what we have since
seen fulfilled. Then, again, there is the resistance I
made, in order to remain faithful to my religion, at
the time of the Conference of Poissi (when the
whole court was infected with heresy), to the arbitrary
persuasions of several lords and ladies of the court,
and even to those of my brother of Anjou³-since
King of France-whose inexperience had prevented
him from escaping the influence of that wretched
Huguenotery, and who never ceased conjuring me
to change my religion, very often throwing my book
of hours into the fire, and giving me, in its stead,
Huguenot psalms and prayers, which I used
to hand over at once to Madame de Curton,
my governess, whom God had done me the favour
to keep Catholic, and who would often take me
to Monsieur le Cardinal de Tournon, who advised
and strengthened me in the suffering of all things
4
5
¹ As Ste. Beuve remarks, dark hair "ne semblait point alors
une beauté, c'était le blond qui regnait."
3
2 Held in September, 1561.
⁹ Afterwards Henry III. of France.
accepted the crown of Poland.
4
He had previously
Huguenoterie" is the term in the original.
Cardinal de Tournon died in 1562.
Queen of Navarre.
67
for the maintenance of my religion, and gave me
prayer-books and rosaries in the place of those
which had been burnt by my brother of Anjou.
But when others of his intimate friends, who were
bent upon my destruction, discovered that these
were once more in my possession, they reviled
me angrily, saying that it was youth and stupidity
which caused me to act thus; that it was easy to
see that I was possessed of no understanding; that
all intelligent people, whatever their age or sex,
hearing a doctrine of charity preached, had freed
themselves from the trammels of bigotry, but that I
should become as foolish as my governess;
and
my
brother of Anjou, adding threats thereunto, declared
that the queen my mother¹ would have me whipped.
He said this, however, upon his own responsibility, for
the queen my mother was ignorant of the error into
which he had fallen, and when she became aware
of it, she reproved him and his tutors as well, and,
after having had them instructed, induced them to
return to the true, holy, and ancient faith of our
fathers, from which she had never departed. I used
to say in answer to these threats, melting to tears-
as seven or eight, the age at which I was then, is a
somewhat sensitive period-that he might have me
whipped or killed if he liked, but that I would
1
Catherine de' Medici, only child of Lorenzo, Duke of
Urbino, by Madeleine de la Tour, daughter of Jean, Count of
Boulogne and Auvergne. Her mother died in giving her birth,
and her father followed her to the grave five days afterwards.
She married Henry II. of France, when he was Duke of Orleans,
at Marseilles, 28th October, 1533. Her nuptials were celebrated
by Pope Clement VII. in person, who was her guardian and
relative.
68
Marguerite de Valois,
endure anything that could be done to me rather
than bring about my own damnation.
Plenty of other answers, plenty of other such
instances of judgment and resolution, might be found,
which I will not take the trouble to seek for, as I
wish only to date my memoirs from the time when I
was permanently attached to the suite of my mother
the queen. For immediately after the Conference of
Poissi, when the wars began, my little brother of
Alençon¹ and I, on account of our youth, were sent to
Amboise, whither all the ladies from that side of the
country retired with us, even your aunt, Madame de
Dampierre, who evinced then a friendship for me
which she continued to the day of her death, and
your cousin, Madame la Duchesse de Rais, who
heard here of the good turn fortune had done her
by delivering her at the battle of Dreux [1562]
from her first husband, Monsieur d'Annebaut, a tire-
some man, quite unworthy of possessing so divine
and perfect a treasure. I speak here chiefly of your
aunt's kindness to me, and not of your cousin's-
although we have since enjoyed so perfect a friend-
1
2
¹ Hercule François de Valois, Duke of Alençon, born 1554,
died 1584, fourth son of Henry II. and Catherine de' Medici.
He became Duke of Anjou when his elder brother Henry, who
had previously borne that title, was elected King of Poland.
Later on he was a suitor for the hand of the Virgin-Queen, and
visited the English court. He is said to have been as small and
ill-favoured in person as he was base and unprincipled in dispo-
sition.
2
Jeanne de Vivonne, widow of Claude de Clermont, Sieur de
Dampierre.
3 Claude Catherine de Clermont, wife, first, of Jean, Sieur
d'Annebaut, and, secondly, of Albert de Gondy, Duc de Retz,
daughter of the above.
Queen of Navarre.
69
ship that it endures still, and will continue for ever.
But at this time your aunt's venerable age and my
own babyish years rendered us more congenial to one
another, as it is natural for old folks to love little
children, whereas those who are in their prime—as
your cousin was then-are apt to look down upon
them and to dislike their importunate simplicity. I
remained at Amboise until the commencement of that
long journey, when the queen my mother made me
return to court, never again to leave her side. Of this
journey [1565], however, I shall say nothing, for I was
so young at the time that I have only been able
to retain the remembrance of it in outline-all the
details having faded from my mind like a dream. I
shall leave the description of it, therefore, to those
who, like yourself, were of a more mature age, and can
remember the grand doings which took place every-
where. At Bar le Duc, for instance, at the baptism
of my nephew, the Prince of Lorraine;' at Lyons,
on the arrival of Monsieur and Madame de Savoye;2
at Bayonne, at the interview of my sister the Queen
of Spain³ with my mother the queen and brother
King Charles, when I am sure you will not forget to
describe my mother the queen's splendid entertain-
ment upon the island, together with the ballet.
my
The
¹ Son of Marguerite's sister, Madame Claude de France, second
daughter of Henry II., and of her husband the Duke of Lorraine.
Upon the death of Henry III., the young prince here mentioned
became one of the aspirants to the throne of France.
2
Marguerite's aunt, sister of Henry II., married Emanuel
Philibert, Duke of Savoy. She is one of the two Marguerites de
Valois who are sometimes confounded with the writer of these
Memoirs.
Elizabeth de Valois, eldest daughter of Henry II., and third
wife of Philip II. of Spain, who, suspecting an intrigue between
70
Marguerite de Valois,
shape of a room was designed in the middle of
the island as though by Nature, in a large oval
meadow enclosed by stately trees, around which my
mother the queen had arranged niches, in each of
which was placed a circular table for twelve persons,
whilst that of their majesties was raised at the end of
the enclosure, upon a daïs approached by four grass
steps. All these tables were served by different sets of
shepherds, dressed in cloth of gold and satin, accord-
ing to the various costumes of all the provinces of
France. Upon our alighting from the magnificent
boats (in which, all the way from Bayonne to this
island,' we were accompanied by several sea-gods, who
sang and recited verses to their majesties), these shep-
herds were discovered, each group apart, in meadows
upon either side of a grass alley leading to the afore-
said enclosure, dancing after the manner of their
province-the Poitevines with the bagpipes, the Pro-
vançales with shawms and cymbals, the Bourguig-
nones and Champenoises with small hautboys, round
fiddles, and rustic tambourines, the Bretonnes (sic)
dancing the "passepieds" and "branles-gais," and so
on with respect to all the other provinces. After the
performance of these shepherds and the feast itself
were finished, a band of musicians, accompanied by a
troup of satyrs, entered that large luminous grotto,
which was even more brightly illuminated by the
radiant beauty and the precious stones of a bevy of
her and Don Carlos, his son by his first wife, to whom she had
been originally betrothed, is believed to have had her poisoned.
Saint Réal says that, at the time of her death, "Elle etoit au
commencement de sa vint-quatrième année, de même que Don
Carlos, et dans la plus grande perfection de sa beauté."
The island of Aiguemeau, in the river Adour.

IX
DV
CHARLES
NOM
ROY
DE FRANCE
Queen of Navarre.
71
nymphs who made their entry from above, than by
the artificial lights. These nymphs and satyrs came
down and danced that beautiful ballet whereof for-
tune waxed envious, and, unable to endure its glories,
brought about such an extraordinary storm of wind
and rain that the confusion of the retreat which
ensued, in the dark, by boat, gave occasion for more
diverting stories than even the splendours of the
festivity had afforded; indeed, nothing more enter-
taining came to pass in the course of all the splendid
entries into the principal cities of this realm, every
province of which their majesties visited."
In the reign of my brother the magnanimous King
Charles, some years after our return from this long
journey, the Huguenots having recommenced hosti-
lities whilst the king and my mother the queen were
in Paris, a gentleman in the service of my brother of
Anjou-who has since been King of France-arrived
with a message from him, informing them that he had
reduced the army of the Huguenots to such extre-
mities that he hoped it would be forced to give him
battle in a few days, and that he entreated their
majesties, before this, to let him have the honour of
seeing them, so that in case fortune, jealous of the
1 At this entertainment the Dauphin of Auvergne, afterwards.
Duke of Montpensier, presented Marguerite with an allegorical
medal, on which was represented a nest containing three young
birds being fed by their mother. A Cupid held this nest in his
right hand, whilst in his left was a bow. Above this device
was the motto (6
Equus amor." It was intended as an allusion
to Catherine's love for her three children, Charles IX., the
Duke of Anjou, and Marguerite, who were all present at the fête.
The Duke of Alençon had been left behind at Vincennes.-
Hilarion de Coste ; Brantôme, Eloges des Dames illustres, t. ii.,
P. 309.
72
Marguerite de Valois,
glory he had acquired whilst still so young, should in
that longed-for day, after he had done good service
to his king, his religion, and to the state, see fit to
combine the celebration of his victory with that of his
obsequies, he might quit the world with less regret,
having left them both satisfied with the trust they
had done him the honour to repose. in him, wherein
he should esteem himself more fortunate than in the
trophies he had gained by his first two victories.
I leave you to guess how these words touched the
heart of so excellent a mother, who lived entirely for
her children, sacrificing herself at all times to preserve
them and to secure their interests, and who cherished
this one above all the others! . . . She decided to
set off immediately, taking the king with her, and the
small party of ladies she was accustomed to travel
with-Madame de Rais, Madame de Sauve, and
myself. Borne upon the wings of impatience and
maternal affection, she accomplished the journey from
Paris to Tours in three days and a half-not without
much inconvenience and many laughable incidents,
concerning poor Monsieur le Cardinal de Bourbon, who
never left her, and who certainly did not possess the
figure, the disposition, or the temperament, for such
enforced exertions. When we arrived at Plessis-lez-
Tours, we found my brother of Anjou with the prin-
cipal leaders of his armies, consisting of the flower
of the princes and nobles of France, in whose pre-
sence he made a speech to the king, rendering him
an account of the management of his command ever
since he left court, delivered with so much art and
eloquence, and recited with so much grace, that all
who heard it were filled with admiration-the more
Queen of Navarre.
73
:
so as his exceeding youth enhanced the wisdom of his
words, which were more suited to a greybeard, or to
some experienced general, than to a lad of sixteen,"
although the laurels gained in two victories already
encircled his brow, whilst Beauty, which makes every-
thing more attractive, manifested herself to such
a degree in his person that it was as though she
strove with Fame as to which of the two should
glorify him the most. What my mother, who loved
him solely, experienced, can no more be expressed in
words than could the mourning of Iphigenia's father;
and in anybody else but in her, from whose soul dis-
cretion was never absent, one might easily have
perceived the transport which such an exceeding joy
occasioned. But she regulated her actions as she
chose, proving by her bearing that prudent persons
can behave with perfect self-control. Instead of
giving way to her joy, and extending her praises
beyond what so meritorious an action deserved, she
merely noted the chief points in his speech which
concerned the events of the war, in order that the
assembled princes and lords might deliberate upon
them and pass wise resolutions, and provide what was
requisite for its continuance. In order to settle
this it was necessary to remain where we were for
some days, upon one of which, as my mother the
queen was walking in the park with some of the
princes, my brother of Anjou begged that I would
come with him into another alley apart, where he
addressed me thus:-
1
"Il ne faut pas prendre à la lettre cette façon de parler," says
Monsieur Guessard, "le Duc d'Anjou avait alors dix-huit ans."-
Mémoires de Marguerite de Valois, p. 12.
74
Marguerite de Valois,
"My sister, early association, no less than close
kinship, constrains us to love one another, and you
must have been well aware that I of all your brothers
have ever been most anxious for your well-being,
whilst I have noticed that you too were disposed to
return me a like affection. Hitherto we have been
thus inclined naturally and guilelessly, and without such
union having been productive of any advantage to us,
except the pleasure that we have derived from con-
versing together. During our childhood this was all
very well, but the time has gone by for behaving like
children. You see the great and important trusts to
which God has called me, and to which I have been
trained by our good mother the queen. You may
may rest
assured that, as you are the one thing on earth that
I love and cherish, I shall never possess either honours
or worldly goods in which you will not have a share.
Your wit and judgment may be of service to me in
influencing my mother the queen to retain me in my
present prosperity. My chief support consists in being
kept in her good graces. I dread lest absence should
prove unfavourable to me, and yet, on account of the
war and of all my responsibilities, I am obliged to be
nearly always away. Meanwhile, my brother the king is
continually at her side, flattering her, and humouring
her in everything. I fear that, in the end, this will
be prejudicial to me, and that my brother the king
growing up, and being brave, as he is, may not go
on for ever amusing himself with hunting, but that,
becoming ambitious, he may substitute the chasing of
men for that of beasts, and deprive me of the post
which he bestowed upon me of king's lieutenant, in
order that he may join the forces himself. This would
Queen of Navarre.
75
be so great an annoyance and mortification to me, that,
rather than endure such a fall, I would submit to a
painful death. In considering the means of dispel-
ling this apprehension, it has occurred to me that it
will be necessary for me to have some faithful per-
sons devoted to my interests to uphold my influence
with my mother the queen. I know of no one so suit-
able as you, whom I look upon as a second self. You
possess all the requisite qualifications: wit, under-
standing, and fidelity. If you will only add obe-
dience thereunto, and oblige me by being always pre-
sent in her dressing-room at her rising and at her
retiring, in short, continually, she will thereby be con-
strained to confide in you, combined with what I shall
tell her of your capacity and of the help and consola-
tion she will derive from you, and I shall beg her no
longer to treat you as a child, but to make use of you
in my absence as of myself. This I feel assured that
she will do. Talk to her freely, as you do to me,
and, believe me, she will listen graciously. It will be
an honour and a happiness to you to be loved by
her. You will advance both yourself and me, and I
shall be beholden to you, after God, for the mainten-
ance of my good fortune.”
This language was altogether new to me, for I
had existed, until then, without any purpose in life,
thinking only of dancing or of hunting, without
even wishing to adorn myself or to appear beautiful,
not being of an age for any such ambition, and
having been brought up with so much constraint
with regard to my mother the queen, that not only
did I not dare to speak to her, but I trembled
when she even looked at me, for fear that I might
76
Marguerite de Valois,
have done something to offend her. I was very
nearly answering him as Moses replied to God
upon beholding the vision of the burning bush:
"Who am I? Send, I pray thee, by the hand of
him whom thou shalt send." Nevertheless, discover-
ing in myself forces evoked by the purport of his
words and which were hitherto unknown to me,
although I had been born with plenty of courage—
when I recovered from my first astonishment I felt
gratified by his words, and it seemed to me that, in
an instant, I was transformed, and that I had become
something greater than my former self. So much
so, that I began to feel confidence in myself, and
answered :-
"My brother, if God gives me the wit and the
courage to talk to my mother the queen, as I have the
wish to serve you according to your desire, doubt not
that you shall derive therefrom the help and satis-
faction you expect. As to obedience, I will render
her such as shall convince you that I prefer your wel-
fare to all the pleasures in the world.
You are right
to feel confidence in me, for no one on earth loves
and respects you as much as I do. Rest assured
that when I am in the presence of my mother the
queen, it will be as though you were there in your
own person, and that I shall act entirely in your
interests."
These words proceeded even more from the heart
than from the lips, as the results testified, for soon
afterwards my mother the queen summoned me to
her closet, and said:-
"Your brother has told me of the conversation you
have had together, and of how he no longer regards
Queen of Navarre.
77
you as a child. I likewise will do so no longer. It
will give me great pleasure to converse with you as I
do with your brother. Be obedient to me, and do
not fear to talk to me openly, for I wish it to be
thus."
These words caused me to experience what I had
never experienced before, a satisfaction so immeasur-
able that it seemed as though any I had ever previously
felt paled before it; and looking back to the past with
a contemptuous eye, to the amusements of child-
my
hood, dancing, hunting, and the associates of my own
age, I despised them all as things utterly vain and
unprofitable.
I obeyed this agreeable command, never omitting,
for a single day, to be one of the first at her rising,
and the last at her retiring. She did me the honour,
sometimes, to talk to me for two or three hours, and
God vouchsafed that she should be so well satisfied
with me that she could never praise me enough to her
women. I spoke to her continually of my brother,
and he was faithfully informed by me of everything
that took place, and of how I lived only to do his
will.
I remained in this happy state with respect to my
mother the queen for some time, during which the
battle of Montcontour¹ took place, with the news of
which my brother of Anjou, who always sought to be
near my mother the queen, asked her permission to
besiege Sainct Jean d'Angely, adding that the presence
of the king and herself would be necessary upon this
occasion. She was even more anxious than he was
1 October 3, 1569.
2
2
Surrendered December 2, 1569.
78
Marguerite de Valois,
for a meeting, and so made up her mind to set off at
once, taking with her only her ordinary suite, to which
I belonged, and, not foreseeing the misfortune which
fate had prepared for me, I departed in a state of
high delight. Being young and inexperienced, I felt
no misgivings as to the continuance of my good for-
tune, and, suspecting no change, regarded it as per-
manently secured. But envious fate, unable to en-
dure the lasting of such a satisfactory state of things,
was preparing as much annoyance for me, upon my
arrival, as I had been anticipating pleasure, on account
of the fidelity with which I thought I had served
my brother. Since his departure, however, he had had
Le Guast' continually at his side, by whom he was
so entirely influenced that he saw only through his
eyes and spoke only through his lips. This bad
man, born to do mischief, had at once fascinated his
mind and filled it with a thousand tyrannical maxims :
That one ought only to love and trust oneself;
that one should involve no one else in one's own
destiny, not even a brother or a sister; together with
other such fine Machiavellian precepts, wherewith
having become imbued he set about putting them in
practice. As soon as we had arrived, after the first
salutations, my mother began praising me and saying
how loyally I had stood his friend with her. He
answered, coldly, that he was very glad that what
he had suggested had turned out so well, but that
¹ Louis de Béranger, Seigneur du Guast, or du Gua, favourite
of Henry III. both before and after his accession to the throne.
Le Père Daniel, in his "History of France," says that Du Gua
incited Henry to study the works of Machiavelli. For further
particulars concerning him, see Introduction, pp. 12-15.
Queen of Navarre.
79
prudence did not always permit one to make use of
the same expedients, and that what was necessary
at one time might be dangerous at another. She
asked him why he said this. Upon which, seeing
that the moment had come for the inventions which
he had fabricated on purpose to destroy me, he replied
that I was becoming beautiful, and that Monsieur de
Guise was turning his thoughts upon me, and that his
uncles aspired to making me marry him; that if I
came to care for him, it was to be feared that I might
discover to him everything she said to me; that she
was aware of the ambition of that house,' and to
what an extent it had always embarrassed ours;
and that, for this cause, it would be as well that she
should no longer talk to me of affairs, and that she
should gradually withdraw herself from all familiarity
with me.2 From that very evening I perceived the
change which this pernicious counsel had wrought
in her; and seeing that she was afraid of speak-
ing to me before my brother-she having ordered
me three or four times, whilst he was with her, to
go to bed-I waited until he had quitted her room,
and then, seeking her presence, implored her to
tell me whether through ignorance I had been un-
fortunate enough to do anything to displease her.
At first she endeavoured to dissemble; at last she
said:-
My daughter, your brother is wise; you must not
bear him any illwill; what I am about to tell you
can only lead to good;" and she then repeated to me
1 The House of Lorraine.
2 History confirms the suspicions of the Duke of Anjou with
respect to Marguerite and Henry of Guise.
80
Marguerite de Valois,
the whole of the conversation, and ordered me no
longer to address her in my brother's presence. I felt
as much pain at these words as I had felt joy at
her previous ones, when she had welcomed me to
her good graces. I omitted nothing that could con-
vince her of my innocence, assuring her that I had
never heard of this report, and that, even supposing
Monsieur de Guise had any such intention, I should
inform her of it as soon as he mentioned the subject
to me. But I made no way, for the impression created
by my brother's words had taken such possession of her
mind that there was no room in it for either reason or
truth. Perceiving this, I told her that I felt the mis-
fortune of losing my happiness far less than I had felt
the joy of its acquisition; that my brother took it away
from me in the same manner as he had given it to me;
for that, as he had caused me to obtain it without
merit, praising me when I was unworthy, so likewise
did he now deprive me of it without my deserving it,
for an imaginary cause which only existed in his own
fancy,' and I begged her to believe that I should
always remember my brother's behaviour to me. She
grew angry at this, and ordered me to show him
no sign of what had passed. From that day forth she
gradually diminished her favours, making an idol
<<
1
"La méfiance du Duc d'Anjou n'était pas aussi déraisonnable
que Marguerite voudrait le faire croire," remarks Monsieur Gues-
sard, in a note to his edition of Queen Marguerite's memoirs ;
son amour pour le Duc de Guise et les suites de cet amour
sont des faits notoires, établis non-seulement par le témoignage des
pamphlétaires, mais encore par celui de tous les historiens sérieux,
du Président de Thou, de Mathieu, de Dupleix (qui fut attaché
à la maison de Marguerite), et de Mézerai.”—Mémoires et Lettres
de Marguerite de Valois, par M. F. Guessard, p. 19.
Queen of Navarre.
81
of her son, and seeking to please him in this as in all
else that he desired of her. This annoyance, weigh-
ing upon my heart and invading all the mainsprings
of my being, rendered my body more liable to receive
contagion from the malaria with which the army was
then infected, and I fell seriously ill within a few days
of a severe and continuous purple fever,' a distemper
which was then raging, and which had already carried
off the king and queen's two first physicians, Chappellain
and Castelan-as though seeking to do away with the
shepherds in order to make shorter work of the sheep
—and, indeed, very few escaped with their lives of
those who were attacked by it. Whilst I was in this ex-
tremity, my mother the queen, who knew what was
partly the cause of my illness, omitted nothing which
could relieve me, taking the trouble to visit me at all
hours, regardless of danger. This alleviated my suf-
ferings considerably, but they were correspondingly
increased by the duplicity of my brother, who, after
having behaved thus treacherously to me, and shown
me such base ingratitude, never stirred from my bedside
night or day, attending to my wants as officiously
as if we had been at the period of our warmest affec-
tion. As I had my mouth closed by command, I
could only reply to his hypocrisy by sighs-as Burrhus
did to Nero, whilst dying by the poison which
that tyrant had administered-showing him plainly
enough that my illness had been brought about by
the contagion of slander, and not by that of infected
air. God took compassion upon me, and preserved
1 CC
Je tombay à quelques jours de là extrémement malade d'une
grande fiévre continue et du pourpre, maladie qui couroit lors."
--Memoirs, first edition, p. 38.
C
५०
82
Marguerite de Valois,
me through this danger, and after passing a fortnight
thus, as the army was departing, I was conveyed,
slung in a litter, at which every night, when the hour
for retiring arrived, I found King Charles, who, with
other worthy gentlemen of the court, took the trouble
to bear it to my bedside. In this condition, ill in
body, but much more so in spirit, I came from Sainct
Jean d'Angely to Angers, where, for my sins, I found
that Monsieur de Guise and his uncles had already
arrived. This rejoiced my brother exceedingly, as it
gave colour to his inventions, whilst it inspired me
with fears of increased annoyance. Then my brother,
in order the better to work his plot, used to come to
my room every day, bringing with him Monsieur de
Guise, for whom he pretended the greatest affection,
and, so as to make him believe in it, he used often to
exclaim, embracing him, "Would to God that you
were my brother!" which Monsieur de Guise would
appear as though he did not hear, whilst I, who knew
the malice of his words, was out of patience at being
unable to reproach him with his double-dealing.
At about this time there was a question of my
marriage with the King of Portugal, who sent am-
bassadors to ask my hand. My mother the queen
The queen-mother seems to have commenced these nego-
tiations without knowing anything of the character or personal
appearance of Dom Sebastian, the young King of Portugal, for
shortly afterwards we find her writing to make inquiries of
Fourquevaux, the French ambassador in Spain. "Avant d'aller
plus avant," she writes, "trouvez quelqu'un de bien avisé qui
puisse nous raporter au vrai quel est ce jeune roi." In his reply,
Fourquevaux gives her the following description of Marguerite's.
suitor: "Il a seize à dix-sept ans ; il est blond et gras; il passe
pour être variable, bizarre, obstiné, et de l'humeur de feu Don
Carlos. Les uns disent qu'il est apte à avoir des enfants, d'autres
Queen of Navarre.
83
commanded me to adorn myself to receive them, and
this I did. As, however, my brother had made her
believe that I was averse to this marriage, she spoke
to me upon the subject in the evening, asking me what
was my will, expecting to find therein an excuse for
being angry with me. I assured her that my will had
always been subservient to her own, and that what-
ever was agreeable to her would be agreeable to me
likewise. She answered in anger-to which she had
been predisposed-that I was not speaking according
to the dictates of my heart, and that she knew very
well that the Cardinal of Lorraine had persuaded me
to give the preference to his nephew. I entreated
her to conclude the arrangements for the marriage
with the King of Portugal, saying that she would
then be convinced of my obedience. Every day,
however, something new was told her upon this sub-
ject to embitter her against me and to torment me-
inventions from the manufactory of Du Guast, in
consequence of which I did not enjoy a single day's
peace, for on the one side the King of Spain¹ hindered
the conclusion of my marriage, whilst on the other
the presence of Monsieur de Guise at court served as
a continual pretext for my persecution, notwith-
standing that neither he nor any of his kindred ever
spoke to me, and that for more than a year he had
been paying his addresses to the Princess of Porcian.2
l'en jugent incapable et le détournent du mariage; car se marier
ce séroit avancer ses jours. Tous s'accordent à croire qu'il ne
vivra pas. Il a été élevé à la Portugaise-c'est-à-dire nourri de
superstitions et de vanités."-Bibl. Nat., Dépêches de Fourquevaux,
No. 10,752.
1
2
¹ Philip II.
Catherine of Cleves, widow of Antoine de Croy, Prince of
84
Marguerite de Valois,
Per-
But, because his marriage with her was delayed, it
was pretended that he aspired to one with me.
ceiving this, I made up my mind to write to my
sister, Madame de Lorraine, who was all powerful in
that family, in order to beg her to arrange that Mon-
sieur de Guise should depart from court, and that he
should marry his mistress, the Princess of Porcian, as
soon as possible, and that she should point out to him.
that these slanders had been spread as much for his
She
ruin, and that of all his house, as for mine.
fully realized this, and came soon afterwards to court,
where she arranged that the said marriage should
take place thus delivering me from this calumny,
and proving to the queen my mother that I had
always told her the truth, which closed the mouths of
my enemies and gave me peace. Nevertheless, the
King of Spain, who will not allow his kinsfolk to
1
Porcian. Although the Duke of Guise ended by making her
his wife, he is said to have declared only a short while before
that he would prefer marrying a negress. Father Hilarion de
Coste states that, after these Portuguese negotiations had collapsed,
the Emperor Maximilian II. desired to obtain Marguerite's hand
in marriage for his eldest son, Rudolph, King of Hungary. "Si le
fait est vrai," remarks Monsieur Guessard,
on peut s'étonner
que l'orgueil féminin de Marguerite l'ait passé sous silence."-
Mémoires de la Reine Marguerite, note to p. 23.
1
Dom Sebastian was the son of the Prince of Portugal and of
Donna Juana, sister of Philip II. He succeeded his grandfather
John III. in 1557. In 1571 Pius V. sent his nephew, Car-
dinal Alessandrino, on a special mission to the courts of Spain
and Portugal to persuade Philip II. and Dom Sebastian to join
the Holy League against the Turks. Sebastian was so well dis-
posed towards this end, that when the cardinal, at the pope's
desire, proposed to him to marry Marguerite de Valois, he said
he would take her without a dowry if her brother the King of
France would join the League. In 1578 Dom Sebastian set out
on his ill-fated expedition to Barbary, where he fell on the field
of Alcazar, August 4th, 1578. In consequence of his death,
Queen of Navarre.
85
contract alliances out of his family, entirely broke off
the King of Portugal's marriage, and it was talked of
no more. A few days afterwards there was a talk
about my marriage to the Prince of Navarre, who
is now our worthy and magnanimous king. The
queen my mother discussed it at table one day for a
long time with Monsieur de Meru,' the members of
the house of Montmorency having been the first to
suggest it. Upon rising from table, he informed me
that she had requested him to speak to me about it.
I told him that this was quite unnecessary, as I had
no will but her own, although I should certainly
entreat her to remember how thoroughly Catholic I
was, and that it would distress me very much to
marry anyone who was not of my own religion.
Afterwards the queen called me to her private apart-
ment, and told me that Messieurs de Montmorency
had proposed this marriage to her, and that she
desired to learn my wishes upon the subject. I re-
plied that I had neither will nor choice save her own,
but that I implored her to remember that I was a
firm Catholic. After a while, as these negotiations
still continued, the Queen of Navarre,2 the prince's
Philip II. claimed sovereignty of the whole peninsula, and esta-
blished his rule over Portugal in 1580. Four adventurers after-
wards arose in succession-the Perkyn Warbecks of Portuguese
history-who, taking advantage of the vague and conflicting
nature of the evidence relating to Dom Sebastian's death, per-
sonated that prince. For further particulars upon this subject,
see "Les Faux Don Sébastien," a most interesting work by the
Chevalier D'Antas, who was for some time Portuguese minister
in this country.
¹ Charles de Montmorency, afterwards Duc d'Amville and
Admiral of France, third son of the Constable.
2 Jeanne d'Albret, Queen-regnant of Navarre, only child of
the late King Henry, by Marguerite, sister of Francis I. (the
86
Marguerite de Valois,
2
mother, came to court, where the marriage was, pre-
viously to her death,' agreed upon by all parties. At
this death such an amusing incident took place that,
although it is unworthy of being recorded in history,
it may be privately mentioned between you and me.
Madame de Nevers, whose disposition you know,
went with Monsieur le Cardinal de Bourbon, Madame
de Guise, Madame la Princesse de Condé,³ her sisters,
and myself, to the lodging of the late Queen of
Navarre in Paris, in order to pay her the last tribute
of respect due to her rank and to the relationship we
bore her-not with the pomps and solemnities of our
religion, but with the mean ceremonial allowed by
the Huguenotery; that is to say, she was in her
ordinary bed, the curtains drawn back, without
tapers, priests, cross, or holy water. As we were
standing with the rest of the company, at about five
or six paces from her bed, Madame de Nevers, whom
4
Marguerite de Valois of the "Heptameron "), married Antoine de
Bourbon, Duc de Vendôme, by whom she became the mother of
Henry IV., King of France and Navarre.
1
Jeanne's death, 9th June, 1572, is commonly attributed to
poison, administered at the instigation of Catherine de' Medici.
It is more probable, however, that she died of consumption, from
which she had suffered for years, although her end was evidently
accelerated by the annoyances and fatigues to which she was sub-
jected in Paris. "La Reine-mère veut me faire précipiter les
choses," she says in her first letter to her son, "et non les con-
duire par ordre; elle ne fait que se moquer de moi, et me rit au
Si vous saviez la peine où je suis vous auriez pitée de moi;
car l'on me tient toutes les rigueurs du monde, de sorte que je
crève." She was forty-four years of age at the time of her death.
2 Henrietta of Cleves, Duchesse de Nivernois et de Rethelois.
nez.
3
³ Mary of Cleves, Marquise d'Isles, first wife of Henri de
Bourbon-the first of that name-Prince of Condé.
* "Mais avec le petit appareil que permettoit la Huguenoterie.”
-Memoirs, p. 46.

E DALBRET ROYNE DE NAVARRE MERE
DE
NRY IIII ROY DE FRANCE ET NAVARR
1597
IAN NE
Queen of Navarre.
87
during her lifetime the queen had detested more than
anyone on earth, and who had paid her back, both by
word and deed, in the same coin-for, as you are
aware, she knew how to serve out those she hated-
separates herself from our midst, and with sundry
fine, humble, and low obeisances, advances towards
the bed, and after pressing the queen's hand, kisses
it, and then, with a profound reverence full of respect,
returns to our party; we, who knew of their hatred,
appreciating all this. Some months afterwards, the
aforesaid Prince of Navarre, who then styled himself
King of Navarre, arrived, wearing mourning for the
queen his mother, accompanied by eight hundred
gentlemen all dressed in black, who were received by
the king and the whole court with much honour, and
our nuptials took place in a few days, with more
pomp and magnificence than those of anyone else of
my degree-the King of Navarre and his following
having exchanged their mourning for very rich and
beautiful apparel, and all the members of the court
being adorned as you know, and as you will know
best how to describe; I dressed as a royal personage,
with the crown and the tippet' spotted with ermine,
which is worn on the front of the body, all glittering
with the crown jewels, and the large blue mantle with
a train four ells long, which was borne by three prin-
cesses. Scaffoldings were erected, as is customary at
the marriages of daughters of France, all the way
from the episcopal palace to Notre Dame, and deco-
rated with cloth of gold, whilst the crowd were
1 "Couvet" in the first edition of the Memoirs. In the copy
of the MS. which is in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, the word
"corcet" is used.
88
Marguerite de Valois,
crushing one another below in order to obtain a sight
of the procession and of the court passing by upon
this raised platform. When we came to the door of
the church, Monsieur le Cardinal de Bourbon, who
performed the service upon that day, received us, and
said the words which are customary upon such occa-
sions, after which we proceeded, upon the same raised
platform, as far as the tribune which separates the nave
from the choir, where there were two flights of steps,
one which led down to the said choir, and the other
through the nave out of the church. The King of
Navarre quitted the church by this way.
Such was the position of affairs when fortune,
who never permits human beings to enjoy perfect
felicity, changed this happy state of rejoicing and
merrymaking into one which was the very reverse of
it, by reason of the wounding of the Admiral, which
so outraged all those of the religion, that they were
as though driven to desperation; so much so, that
the elder Pardaillan,' and several other leaders of the
Huguenots, adopted so high a tone respecting it to
the queen my mother as to lead her to believe that
they intended some mischief. By the advice of
Monsieur de Guise and of my brother the King of
Poland-who has since been King of France-it was
resolved to be beforehand with them; advice which
was by no means approved of by King Charles, who
favoured Monsieur de la Rochefoucault, Teligny," La
¹ Hector de Pardaillan, Baron de Gondrin et de Montespan.
Charles, Seigneur de Téligny, who was killed at the Massacre
of Saint Bartholomew. He had married Louise de Coligny, the
admiral's daughter, who afterwards re-married William of Nassau,
Prince of Orange, in 1583.
Queen of Navarre.
89
Nouë, and several other chiefs of the religion, thinking
that he might make use of them in Flanders. Indeed,
from what I have since heard him say himself, there
was great difficulty in obtaining his consent, and if it
had not been represented to him that his life and
realm were at stake, he would never have given it.
Also, when he heard of the attempt which Maurevel¹
had made upon Monsieur l'Admiral, by means of a
pistol-shot fired from a window, which, although he
intended to kill him, only wounded him in the
shoulder-King Charles, strongly suspecting that
Maurevel had been instigated by Monsieur de Guise
(in order to avenge the death of his father, the late
Monsieur de Guise, whom the admiral had caused to
be assassinated, after the same fashion, by Poltrot),
was in such a rage with Monsieur de Guise that he
swore he would bring him to justice. And if Mon-
sieur de Guise had not kept himself concealed during
the whole of that day, the king would have had him.
arrested. The queen-mother, too, had never experi-
enced so much difficulty as in persuading the said King
Charles that this counsel had been given for the good
of his realm; because of what I have said above of
the friendship he bore Monsieur l'Admiral, La Nouë,
and Teligny, whose courage and intelligence he
1
7
2
François de Louviers de Maurevel, or de Maurevert, who
was afterwards killed by the Sieur de Mouy in 1583, whose
father he had murdered, and who was also killed in seeking to
avenge him.-Journal de Henry III., Confession de Sancy, t. ii.,
chap. viii.
2
It is uncertain whether the admiral really caused the Duke
of Guise to be assassinated. As for Charry, he was killed by
Chatelier-Portault, whose brother he had murdered.—Castelnau,
t. i., p. 388, and t. ii., p. 307.
ག་ག་ ལས
90
Marguerite de Valois,
admired, for he was such a generous prince that he
was only partial to those in whom he recognized
the same qualities as he possessed himself. Then
again, in spite of their being extremely dangerous
to his state, the cunning foxes had known so well how
to dissemble, that they had won the heart of this
gallant prince, by leading him to hope that they
would prove useful to the growth of his empire, and
by suggesting to him grand and glorious undertakings
in Flanders, which flattered the one ambition of his
noble and royal spirit. Consequently, however strongly
the queen my mother represented to him that the
assassination of the late Monsieur de Guise, which
the admiral had planned, absolved his son, even
supposing that, failing to obtain redress, he had
sought to take the law into his own hands, and that,
moreover, the admiral's assassination of Charry, master
of the camp of the King's Guard, a person of great
worth, who had so faithfully assisted her during her
regency and King Charles's minority, rendered him
worthy of no better treatment—yet the intense sorrow
felt by the king at the idea of losing those whom, as
I have said, he fancied might one day be of service
to him, so obscured his judgment, that he could not
forego or control this violent desire to do justice,
and although the words of my mother the queen
must have shown him that vengeance for the death
of Charry still lurked in her heart, he continued his
orders that search should be made for Monsieur de
Guise, and that he should be arrested, as he did not
wish such deeds to go unpunished. Finally, seeing
that Pardaillan had revealed the evil intentions of the
Huguenots at the supper of the queen my mother,
Queen of Navarre.
91
and as the queen perceived that this accident had
brought matters to such a pass that unless their
design was forestalled that very night, they would
make an attempt against both the king and herself,
she resolved openly to inform the king of the whole
truth, and of the danger to which he was exposed,
by means of Monsieur le Maréchal de Rais,¹ from
whom she knew that he would receive it better than
from anybody else, as being the person he favoured
and trusted most.
The marshal went to the king in his private apart-
ment between nine and ten o'clock in the evening, and
told him that, as his faithful servant, he could not
conceal from him the risk he would incur if he per-
sisted in his determination of punishing Monsieur de
Guise, and that it was necessary that he should know
that the attempt upon the admiral had not been
planned by Monsieur de Guise alone, but that my
brother the King of Poland (since King of France)
¹ Albert de Gondy, Duc de Retz, a peer and marshal of
France. He was son of Antoine de Gondy, and grandson of a
Florentine banker, whose wife had entered the service of Queen
Catherine de' Medici, and had been appointed superintendent
of her nursery, after which the fortunes of the family steadily
rose. One of his brothers, Pierre de Gondy, was Bishop of
Paris. De L'Etoile says, alluding to the death of the marshal
in April, 1602: "Le Vendredy 12 de ce mois, Messire Albert
de Gondi, Duc de Retz, Pair et Maréchal de France, déceda à
Paris en son Hôtel du Fauxbourg Saint Honoré, chargé d'ans et
de biens, mais attenué d'une étrange et cruelle maladie qui étoit
un chancre, qui le consuma et rongea misérablement avec grandes
et extrêmes douleurs. Ainsi finit ses jours le dernier des Con-
seillers d'Etat et Auteurs de la Journée de S. Barthelemi, en ce
seulement heureux, que la longueur de la maladie l'amena à
repentance et confession de ses fautes et pechez (ainsi qu'on
disoit), qui est la fin qu'on doit desirer à tout homme Chrétien."
-Journal de Henry IV., Avril, 1602.
92
Marguerite de Valois,
and the queen my mother were involved in it; that
he must be aware of the extreme displeasure which
the queen my mother had experienced at the assassi-
nation of Charry, for which she had, indeed, good
cause, seeing that she had at that time but few fol-
lowers devoted entirely to her interests, and that,
during his minority, the whole of France was divided,
the Catholics being for Monsieur de Guise, and the
Huguenots for the Prince de Condé, and that both the
one and the other were striving to deprive him of his
crown, which was only preserved to him, after God,
by the prudence and vigilance of the queen his
mother, who, when in this extremity, had been assisted
by no one so faithfully as by the aforesaid Charry,
and that ever since, as he knew, she had sworn to
avenge his murder. That, furthermore, she perceived
that the admiral would never be anything but ex-
tremely pernicious to the state, and that, in spite of
his professions of bearing his majesty goodwill, and
of wishing to serve him in Flanders, he nourished no
other design in reality than to embarrass France.
That her own object in the matter had merely been
to remove this plague, the admiral only, from the
realm, but that, as ill-luck would have it, Maurevel
had missed his aim, and the Huguenots were now
roused to such a pitch of desperation that, incensed
not only against Monsieur de Guise, but against the
queen-mother and the King of Poland, they im-
agined that the king likewise had been a consenting
party, and had decided that very night to have re-
course to arms; so that he considered that his majesty
would be exposed to great danger, both from the
Catholics, on account of Monsieur de Guise, and from
Queen of Navarre.
93
the Huguenots, for the reasons before mentioned.
King Charles, who was excessively prudent, and had
always been very obedient to the queen my mother,
and who was a thoroughly Catholic prince-realizing,
likewise, how events were tending-decided thereupon
to unite with the queen my mother and conform to
her will, and protect himself from the Huguenots by
means of the Catholics, in spite of the extreme regret
which he felt at being unable to save Teligny, La
Nouë, and Monsieur de la Rochefoucault. He went
at once to seek the queen his mother, sent to summon
Monsieur de Guise and all the other Catholic princes
and captains, when the resolution was taken¹ to perpe-
trate that very night the massacre of Saint Bartholo-
mew; and setting to work then and there, with all the
chains secured, and the tocsin sounding, each one
rushed straightway to the quarter allotted to him, to
the admiral as well as to all the other Huguenots.
Monsieur de Guise made for the admiral's lodging,
where a German gentleman named Besme, having
ascended to his chamber, stabbed him to the heart,
and then threw him out of the window to his master,
Monsieur de Guise.
1
2
3
As for me, nobody told me anything of all this."
“Il s'en est dit tant de divers Façons, qu'on ne sçait qu'en
croire, mais il fut tant poussé de la Reyne, et persuadé du
Maréschal de Rets, qu'il s'y laissa aller et couler aysément, et y
fut plus ardent que tous."-Brantôme, Vies des Hommes Illustres:
Charles IX., Roy de France, Discours lxxxviii., 1572.
"Il est permis de douter," says Monsieur Guessard, "qu'une
pareille résolution ait été prise et exécutée d'une manière aussi
instantanée."-Lettres et Mémoires de Marguerite de Valois, p. 31.
The chains which closed the approaches to the bridges, and
thus prevented the escape of the victims.
8
³ She could not, therefore, have been instrumental in saving
94
Marguerite de Valois,
the
I saw that everyone was in a state of excitement;
Huguenots desperate on account of the admiral's
wound, and Messieurs de Guise, fearing that justice
might be about to be done for it, whispering together in
one another's ears. The Huguenots regarded me with
suspicion because I was Catholic, and the Catholics
because I had married the King of Navarre, who was
Huguenot. So that nobody told me anything until
the evening, when, being present at the retiring of the
queen my mother, seated upon a chest by the side of
my sister of Lorraine,' who I saw was very sad, the
queen my mother, in turning to speak to someone,
perceived me, and told me to go to bed. As I was
making the obeisance, my sister takes me by the arm
and stops me, and then, bursting into tears, exclaims,
"For God's sake, my sister, do not go away!”
which frightened me extremely. The queen my
mother perceived it, and calling my sister, scolded her
soundly, and forbade her to tell me anything. My
sister replied that it was unseemly to send me forth
to be sacrificed like that; for that, no doubt, if any-
thing was discovered, they would revenge themselves
upon me. The queen my mother replied that God
would protect me from harm if it so pleased Him,
but that it was necessary that I should go, for fear,
if I stayed, that they should suspect something. I
perceived that they were arguing, but could make
nothing of their words. She' again commanded me
her husband's life, as Brantôme pretends in his "Eloge de la Reyne
Marguerite."
¹ Claude, second daughter of Henry II. and Catherine de'
Medici, married to Charles, Duke of Lorraine.
The queen-mother.
Queen of Navarre.
95
angrily to go off to bed. My sister, melting to tears,
bade me good night without daring to say anything
more, and I departed, all scared and bewildered, without
being able to imagine what I had to fear. As soon as
I reached my closet, I set to and prayed that it would
please God to take me under His protection, and that
He would deliver me, without knowing from what
nor from whom. Thereupon, the king my husband,
who had retired to rest, told me to go to bed.¹ This
I did, and found that his bed was surrounded by some
thirty or forty Huguenots, who were unknown to me
as yet, for I had only been married a very little while.
All night long they did nothing but talk about the mis-
adventure which had befallen Monsieur l'Admiral,
determining, as soon as it was daylight, to ask the king
that Monsieur de Guise should be brought to justice,
and that, if this was not granted them, they would
take the law into their own hands. My sister's tears
were ever present to me, and I could not sleep because
of the apprehensions with which she had inspired me,
although I knew not of what. The night passed in
this manner, without closing an eye. At daybreak,
the king my husband said that he would go and play
at tennis whilst waiting until King Charles should
be awake, having resolved to demand satisfaction of
him at once. He quitted my room, and all his
gentlemen with him. I, seeing that it was daylight,
supposed that the danger to which my sister had
alluded must be past, and, overcome by fatigue, I told
my nurse to secure the door in order that I might
"Sur cela le Roy mon mary qui s'estoit mis au lit, me manda
que ie m'en allasse coucher."-Memoirs, p. 61.
96
Marguerite de Valois,
sleep in peace. An hour afterwards, as I was fast asleep,
there comes a man thumping with his hands and feet
at the door, and screaming, "Navarre, Navarre!"
My nurse, thinking that it was the king my husband,
runs quickly to the door. It turned out to be a gentle-
man called Monsieur de Tejan,' who had a sword-cut
on the elbow and a halberd wound in the arm, and
who was still pursued by four archers, who all rushed
into my room after him. He, seeking to save him-
self, threw himself on my bed. I, feeling that these
men had hold of me, flung myself out of it, and he
after me, still clasping me round the body. This
man was a total stranger to me, and I did not know
whether he came there to insult me, or whether the
archers were against him or against me.
We were
both of us screaming, and one was just as much
alarmed as the other. At last God willed that Mon-
sieur de Nançay,2 captain of the guard, should come
upon the scene, who, perceiving me in this plight,
could not refrain from laughing, in spite of the com-
Brantôme alludes to this gentleman by the name of "Lerac,"
whilst Mongez states that his name was "Teyran,'
Teyran," "gentil-
homme de l'écurie du Roi de France." In the manuscript copy
of Marguerite's memoirs which is preserved in the Bibliothèque
de l'Arsenal, he is styled "Leran." "C'est probablement," says
Monsieur Guessard, "Gabriel de Levis, Vicomte de Leran."
One is tempted, for the sake of the literary beauty of the queen's
description, to wish that his wounds could have been a little
further apart,
"elbow" and "arm" seeming to be too nearly
synonymous. Alexandre Dumas, in his romance, "La Reine
Margot," makes La Mole the hero of this adventure (chap. viii.,
P. 175).
2 Gaspard de la Chartre, Seigneur de Nançay. He had been a
captain of the guards since 1568. He distinguished himself at
the battles of Dreux, Saint-Denis, Jarnac, Montcontour, etc.
Died in 1576 from the result of a wound received at the battle
of Dreux. See " Mém. de Castelnau," t. ii., p. 650.
Queen of Navarre.
97
passion he felt for me. He was very angry with the
archers for their indiscretion, packed them off, and
granted me the life of this poor man who was clinging
to me, and whom I caused to be put to bed, and to have
his wounds dressed in my closet, where he remained
until he was quite recovered. Whilst I was changing
my nightgown-for he had completely covered me
with blood-Monsieur de Nançay related to me
all that was happening, and assured me that the king
my husband was in the king's chamber and had sus-
tained no harm. Then, making me wrap myself
in a cloak, he conducted me to the apartment of
my sister Madame de Lorraine, where I arrived more
dead than alive, and where, in the antechamber, the
doors of which were all open, a gentleman named
Bourse was run through by a pike within three paces
of me, as he was flying from the archers that pursued
him. I fell to one side, half-fainting, into Monsieur
de Nançay's arms, thinking that this thrust was about
to impale us both. When I had partly recovered, I
entered the little room in which my sister slept.
Whilst I was there Monsieur de Miossans,¹ first
gentleman to the king my husband, and Armagnac,
his first valet-de-chambre, came in quest of me to
beseech me to save their lives. I went and threw
myself upon my knees before the king and the queen
my mother, to intercede with them for their lives,
which, at last, they granted me. Five or six days
afterwards, those who had commenced these pro-
ceedings, realizing that they had failed in their prin-
cipal object, for their animosity had been directed less
1 ¹ Henri d'Albret, Baron de Miossans, de Coaraze, etc.
H
98
Marguerite de Valois,
against the Huguenots than against the princes of the
blood, were out of patience at the thought that the
king my husband and the Prince of Condé should
have been spared; and recognizing that, as the King
of Navarre was my husband, no one would lift a hand
against him, they started upon another tack. They
set to work to persuade the queen my mother that
my marriage must be dissolved. With this idea in
her mind, when I went to her rising one day, pre-
vious to our attending the Easter service, she put me
upon my oath to tell her the truth, and then asked
me whether the king my husband had consummated
the marriage, telling me that if he had not, she saw
a means of having it nullified. I begged her to believe
that I was not qualified to answer her question (and
indeed I was then in the same condition as that Roman
lady whose husband reproached her because she had
not told him that his breath was unpleasant, and who
replied that she fancied all men were alike in this
respect, never having approached any other man but
him);¹ but I said that, whichever way it was, as she
had placed me in this position, I would rather abide
in it-strongly suspecting that they only wanted to
separate me from my husband in order to do him
some evil turn.
We accompanied the King of Poland as far as Beau-
mont,² who, for some months previous to his departure
1 <<
Ici," remarks Ste. Beuve, commenting upon this passage,
Marguerite fit l'ingénue, et n'eut pas l'air de comprendre. ..
Elle joue l'innocente, et, par sa citation de la Romaine, elle fait
aussi la savante, ce qui rentre tout à fait dans le tour de son
esprit.”—Causeries du Lundi, 3me édition, p. 190.
2 Monsieur Guessard calls this town "Blamont; Bourg de
Lorraine, actuellement département de la Meurthe."
A
Queen of Navarre.
99
from France, tried by every means to make me forget
the evil effects of his ingratitude, and to restore our
friendship to what it had been during our childish
years, endeavouring to force me to this end by oaths and
promises as he was bidding me farewell. His depar-
ture from France and the illness of King Charles,
which began at almost the same time, roused the
energies of the two parties in this realm, who com-
menced forming various designs upon the state. The
Huguenots, who, upon the death of the admiral, had
forced the king my husband and my brother of
Alençon to swear, by means of a signed document, to
avenge him (having gained over my said brother pre-
vious to Saint Bartholomew by leading him to believe
that they would establish him in Flanders), now pro-
posed to them that they should steal away, as the king
and the queen my mother were returning to France and
passing through Champagne, and join certain troops
which it was arranged should come and meet them
there. Monsieur de Miossans, a Catholic gentleman,
having been informed of this project, which was preju-
dicial to the interests of the king his master,' gave me
warning of it, to prevent consequences which would
have been so disastrous both to themselves and to this
realm. I went at once to the king and to the queen.
my mother, and told them that I had something of
the greatest importance to communicate to them, but
1
This is the Monsieur de Miossans who has been already
described as first gentleman to the King of Navarre. The danger
he ran during the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew was probably
due to the post he occupied, assuming him to have been a
Catholic at that time. Probably, however, he was one of the
many Huguenots who reverted to the older faith after the
massacre, from motives of prudence.
100
Marguerite de Valois,
that I would not divulge it unless it pleased them to
promise me that it should bring no harm to those con-
cerned, and unless they would take precautions with-
out appearing to be aware of anything. I then informed
them that my brother and the king my husband
proposed upon the morrow to join the forces of the
Huguenots, who were coming to fetch them in con-
sequence of the obligations by which they had bound
themselves at the time of the admiral's death-an
act which was excusable in them on account of their
youth-and I begged their majesties to forgive them,
and to prevent them from carrying out their in-
tention without leading them to suspect anything.
This the king and queen-mother vouchsafed to
me, and the affair was so discreetly managed that,
without their being able to discover whence the hin-
drance proceeded, they could never get an oppor-
tunity for effecting their escape. When this had
blown over, we proceeded to Saint Germain, where,
on account of the king's illness, we made a prolonged
stay, during which time my brother of Alençon em-
ployed every possible means to make himself agreeable
to me, so that I should swear the same friendship
with him as I had done with King Charles, for
until then, in consequence of his having been always
brought up away from court, we had scarcely seen
anything of one another, and were not at all intimate.
I was influenced at last by all the submission,
obedience, and affection he manifested towards me,
and made up my mind to love him and to embrace
his interests, though always with the understanding
that this should be in no wise prejudicial to my good
brother King Charles, whom I honoured above all
Queen of Navarre.
ΙΟΙ
things. He' continued this goodwill towards me to
the end of his days.
All this time King Charles's illness went on in-
creasing, and the Huguenots never ceased getting up
fresh disturbances, endeavouring once more to with-
draw my brother the Duc d'Alençon and the king
my husband from court. This came to my know-
ledge as it had done the first time. It pleased God,
however, that the queen my mother should likewise
become aware of the plot, when it was so near its
accomplishment that the Huguenot troops were
actually to have arrived that very day close to Saint
Germain. We were obliged to start off two hours
after midnight in order to reach Paris, King Charles
having been placed in a litter, and the queen my
mother taking my brother and the king my hus-
band with her in her chariot, who were not treated
this time with quite so much tenderness as upon the
former occasion, for the king took them with him to
the forest of Vincennes, which he did not permit
them to leave. Then again, time, whilst increasing
the pain of his disorder, brought the king some fresh
intelligence every day to increase the mistrust and
displeasure which he felt concerning them, in which
I believe him to have been greatly encouraged by
those who have always sought the destruction of our
house. These suspicions reached such a pitch that
Messieurs les Mareschaux de Montmorency and de
Cossé were retained prisoners in the forest of Vin-
cennes, whilst La Mole and the Comte de Coconas
lost their lives. At length things came to such a
1
¹ Alençon.
2 "Dez la fin du mois d'avril précédent Conconas, gentil-
t
I02
Marguerite de Valois,
pass that commissioners from the Court of Parliament
were deputed to interrogate my brother and the king
my husband. This last, having then no counsel at
hand, ordered me to set down in writing what it
would be advisable for him to reply, to the end that
he might get neither himself nor others into trouble
by his answers. This God vouchsafed me the grace
to do so well that he was perfectly satisfied, whilst
the commissioners were astonished at seeing him so
well prepared.' As I perceived, by reason of the
deaths of La Mole and of the Comte de Coconas,
that they were charged with that which might place.
them in peril of their lives, I resolved-although I
stood so well with the king that he cared for nobody
2
3
homme Piémontois, et La Mole, gentilhomme Provençal, avoient
ésté décapitez et mis en quatre quartiers en la place de Gréve, et
les Seigneurs Mareschaux de Monmorancy et Cossé, dez le
quatriesme jour de May, mis prisonniers en la Bastille et arrestez
soubs seure garde."-De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry III., Juin,
1574. The Queen of Navarre was said to have been in love with
La Mole, and the Duchess of Nevers with Coconas. "On assure,"
says Mongez, "que Marguerite ne fut pas la seule qui perdit un
amant dans cette exécution; la Duchesse de Nevers prit autant de
part au sort de Coconnas, que la Reine de Navarre au sort de la
Mole. Les Historiens ajoutent que ces deux Dames firent enlever
leurs têtes pendant la nuit, et les enterrerent de leurs propres
mains dans la Chapelle de Saint Martin. La Reine de Navarre
pour se consoler de la perte de la Mole, engagea le célèbre du
Perron, qui devint depuis Cardinal, à faire des vers sur sa mort ; et
c'est de lui dont il est parlé sous le nom d'Hyacinth, dans une
chanson composée en 1574."-Mongez, p. 111.
I
¹ This document has been preserved. It was published by Le
Laboureur in his additions to Castelnau's Memoirs (t. ii., pp. 390
and 391), and republished by Mongez in his "Histoire de
Marguerite de Valois." It is also given at the conclusion of
Monsieur Guessard's edition of the Queen of Navarre's "Lettres
et Mémoires."
The Duke of Alençon and the King of Navarre.
Alluding to the king's feelings at this time, Brantôme says:
"La Prise des Armes du Mardygras luy toucha fort au Cœur aussi,
Queen of Navarre.
103
so much as he did for me to risk losing favour in
order that I might save their lives, having bethought
me that, as I came and went freely in my coach, without
the guards ever looking into it or making any of my
women take off their masks, I might disguise one of
them as a woman and take him out thus. They
were, however, too well watched by the guards for
both of them to go, and it would have sufficed if one
of them had escaped to guarantee the safety of the
other, but as they could never agree who this one
was to be, each desiring to go, and refusing to be left
behind, the plan could never be put into execution.
But God remedied all this, though by a means which
was most unfortunate for me, for He took King
Charles from me¹-the sole comfort and support of
my life, a brother from whom I had received nothing
et l'anima encore plus contre les Huguenots, pour avoir desbauché
et corrompu Monsieur son Frere et le Roy de Navarre, et les
avoir induits et poussez à se mesler parmy eux à luy faire la
Guerre en un Estat très-miserable de sa Maladie, qui le tourmen-
toit et le languissoit peu à peu. 'Au moins,' disoit-il, 's'ils
eussent attendu ma Mort; c'est trop m'en vouloir.'"-Charles IX.,
Roy de France, Discours lxxxviii.
1 "Il mourut," says Brantôme, "le propre Jour de la Pente-
coste, l'An 1574, 3 Heures aprés-midy, sur le point que les
Medecins et Chirugiens, et tous ceux de la Cour le pensoient se
mieux porter, car, le Jour avant, il se portoit bien, et nous
croyions tous, qu'il s'en alloit guery; mais, nous donnasmes de
garde que, sur le matin, il commença à sentir la mort, laquelle
il fit trés-belle et digne d'un grand Roy . . . et, après plusieurs
autres belles Paroles, et beaux Actes Chrestiens, il mourut
seulement âgé de vingt-quatre Ans moins vingt-huict Jours, estant
venu à la Couronne en l'Age d'onze Ans. . . . Le Jour ensuivant,
son Corps fut ouvert en Présence du Magistrat, et n'y ayant esté
trouvé au dedans aucune Meurtrisseure, ny Tache, cela osta
publiquement l'Opinion que l'on avoit de la Poison. Monsieur de
Strozze et moy en donnasmes Advis à Maitre Ambroise Paré, son
prémier Chirugien; qui nous dit en passant, et sans long Propos,
104
Marguerite de Valois,
but goodwill, and who, during all the persecutions
which I endured at Angers from my brother of
Anjou, had always helped, warned, and advised me.
In short, I lost in him all that it was possible for
me to lose.
of
After this disaster, unfortunate alike for France
and for myself, we departed for Lyons to meet the
King of Poland, who, still possessed by Le Guast,
brought about the same results as before by the same
means, and following the counsels of this dangerous
being, whom he had left in France to further the
interests of his party, he conceived a violent jealousy
my brother of Alençon, being filled with suspicion
because of his friendship with the king my husband.
He looked upon me as the connecting link between
them, and deemed that the best means of separat-
ing them would be-on the one hand, to set me at
variance with the king my husband, and, on the
other, to arrange that Madame de Sauve,' to whom
they were both paying their court, should play one
off against the other in such a manner as that they
should become frantically jealous of one another.
This abominable plan, the source and origin of so
many of the disappointments and annoyances which
aucuns
qu'il estoit mort pour avoir trop sonné de la Trompe à la Chasse
du Cerf, qui luy avoit tout gasté son pauvre Corps, et ne nous en
dit pas plus. . . . Si est-ce, qu'on ne sçauroit oster
d'Opinion qu'il ne fut empoisonné dès que son Frere partit pour
Pologne, et disoit-on, que c'estoit de la Poudre de Corne d'un
Lievre marin, qui fait languir long-temps la Personne, et puis après
peu à peu s'en va, et s'estient comme une Chandelle."-Bran-
tôme, Charles IX., Roy de France, Discours lxxxviii.
1
Charlotte de Beaune, wife of Simon de Fizes, Sieur de Sauve,
secretary of state, and afterwards of François de la Tremouille,
Marquis de Noirmoustier.
Queen of Navarre.
105
my brother and I have since endured, was carried
out with all the spite, cunning, and malignity with
which it had been invented.
There are some people who maintain that God par-
ticularly protects great personages, and that He gives
secret warning to those who are distinguished by
more than usual excellence, through the medium of
benevolent spirits, of such accidents, whether fortunate
or unfortunate, as are in store for them; and this, in
the case of the queen my mother, who may be justly
included in this category, has several times come to
pass. For instance, on the night before that unhappy
tilting-match, she dreamed that she beheld the late
king my father wounded in the eye¹ as he was
destined to be, and, upon awakening, she besought
him several times not to ride that day, but to content
himself with looking on at the tournament without
taking part in it. But relentless fate did not vouch-
safe so great a blessing to our realm as that he
1
The death of Henry II. was foretold by Michael Nostra-
damus in the following verse, which Queen Catherine may
perhaps have read previous to her dream :-
.C
Le lion jeune le vieux surmontera
En champ bellique par singulier duelle ;
Dans cage d'or l'œil il lui crevera,
Deux playes-une-puis mourir mort cruelle."
This has been thus translated in the first English edition of the
prophecies of Nostradamus (1673):-
"The young lion shall overcome the old one
In martial field by a single duel;
In a golden cage he shall put out his eye,
Two wounds from one, then he shall die a cruel death.”
The "golden cage" signified the gilded helmet. The king's
death was also foretold by one Luke Gauric, who informed
Queen Catherine de' Medici that her husband should die in a
duel, "which made him to be hissed at" (says the translator of
Nostradamus), "kings being exempted of those accidents."
106
Marguerite de Valois,
should profit by this wise counsel. Then, again, it
has never happened to her to lose any of her children
without beholding a bright flame, at sight of which
she has at once exclaimed, "God protect my children!"
and immediately afterwards she has heard the sad
news which was foretold her by the fire. During her
illness at Metz, too, when she lay at the point of
death through the fumes of charcoal combined with
a malignant fever, contracted whilst visiting some of
the many nunneries in that town which were infected
with this disorder (whereof she was miraculously
cured, God having restored her to this realm, which
had still so much need of her, through the vigilance of
Monsieur Castelan, her doctor, who, although he was
new as an Esculapius, gave proof, at that time, of the
excellence of his art)—when she was in the midst of her
delirium, being attended at her bedside by my brother
King Charles, my sister and brother of Lorraine,
several gentlemen of the council, and by divers ladies.
and princesses, who, whilst regarding her as past all
hope, would not, nevertheless, abandon her-she, con-
tinuing her ravings, exclaimed, as though she were
looking on at the battle of Jarnac¹: "Behold, they
take to flight!... My son has gained the victory!.
Ah, God! raise up my son; he is on the ground!
Look at the Prince of Condé, lying dead in that
hedge!"... All those who were present fancied that
she was raving, and that, knowing that my brother of
Anjou was about to engage in battle, she had only
this one thought in her mind. On the following
evening, however, when Monsieur de Losses brought
1
Fought on March 13, 1569.

Queen Catherine de Medici.
Queen of Navarre.
107
her the news, as of something which had been much
wished for, and by which he thought to obtain
credit, she said to him :-
"You are troublesome to have awakened me for
this. I knew all about it. Did I not behold it the
day before yesterday?'
>>
Then it was that they realized that what they had
taken for the delirium of fever was an especial
warning, such as God vouchsafes to illustrious and
exceptional persons. History supplies us with many
examples of this amongst the ancient pagans; the
ghost seen by Brutus, for instance, and several others
which I will not allude to, as it is not my intention
to dress up these memoirs, but merely to set down
the truth, and to proceed with them quickly, to the
end that you may receive them the sooner. I do not
esteem myself worthy of any of these divine warnings,
but nevertheless, in order that I may not seem
ungrateful by my silence for the blessings I have
received from God-which I ought to, and will
proclaim as long as I live, so as to render Him
thanks for them, and so that all may praise Him for
the wonderful working of His mercy, goodness, and
power-I will confess that I have never been on the
eve of
any remarkable occurrence, whether fortunate
or unfortunate, that I have not received some warning
of it, either by a dream or by other means, and I can
aptly apply to myself the words of the following
verse :-
"My soul is the prophet of luck or ill-luck,"1
"De mon bien ou mon mal mon esprit m'est oracle."-Memoirs,.
first ed., p. 82.
108
Marguerite de Valois,
the truth of which I recognized upon the arrival of
the King of Poland,' whom. the queen my mother
had gone to meet. Whilst they were embracing
and mutually exchanging greetings-although the
weather was so hot that in the crowd in which we
were, we were almost suffocated-I was seized with
such a fit of shivering, and with such trembling all
over, that my gentleman-in-waiting perceived it, and
I had great difficulty in controlling it when the king,
turning from the queen my mother, advanced to
salute me.
I laid this omen to heart, although some
days elapsed before the king revealed the hatred and
illwill with which he had been inspired against me by
the malicious Guast, who had told him that, since the
death of the king, I had favoured the
party of my
brother of Alençon, during his absence, and had
induced him to enter into a friendship with the king
my husband. In consequence of which he sought an
opportunity of striking at this friendship by putting
the king my husband and myself upon bad terms,
and by causing my husband and my brother to
quarrel upon the subject of their jealousy and of
their mutual love for Madame de Sauve. One
afternoon, when the queen my mother had retired to
her closet to write some long despatches, Madame de
Nevers (your cousin), Madame de Rais (your cousin
also), Bourdeille, and Sugeres, asked me whether I
¹ Henry III.
1
2
2
3
Jeanne de Bourdeille, maid of honour to the Queen of
Navarre, married, first, Charles d'Ardres, Vicomte de Riberac,
and, secondly, Charles d'Espinay, Vicomte du Restal.
3
* Helène de Fonsèque, daughter of the Baron de Sugères, who
was also one of the queen's maids of honour. "Ces deux filles
d'honneur," says Monsieur Guessard, comme toutes celles de la
Reine Catherine, ne justifiaient guère leur titre, comme l'on sait."
(C
Queen of Navarre.
109
1
should like to go for a drive in the town; whereupon
Mademoiselle de Montigny, a niece of Madame
d'Usez,2 told us that the Abbey of St. Peter was a
very fine religious house. We decided to visit it, and
she begged that she might go with us, as she had an
aunt there, and as it was not easy to obtain an entry
except when in the company of great personages.
She joined us, and just as we were getting into the
chariot, in spite of its being quite full with us six, and
with Madame de Curton, the lady of honour who always
accompanied me, Liancourt, first equerry to the king,
and Camille, made their appearance, and jumped
up on the step of the chariot upon Torigny's side,³
where, holding on as they could, and playing the
buffoon, being of a ribald humour, they declared that
they too meant to go and see these pretty nuns.
The presence of Mademoiselle de Montigny, whom
we did not know at all well, and of these two, who
were confidential servants of the king, was, I believe,
a provision of God to save me from the calumny
which it was sought to accuse me of. We proceeded
to the convent, and my chariot, which was easily
recognizable from its being gilt, and of yellow velvet
1
¹ Daughter of Claude d'Amoncourt, Sieur de Montigny-sur-
She afterwards married
Aube, and of Charlotte de Clermont.
Monsieur N. Barillon, counsellor of state.
2 Françoise de Clermont, daughter of Antoine, Comte de
Clermont, and wife of Jaques de Crussol, Duc d'Usez.
In Monsieur Guessard's edition this phrase runs as follows:
Liancourt, premier escuyer du Roy, et Camille s'y trouverent,
qui se jetterent sur les portieres du chariot, encores qu'il fust
tout plein de nous six" (the Queen, Madame de Nevers, Madame
de Retz, Bourdeille, Sugères, and Mademoiselle de Montigny),
et de Madame de Curton, ma dame d'honneur, qui alloit
toujours avec moi, et de Torigny."
110
Marguerite de Valois,
CC
trimmed with silver, waited for us in the square,'
around which several gentlemen were lodging. Whilst
we were in St. Peter's, the king, having with him
only the king my husband, d'O,2 and the big Ruffé,³
on his way to pay a visit to Quelus, who was indisposed,
passing by this square and perceiving my empty
chariot, turned, and said to the king my husband :-
Look, there is your wife's chariot, and yonder is
Bidé's lodging!" (who was then ill-this was also the
name of the person who has since been devoted to
your cousin.) "I will wager," said he, "that she is
there," and he ordered the big Ruffé, who, as the
friend of Du Guast, was a proper instrument for such
malignity, to go there and find out. He found
nobody there, yet, not wishing to baulk the king's
design by telling the truth, said to him, in a loud
voice, in the hearing of the king my husband :-
"The birds have been there, but they are now
flown."
This was quite sufficient to furnish a subject for
gossip until they returned home. The king my
husband manifested on this occasion the kindness
and understanding which he has always displayed,
and detesting, as he did, such malignity in his heart,
he guessed at once what was the king's object, whilst
the king hurried back before me in order to persuade
the queen my mother of this fabrication, and to sub-
ject me to insult. I did not arrive until after he had
1 "Place."
2 François d'O, Seigneur de Fresnes, one of the "mignons" of
Henry III. He was Superintendent of Finances and Governor
of Paris.
3
Philippe de Volvire, Marquis de Ruffec.-Castelnau, t. ii.,
P. 768.
1
·
Queen of Navarre.
III
had time to do me this evil turn, nor, indeed, until
the queen my mother had spoken in a very extraor-
dinary manner before some ladies-partly from having
believed his story and partly in order to gratify
this son whom she idolized. I, returning presently,
without knowing anything of this, went down into
my room with all the suite that had accompanied me
to St. Peter's, and there found the king my husband,
who, as soon as he saw me, began to laugh, and said:-
"Go to the queen your mother, and I am sure that
you will return thence in a fine rage."
I asked him wherefore, and what was the matter?
He replied:-
"I shall not tell you, but let it suffice you that I
believe nothing whatever of it, and that it is only an
invention intended to set us against one another, in
order to deprive me by that means of the friendship
of Monsieur your brother."
Seeing that I could drag nothing more out of him,
I went to the apartments of the queen my mother.
When I entered the reception-room I found Monsieur
de Guise, who, looking ahead, was not sorry for the
division which he perceived was threatening our
house, hoping no doubt to gather up some spars from
the wreck. "I was waiting for you here," he said,
"to warn you that the queen credits you with a dan-
gerous form of benevolence;" and he then repeated to
me the foregoing conversation, which he had learnt
from d'O, who, being then very intimate with your
cousin,¹ had told Monsieur de Guise in order to pre-
I went into the room of the queen my
pare us.
1 " Cousine."
II 2
Marguerite de Valois,
mother, but she was not there. I found Madame de
Nemours there, and all the other princesses and ladies,
who exclaimed:-
"Good heavens, madam, the queen your mother
is in a terrible rage with you! I do not advise you to
present yourself before her!"
"No," I answered; "not if I had done what the
king has told her. But as I am altogether innocent
of it, I must speak to her so as to enlighten her
upon the subject."
I repaired to her closet, which was only screened
off by a wooden partition, so that everything that was
said in it could easily be overheard. As soon as she
perceived me she began to open fire, and to say every-
thing that it was possible for extreme and ungovern-
able anger to fling forth.¹ I explained the truth to
her, saying that there were ten or eleven of us, and I
begged her to make inquiries and not to believe only
my friends and intimates, but Madame de Mon-
tigny, who did not belong to my set, and Liancourt
and Camille, who were entirely in the interests of the
king. But she has no ears for either truth or reason;
she will hear neither; and whether from being
already primed with what was false, or because she
wished to gratify this son, whom from mingled
feelings of affection, duty, hope, and fear, she posi-
tively idolized, she continues scolding, raging, and
threatening, and, upon my saying that this good turn
had been done me by the king, she puts herself into
a still greater fury, endeavouring to make me believe
1 "Soudain qu'elle me veit elle commença à jetter feu, et dire
tout ce qu'une cholere outrée et desmesurée peut jetter dehors."
-Memoirs, p. 90.
►
Queen of Navarre.
113
that it was one of her own lacqueys who had seen me
there as he was passing that way. Then, perceiving
that I saw through this subterfuge and took it for what
it was worth, and that I was extremely offended with
the king, she was still more wounded and put out;
and all this was overheard from her room, which was
full of people. Departing thence, with what annoyance
may be imagined, I find in my room the king my
husband, who says to me:-
CC
Well, did you not find matters as I told you?"
Then, seeing me so distressed: "Do not torment
yourself about this," said he; "Liancourt and Camille
will be present at the king's retiring, and they will
tell him how he has wronged you, and I am sure that
to-morrow the queen your mother will be very
anxious to make it with you."
up
"Sir," I replied, "I have received by reason of this
falsehood too public an affront to be enabled to for-
give those who have subjected me to it, but all insults
are as nothing to me compared to the wrong they
sought to do me by striving to bring about so great a
misfortune as to set me at variance with you."
He replied, "In this, thank God, they have failed."
I said to him, "Yes; thanks to God and to your good
disposition; but from this evil we must extract a
blessing. Let it serve as a warning to each of us to
keep a watchful eye upon the devices which the king
may contrive in order to put us against one another.
For it is evident that, as this is his intention, he will not
stop here, but that he will never rest until he has
severed the friendship between my brother and your-
self."
Hereupon my brother arrived, and I made them
I
114
Marguerite de Valois,
town.
bind themselves by a fresh oath to a continuance of
their good-fellowship. But what oath can avail where
love is concerned? Next morning, an Italian banker,
who was devoted to my brother's interests, invited
my said brother, the king my husband, and myself,
with several other princesses and ladies, to go and
dine in a beautiful garden which he possessed in the
But having always observed such respect to-
wards the queen my mother whilst I was near her
-either as maid or wife-as never to go anywhere
without asking her leave, I went to seek her in the
reception room on her return from mass, to ask
her permission to go to this entertainment. Whilst
publicly refusing to give her consent, she told me, at
the same time, that I might go where I chose, as
she did not care. I leave it to those who, like you,
are acquainted with my disposition, to judge whether
one of my spirit could brook such an affront as this!
Whilst we were at this festivity, the king, who had
spoken to Liancourt, Camille, and Mademoiselle de
Montigny, became aware of the error into which he
had fallen through the big Ruffé's malice, and being
now as anxious to repair it as he had before been
eager to accept and proclaim it, he went to the queen
my mother and confessed the truth to her, begging
her to set the matter right in such a manner as that
I should not continue unfriendly to him, fearing,
from the understanding which he perceived that I
possessed, that I might know better how to revenge
myself than he had known how to offend me.
soon as we had returned from the entertainment the
prophecy of the king my husband was fulfilled. The
queen my mother sent for me to her room, which
As
Queen of Navarre.
115
looked towards the back and which was close to that of
the king-where she informed me that she had learnt
the rights of everything; that I had spoken the truth;
that it was not at all what the lacquey, who had in-
formed her of it, had represented it; that he was a
bad man, and that she would send him away. Then,
when she perceived by my face that I did not believe
this explanation, she took great pains to disabuse me
of the notion that it was the king who had fastened
this accusation upon me; and not succeeding in this
either, the king came into the room and made me
many apologies, and, saying that he had been induced
to believe the report, he offered me all the excuses
and protestations of friendship that were possible.
When this affair was over, and after we had remained
some time at Lyons, we proceeded to Avignon.¹ Le-
Guast, not daring to invent any more stories, and
perceiving that I gave him no opportunity by my
actions of setting me at variance, through jealousy,with
the king my husband, or of undermining the friend-
ship existing between him and my brother, made use
of another instrument, namely, of Madame de Sauve,
whom he gained over to such an extent that she
obeyed him in everything, and acting upon his in-
structions, which were no less mischievous than those
of La Celestine, she worked up the love of my brother
and of my husband the king (which had previously
been somewhat careless and lukewarm, like that of
1
2
¹ Tuesday, November 16, 1574.-De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry
III.
2 66
Tragicomedie contenant de fort mauvaises instructions.”
-Confession de Sancy, p. 195. It was originally written in
Spanish, and was translated into Italian, and from Italian into
French (Paris, par Nic. Cousteau, 1527, in 8vo).
116
Marguerite de Valois,
very young people) to such a pitch of violence that,
forgetful of every other ambition, duty, and object in
life, the sole idea in their minds seemed to be the
pursuit of this woman. Moreover, they arrived
thereby at so great and vehement a jealousy of one
another, that although she was sought by Monsieur de
Guise, by Du Guast, by Souvray,¹ and several others,
who were all better beloved by her than they were,
these two brothers-in-law paid no attention to this,
but only dreaded each other's courtship. Then this
woman, the better to play her game, persuaded the
king my husband that I was jealous of him, and that
on this account I favoured my brother's suit. We
easily believe what is told us by those we love. He
believes this, avoids me, and is more reserved with
me than with anyone else, the contrary of what he
had been until then, for he had always talked to me
about anyone he had had a fancy for as openly as to
a sister, being well aware that I was not in the least
jealous of him, but that I only desired his happiness.
Finding that what I feared most had come to pass ;
namely, the loss of his goodwill through the with-
drawal of the confidence he had hitherto shown me;
and realizing that the mistrust which does away with
intimacy is the beginning of hatred either between
kinsfolk or friends; furthermore, being aware that if
I could only turn my brother from his affection for
Madame de Sauve, I should strike at the root of the
plot which Du Guast had devised for our disagree-
ment and destruction, I made use of every means that
I could in order to free him from it. This might
¹ Gilles de Souvré, Marquis de Courtenvaux, one of the
favourites of Henry III. and Grand-master of the Wardrobe.
Queen of Navarre.
117
have succeeded with anyone whose mind had not been
completely enthralled by love, and by the machinations
of these cunning persons. My brother, however,
who took my word before anyone else's with respect
to every other thing, could never emancipate himself
for his own advantage and for mine-so powerful
were the charms of this Circe, aided by Du Guast's
diabolical cunning. Instead, therefore, of profiting
by my words, he repeated them all to this woman.
What can we hide from those we love? She became
excited against me by reason of this, and served Du
Guast's purpose with all the greater zeal, and induced
the king my husband, out of revenge, to dislike and
shun me still more, so that he gave up speaking to
me altogether. He used to return from visiting her
very late, and, in order to prevent him from holding
any intercourse with me, she ordered him to appear -
at the queen's arising, at which she was obliged to be
present; after which, for the whole of the day, he
never stirred from her side. My brother took no less
pains to pursue her; she making each one of them
believe that he alone was beloved. This increased
their jealousy and bad-fellowship, whilst it hastened
their ruin. We made a long stay at Avignon, and a
tour through Burgundy and Champagne, on our way
to Rheims to attend the king's nuptials,¹ and thence
we proceeded to Paris, where things went on much
after the same fashion. Du Guast's plot for our divi-
sion and discomfiture continued to make progress by
these means.
When we were in Paris, my brother
1
¹ Henry III. married immediately after his coronation Louise
de Vaudemont, daughter of the count of the same name, who
represented a younger branch of the House of Lorraine.
118
Marguerite de Valois,
|
appointed Bussi¹ to attend him, holding him in the
high esteem which his valour merited. He was con-
tinually with my brother, and, in consequence, with
me, my brother and I being almost always together,
and he having ordered his attendants to honour and
obey me no less than himself. All the members
of his suite complied with this agreeable command
with so much zeal that they served me as devotedly
as they did him. Your aunt, upon beholding this,
1
2
"L. de Clermont de Bussy d'Amboise: un de ceux qui
eurent le plus de part aux massacres de la St. Barthélemy;
assassina, entre autres, Antoine de Clermont son parent, avec qui
il etait en procés, et s'empara de son château. Nommé Com-
mandant du château d'Angers. Il devint en exécration à la
province, et fut assassiné par le Comte de Montsoreau, dont il
avait voulu séduire la femme."-Bouillet, Dictionnaire Universel.
Dumas' novel, “La Dame de Montsoreau," is founded upon the
tragic incident here alluded to. The Duke of Anjou, after having
loaded Bussy d'Amboise with honours, became finally jealous of
his former favourite, and is supposed to have treacherously connived
with Henry III. to lure him to destruction. After giving the
details of his assassination, De L'Etoile remarks: "Telle fut la
fin du Capitaine Bussi qui estoit d'un courage invincible, haut à
la main, fier et audacieux, aussi vaillant que son espée, et pour
l'aage qu'il avoit qui n'estoit que de trente ans, aussi digne de
commander à une armée que capitaine qui fust en France: mais
vicieux, et peu craignant Dieu: ce qui luy causa son malheur. . .
Il possedoit tellement Monsieur le Duc, son maistre, qu'il se
vantoit tout haut d'en faire tout ce qu'il vouloit . . . il aimoit
les lettres, combien qu'il les pratiquast assez mal, se plaisoit à lire
les Histoires, et entres autres les vies de Plutarque: Et quand il
y lisoit quelque acte signalé et genereux fait par un de ces vieux
Capitaines Romains, Il n'y a rien en tout cela,' disoit-il, que je
n'executasse aussi bravement qu'eux à la necessité;' ayant
accoustumé de dire qu'il n'estoit né que Gentil-homme, mais
qu'il portoit dans l'estomac un cœur d'Empereur; si bien qu'enfin
pour sa gloire Monsieur le prit à desdain, et de tant plus qu'il
l'avoit aimé du commencement, sur la fin il le haït, ayant consenti,
(suivant le bruit commun,) à la partie qu'on luy dressa pour s'en
deffaire."-Journal de Henry III, le 19 Aoust, 1579.
2 Madame de Dampierre.
Queen of Navarre.
119
3
2
has often told me that this delightful union between
my brother and myself reminded her of the days of
my uncle, Monsieur d'Orleans,' and of my aunt,
Madame de Savoye. Le Guast, however, who was
a nobody at that time, putting a different construc-
tion upon it, fancied that fortune offered, him a fine
opportunity for furthering his design, and having,
through Madame de Sauve, insinuated himself into the
good graces of the king my husband, he endeavoured
by every means in his power to persuade him that
Bussi was my lover. Then, perceiving that he did not
advance matters by this, as my husband was thoroughly
informed by his servants, who were always with me,
of my behaviour, which did not tend to anything of
the kind, he addressed himself to the king, whom he
found far easier to persuade, as much by reason of the
scanty goodwill he bore my brother and myself, our
friendship being odious and suspicious in his eyes, as
because of his hatred for Bussi, who had formerly
been in his service, but who had left him in order to
4
¹ The Duke of Orleans was the younger brother of Henry II.
He had himself borne this title previous to the death of his elder
brother the Dauphin.
2 The Marguerite of Valois who was sister to King Henry II.
and who married the Duke of Savoy.
3 "Potiron" is the term here used in the manuscripts as well as in
all the published editions of the Memoirs. In ancient dictionaries
this word is made to mean a mushroom or "toadstool," whilst in
modern parlance it signifies a melon or pumpkin. When applied
to a man, I should take it to mean that the individual in question
was of base or obscure origin, and had achieved sudden greatness
in no very honourable way, both the fungus and the pumpkin
having their origin in the fumier, and rising, as it were, out of
nothing, to a considerable size.
"En quoi," remarks Monsieur Guessard, "Le Guast disait
vrai, comme l'on sait."-Lettres et Mémoires de Marguerite de
Valois, P. 54.
120
Marguerite de Valois,
2
1
devote himself to my brother. This acquisition increased
my brother's dignity as much as it did the jealousy of
our enemies, for there was not one of his sex and quality
in that century who could compare with him for
valour, grace, renown, and understanding; so much
so, that there were some who maintained that if one
were to believe, like certain philosophers, in the trans-
migration of souls, there could be no doubt but that
the soul of your gallant brother Hardelay animated
that of Bussi. The king, having been imbued by
Le Guast with this idea, mentioned it to the queen
my mother, advising her to tell the king my husband
of it, and endeavouring to incite him to the same
bitterness wherewith he had inspired him at Lyons.
Seeing, however, how little evidence there was to
support it, she rejected the notion, saying: “I can-
not think who the mischief-makers can be who put
such ideas into your head. My daughter is un-
fortunate to have been born in such times. In our
day we spoke freely to everybody, and all the gallant
gentlemen who served the king your father, and your
uncles, Monsieur le Dauphin and Monsieur d'Orleans,³
1
Jean de Bourdeille, brother of Brantôme, who speaks of him
in his "
Eloges des hommes illustres François " (t. iv., p. 118,
edition of 1666).
2 Marguerite evidently means here that the soul of Hardelay
animates and inhabits Bussi's body.
³ The Dauphin here referred to was the eldest son of Francis I.,
Henry II., Marguerite's father, having been a second son. Henry
bore the title of Duke of Orleans until the Dauphin's death (who
died at Tournon, 10th August, 1533), when it was assumed by
his younger brother, who is the " Monsieur d'Orleans" here
mentioned. He died in 1545. Catherine de' Medici has been
accused by her enemies of having poisoned both these young
princes in order to render her own position more secure-an accu-
sation which is not supported by historical evidence. Francis I.,
Queen of Navarre.
121
were constantly in the chamber of your aunt, Madame
Marguerite, and no one thought anything of it, nor
indeed was there any reason why they should. Bussi
sees my daughter before you, before her husband, in
her room, before all her husband's servants, and be-
fore everybody. She does not see him in secret, or
with closed doors. Bussi is a person of quality, and
the first gentleman-in-waiting upon your brother.
What is there to complain of? At Lyons you made
me offer her a very serious insult, which I fear she
will remember as long as she lives."
The king was much surprised. "Madam," said
he, "I only speak of this after others."
"Who are these others, my son?" she answered;
they are people who wish to set you at variance with
all your belongings.
The king having taken his departure, she repeated
everything to me, and said, "You are born in an evil
day;" and calling your aunt, Madame de Dampierre,
she fell to conversing with her about the pleasant
liberty of action which they enjoyed in their time,
without being, like us, subjected to slander. Le
Guast, perceiving that the mine was sprung, and that
it had not taken fire in the direction that he desired,
in the bitterness of his grief for the loss of his eldest son,
accused the Emperor Charles V. of having poisoned him, and
Count Montecuculi, an officer of the Dauphin's household, was
sacrificed to this unjust suspicion, the tortures of the rack having
forced from him a statement to the effect that he had been
suborned by the emperor to do this evil deed. He was executed
in 1533, with the cruel tortures appointed for traitors.
1
These words read as though they had been put into the
queen-mother's mouth by her daughter. Catherine was dead at
the time they were written, and powerless, therefore, either to
confirm or refute them.
122
Marguerite de Valois,
addresses himself to certain gentlemen then in the fol-
lowing of the king my husband, who up to that time
had been Bussi's comrades, but who had now become
his enemies by reason of the jealousy wherewith they
had been filled by his advancement and distinction.
These men, uniting to this envious hatred a rash zeal
in their master's service-or, to speak more truly,
concealing their jealousy beneath this pretence-
settled amongst themselves that some night when he
withdrew to his lodging late from his master's retiring
they would assassinate him. But as some of the
worthy fellows who were attached to my brother were
wont to accompany him, they knew that he would
have no less than fifteen or twenty people with him,
and that (although, on account of the wound he had
received in the right arm, he had not worn a sword
for the few days since he had fought with Saint Val¹)
his presence alone would suffice to redouble the courage
of his escort. This they dreaded, and, wishing to
make sure of their affair, they decided to attack
him with two or three hundred men, when the
veil of night would conceal the ignominy of such an
outrage.
Le Guast, who held a command in the regiment of
Guards, supplied some soldiers, who, having posted
themselves in five or six groups in the street which
¹ Georges de Vaudray, Sieur de St. Phal.-Castelnau, t. ii.,
p. 533. Brantôme says that this quarrel with Saint Val (or
Saint "Fal," as he calls him-one of the " mignons" of Henry
III.) was about a sleeve, " de broderie de jayet," marked with two
"X's." "Monsieur de Bussy" maintained that these were "Y.'s,"
whence ensued bloodshed. A lady, however-one Madame
d'Assigny-was concerned in the matter.-Brantôme, Hommes
illustres, Eloge de Bussy.
Queen of Navarre.
123.
was nearest to Bussi's lodging,' and by which he was
obliged to pass, attacked him, and in so doing extin-
guished all the torches. After a volley of arquebuss
and pistol shots which would have sufficed, not merely
to have routed a company of fifteen or twenty men,
but to scatter a whole regiment, they came to a hand-to-
hand encounter with his party, in the course of which,
so as not to miss him, they endeavoured to recognize
him in the darkness by means of a dove-coloured scarf
which he wore as a sling for his wounded right arm-
very fortunately for his assailants, who would other-
wise have felt the strength of it. He was well sup-
ported, however, by the little band of worthy fellows
who accompanied him, and who were not in the least
alarmed or disconcerted by either the suddenness of
the attack or by the darkness of the night, but who
gave good proof of their valour and of the affection
they bore their friend by protecting him as far as his
lodging, with only the loss of one of their party—
a gentleman who had been brought up with Bussi,
and who, having been previously wounded in one
arm, happened to be wearing a grey scarf like him,
although it was in reality very different, not being
richly trimmed as his was. Nevertheless, on account.
of the obscurity of the night, or else of the frenzy of
hatred which animated these assassins, who had all
been told to make for the grey scarf, it came to pass
that the whole set fell upon this poor gentleman,
thinking that it was Bussi, and left him for dead in
the street. An Italian gentleman who was in my
brother's service happened to be of the party, and
1
Bussy was lodging at this time at the "Corne de Cerf," in
the Rue de Grenelle.
124
Marguerite de Valois,
being overcome with terror at the first attack, he
rushed, all bleeding, into the Louvre, as far as the
room of my brother, who was in bed, calling out that
Bussi was being assassinated. My brother wished at
once to go to him. Fortunately I had not yet gone to
bed, and was lodged so near to my brother that I heard
this terrified man shouting out his alarming news
upon the stairs as soon as my brother did. I flew at
once to his room to prevent him from going out, and
sent to beg the queen my mother to come, in order
to restrain him-for I perceived that the just distress
he experienced so carried him away, that without
reflecting he would have rushed into any danger to
obtain vengeance. We held him back with the
greatest difficulty, the queen my mother representing
to him that there was no sense in his going out, alone
thus, in the middle of the night, when darkness
covers all manner of crimes, and that Le Guast was
very likely wicked enough to have arranged this affair
on purpose to make him go out at an unwise moment,
in order that some disaster might befall him. In
the state of exasperation in which he was, these words
would have produced very little effect, but asserting
her authority at the same time, she kept him back,
ordering the porters not to allow him to go forth, and
taking the trouble to remain with him until he was
apprised of the whole truth. Bussi, whom God had
miraculously preserved from this danger, and who
never troubled himself about it-his soul being
incapable of fear, and he having been born to be the
terror of his enemies, the glory of his master, and the
hope of his friends-upon arriving at his lodging, at
once bethought him of the anxiety wherein his master
Queen of Navarre.
125
would be, supposing that any vague rumour of the
encounter had reached him, and fearing that this
might cause him to cast himself into the toils of his
enemies (as no doubt he would have done had not
the queen my mother prevented him), he immediately
sent one of his servants to my brother, who brought
a truthful account of the whole affair, and as soon as
it was daylight he returned to the Louvre with as
gallant and gay a demeanour as if this assault upon
him had merely been a passage of arms for his amuse-
ment. My brother, whose pleasure at seeing him
again was as intense as was his desire for vengeance,
showed plainly enough how keenly he resented the
affront which had been offered him, in seeking thus
to deprive him of as valiant and worthy a servant as
ever prince of his quality had knowledge of; the more
so as Du Guast had only attacked Bussi because he
did not dare to make an attempt at first hand upon
himself.
The queen my mother, who was the most prudent
and cautious of parents, realizing the importance of
this state of affairs, and foreseeing that in the end
it might set her two children against one another,
advised my brother, in order to avoid any such pos-
sibility, to arrange that for a while Bussi should
depart from court, to which my brother consented by
reason of my entreaties, for I plainly perceived that
if he remained Le Guast would make use of him as
a continual pretext for his malicious design of keep-
ing my brother and the king my husband upon
bad terms, as he had already done by the aforesaid
artifices.
Bussi, who had no will but that of his master, took
126
Marguerite de Valois,
his departure, accompanied by the most gallant of the
nobles who were in my brother's retinue at court.
Le Guast was thus relieved of this matter, and as it
happened that at about the same time the king my hus-
band was seized one night with a serious indisposition,
when he remained insensible for an hour (the result,
I believe, of his amorous excesses, for I never knew
him to be subject to anything of the kind before¹),
during which I had attended to and assisted him as duty
commanded me, whereat he was so pleased that he
praised me to everybody, declaring that if I had not.
perceived his condition and flown at once to his assis-
tance, and called my women and his servants, he
would have died-he treated me with much greater
kindness, and in consequence of this, the friendship
between him and my brother began to be renewed:
recognizing that I was the cause of this, and that
I acted as a kind of unguent, such as exists in all
natural objects, but which is most observable in the
case of serpents that have been cut in half, and which
joins and cements their severed parts. Le Guast,
nevertheless, continued to pursue his first pernicious
design, and seeking to invent some new cause for re-
embroiling the king my husband and myself, put it
into the head of the king (who only a few days pre-
viously had through similar artifices sent away from
his anointed princess, the virtuous and amiable queen,
a young lady named Changi, whom she tenderly
loved, and who had been brought up with her) that
he ought to induce the king my husband to do the
same with regard to me, and deprive me of the one
1 CC
Qui luy venoit, comme je crois, d'excez qu'il avoit faits
avec les femmes.”—Memoirs, first edition, p. 114.
!
Queen of Navarre.
127
amongst my maids of honour whom I loved the best,
and who was called Torigny,' upon no other pretext
than that one should not allow young princesses to
have girls about them for whom they entertained so
marked an affection.
The king, influenced by this wicked man, spoke
several times to my husband upon the subject, who
replied that he knew that he should cause me bitter
displeasure; that if I liked Torigny, I had good
reason for doing so, for that besides having been
brought up with my sister the Queen of Spain, and
with me during my childhood, she was possessed of
much understanding, and had even been of great ser-
vice to himself during his captivity in the Forest of
Vincennes; that it would be ungrateful of him not to
remember this, and that he had noticed that his
majesty himself had formerly treated her several
times with great consideration. He protested after
this fashion, but in the end, as Le Guast continued
to urge the king-even going to the length of making
him tell the king my husband that he should cease to
care for him if upon the morrow he had not sent
Torigny away-he was constrained, to his great
regret, as he has since confessed to me, to beg of me
and command me to this end. So bitter was this to
me that I could not help showing him by my tears.
what cruel displeasure I experienced, and that what
distressed me most was not the being deprived of a
Gillone Govion de Matignon, daughter of Jaques de
Matignon, Marshal of France, married subsequently Pierre de
Harcourt, Sieur de Beuvron.-Castelnau, t. i., p. 327, and
Génealogie de Matignon. Mademoiselle Torigny was accused of
assisting Marguerite in her various intrigues, and of particularly
favouring the interests of the Duke of Guise.
128
Marguerite de Valois.
person who had always been useful and obedient to
me, but that, as it was well known how fond I was of
her, I could not ignore how prejudicial her sudden
dismissal would prove to my reputation. The king
my husband, however, was unable to entertain these
reasons, having promised the king to inflict this
annoyance upon me, and she departed, therefore, that
very day, and repaired to the house of one of her
cousins, named Monsieur Chastelas.
I was so offended at this insult, following as it did
upon so many others, that, being unable to conceal
the just sorrow I felt, and which, banishing all
my prudence, rendered me a prey to melancholy, I
could no longer force myself to keep upon good
terms with the king my husband, so that, as Le Guast
and Madame de Sauve estranged him from me upon.
one side, and I withdrew myself from him upon the
other, we ended by no longer either sleeping together
or speaking to one another.

BOOK THE SECOND.

FEW days from this time, the king my
husband having been informed by some
faithful followers of the artifices which
had been employed in order to lead him
to destruction, by endeavouring to set
him at variance with my brother and myself, whose
support he had most reason to expect, with the
object of abandoning and humiliating him afterwards
-and as, also, the king was beginning to slight
him and to hold him of no account-was induced
to make friends with my brother, who since Bussi's
departure had not improved his position, for Le Guast
caused him to experience some fresh indignity every
day. My husband realized that he and my brother
were both in the same predicament at court-the one
being just as much out of favour as the other; that
Le Guast alone reigned supreme; that they would be
obliged to beg of him every favour which they might
desire to obtain of the king; that whenever they asked
anything themselves they were liable to be refused
with contempt, whilst if anybody should seek to serve
them, he would be immediately disgraced, and have a
thousand quarrels fastened upon him.
K
130
Marguerite de Valois,
They decided, therefore, perceiving that their dis-
agreement was their destruction, to become recon-
ciled, and to withdraw from court, in order that,
having assembled their friends and adherents, they
might demand of the king a position and a considera-
tion which should be worthy of their rank; for my
brother had never as yet enjoyed his appanage, but
had only supported himself by means of certain irre-
gular pensions, which were paid at the will and plea-
sure of Le Guast; whilst the king my husband had
reaped no advantage whatsoever from his governorship
of Guyenne, as he was not permitted to visit that or
any other of his territories.
This resolution having been arrived at between
them, my brother spoke to me upon the subject. He
said that, as they had become reconciled, he desired
that my husband the king and myself should make
friends likewise, and he begged that I would forgive
everything that had occurred; that the king my hus-
band had told him that he regretted it extremely;
that he recognized that our enemies had been more
cunning than we were, but that he had made up his
mind to love me, and to give me greater satisfaction in
future. He entreated me also, upon my side, to care for
him,' and to look after his affairs during his absence.
They decided between them that my brother should
be the first to depart, making his escape in a coach as
best he could, and that, some days afterwards, the
king my husband should follow him, upon pretence
of going upon a hunting expedition. They regretted
extremely that they could not take me with them, but
1 The King of Navarre is here referred to.
Queen of Navarre.
131
persuaded themselves that no one would dare to offer
me any affront once it became known that they were at
large. They also said that they should soon prove that
they had no intention of disturbing France, but that
they only desired to secure a position consistent with
their dignity, and to place themselves in safety; for, in
the midst of all their other annoyances, they were not
without apprehensions for their lives, whether from
the fact that they were really in danger, or because
those who sought the ruin and disunion of our house
contrived, in order to increase their own influence, to
keep them in a perpetual state of alarm by their
repeated warnings.
When evening was come, my brother, after changing
his cloak and muffling it up to his nose, takes his
departure a little while before the king's supper-hour,
and pursues his way on foot as far as the Porte Saint
Honoré, where he finds Simie¹ with a carriage be-
longing to a lady, which he had borrowed for the
occasion, into which he steps, and drives towards
some houses at about a quarter of a league from
Paris, where he finds horses awaiting him. Upon one
of these he mounts, and a few leagues further on
comes upon some two or three hundred of his fol-
lowers, who were awaiting him at the trysting-place
he had appointed. His departure was not discovered
till nearly nine o'clock in the evening, when the king
and the queen my mother inquired of me why he had
not supped with them, and whether he was indis-
posed? I told them that I had not seen him since
1
Jean de Seymer, Master of the Wardrobe and Chamberlain
to the Duke of Alençon (Anselme, viii., 438).—Mémoires de
Nevers, t. i., p. 83.
132
Marguerite de Valois,
dinner-time. They sent to his room to find out what
he was about. Their messengers returned and in-
formed them that he was not there. They then
ordered that search should be made for him in all the
ladies' apartments which he was in the habit of fre-
quenting. He was sought for all over the palace and
all over the town, but he was not to be found. Then
the alarm increases; the king puts himself into a
passion, storms, threatens, summons the princes and
nobles of the court, and orders them to take horse
and to bring him back, whether dead or alive,
declaring that he has gone to disturb his realm and to
make war upon him, and that he will teach him the
folly he is committing in setting himself in opposition.
to so powerful a monarch as himself. Several of these
princes and noblemen declined to execute this commis-
sion, pointing out to the king what a very serious one
it was, and saying that they would willingly risk their
lives in his service, as was their duty, but that they
knew that if they went against Monsieur his brother,
a day would come when he would bear them illwill
for the same; that he might rest assured my brother
was not embarking in anything that could either dis-
please his majesty or do mischief to the state; that
probably he had been induced to withdraw from
court on account of some grievance, and that it
seemed to them that the king ought to send after
him to inform himself of the cause of his departure
before having recourse to such desperate measures.
Some others amongst them agreed to carry out this
order, and left to prepare for their ride. They could
not get ready in time, however, to set out before
daybreak, the result of which was that they failed
Queen of Navarre.
133
V
to overtake my brother, and were obliged to return,
as they were not equipped for warfare.
The king did not regard the king my husband any
more favourably after this evasion, but continued to
slight him in the usual fashion. This confirmed him
in the resolution he had taken in concert with my
brother, and accordingly he set forth a few days after-
wards, pretending that he was bound for the chase.
Upon the morrow of my brother's departure, in con-
sequence of having wept all night, I was seized with
such a severe cold¹ in one side of my face that I was
confined to my bed for several days in a high fever,
feeling very ill and suffering great pain.
During this illness, the king my husband, either
on account of the preparations for his departure, or
because, having so soon to leave court, he was de-
sirous of devoting all the time that remained to him
there to the society of his mistress, Madame de Sauve,
was never able to find leisure to come and see me in
my room, and as he only retired to rest, according
to his custom, at one or two hours after midnight-
occupying, as we always did, two separate beds-I did
not hear him come; whilst in the morning he got up
before I was awake, in order to repair, as I have already
said, to the arising of my lady mother, at which Madame
de Sauve was in attendance. Thus it happened that he
never remembered to make friends with me as he
had promised my brother that he would, but went
away without even bidding me farewell.
The king did not fail to suspect that I was the
"Un si grand rheume sur la moitié du visage.”—Memoirs,
p. 127, 1st edition. I would have substituted the word
neuralgia" for "cold" but for its modern sound.
134
Marguerite de Valois,
sole cause of his escape, and he inflamed himself
against me to such an extent that, had he not been
restrained by the queen my mother, I believe that his
rage would have led him to perpetrate some cruelty
to endanger my life. But, being curbed by her, and
not daring to do anything worse, he told her, at once,
that I must at least have guards placed over me, to
prevent me from following the king my husband, and
also to ensure that nobody should hold any intercourse
with me, lest I should inform them of what was
going on at court.
1
The queen my mother, wishing to do everything
with moderation, and glad to have been able to ward
off the first inspiration of his fury, told him that she
approved of this, but said that she would go and seek
me in order to prevent me from considering that such
treatment was too harsh; that these vexations would
not always assume the same proportions; that every-
thing in the world possessed two aspects; that when this
first, which looked sinister and alarming, was reversed,
the other side might appear more pleasant and reas-
suring, and that with new events they would have to
take new counsel, and might require perhaps to make
use of me, for that, as prudence enjoined that we
ought to live with our friends as though they might
one day become our enemies, and that we should not
trust them too implicitly, so also did she ordain that,
when the ties of affection were severed, we should
behave to our enemies as though they might one day
become our friends.
These remonstrances finally prevented the king
The King of Navarre and the Duke of Anjou.
Queen of Navarre.
135
from working me any personal mischief, as he would
have desired, but Le Guast affording him an oppor-
tunity of venting his rage elsewhere, arranged that,
with the object of causing me the most bitter annoy-
ance, he should send some men to the house of Chas-
telas, Torigny's cousin, in order that, under a pretence
of conveying her to his presence, they might drown
her in a river which flowed hard by. When these
fellows presented themselves, Chastelas, never suspect-
ing anything, allowed them free access to the house.
As soon, however, as they perceived Torigny within,
the strongest amongst them, availing themselves to the
utmost of their cruel instructions, seized her, bound
her, and shut her up in a room, after which they only
awaited the baiting of their horses to depart. Being
careless and imprudent, however, after the manner of the
French, they commenced cramming themselves, almost
to bursting-point, with the best of everything to be found
in the house; whilst Chastelas, who was an intelligent
man, was not sorry to delay his cousin's departure at
the expense of his provisions, knowing that who gains
time gains life, and hoping that God might, perad-
venture, change the king's heart, and that he might
send and order away these people, to avoid affronting
me so grievously; for the said Chastelas did not dare
to take other means of hindering them, although he
had followers enough to have enabled him to have
done so.
But God, who has ever beheld my affliction, and
protected me from the dangers and annoyances con-
trived for me by my enemies, prepared an unhoped-
for rescue (far more efficacious than any I could have
planned myself, supposing that I had been aware of
136
Marguerite de Valois,
1
this enterprise, of which, however, I was ignorant),
whereby Torigny was delivered from the hands of
these scoundrels. It came to pass in this wise:
Some men and maidservants, who had fled for fear of
these satellites of the king, that were overhauling and
ransacking everything, as though the place had been
given over to them to pillage, being at about a
quarter of a league from the house, God directed
thither La Ferté and Avantigny (who with their
troops, consisting of at least two hundred horse, were
on their way to join my brother's army), and ordained
that La Ferté should recognize one of Chastelas' terri-
fied retainers amongst this group of peasants, and
should inquire of him what was the matter, and
whether any of them had suffered wrong at the
hands of the soldiery? The servant replied in the
negative, but said that their distress was occasioned
by the desperate situation wherein he had left his
master, whose cousin had been arrested. Whereupon
La Ferté and Avantigny at once resolved to do me
the good turn of rescuing Torigny, thanking God
the while for having afforded them so excellent an
opportunity of proving the devotion they had always
felt for me; and they, and all their troops, setting off
with speed, arrived so opportunely at Chastelas' house,
that they found the soldiers in the very act of forcing
Torigny upon a horse, in order that they might con-
vey her to be drowned. They all rushed mounted
into the courtyard, sword in hand, and shouting out,
"Stop, butchers! if you do her harm, you are all dead
¹ There were two brothers of this name, both chamberlains
to the Duc d'Alençon. See "Mémoires de Nevers," t. i., pp.
577, 578.
Queen of Navarre,
137
men! charged these miscreants, who immediately
took to flight, leaving their prisoner as much trans-
ported with joy as she had previously been overcome
by terror.
After she had rendered thanks to God and to her
preservers for so safe and timely a deliverance, she
ordered her cousin Chastelas' coach to be made ready,
wherein she departed, accompanied by her said cousin,
and escorted by these worthy fellows, and sought the
protection of my brother, who was very glad, being
unable to have me with him, to enjoy the society of
one who was as dear to me as she was. She remained
there as long as there was any danger, and was treated
with the same consideration and respect as when she
was in my service.
Whilst the king was displaying such mighty haste
to sacrifice Torigny to his resentment, the queen my
mother, who knew nothing about it, had repaired to
me in my chamber, where she found me still at my
toilet, for I was making an effort on that day to leave
my room (although I was still ill with my cold, and
even worse in mind than in body, on account of all
my vexations), in order to ascertain a little of what
was going on in the outer world respecting these new
events, feeling extremely anxious as to what was being
undertaken against my brother and the king my hus-
band. She addressed me thus: "There is no occa-
sion for you to be in such a hurry to dress yourself.
Do not be angry, I beg of you, at what I have to
communicate. You are possessed of intelligence, and
I am sure you will not be surprised that the king
should feel offended with your brother and your hus-
band, or that, knowing of the affection existing between
138
Marguerite de Valois,
you and them, and believing that you were privy to
their escape, he should have resolved to detain you as
hostage during their absence. He is aware of how
fond your husband is of you, and that he cannot hold
a more valuable pledge from him than yourself. For
this reason he has ordered that you shall be placed
under arrest, to prevent you from quitting your room,
the members of his council having represented to him
that if you were at liberty to come and go amongst
us, you would discover everything that was planned
against your brother and your husband, and would
give them warning of the same. I pray you not to
take this amiss. Please God, it will not last long.
Do not be annoyed, either, if, fearing to arouse the
suspicions of the king, I dare not come and visit you
as often as usual, but rest assured that I will not allow
him to do you any evil, and that I shall do my utmost
to bring about a reconciliation between your brothers."
I represented to her how great was the indignity to
which this would subject me. I would not deny that
my brother had always confided his just grievances to
me, but I said that, as to the king my husband, since
he had deprived me of Torigny, we had never spoken
to one another, and that he had not even visited me
during my illness or bidden me farewell.
"These are merely the little differences of husband
and wife,” she answered; "but one knows very well
that with a few tender letters he will soon regain posses-
sion of your heart, and that if he asks you to go
join him, you will go, which is what the king my son
will not have you do."
and
After she left me, I remained in this situation for
some months, without any one of even my most
Queen of Navarre.
139
intimate friends daring to come and visit me, lest they
should get into disgrace. At court adversity is always.
left in solitude, just as prosperity is ever well attended,
whilst one's persecution is encouraged by one's own
familiar friends. The gallant Grillon' was the only
person who, braving all prohibitions and loss of favour,
came to see me five or six times in my room, astonish-
ing so much thereby the Cerberuses that had been
posted at my door, that they did not venture either
to address him or to deny him entrance.
Meanwhile, the king my husband, having arrived
at the seat of his governorship and rejoined his fol-
lowers and friends-they all pointed out to him how
wrong he had been in departing without bidding me
farewell, telling him that I was possessed of intelli-
gence which rendered me capable of serving him, and
that it was important that he should win me back, as
he would derive great advantages from my friendship
and from my presence, once affairs had become tran-
quillized, and when he would be able to have me with
him.
It was easy to persuade him to this end now that
he was away from his Circe, Madame de Sauve. As
her charms (which had rendered him blind to the
schemes of our enemies, and to the fact that our dis-
agreement was as baneful to him as it was to me) had
lost their power through absence, he wrote me a very
kind letter, in which he begged me to forget every-
thing that had occurred between us, and to believe
that it was his wish to love me, and to prove it to me
better than he had hitherto done, and he asked me, at
1 "C'est le fameux Louis de Berton de Crillon, qui n'était pas.
à la bataille d'Arques."-Guessard, note to p. 72.
140
Marguerite de Valois,
the same time, to keep him informed of the state of
affairs where I was-of my own condition, and of that
of my brother. For these two were now separated,
notwithstanding that they remained friends in spirit-
my brother being in the direction of Champagne, and
the king my husband in Gascony.
I received this letter, which afforded me great con-
solation and relief, whilst I was still a prisoner; and
although the guards had been ordered not to allow
me to write, I did not fail (aided by necessity, the
mother of invention) to let him hear from me fre-
quently from that time forth.
Only a few days after I was arrested, my brother
knew of my imprisonment, which so embittered him
that, had not the love of his country (in which, as in
the state, he had a vested interest) been so deeply
rooted in his heart, he would have waged so terrible a
war (for which he was possessed of the material, having
then a very fine army) that the people would have borne
the consequences of their prince's resentment. But,
being restrained by the force of this natural affection,
he merely wrote to the queen my mother to say that
if I was treated in this fashion it would drive him to
the last extremity of desperation.
She, fearing that the rigours of war might be brought
about without her having it in her power to avert
them, pointed out to the king how serious such a state
of things might become, and found him in the mood
to listen to her advice, his anger having calmed down
before the danger of his situation; for he was threatened
in Gascony, Dauphiné, Languedoc, and Poitou, both
by the king my husband and by the Huguenots, who
held several important positions, and by my brother
Queen of Navarre.
141
1
in Champagne, who was at the head of a large army,
composed of the bravest and most gallant of the
chivalry of France; whilst, since my brother's depar-
ture, he had never been able, either by threats, com-
mands, or entreaties, to induce anybody to take horse
to go against him-all the French princes and lords
very wisely dreading to get their fingers pinched
between two stones.2
Everything considered, therefore, the king was dis-
posed to lend an ear to the queen my mother's remon-
strances, and he became as anxious as she was to make
peace, begging her to take the matter in hand and to
bring it about. She arranged at once to repair to my
brother, and pointed out to the king that it would
be advisable that she should take me with her. To
this, however, the king would not consent, regarding
me as too valuable a hostage. She therefore took
her departure alone, and without telling me anything
about it.
When my brother found that she had not brought
me with her, he manifested his just displeasure
thereat, as also at the insults and ill-treatment he had
received at court-added to which there was now the
affront which had been offered me by my arrest, and
the cruelty with which it had been purposed to treat
Torigny, with the object of distressing me-declaring
that he would not listen to any overtures of peace
until the wrong which had been done me had been
redressed, and he knew that I was once more contented
and at liberty.
1 The king.
2 ‹‹
Redoutans sagement de mettre le doigt entre deux pierres."-
Memoirs, 1st edition, p. 143.
142
Marguerite de Valois,
The queen my mother having received this reply,
returned, and informed the king of what my brother
had said, and added that it would be necessary, if
the king desired to make peace, that she should go
back again, but that if she went without me her
journey would be utterly useless, and would increase
the evil instead of diminishing it. Furthermore, that if
she took me with her without having previously con-
ciliated me, I should do his cause more harm than
good, and that she might even have some difficulty in
persuading me to return, and in preventing me from
wishing to go and rejoin my husband; that it would
be advisable, therefore, to remove the guards from
me, and to endeavour to make me forget the treat-
ment I had received.
The king agreed to this, and became as much in
favour of it as she was. She sent for me immediately,
and informed me that she had at length succeeded in
setting matters upon a more peaceful footing; that
she knew that my brother and I had ever desired the
welfare of the state, and that a peace could now be
arranged upon such advantageous terms for my brother
that he would have every reason to be satisfied,
and would be out of reach of the tyranny of Du
Guast, or any other such malignant creature who
might influence the king; and that, in helping her to
bring about a friendly understanding between the king
and my brother, I should be relieving her of a terrible
anxiety, for she was now so placed that she could not
hear without extreme distress of the victory of either
of her sons. She begged, therefore, that I would
not allow the affront I had received to inspire me
with sentiments of vengeance rather than with a desire
Queen of Navarre.
143
for peace, telling me that the king was much grieved
about it, that she had even seen him shed tears on
this account, and that he was prepared to make me
such reparation as should content me. I replied that
I should never prefer my own individual welfare either
to that of my brothers or the state, for the quiet and
prosperity of which I would willingly sacrifice myself;
that I desired nothing so much as a satisfactory peace,
and that I would contribute towards it by every means
in my power.
At this juncture the king came into her closet, and
endeavoured to conciliate me and to invite me to his
friendship with an infinity of fine phrases, seeing that
neither my manner nor my words betrayed any signs
of resentment at the treatment I had received. This
proceeded rather from contempt for it than from any
desire to please him, for I had passed the time of my
imprisonment in reading, in which I began then to
take delight, being beholden for this advantage less
to fortune than to divine Providence, who from this
time forth provided me with this excellent remedy
for the alleviation of those troubles which were in
store for me. The study of that grand book of
universal nature in which so many of the Creator's
wonderful works are revealed, proved, likewise, a
means of leading me to devotion, for every well-re-
gulated mind using such knowledge as a ladder, of
which God Himself is the last and loftiest extreme,
must turn with ecstasy to the adoration of the marvel-
lous glory and majesty of that incomprehensible Being;
and having thus established an uninterrupted com-
munication with Him, will delight in nothing so much
as in following this chain of Homer, this delectable
144
Marguerite de Valois,
encyclopædia, which has its origin in God Himself, the
beginning and ending of all things. Then again,
sadness, unlike joy, which does not allow us to reflect
upon our actions, awakens the soul within us, which
straightway summons all its energies to cast off evil
and cling to good, and after due care and forethought,
turns to this sovereign remedy, wherein tranquillity
will assuredly be found, and which engenders a mood
highly favourable to the knowledge and love of God.
I am indebted to the sadness and solitude of my first
captivity for these two blessings: the love of study
and the practice of devotion, which I should never
have enjoyed in the midst of the pomps and vanities
of my prosperous days.
The king, as I have said, perceiving in me no signs
of resentment, informed me that the queen my mother
was going to seek my brother in Champagne, in order
to arrange a peace, and that he begged that I would
accompany her, and lend her all the assistance in my
power, as he knew that my brother placed more
reliance in me than in anybody else, and that he
should give me the credit of any advantage that might
accrue from this, and remain gratefully obliged to me
for it.
I promised him that I would do this, it being for
my brother's welfare and for that of the state to em-
ploy myself in such a manner as should afford him
satisfaction. The queen my mother then departed, and
I with her, bound for Sens, as the conference was to
take place at the house of a gentleman who lived
about a league from that town. Next day we repaired
to where the conference was held. My brother
attended it, accompanied by a few of his soldiers,
Queen of Navarre.
145
and by the principal lords and Catholic princes of his
army, amongst whom were Duke Casimir and Colonel
Poux, who had contributed six thousand Reiters,
through the influence of those of "the religion" who
had been induced by the king my husband to unite
with my brother.
The conditions of peace were here discussed for
several days, a good many disputes arising respecting
some of the articles, chiefly those that concerned the
Huguenots, to whom more advantageous terms were
conceded than had been originally intended, as has
been apparent since. Finally, in order to obtain
peace, the queen my mother persuaded my brother
to send back the Reiters, and to withdraw from those
whom he was no less desirous of separating himself
from, as he had always been a thoroughly good
Catholic, and had only made use of the Huguenots
through necessity.
On the occasion of this peace a provision was made
for
my brother in accordance with his station, in which
arrangement he was anxious that I should be included,
and that I should demand the assignment of my
marriage-portion in lands-Monsieur de Beauvais, who
was counsel for his side, laying great stress upon this
point. The queen my mother, however, begged me
not to consent to this, saying that she could assure
me I should obtain of the king whatever I asked, in
consequence of which I requested them not to include
me in the arrangement, saying that I preferred to
owe what I might receive from the king and the
queen my mother to their goodwill alone, believing
that it would be thus the more permanently assured
to me. As soon as peace was concluded, and the
L
146
Marguerite de Valois,
conditions set down upon either side, and when the
queen my mother was about to return, I received
letters from the king my husband by which he made
known to me that he desired very much to see me,
and begged me, as soon as I saw that peace was
established, to ask for leave to go and rejoin him.
I entreated the queen my mother to allow me to
do this. She would not hear of it, however, and
employed every kind of persuasion to endeavour to
turn me from it, telling me that when, after Saint
Bartholomew, I had refused to agree to her proposal
for a separation, she had approved of my resolution
because the king my husband had become a Catholic,
but that as he had now abjured the Catholic faith
and turned Huguenot, she could not permit me to go
to him. Then, perceiving that I still strove to obtain
permission, she declared, with tears in her eyes, that
if I did not return with her I should be the ruin of
her; that the king would imagine that she had in-
duced me to join my husband; that she had promised
him that she would bring me back with her, and that
she would arrange that I should only remain at court
until my brother arrived-who was coming very soon
-after which she would immediately obtain permis-
sion for me to depart.
We set forth on our return to Paris, where we
sought the king's presence. He received us with
much satisfaction on account of the peace, although
he was not overpleased with the favourable terms
that had been granted to the Huguenots, and he
began to deliberate as to what excuse could be found—
immediately after my brother's return to court-for
recommencing the war against them, in order that

Henry 111
Roy de France.
Queen of Navarre.
147
they might not profit by the advantages which had
only been obtained by force and conceded with reluc-
tance, with the sole object of separating my brother
from them. This last remained away for a month or
two longer, to arrange about the sending back of
the Reiters and to disband the rest of his army, after
which he arrived at court with all the Catholic nobles
who had been acting with him.
2
The king received him with all honour, and seemed
much pleased at seeing him again, and gave a gracious
welcome to Bussi likewise, who arrived in my brother's
suite, for Le Guast was by this time dead,' having
been killed by a judgment of God as he was follow-
ing a cure, his body having been undermined by every
sort of abomination, and given over to the corruption
which erelong overtook it, when his soul became the
prey of the demons to whom he had done homage by
magic and by all kinds of wickedness. This instru-
ment of hatred and dissension being removed from
the world, and the king's mind wholly set upon the
destruction of the Huguenots, and the desire to be
assisted in this by my brother, so that he and they
might become for ever irreconcilable, and as the king
wished, for these reasons, to prevent me from joining
the king my husband, he bestowed all sorts of atten-
tions and caresses upon us both, in order that we
might be contented to remain at court.
1
Du Guast was assassinated by the Baron de Viteaux, at Mar-
guerite's instigation. See Introduction, p. 14.
"Comme aussi c'estoit un corps gasté de toutes sortes de
vilainies, qui fut donné à la pourriture qui dés long temps le posse-
doit, et son ame aux Dæmons, à qui il avoit fait hommage par
magie et toutes sortes de meschancetez."-Memoirs, 1st edition,
P. 155.
148
Marguerite de Valois,
Just at this time Monsieur de Duras arrived, having
been despatched by the king my husband to demand
me. I earnestly importuned the king to allow me to
go, there being now no reason for his refusing me.
He replied (whilst endeavouring to make it appear that
it was his affection for me and the knowledge of what
an ornament I was to the court which made him
desire to delay my departure as long as possible) that
it was his intention to escort me as far as Poitiers,
and he sent Monsieur de Duras back with this pro-
mise.
The king delayed his departure from Paris for
several days, so that everything might be ready for
the declaration of war which he had planned against
the Huguenots—and, as a consequence, against the
king my husband-before he openly refused me per-
mission to go. In order that a pretext might be found
for commencing hostilities, a rumour was set afloat
to the effect that the Catholics were complaining
of the favourable conditions which had been accorded
to the Huguenots at the Peace of Sens.
This grumbling and disaffection on the part of the
Catholics increased to such an extent that they ended
by forming deputations at court, in the provinces
and the country towns, enrolling themselves, signing
their names, and making a great stir, and pretending,
with the tacit consent of the king, that they were
about to elect Monsieur de Guise as their chief.
Nothing else was talked of at court from Paris to
Blois, where the king had called a convocation of the
Estates, during the sitting of which he summoned my
brother to his closet, together with the queen my
mother and some few of the gentlemen of his
Queen of Navarre.
149
council. He pointed out to them of what impor-
tance to his realm and authority this league was which
the Catholics were beginning to form, particularly if
they went to the length of appointing leaders, and
elected them from the House of Guise. That to
them (meaning to my brother and himself) was due
this state of affairs, of which the Catholics had good
reason to complain, rather than to anyone else; that
his duty and his conscience alike constrained him
to displease the Huguenots rather than the Catholics,
and that he begged and prayed my brother, like the
son of France and good Catholic that he was, to
advise and assist him in this matter, wherein there
lurked peril both to his crown and to the Catholic
faith. He added, furthermore, that it seemed to him
that the only way of arresting this dangerous com-
bination, would be for him to place himself at the
head of it, and that, to show his zeal for his religion
and prevent the election of any other leader, he ought
to be the first to sign the league as chief, and to
compel my brother and all the princes, nobles, gover-
nors, and other personages having authority in his
realm, to do the same. My brother could do no
less than offer him the service due to his majesty and
to the preservation of the Catholic religion. The
king having thus obtained the assurance of my
brother's support, which was the chief object of
the invention of this league, sent at once to sum-
mon all the princes and lords of his court, ordered
the roll of the said league to be brought to him,
affixed his signature to it as chief, and obliged my
brother and all those who had not yet signed it to
follow his example.
150
Marguerite de Valois,
Next day they opened parliament, after having
taken counsel with my Lords Bishop of Lyons,
Ambrun, and Vienne, and with other prelates who
happened to be at court, who persuaded the king
that, after the oath he had taken at his consecration,
no promise which he might have made to the heretics
could be regarded as binding, the aforesaid oath
absolving him from all those that he might have made
to the Huguenots.
This having been pronounced at the opening of
parliament, and war declared forthwith against the
Protestants, the king dismissed Genissac the Hugue-
not, who had arrived a few days previously from
the king my husband to accelerate my departure,
with harsh and threatening words, telling him that
he had given his sister to a Catholic and not to a
Huguenot, and that if the king my husband desired
my presence he had better turn Catholic again.
All sorts of warlike preparations were set on foot,
nothing but war was talked of at court, and in order that
the breach between my brother and the Huguenots
might be rendered the more irreparable, the king gave
him the command of one of his armies. Genissac
having sought me to tell me of his rude dismissal, I
went straight to the closet of the queen my mother,
where the king was, to complain of how he had hither-
to deceived me, by always preventing me from joining
the king my husband, and by making a pretence of
leaving Paris to conduct me as far as Poitiers, only
to bring about a contrary result. I pointed out
to him that I had not married for my own pleasure
or at my own desire; that it had been entirely at the
desire of King Charles, of the queen my mother, and
&
Queen of Navarre.
151
of himself; that since they had bestowed my husband
upon me, they could not prevent me from sharing his
fortune; that I wished to go to him, and that if they
did not allow me to do so, I should make my escape
and rejoin him as best I could, at the risk of my life.
"Now is not the time, my sister," replied the king,
to importune me about this permission. I admit
what you say, that I have procrastinated with the
object of refusing it to you altogether, for since the
King of Navarre has turned Huguenot again, I have
never thought it right that you should go to him.
What the queen my mother and I are doing is for
your good. I mean to make war upon the Huguenots
and to exterminate this miserable religion which is
doing us so much mischief, and it would be unseemly
that you, who are a Catholic and my sister, should
be in the enemy's hands in the position of a hostage
from me.
Who knows whether, in order to offer me
an irreparable insult, they may not seek to revenge
themselves upon you for the harm that I intend
them? No, no, you shall not go! and if you endea-
vour, as you say, to make your escape, bear in mind
that you will have both myself and the queen my
mother as your bitter foes, and that we shall make
you aware of our enmity by every means in our
power, so that you will thus injure your husband's
condition instead of ameliorating it."
my
I withdrew greatly annoyed at this cruel sentence,
and having sought counsel of the chief amongst
male and female friends, they represented to me
that it would be unbecoming of me to remain at a
court which was so hostile to the king my husband,
and whence war was about to be openly declared
152
Marguerite de Valois,
against him, and they advised me, whilst this war
should last, to reside outside its precincts, saying that
it would even be more consistent with my dignity
were I to find, if possible, some pretext for quitting
the kingdom, either under cover of making a pil-
grimage, or of paying a visit to some one of my
relations,
Madame la Princesse de la Roche-sur-Yon,' who
was upon the point of taking her departure for the
waters of Spa, was amongst those I had assembled
together with the object of asking their advice. My
brother likewise was present, having brought Mon-
doucet with him, who had been the king's agent in
Flanders, and who, having but recently returned from
that country, had told the king how much the Flem-
ings regretted the encroachments made by the Spaniard
upon the laws of France and upon the government
and sovereignty of Flanders, adding that several
members of the nobility and of the municipalities of
towns had charged him to make the king understand
that their hearts were entirely French, and that they
were stretching out their arms towards him in wel-
come.
It was apparent to Mondoucet that the king paid
but little heed to this information, as his mind was
entirely occupied with the Huguenots, upon whom he
was determined to vent the resentment occasioned by
their having assisted my brother. He said nothing
1
Philippe de Montespedon, widow of Charles de Bourbon,
Prince de La Roche-sur-Yon, Duc de Beaupréau, married
previously René de Montejean, Marshal of France. She was
the mother of the Marquis de Beaupréau mentioned by Mar-
guerite in the earlier pages of her Memoirs. She died 12th
April, 1578.
Queen of Navarre.
153
'
more to the king, therefore, upon the subject, but
addressed himself to my brother, who being possessed
of a truly princely nature, cared only to engage in
important enterprises, being born to conquer rather
than to retain. He was, consequently, at once capti-
vated with the notion of this undertaking,' which
was the more congenial to him because he perceived
that he would be doing no kind of injustice by
embarking in it, since he was only desirous of re-
storing to France that which had been wrested from
her by the Spaniard. For the above reasons, Mon-
doucet had entered the service of my brother, who,
upon the pretext of his escorting Madame la Princesse
de la Roche-sur-Yon to the waters of Spa, was about
to send him back to Flanders. Mondoucet perceiv-
ing that everybody was endeavouring to find some
excuse whereby I might be enabled to quit France
whilst the war lasted (some suggesting that I should
seek refuge in Savoy, in Lorraine, at Saint Claude,
or at Notre Dame de Lorette), said in a low voice.
to my brother :-
"If, sir, the Queen of Navarre could only feign
some manner of indisposition for which the waters of
Spa, whither Madame la Princesse de la Roche-sur-
Yon is going, would be beneficial, it would be ex-
tremely advantageous to you in Flanders, as she would
have an opportunity of doing you a good turn in that
country."
My brother was delighted with this idea and with
the excuse it furnished, and he at once exclaimed:
"Oh, queen, seek no longer for a pretext! You must
1
That of reconquering Flanders.
154
Marguerite de Valois,
go to the waters of Spa, whither Madame la Prin-
cesse is going. I have remarked that
I have remarked that you sometimes
have an erysipelas upon the arm; you must say that,
when the doctors formerly ordered you these waters,
it was not the season for them, but that now is the
proper time, and that you beg the king will permit
you to go to Spa."
My brother said nothing further before the assem-
bled company about the reasons which led him to
desire this, as Monsieur le Cardinal de Bourbon was
present, whom he regarded as Guise-ite and Spanish
in his sympathies.¹ I understood him, however, at
once, and guessed that he referred to the Flemish
enterprise about which Mondoucet had spoken to us
both. All the company agreed that this would be an
excellent plan, and Madame la Princesse de la Roche-
sur-Yon, who was bound for Spa, and who was very
fond of me,' was delighted at the thought of it, and
promised to accompany me there, and to go with me.
1 (6
Qu'il tenoit pour Guisart et Espagnol."-Memoirs, livre
ii., p. 168 (1st edition).
2" Faut-il voir une preuve de cette affection," asks Monsieur
Guessard ("Lettres et Mémoires de Marguerite de Valois," note
to p. 86)," dans la leçon très-sage, mais très-rude, qu'elle adressa,
en mourant, à Marguerite ?" Here is De L'Etoile's account
of it: "Deux jours avant qu'elle" (La Princesse de La Roche-
sur-Yon) "mourust, la Roine de Navarre, qui l'aimoit fort, la
fust voir, à laquelle elle dit ces mots: Madame, vous voyés ici
un bel exemple en moi que Dieu vous propose. Il faut mourir,
Madame, et laisser ce monde ici, songés-y. Il passe, et nous fait
passer à ce grand juge, devant le throsne judicial duquel il faut
tous comparoistre, et grands et petits, rois et roines. Retirés-
vous, Madame, je vous prie; car il me faut prier et songer à mon
Dieu, et vous ne me faites que ramentevoir le monde, quand je
vous regarde.' Cela disoit-elle," continues De L'Etoile, "pour ce
que la roine de Navarre estoit, comme de coustume, diaprée et
fardée, ce qu'on appelle à la cour bien accoustrée à son avantage."
-Journal de Henry III., Avril, 1578.
Queen of Navarre.
155
TA
:
when I went to speak upon the subject to the queen.
my mother, in order to persuade her to fall in with
the project.
Upon the morrow I found the queen alone, when
I made her acquainted with the trouble and distress I
experienced at the thought that the king my husband
should be engaged in a war against the king, and that
I should be absent from him, and I represented to her
that, whilst this war continued, it was neither dignified
nor becoming of me to remain at court, since by so
doing it would be impossible for me to escape one of
two evils, for that either the king my husband would
think I remained there for my own pleasure, and
that I was not behaving towards him as I ought,
or else the king would become suspicious of me,
imagining that I should be always sending information
to the king my husband, and that, as either one of
these possibilities would be very injurious to me, I
implored her to agree to my withdrawal from court
in order that I might avoid it. I reminded her that
some time ago the doctors had recommended me the
Spa waters for the erysipelas upon my arm, to which I
had been subject for so long, and that, as it was now the
proper season for them, it seemed to me that if she
would only consent to this journey, it would be very
appropriate just now, not only as a pretext for my
retirement from court, but for my leaving France, so
that I might show the king my husband that, as I was,
unable to be with him on account of the king's mis-
givings, I declined to remain at a place which was
hostile to him. I said I hoped that, by her prudence,
she would so dispose matters in time that the king
my husband should obtain peace of the king, and be
156
Marguerite de Valois,
reinstated in his good graces; that I should await this
joyful intelligence, after which I would come and take
leave of them before going to rejoin the king my
husband; and I told her that upon this journey to
Spa, Madame la Princesse de la Roche-sur-Yon, who
was then present, would do me the honour to bear me.
company. The queen approved of this arrangement,
and informed me that she was very glad I had resolved
upon it, for that the bad advice given by the bishops
when they counselled the king to ignore his engage-
ments, and to undo everything that she had pro-
mised and contracted in his name, had caused her
great annoyance for several reasons; particularly as
she perceived that this impetuous torrent of events
was overwhelming and ruining in its course some of
the best and wisest of the king's servants and coun-
sellors (for he had dismissed four or five of the
trustiest and most important of them); but she said
that what had troubled her most in all this was the
knowledge of what I had represented to her, namely,
that if I remained at court I could not escape one
of two evils, since either the king my husband
would take umbrage at it, and bear me illwill in conse-
quence, or else the king would look upon me with
suspicion, fancying that I should give information to
the king my husband; and she promised, therefore,
that she would persuade the king to consent to my
journey.
This she did, and the king spoke to me upon the
subject without displaying any signs of anger, being
only too pleased at having been able to prevent me
from joining the king my husband, whom he hated,
at this time, more than anything in the world; and he
Queen of Navarre.
157
:
ordered that a messenger should be at once despatched
to Dom John of Austria,¹ who governed for the King
of Spain in Flanders, to beg him to furnish me with
the
passports which were necessary to enable me to
enter without hindrance the countries over which he
had dominion, as I should have to pass through
¹ Natural son of the Emperor Charles V., born at Ratisbon,
February 24, 1547. His mother was said to have been
Barbara Blomberg, daughter of a noble family of that place,
although Sir William Stirling-Maxwell says that the historian.
Strada was told by Cardinal da la Cueva that "he had himself
heard from the lips of the Infanta Archduchess Isabella, the
favourite daughter and confidant of Philip II., that her famous
uncle was the son, not of his reputed mother, but of a lady of
princely degree." The emperor desired that his son, whose
birth was at first kept secret, should "take the habit of some
order of reformed friars," but did not wish " any pressure or
force to be employed towards him." At his death he committed
him to the care of his legitimate successor, Philip II., who, at his
first meeting with him, embraced him with affection and said,
"Charles the Fifth, my lord and father, was also yours;" then,
turning to his attendants, he said, "Know and honour this
youth as the natural son of the emperor and the brother of the
king." The Venetian envoy, Lippomano, described him in
the year 1575 as of "middle stature, well made, of a most
beautiful countenance, and admirable grace, . . . wearing little
beard, large fair moustaches, and his hair long and turned
upwards, which became him greatly," and as
dressing so sump-
tuously and delicately that it was a marvel to see.” De Tassis,
one of his state council, records that "Nature had endowed him
with a cast of countenance so gay and pleasing that there was
hardly anyone whose goodwill and love he did not immediately
win." ("Comment. de Tumultibus Belgicis sui temporis," lib. iv.,
in the "Analecta Belgica," Hage Comitum, 1743, 3 vols. 4to.,
ii., p. ii., p. 326, and "Don John of Austria," by Sir William
Stirling-Maxwell.) Saint Real alludes to him, in his "Histoire
de Dom Carlos," as "le Prince de l'Europe le plus beau et le
mieux fait." His brilliant career terminated prematurely October
1, 1578, when he was only in his thirty-second year. He was
said to have died of a pestilence which was raging at his camp
near Namur, but it was suspected that he had been poisoned by
order of the brother he had so faithfully served, but whose
former affection had turned to jealousy and mistrust.
(C
".
158
Marguerite de Valois,
Flanders before I could reach Spa, which is situated
in the bishopric of Liege.
1
This having been settled, we all dispersed in different
directions in the course of a few days (days which
were employed by my brother in instructing me in the
services he required of me relative to his Flemish
undertaking); the king and the queen my mother
repairing to Poitiers, so as to be nearer to Monsieur
de Mayenne's army, which was besieging Broüage,¹
and which was about to proceed thence into Gascony
to make war upon the king my husband; my brother
departing with the other army, of which he had the
command, to besiege Issoire and the other towns.
which he took at about this time; and I, taking
my way into Flanders, accompanied by Madame la
Princesse de la Roche-sur-Yon, Madame de Tournon,2
my lady of honour, Madame de Moüy de Picardie,³
Madame la Castelaine de Millon, Mademoiselle
d'Attrie, Mademoiselle de Tournon,5 and seven or
eight other young ladies, and, in respect to men, by
Monsieur le Cardinal de Lenoncourt, Monsieur the
1 Broüage surrendered to the Duke of Mayenne, August 20,
1577, after a siege of nearly five months.
2 Claudine de la Tour-Turenne, wife of Justus II., Seigneur
de Tournon, Comte de Roussillon.
3
³ Catherine de Susannes, Comtesse de Cerny, wife of Charles,
Marquis de Mouy.
Anne d'Aquaviva, daughter of Jean-François, Duc d'Atri, in
the kingdom of Naples. She afterwards married the Comte de
Chateauvilain.-Castelnau, t. i., p. 327.
5 Hélène de Tournon, daughter of Justus II., Seigneur de
Tournon, and of Claudine de la Tour-Turenne.
6 Philippe de Lenoncourt, who was styled at Rome "the
handsome French chevalier," Bishop of Auxerre in 1560.
Created a cardinal in 1585.
Queen of Navarre.
159
2
Bishop of Langres,¹ Monsieur de Moüy, Seigneur
de Picardie (now father-in-law to one of Queen
Louise's brothers, called the Comte de Chaligny ³), my
first groom of the chambers, my first equerries, and
several other gentlemen of my household.
This sprightly company made such a favourable
impression upon the foreigners who foregathered with
it, that their admiration for France was thereby
greatly increased.
I journeyed in a litter fashioned with pillars,
lined inside with rose-coloured Spanish velvet, em-
broidered in gold, and having shot-silk hangings
ornamented with sundry devices. The sides were of
glass, each pane of which was covered with designs,
so that there were as many as forty different ones
altogether, which had mottoes in Spanish and Italian
concerning the influences of the sun." This was fol-
lowed by the litter of Madame de la Roche-sur-Yon;
by that of Madame de Tournon, my lady-in-waiting;
by ten young ladies on horseback accompanied by their
governess, and by six coaches, or chariots, containing
¹ Charles d'Escars, celebrated for his eloquence, and for the
speeches he delivered before the Polish ambassadors at Metz,
and before Henry III. on his return from Poland.
* Charles, Marquis de Mouy, Hereditary Keeper of Beauvais.
3 Henri de Lorraine, Comte de Chaligny, grandson of Antoine,
Duc de Lorraine, and brother of Louise of Lorraine, the wife of
Henry III.
CC
• "Ces quarante devises et leur explication," remarks Ste.
Beuve, étaient, dans les villes où l'on passait, une occasion
toujours nouvelle de conversation galante. A travers cela,
Marguerite, dans sa fleur alors épanouie de vingt-quatre ans,
allait gagnant les cœurs, séduisant les gouverneurs de citadelles,
et ménageant d'utiles perfidies."-Causeries du Lundi, 3rd edition,
p. 193.
160
Marguerite de Valois,
the remainder of the ladies and women in attendance
upon the princess and myself.
I passed thus through Picardy, where the king had
given orders that all the towns should receive me in
a manner worthy of one who had the honour of
being so nearly related to himself, so that I was
treated with all the consideration I could possibly
have desired.
Upon arriving at Castelet, a fortress situated three
leagues from the frontier of Cambresis, the Bishop of
Cambray (Cambray being then church property, and
only acknowledging the King of Spain as protector)
sent a gentleman to me to know at what hour I in-
tended leaving, in order that he might come and meet
me at the entrance to his territory.
Here I found him, very well attended by persons
having the dress and appearance of real Flemings, who
in this department are extremely sturdy and thickset."
The bishop was a scion of the house of Barlemont,
one of the most distinguished families in Flanders, but
which was Spanish at heart, as was proved by its
having been amongst those that had lent the most
valuable assistance to Dom John. He did not fail,
however, to receive us with high honour, notwith-
standing that he acted in accordance with the Spanish
ceremonial.
I found this town of Cambray much pleasanter than
our own French towns, because, although it is not built
1
"Ou je le trouvay très-bien accompagné de gens qui avoient
les habits et l'apparence de vrais Flaments, comme ils sont fort
grossiers en ce quartier-là.”—Memoirs, p. 177. "Ce mot 'gros-
sier'" (says Mongez) "n'etoit pas une injure, et n'exprimoit que
la hauteur et l'epaisseur du corps."-Mongez, note to p. 166.
He quotes Menage and Furetière in support of this assertion.
Queen of Navarre.
161
of such good material as they are, the streets and squares
are so much better planned and proportioned, whilst the
churches, in common with those of all our own towns,
are very spacious and beautiful. The building which
I regarded as the most worthy of notice and admira-
tion in the town, was the citadel, one of the finest and
best constructed in Christendom, as the Spaniards have
discovered since then, whilst it was under the command
of my brother. A worthy man named Monsieur
d'Ainsi¹ was governor of it at this time, who in grace,
good looks, and in all the fine qualities necessary to the
making of a finished gentleman, could hold his own by
the side of our most accomplished courtiers, being pos-
sessed of no share of that ingrained rusticity which
seems to be natural to the Flemings. The bishop
entertained us with a banquet, and, after supper, with
a ball, at which he requested the attendance of all the
ladies of the town. As he did not appear at it him-
self, however, having retired immediately after supper,
being, as I have already said, of a formal and punctilious
disposition, after the manner of the Spaniards, and as
Monsieur d'Ainsi was the most distinguished of the
company, he left him to entertain me during the ball,
and to escort me, afterwards, to a collation of sweet-
meats, imprudently, as I consider, seeing that he had
charge of the citadel. I can speak from experience
upon this point, having learnt, to my cost, more than
I desired to know as to how a stronghold ought to be
guarded.2
1 Bauduin de Gavre, Sieur d'Inchy.-Hist. de Cambray, t. i.,
P. 181.
2 "Cette observation," remarks Monsieur Guessard, "est
d'une rare modestie. Marguerite savait à merveille comme il se
faut comporter pour garder une place forte, et même pour la
M
162
Marguerite de Valois,
The remembrance of my brother was ever present
to my mind, as I cared for him more than I did
for anybody else, and I bethought me now of his
instructions, and perceiving what a favourable oppor-
tunity presented itself for doing him good service
with regard to his Flemish enterprise-this town of
Cambray, with its citadel, being as it were the key of
Flanders-I did not allow it to escape me, but made
use of all the wits with which God had endowed
me to render Monsieur d'Ainsi friendly towards
France, and towards my brother in particular.
God vouchsafed that I should be so successful in
this, and that he should take so much pleasure in my
conversation, that after considering how he could best
see as much of me as possible, he arranged to bear me
company as long as I remained in Flanders, with
which object he asked permission of his master to go
with me as far as Namur, where Dom John of
Austria was awaiting me, saying that he desired to
witness the splendour of my reception, which per-
mission this Spanishified Fleming' was ill-advised
enough to grant him.
During the course of this journey, which lasted ten
or twelve days, he conversed with me as often as he
could, showing openly that his sympathies were
entirely French, and that he was only longing for the
day when he might have so gallant a prince as my
brother for lord and master, and appearing to hold of no
prendre. La manière dont elle s'empara du château d'Usson, et
dont elle s'y maintint pendant dix-neuf ans, fait beaucoup
d'honneur à son habileté."-Lettres et Mémoires de Marguerite de
Valois, note to p. 92.
1 Ce Flament Espagnolisé."-Memoirs, p. 28o. «Spaniar-
dized-Fleming" is Sir William Stirling-Maxwell's rendering of
this phrase.
Queen of Navarre.
163
3
account the governorship and dominion of his bishop,
who, in spite of being his ruler, was merely a gentle-
man like himself, although far inferior to him in both
the graces and accomplishments of mind and body.
2
After leaving Cambray, I passed the following
night at Valenciennes, in the Flemish territory, whither
Monsieur le Comte de Lalain,¹ Monsieur de Mon-
tigny, his brother, and several other gentlemen, to
the number of two or three hundred, came to meet
me, to welcome me as I passed out of the territory of
Cambresis, to the furthest boundary of which the
Bishop of Cambray had escorted me.
Upon arriving at Valenciennes (a town which, if
inferior to Cambray in point of strength, can compare
favourably with it in respect to the decoration of its fine
squares and churches), the fountains and clocks therein,
together with other handiwork peculiar to the Ger-
mans, inspired our French folk with no small astonish-
ment, they being all unused to behold clocks which
discoursed delightful vocal music, as though there had
been as many different performers as at the pavilion
to which everybody used to go in the Faubourg Saint
Germain. Monsieur le Comte de Lalain, governor of
the town, gave a banquet to the lords and gentlemen
of my suite, but deferred his entertainment of the
ladies until we should have arrived at Monts, where
his wife, his sister-in-law, Madame d'Aurée,³ and all the
most noble and distinguished ladies were assembled
1
Philippe, Comte de Lalain, Baron d'Escornaix, Grand-
Bailiff of Hainault.
2 Emmanuel de Lalain, Baron de Montigny, a Knight of the
Golden Fleece, married to Anne de Cröy, Marquise de Renty et
de Chièvres.
3. Diane de Dompmartin, Marquise d'Havrec, or d'Havré.
164
Marguerite de Valois,
to receive me, and whither the count with all his
following conducted me upon the morrow.
1
The Comte de Lalain called himself a relation of
the king my husband, and was a personage possessing
great authority and large means, to whom the domi-
nation of Spain had been always hateful, and from
which he had suffered much annoyance ever since the
death of the Comte d'Aigmont, to whom he was
nearly related. Notwithstanding that he had retained
his governorship without joining the league of either
the Prince of Orange or of the Huguenots-being a
thoroughly Catholic nobleman-he would never con-
sent to meet Dom John, or to allow him or any other
emissary of Spain to enter his governorship, nor had
Dom John ever ventured to compel him to do so, for
fear that the league of the Flemish Catholics (the
League of the States, as it is termed) might be driven
into a combination with that of the Prince of Orange
and the Huguenots-wisely foreseeing that this would
give him quite as much trouble, as indeed the King of
Spain's representatives have discovered since then.
Holding such opinions as these, the Comte de
Lalain could not do enough to express to me all the
pleasure he felt at my coming, and if his rightful
prince had been there, he could not have received him
with more honour or with greater demonstrations of
affection and goodwill. Upon arriving at his house
at Monts, where he invited me to sojourn, I was met
in the courtyard by the Comtesse de Lalain, his wife,
with at least eighty or a hundred ladies belonging to
2
Lamoral, Comte d'Egmont, Prince de Gavre, executed at
Brussels, by order of Philip II., 4th June, 1568.
2
Marguerite de Ligne, wife of Philippe, Comte de Lalain.
Queen of Navarre.
165
the country or to the town, by whom I was received,
not like a foreign princess, but as though I had been
their rightful liege lady.
As it is natural to Flemish ladies to be open, con-
fidential, and light-hearted, and as the Comtesse de
Lalain was possessed of this kind of disposition, and
had besides a broad and elevated mind-in which
respect she resembled your cousin no less than in her
features and demeanour-I felt assured from the first
that it would be easy for me to form an intimate
friendship with her.
When the supper hour arrived, we repaired to the
feast, which was followed by dancing, and this amuse-
ment the Comtesse de Lalain continued during the
whole of the time that I remained at Monts, which was
longer than I expected, for I had intended to have
departed upon the morrow. This amiable woman,
however, constrained me to pass a week there, which
was at first unwilling to do, fearing lest I might
inconvenience them. But it was impossible to per-
suade either her or her husband to agree to my
departure, and indeed it was only by sheer force that
I was enabled to leave at the end of eight days.
As I was living upon terms of such intimacy with
the countess, she used to be present until quite late
at my retiring for the night, and she would have
remained even longer had it not been that she was
doing a thing which is unusual with personages of
such high rank, although it betokens great kindness
of disposition. She was nursing her little son with her
own milk, in consequence of which, upon the evening
following my arrival, as she was seated next me at table
(the place where the people of this country are wont
166
Marguerite de Valois,
to converse with the greatest freedom), her mind being
entirely occupied upon my account with the further-
ance of my brother's project, and she being decked
out and all covered with jewels and embroideries,
wearing a short petticoat, after the Spanish fashion,
composed of black cloth of gold wrought over with
bands of embroidery in gold and silver braid, and a
bodice of white cloth of silver embroidered in gold,
having large diamond buttons (a dress appropriate to
the office of wet-nurse), her little son was brought to
her at the table-wrapped in swaddling-clothes all as
costly as was his nurse's attire-in order that she might
suckle him. Thereupon she set him down between us
two upon the table, and unbuttoning her dress without
more ado, offered him the breast. This, in another,
might have been accounted bad manners, but she did
it, as she did everything, with so much grace and
ingenuousness, that the approbation she elicited from
the assembled guests was only equalled by the plea-
sure her act had afforded them.¹
When the tables were cleared, dancing commenced
in the same apartment in which we had supped, it
being fine and spacious. As I found myself in the
course of the evening sitting next to the countess, I
told her that, although the gratification I then expe-
rienced equalled any I had ever felt, I almost wished
that I had never met her, because of the sorrow
which parting from her would cause me, as I was
aware that Fate would deprive us of the pleasure of
meeting again, and that I accounted it as one of
¹ Ste. Beuve refers to this as one of the "jolis tableaux
flamands" which Marguerite portrays so charmingly ("Causeries
du Lundi," 3me édition, p. 193).
1
:
Queen of Navarre.
167
the misfortunes of my life that Heaven had not
willed that she and I should have been born of
the same nationality. I said this with the object of
leading her on to converse in a manner which might
prove useful to my brother's project. She replied in
the following words :-
"This country was formerly French, which is the
reason why lawyers still plead here in that language,
and the natural affection we bore to France has not yet
died out of the hearts of most of us. As for myself,
it has filled my soul ever since I had the honour of
beholding you. There was a time when this country
was devoted to the House of Austria, but this affec-
tion was rooted out of us at the deaths of the Comte
d'Aigmont, Monsieur de Horne,¹ Monsieur de Mon-
tigny, and of the other noblemen who were then
defeated, who were our near relatives, and who
belonged for the most part to the nobility of this
country. Nothing can be more odious to us than the
rule of these Spaniards, and we wish for nothing so
much as to escape from their tyranny, but we know
not how to set about it, this country being so divided
by reason of different religions. If we had been all
thoroughly united, we should have very soon turned
out the Spaniard, but this division renders us too
weak to do so. If only it would please God to will
that your brother the King of France should desire
to reconquer the country that is his by ancient right,
we should all receive him with open arms."
1
Philippe de Montmorency, Count de Hornes, executed 1566.
Floris de Montmorency, Baron de Montigny, died 1570.
All three were Knights of the Golden Fleece, and were executed
by order of Philip II. for heading a rebellion against the authority
of Spain. Don Carlos was implicated in this rebellion.
168
Marguerite de Valois,
She said this to me spontaneously, but with the
premeditated desire of seeking from France some
remedy for their misfortunes. Seeing the way thus
prepared for what I wished, I replied :—
c
'My brother the King of France is not now
inclined to undertake foreign warfare, for the Hu-
guenot party is so strong within his realm that
it will always prevent him from engaging in any
enterprise outside of it; but my brother Monsieur
d'Alençon,¹ who can compare in valour, prudence,
and kindness with my father and brother kings, could
give his attention to this project, and would have no
less power than my brother the King of France to
bring about your deliverance. He has been bred to
the profession of arms, and is considered one of the
ablest captains of our day, being at this present in
command of the king's army against the Huguenots,
with which he has taken from them, since my depar-
ture, a very strong town called Issoire,2 together with
several others. You could not possibly appeal to a
prince whose assistance would be more valuable to
you, from his being so near a neighbour, and having
so large a kingdom as that of France at his service,
whence he can draw the money and the material
necessary for conducting the war. You may rest
assured that if he could obtain the goodwill of your
husband, that Monsieur le Comte might have what
share he pleased in his fortune, for my brother is
of an amiable disposition, never ungrateful, and
ever anxious to acknowledge a service or a favour
¹ Correctly speaking Marguerite's youngest brother was at
this time Duke of Anjou.
2 Taken the 12th June, 1577.
Queen of Navarre.
169
received. He honours and loves the gallant and the
brave, and he is, besides, at the head of all those who
are worthiest in France. I think that a treaty of
peace will soon be commenced with the Huguenots
in France, and that upon my return thither I may
find it concluded. If your husband, Monsieur le
Comte, is of the same way of thinking as you are in
this matter, and desires the same end, and if he would
like me to persuade my brother thereunto, I am cer-
tain that by such means prosperity will be assured to
this country, and to your house in particular. More-
over, if my brother established himself in this country
through your good offices, you could count upon
seeing me here very often again, our affection for each
other being more perfect than any that ever existed
before between a brother and sister.”
She listened to this overture with much satisfaction,
and told me that she had not spoken as she did at
haphazard, but that, as I had honoured her with my
affection, she had determined not to let me depart
thence without discovering to me the true state of
affairs, and begging me to provide them with some
remedy from France which should free them from
the apprehension in which they lived, of either being
plunged in perpetual warfare, or of being crushed by
the tyranny of Spain; and she begged that I would
allow her to inform her husband of our conversation,
so that they might both talk to me together upon the
subject of it on the following day, to which I readily
consented.
We passed the evening in conversation of a like
nature, and in such as was calculated to advance
my purpose, in which I noticed that she took great
170
Marguerite de Valois,
pleasure. When the dancing was over, we repaired
to hear vespers at the Church of the Canonesses¹——a
religious order which does not exist in France. It
consists entirely of young ladies, who enter it when
they are quite children, and remain in it until they
are of an age to marry, so as to render themselves
eligible for a marriage-portion. They do not sleep
in a dormitory, but lodge, after the manner of canons,
in separate houses, which are all contained in an
enclosure. In each house there are three, four, five,
or six young ladies, in charge of an old woman.
Amongst these old women there are some who are not
permitted to marry, and the abbess is not allowed to
do so either. They only wear the religious garb in
the morning, when they attend service in church, and
in the evening at vespers, and as soon as the service is
over, they quit this habit and array themselves after
the fashion of other young unmarried ladies, going
about freely to balls and entertainments like other
people, in consequence of which they have to dress
four times a day. They came every day to the banquet
and to the ball, at which they used generally to dance.
2
The Comtesse de Lalain lost no time when night
came in informing her husband of the good beginning
she had made with respect to their affairs, and she
brought him to me upon the morrow, when he made
me a long speech explanatory of his many just reasons
for desiring to emancipate himself from the tyranny
of the Spaniard, in which he did not consider that he
1 Monsieur Guessard, who follows the original manuscript,
adds here " appelée Sainte-Vaudrud," but the name of the
church is not given in the first published edition of the Memoirs.
2 The younger ladies.
Queen of Navarre.
171
was conspiring against his natural prince, seeing that
the sovereignty of Flanders belonged by rights to the
King of France. He laid before me the means
possible for establishing my brother in Flanders-
the whole of Hainault, which stretches very nearly as
far as Brussels, being entirely devoted to him. Cam-
bresis, lying between Flanders and Hainault, was the
only place about which he was doubtful, and he said
that it would be well for me to gain over Monsieur
d'Ainsi. I begged, however, that he would himself
work to this end, as, seeing that he was his neighbour
and friend, he would be able to do so better than I
could.
Having thus assured him that he could count upon
my brother's friendship and goodwill, and that he
would have the share-both in his fortune, dignity,
and authority that so signal a service rendered by
one of his quality would merit, we decided that,
upon my return, I should stop at my residence of
La Fère, where my brother should join me, and that
Monsieur de Montigny, brother of the aforesaid
Comte de Lalain, should then come and treat with
him upon this matter.
During the remainder of my stay I continued to
strengthen and confirm the count in this resolution,
which his wife regarded with no less favour than I did.
When the day came upon which I was compelled
to quit this pleasant society of Monts, it was not
without mutual regrets upon the part of the Flemish
ladies and myself, and, above all, upon that of the
Comtesse de Lalain, by reason of the fast friendship
she had sworn me, and she made me promise that I
would pass that way again upon my return journey.
172
Marguerite de Valois,
I presented her with a casket of jewels, and her
husband with a chain and pendant enriched with pre-
cious stones, which was accounted of great value, and
which was still further esteemed by them as coming
from one they loved as they did me.
All the ladies remained at Monts except Madame
d'Aurec, who accompanied me to Namur, where I
slept upon the following evening. Both her husband
and her brother-in-law, Monsieur le Duc d'Arscot,¹
were at Namur, having resided there ever since
peace was concluded between the King of Spain and
the Flemish States; for, although they both belonged
to the States' party, the Duc d'Arscot had been
formerly one of the most gallant of King Philip's
courtiers-at the time when he had held his court
in Flanders and in England-and one who had always
affected the society of great personages.
The Comte de Lalain, with all the other noblemen,
escorted me as far as he could-a good two leagues
beyond the confines of his governorship, and until
Dom John's troop was visible in the distance. Then
he took his leave of me, because, as I have already
said, he and Dom John had agreed not to meet.
Monsieur d'Ainsi alone remained with me, as his
master, the Bishop of Cambray, belonged to the
Spanish party.
When this gallant company had turned their horses
homewards, I came, after proceeding a short distance,
upon Dom John of Austria, attended by a large staff,
but by only some twenty or thirty horsemen besides.
Amongst these were the Duc d'Arscot, Monsieur
1
Philippe III., Sire de Cröy, Duc d'Arschot, Prince de
Chimay, born 1526, died 1595.
Queen of Navarre.
173
2
d'Aurec,' the Marquis de Varembon, and young
Balençon³—the governor for the King of Spain of the
county of Burgundy-who, worthy and gallant
gentlemen, had travelled post-haste in order to meet
me here as I passed by.
None of Dom John's followers were of any parti-
cular name or mark, with the exception of one
Ludovic de Gonzague,* who called himself a relation
of the Duke of Mantua. The rest were all small
gentry, of mean appearance, none of the Flemish
nobility being amongst them.
Dom John alighted from his horse so as to salute
me in my litter, which was hoisted up and thrown
open. I saluted him, the Duc d'Arscot, and Monsieur
d'Aurec, after the French fashion.5
After a few amiable speeches, he remounted his
horse, but continued to converse with me until we
came to the town, which we were unable to reach
until nightfall, owing to the fact that the ladies of
Monts had not permitted me to depart until the last
¹ Charles-Philippe de Cröy, Marquis d'Havrec, son of the
Duc d'Arschot.
¹ Marc de Rye, Marquis de Varembon, who was afterwards a
Knight of the Golden Fleece and Governor-General of Artois.
Philibert de Rye, Comte de Varaix and Baron de Balançon.
4 Monsieur Guessard thinks that this must be "Ludovic de
Gonzague, surnommé le Rodomont,' Seigneur de Sabionetta."
Here is Sir William Stirling-Maxwell's account of this inter-
view : " Dismounting from his horse, the governor was soon
bowing by the side of Margaret's litter, glorious, in the July light,
with its gilded pillars, crimson hangings, and glasses painted with.
forty different solar emblems, with their mottoes in Italian and
Spanish. From one of these windows the queen's smooth white
cheek was offered to his salute, an honour likewise accorded to
the Duke of Aerschot and the Marquess of Havrech."-Don John
of Austria, vol. ii., chap. vi., p. 237.
174
Marguerite de Valois,
moment, and that they had likewise spent more than
an hour in examining my litter, taking great delight
in hearing all about the different devices.
Everything at Namur was so admirably ordered,
however the Spaniards being excellent managers in
this respect that the town, with all its windows
and shops, seemed as though illuminated by a second
day.
Upon this first evening of our arrival, Dom John
-thinking that, after so long a day, it would be better
not to put us to the fatigue of attending a banquet-
arranged that I and my people should be served with
refreshments in our apartments and lodgings.
The house which he had provided for me had been
specially arranged for my reception. A fine large
saloon had been contrived, with a suite of apartments
consisting of bedrooms and dressing-rooms, the whole
of which was furnished with the most beautiful,
costly, and superb hangings that I think I have
ever seen, entirely composed of velvet or satin
tapestry, wrought over with representations of thick
pillars in cloth of silver, covered with embroi-
deries in rich cordings and quiltings of gold in the
highest and most beautiful relief that it was possible
to behold, whilst, in the midst of these columns,
sundry great personages were depicted, dressed after
the manner of the antique, and wrought in the same
kind of needlework.
Monsieur le Cardinal de Lenoncourt, who possessed
a critical and refined taste, and who had struck up a
friendship with the Duc d'Arscot-a fine gallant old
courtier, as I have already said, and decidedly the
flower of Dom John's flock-was one day examining
Queen of Navarre.
175
these magnificent hangings in my apartment, when
he remarked to the duke :-
"It seems to me that these tapestries ought rather
to belong to some great king than to a young bachelor
prince like Dom John."
To which the Duc d'Arscot replied :-
re
"They were, indeed, acquired wholly by chance,
and are not the outcome of either prudence or ex-
travagance, the stuffs having been sent him by a
Pasha of the Grand Signor, whose children he took
prisoners in the signal victory which he gained over
the Turks.¹ His Highness Dom John having done
him the grace of restoring his children to him with-
out demanding any ransom, the Pasha, as a return,
made him a present of a great quantity of silken
stuffs wrought over in gold and silver, which he
received when he was at Milan, where such things
can be arranged to the best advantage.
"He had them made up into the furniture that
you see before you, and so as to be reminded of the
glorious manner in which he had acquired them, he
caused the bed and tester that are in the queen's
1
These were the two sons of Ali Pasha, commander-in-chief
of the Turkish fleet, who, with their tutor, fell into the hands of
the conqueror at the battle of Lepanto. Mahomet, the elder of
the boys, died during the following winter (1571-72) at Naples,
whilst Saïd, the younger, was sent to Rome by order of the King
of Spain, and placed under priestly care with a view to his con-
version. Don John finally restored him to liberty without ransom,
and generously presented him with a gold chain worth six hundred
crowns, some fine horses, and various stores for his return journey.
Fatima, the sister of the captives, sent over a whole shipload of
valuable presents in order to conciliate their noble conqueror,
but these are said to have been declined by Don John. It would
seem, however, from these Memoirs, that he must have retained
some of them.
176
Marguerite de Valois,
room, and upon which modern battles are depicted, to
be embroidered with a representation of the splendid
victory he had obtained over the Turks."
Upon the following morning, Dom John settled that
we should go and hear mass performed after the Spanish
fashion, with an accompaniment of violins and cornets;
whence we afterwards proceeded to a sumptuous
repast spread in the large saloon, where he and I
dined apart at a separate table, at which Dom John
had his wine served to him by Ludovic de Gonzague
on bended knee. The table prepared for the lords
and ladies was about three paces from ours, at which
Madame d'Aurec presided and did the honours for
Dom John.
When the tables were cleared, dancing commenced,
which lasted during the whole of the afternoon.
The evening was passed after the same fashion, Dom
John continuing to devote himself to me, telling me
frequently that he observed a strong resemblance
between me and the queen his "Signora," by which
he meant my sister the late Queen of Spain, whom
he had greatly honoured, and showing by his respect
and courtesy towards me and my suite the extreme
pleasure he experienced at seeing me there."
1
1 Elizabeth, or "Isabel," daughter of Henry II. and third wife
of Philip II. of Spain, born 1545, died 3rd October, 1568.
This was not the first time that the conqueror of Lepanto
had looked upon the Queen of Navarre. During the preceding
year he had passed through France on his way from Milan
into Flanders, and had appeared at court at one of those
'masques" in which the queen-mother delighted, but to his
great regret he had been desired to assist at it incognito, and dis-
guised as a Moor. He expressed great admiration of Marguerite's
beauty, which he considered surpassed that of the Italian and
Spanish ladies. He added, however, that although "la beauté de
cette Reine fût plus divine qu'humaine, elle était plus pour
Queen of Navarre.
177
As the boats by which I had intended continuing
my way by the river Meuse could not be made ready
as soon as we expected, I was compelled to remain at
Namur for another day, the first part of which we
passed as we had done the previous one, and in the
afternoon we went upon the river on board a very
fine boat, surrounded by others filled with musicians
playing upon hautboys, cornets, and violins. We
disembarked upon an island where Dom John had
caused a banquet to be prepared in a spacious room
fashioned and decorated with ivy, round which were
smaller partitions occupied by musicians, who per-
formed upon the hautboys and other instruments
during the whole of supper-time. When the tables
were cleared, we danced for about an hour, and then
returned in the same boat, which was the one that
Dom John had had prepared for my journey.
Next morning, when I took my departure, Dom
John accompanied me on board the boat, and, after
bidding me a courteous and hearty farewell, deputed
Monsieur and Madame d'Aurec to attend me as far
as Huy, the first town in the bishopric of Liege,
where I was to sleep that night. When Dom John
had withdrawn, Monsieur d'Ainsi, who was the last
to leave the boat, bade me farewell with many regrets
and protestations of devotion to my brother and
myself, as he had not received permission from his
master to accompany me any further.
But jealous and capricious Fate, unable to contem-
plate the triumph of so much prosperity as had
hitherto attended me upon this journey, gave me two
perdre et damner les hommes que pour les sauver."-Brantôme,
Elege de Marguerite de France.
N
178
Marguerite de Valois,
sinister warnings of the troubles which were in store
for me upon my return.
The first of these came to
pass as follows.
Just as the boat was putting away from the shore,
Mademoiselle de Tournon, one of my ladies-in-
waiting, a virtuous and charming girl, of whom I
was very fond, was seized with so sudden and mys-
terious an illness, that the dreadful pain she suffered
-resulting from a spasm of the heart-caused her
to utter piercing shrieks. This pain continued with
such violence that the doctors were powerless to
alleviate it, and a few days after my arrival at Liege
Death claimed her as his own.
I will relate the sad particulars of this story in
their proper place, as they are worthy of note.
The other unfortunate event occurred upon my
arrival at Huy, a town situated upon the slope of a
mountain, down which a torrent rushed with so much
impetuosity that the river became swollen all of a
sudden, just as our boat approached, and we had
scarcely time to spring on shore and run as fast
as we could to gain the summit of the hill, before it
had risen almost to the level of the house in which I
had taken refuge, which was situated in the highest
street, and where we had to content ourselves for
that night with what the master of it had to give us,
being unable to get at the boats, or the servants, or
my clothes, or to go about in the town, which was as
though submerged in this deluge. It was delivered
from it, however, as miraculously as it had been
overwhelmed, for when daylight dawned the water
had all subsided and returned within its natural
limits.
Queen of Navarre.
179
Upon leaving Huy, Monsieur and Madame d'Aurec
returned to Namur to rejoin Dom John, whilst I
re-embarked on board my boat in order to proceed
as far as the town of Liege, where I was to pass the
night, and where the bishop,' who is its lord and
master, received me with due respect, and with every
demonstration of goodwill that it was possible for a
courteous and well-disposed person to display. He
was an exceedingly virtuous, discreet, and amiable
nobleman, speaking good French, prepossessing in
his person, honourable, generous, and very agreeable
in conversation. He had a chapter and several
canons under his direction, who were all the sons
of dukes, counts, and great German nobles; for this
bishopric, which is a Sovereign State, endowed with
large revenues and possessing a great many important
towns, is obtained by election, and in order to be
admitted to the chapter the canons have to reside
at Liege for a year, and it is also necessary that
they be of noble birth.
2
The town is larger than Lyons, which it some-
what resembles in point of situation, having the river
Meuse flowing through its midst. It is very well
built, every one of the canons' houses presenting the
appearance of a noble palace; the streets are long and
broad, the squares very fine and provided with beau-
tiful fountains. The churches are so richly decorated
with marble-which is obtained hard by-that they
appear as though they were entirely constructed of it,
1
1584.
Gerard Grosbek. He was made a cardinal in 1578; died
A plan of the town, with that of the episcopal palace, is to
be found in "Les délices des Pays-bas," t. iii., pp. 249 and 260.
180
Marguerite de Valois,
whilst the clocks are made after the German manner;
they play vocal music, have representations of different
figures, and imitate all sorts of varied instruments.
The bishop, after having received me as I disem-
barked from my boat, conducted me to the finest
of his palaces, which was of extreme magnificence,
possessing beautiful fountains, gardens, and galleries,
and so richly painted, gilt, and ornamented inside,
with marble, that nothing could have been more
splendid or delightful.
As the waters of Spa were only situated some three
or four leagues from Liege, and were in the midst of
a little village consisting of only some three or four
small houses, Madame la Princesse de la Roche-sur-
Yon was recommended by the doctors to remain at
Liege and to have the water brought to her there,
as they assured her that it would lose none of its
strength or virtue if it was conveyed by night, before
the sun had risen. I was extremely glad to hear this,
as it ensured our remaining in more commodious
quarters and in such agreeable company. For,
besides his grace (it is thus that the Bishop of Liege
is styled, just as a king is styled "his majesty," and a
prince "his highness")-the news having spread that
I should pass that way-several German lords and
ladies had arrived to pay me their respects, and
amongst others Madame la Comtesse d'Aremberg¹
(the same who had the honour of escorting Queen
Elizabeth to her nuptials at Mezieres, when she was
2
1 Marguerite de La Marck, widow of Jean de Ligne, Sovereign-
Countess d'Aremberg.
Elizabeth of Austria, who was married to King Charles IX.
in 1570.
Queen of Navarre.
181
2
married to my brother King Charles, and who con-
ducted her elder sister¹ to her husband, the King of
Spain), a woman held in the highest esteem by the
emperor and empress, and by all Christian princes.
With her came her sister, Madame la Landgrave,
her daughter, Madame d'Aremberg,³ and Monsieur
d'Aremberg, her son, a very gallant and worthy
gentleman, the living image of his father, who had
once brought assistance from Spain to my brother
King Charles, and had returned home with much
dignity and credit.
4
I should have enjoyed the society of these illustrious
and agreeable visitors far more had it not been for the
misfortune of Mademoiselle de Tournon's death, and,
as her history is very remarkable, I cannot resist
making a digression in order to relate it here.
Madame de Tournon, who was then my lady-in-
waiting, had at that time, several daughters, of whom
the eldest 5 had married Monsieur de Balançon,
Governor of the County of Burgundy for the King of
Spain. When this young lady repaired to her new
home, she begged her mother, Madame de Tournon,
to lend her her sister, Mademoiselle de Tournon, to
live with her and bear her company, in a place where
she would be so far away from all her relations.
To this her mother consented, and after she had
been there for some years, during which she increased
1
¹ Anne of Austria, married Philip II. of Spain (her uncle) as
his fourth wife.
2 Maud de La Marck, wife of Louis-Henry, Landgrave of
Leuchtemberg.
3
Anne de Cröy, wife of Charles de Ligne.
Charles de Ligne, Comte d'Aremberg, died 1616.
6 Claude de Tournon.
182
Marguerite de Valois,
in beauty and in amiability (although her greatest charm
consisted in her virtue and grace), Monsieur le Marquis
de Varambon, to whom I have already alluded, and who
was intended for the Church, living in the same house
with his brother Monsieur de Balançon, and having to
associate daily with Mademoiselle de Tournon, fell
very much in love with her, and as he was not com-
pelled to enter the Church he desired to marry her.
He broached the subject, thereupon, both to her rela-
tions and to his own. The relations upon her side.
were quite agreeable, but his brother, Monsieur de
Balançon, thinking that it would be more advantageous
that he should go into the Church, succeeded in pre-
venting the marriage, being determined that his brother
should assume the priest's robe.
Madame de Tournon, who was a very circumspect
and prudent woman, being offended at this, removed
her daughter, Mademoiselle de Tournon, from the
house of her sister Madame de Balançon, and took
her back to live with her. And seeing that she was
somewhat severe and hard, although all her actions
were highly praiseworthy-without taking into con-
sideration that her daughter was grown up, and
deserved more gentle treatment-she rated and scolded
her so continually that she caused her to be always
in tears. This, however, proceeded merely from the
natural severity of her disposition.
Mademoiselle de Tournon, who desired nothing so
much as to escape from this tyranny, was overjoyed
when she heard that I contemplated going into Flanders,
as she made sure that she would see the Marquis
de Varambon there (as indeed came to pass), and that
being now in a position to marry-for he had for ever
!
Queen of Navarre.
183
abandoned the idea of the long robe-he would ask
her hand of her mother, and that she would by this
means be delivered from her severity.
At Namur, as I have already related, the Marquis
de Varambon and his brother, young Balançon, ap-
peared upon the scene. Young Balançon, who was
not nearly so attractive as the other, spoke to Made-
moiselle de Tournon and appeared to seek her society,
whilst the Marquis de Varambon, during the whole of
the time that we were at Namur, did not appear even
to know her. Vexation, disappointment, and annoy-
ance, produced in her such bitterness of heart that,
after having made an effort in order to bear up whilst
in his presence and not to appear to mind, as soon as
he and his brother had quitted the boat upon which
they came to bid us farewell, she was so overcome
that she could only draw her breath with loud screams
and in mortal agony.
As there was no other cause for her illness, Youth
did battle with Death for some eight or ten days; but,
armed as he was with all the bitterness of anguish, he
proved in the end victorious, wresting her from her
mother and from me, who both equally lamented her
loss, for her mother, in spite of her great harshness, was
entirely devoted to her.
It was arranged that, as she was the daughter of a
noble house, besides being attached to the person of
the queen my mother, her obsequies should be con-
ducted in the most honourable manner possible, and
accordingly, when the day of her funeral arrived, four
gentlemen of my household were ordered to carry the
body. One of these chanced to be La Boëssiere, who
had loved her passionately during her lifetime without
184
Marguerite de Valois,
having ever ventured to make her an avowal, because
of the discretion he perceived in her, and of the
inequality existing in their conditions; and who
whilst bearing this lifeless burden, endured as much
anguish by reason of her death as he had suffered pre-
viously on account of his love. The melancholy
convoy proceeded after this fashion until it reached
the middle of the street which led to the principal
church.
Meanwhile, the Marquis de Varambon, the guilty
cause of this sad event, having repented him of his
cruelty some days after my departure from Namur,
and his former flame, which contact had failed to
revive, having (oh, marvellous truth!) reasserted itself
in absence, resolved to go and ask Mademoiselle de
Tournon's hand of her mother, relying probably
upon the good fortune which has ever ensured his
being beloved by all those whose favour he has sought
-as was proved only a little while ago, when he
married a very great lady' without the sanction of her
family-and making sure, as he repeated to himself
these words in Italian, "Che la forza d'amore non
risguarda al diletto," that his fault would be readily
forgiven him by his mistress. He begged Dom John,
therefore, to entrust him with some commission for
me, and, setting forth by post with all speed, arrived
just at the moment when the body of this young lady
-alike innocent and unfortunate, and radiant in all
her virgin purity-had reached the middle of the
aforesaid street.
¹ Dorothy, daughter of Francis Duke of Lorraine, and widow
of Eric Duke of Brunswick. She died, without children, in
1584.
Queen of Navarre.
185
¡
The crowd which had collected to witness the
ceremony having blocked his passage, he paused to
consider what was going on, and perceiving in the
distance a long and mournful procession, consisting
of persons all arrayed in mourning and a white sheet
covered with garlands of flowers, he inquired what it
might be. One of the townspeople made answer that
it was a funeral. Thereupon, impelled by a fatal
curiosity, he pressed forward until he came up with
those who formed the rear of the convoy, and ques-
tioned them importunately as to whose funeral it
was. Oh, fatal answer! Love, turned thus into
the avenger of thankless inconstancy, sought to sub-
ject his spirit to those same pangs of death which his
contemptuous neglect had inflicted upon the person
of his mistress !
The man he questioned replied unwittingly that it
was the funeral of Mademoiselle de Tournon. At
these words the marquis lost consciousness and fell from
his horse. He was obliged to be taken to a lodging,
where he remained as though dead, justly desiring in
this supreme moment to afford her that union by his
death which he had vouchsafed to her too late in this
life. His soul, which, as I believe, repaired to the
realms of death to seek forgiveness of her whom his
scornful indifference had banished there, left him for
some time without the slightest sign of life, and upon
its return only reanimated him in order to subject him
a second time to the pains of death, since to have
suffered them but once would not have been a suffi-
cient punishment for his ingratitude.
Finding myself, after this melancholy ceremony
was over, in the midst of a foreign society, I did not
186
Marguerite de Valois,
wish to weary its members by displaying the sadness
I experienced at the loss of this estimable girl, and so,
as I was invited, either by the bishop (styled "his
grace") or by the canons, to go to various entertain-
ments which were given at several houses and gardens
-there being many very beautiful gardens both in the
town and outside it—I attended these festivities daily,
accompanied by the bishop and by the foreign lords
and ladies I have mentioned, who were in the habit
of coming every morning to my room in order to
escort me to the garden whither I repaired to drink
the waters, for it is necessary that these should be
taken whilst walking about. And notwithstanding
that the doctor who had ordered me this cure was
none other than my brother, it did not fail to benefit
me, for I have since been for six or seven years
without suffering from the erysipelas upon my arm.
After we quitted the garden, we used to pass the rest
of the day together, dining generally at some place of
entertainment, whence, after having danced, we would
repair to hear vespers in one of the churches, whilst
the hours following upon supper were spent in the
same way at balls or water-parties, with the accom-
paniment of music.
Six weeks passed by in this manner-the time
usually devoted to drinking the waters, and which
was the limit prescribed to Madame la Princesse de
la Roche-sur-Yon.
Just as we were thinking of returning to France,
however, Madame d'Aurec arrived on her way to
rejoin her husband in Lorraine, and informed us of
all the wonderful changes which had taken place at
Namur and in the surrounding country since I had
•
e
Queen of Navarre.
187
passed through it. She told us how, upon the very
day of my departure from Namur, Dom John, having
alighted from his boat, and taken horse, upon a pretence
of proceeding to the chase, had passed close to the
entrance of the castle of Namur, which had not as yet
surrendered to him; whereupon, pretending that as he
had thus found himself in front of its gates he would
fain enter in and look at it, he had taken possession
of it forthwith, and ejected the commander who held
it in the interests of the States, thereby infringing the
conditions he had made with the members of that
association; and that, moreover, he had seized upon
the Duc d'Arscot, and upon Monsieur d'Aurec and
herself, and although, after sundry prayers and remon-
strances, he had liberated both her brother-in-law
and her husband, he had detained her until then,
as a surety for their good behaviour. The whole
country, she said, was being ravaged by fire and sword.
It was divided into three factions: that of the States,
consisting of the Flemish Catholics; that of the Prince
of Orange and of the Huguenots, which were one
and the same; and the Spanish party, having Dom
John as its chief.
Just as I was so far embarked that it seemed im-
possible that I could avoid passing through the hands
of one or other of these, a gentleman of the name
of Lescar arrived, who had been sent to me by my
brother, and who was the bearer of a letter from him
containing the following information :—
That, since my departure from court, God had
given him the grace to serve the king so faithfully in
the command of the army which had been entrusted
to him, that he had taken every town he had been
188
Marguerite de Valois,
ordered to attack, and driven all the Huguenots out
of those provinces which it was intended that his
army should subdue. That he had rejoined the court
at Poitiers, where the king was sojourning during the
siege of Broüage, in order to be nearer to Monsieur
de Mayenne, and to afford him any assistance that
he might require. That, as the court is a veritable
Proteus, which is continually assuming new forms
and becoming the scene of fresh novelties, he had
now perceived that it was entirely changed, and that
he was treated at it with no more consideration than if
he had never done anything for the king's service.
That Bussi, to whom the king had behaved with
friendliness before his departure, and who had served
his majesty in this war, both in his own person and
by means of his friends, to the extent of having even
lost a brother at the siege of Issoire, was as much
out of favour as ever, and as much persecuted, through
jealousy, as he had been in Du Guast's time, and that
every day some fresh indignity was suffered by one
or other of them. That the minions' by whom the
king was surrounded had contrived that four or five of
1 "Ce fut en 1576," says De L'Etoile, "que le nom de mignons
commença à trotter par la bouche du peuple, auquel ils estoient
fort odieux, tant pour leurs façons de faire, qui estoient badines
et hautaines, que pour leurs fards et accoustremens effeminés et
impudiques, mais surtout pour les dons immenses et liberalités
que leur faisoit le Roy. . . . Ces beaux mignons portoient leurs
cheveux ongués, frisés et refrisés par artifices, remontans par
dessus leurs petis bonnets de velours . . et leurs fraises de
chemises de toiles d'atour empezées et longues de demi-pied, de
façon qu'à voir leur teste dessus leur fraize, il sembloit que ce
fust le chef Saint Jean dans un plat. . . . Leur exercises estoient
de jouer, blasphemer, sauter, danser, volter, quereller et paillarder,
et suivre le Roy partout et en toutes compagnies, ne faire, ne dire
rien que pour lui plaire, etc."-Journal de Henry III., 1576.
Queen of Navarre.
189
the worthiest of his followers-Maugiron,¹ La Valette,²
Mauléon,³ Livarrot, and others—should quit his ser-
vice and enter that of the king. That the king
bitterly repented having allowed me to make this ex-
pedition into Flanders, and that, out of hatred to my
brother, it was being arranged that, upon my return
journey, I was to be seized, either by the Spaniards,
who had been informed that I was occupying myself
with his interests in Flanders, or by the Huguenots,
so that they might revenge themselves upon him for
the harm he had done them by making war upon
them after they had lent him their assistance.
What I have stated above afforded me plenty of
food for reflection, seeing that I should not only be
compelled to pass through one or other of these fac-
tions, but that, besides, the principal members of my
own party were either Spanish or Huguenot in their
tendencies-Monsieur le Cardinal de Lenoncourt
having been formerly suspected of favouring the Pro-
testant cause, whilst Monsieur Descarts,* a brother of
my Lord Bishop of Liege, had been in like manner
suspected of being Spanish at heart.
In the midst of all these conflicting doubts I was only
able to confide in Madame la Princesse de la Roche-
sur-Yon and in Madame de Tournon, who, realizing
our perilous position, and knowing that it would take
us five or six days to reach La Fère-during the which
we should be continually at the mercy of either one or
1
¹ Louis de Maugiron, son of Laurent de Maugiron, Baron
d'Ampuis, Lieutenant-General of Dauphiné.
2
1581.
Jean-Louis de Nogaret de La Valette, Duc d'Epernon in
3 Giraud de Mauléon, Seigneur de Gourdan, died 1593.
4
Jaques de Pérusse, Seigneur d'Escars.
190
Marguerite de Valois,
other of these parties-replied to me with tears in their
eyes, that God alone could preserve us in this hour
of danger; that I must commend myself to His
care, and then act as He should inspire me; that, as
regarded themselves, notwithstanding that one was ill
and the other old, I was not on that account to hesi-
tate about making long stages, as they would accom-
modate themselves to anything in order to save me
from this peril.
I then spoke upon the subject to the Bishop of
Liege, who behaved really like a father to me, and lent
me his grand-master and his horses to convey me as
far as I might desire. As it was necessary, however,
first to obtain a passport from the Prince of Orange,
I despatched Montdoucet to him, who, besides being
well known to him, was slightly tinged with Huguenot
opinions.
He did not return. I waited for him for two or
three days, and believe that, if I had remained there,
I might have been awaiting him still. Monsieur le
Cardinal de Lenoncourt and the Chevalier Salviati,¹
my first equerry, who both belonged to the same
faction, continued to advise me not to set forth until
I had obtained a passport, but as I saw that obstacles
were being raised only with the object of detaining
me, I resolved to depart upon the following morning.
When they found that they could no longer delay
me upon the aforesaid pretext, the Chevalier Salviati, in
league with my treasurer, who in addition, was secretly
Huguenot, persuaded this last to declare that he had
Francis Salviati, grand-master of the order of Saint Lazarus,
first counsellor and first equerry to the Queen of Navarre, and
chamberlain to the Duke of Anjou (formerly Duke of Alençon).
Queen of Navarre.
191
not sufficient money to pay what was owing to our
entertainers (a statement which was entirely false, for,
upon my arrival at La Fère, I insisted upon look-
ing at the account, when I found that, out of the sum
which had been set aside for the journey, sufficient
money remained to carry on my housekeeping for
more than six weeks), and contrived that my horses
should be prevented from starting-thus causing me to
be subjected to a public insult, over and above the risk
incurred by the delay.
Madame la Princesse de la Roche-sur-Yon,
unable to endure such an indignity, and perceiving
the danger to which I was being exposed, lent the
necessary money, at which they were utterly con-
founded; and after having presented my Lord Bishop
of Liege with a diamond worth three thousand
crowns, and his servants with either rings or gold
chains, I took my departure, and arrived at Huy with
nothing in the shape of a passport but my trust in
God.
This town, as I have already said, was in the Bishop
of Liege's territory, but it was nevertheless riotous
and disaffected (all the people of this district being in-
fected by the general rebellion of the Low Countries),
and it had ceased to recognize its bishop because he
had decided to remain neutral, whilst it had espoused
the side of the party of the States. In consequence of
this, the townsfolk paid no attention to the bishop's
grand-master who had accompanied us, but, having been
alarmed just as I arrived, by the news that Dom John
had seized upon the castle of Namur, as soon as we had
reached our apartments, they began sounding the tocsin,
dragging the artillery about the streets, and stretching
192
Marguerite de Valois,
chains across the entrance to my lodging; so that we
were prevented from communicating with one another,
in which state they left us all night, without giving us
an opportunity of speaking with them-they being all
rough and unreasoning persons of mean condition.
In the morning they permitted us to depart, after
they had lined the whole street with armed men.
From Huy we proceeded to Dinan, where we passed
the night, and where, as ill-luck would have it, the
inhabitants had elected their burgomasters, who are
equivalent to consuls in Gascony and France, that
very same day. The whole place was in a state of
carousal; everybody drunk; none of the magistrates
known to us; in short, there was a real chaos of con-
fusion, and, to make matters worse, the Bishop of
Liege's grand-master had formerly been at war with
these people, and was regarded by them as a deadly
foe. This town, when in its right mind, is upon the
side of the States, but, now that Bacchus reigned
supreme there, the people had lost all self-control,
and did not acknowledge anybody's authority. When
they perceived a train as numerous as mine was
approaching the outskirts of the town, they instantly
took fright. Leaving their glasses, they flew to arms,
and, instead of opening the gates, assembled in
tumult, and closed the barriers against us.
I had sent on a gentleman in advance, together with
the foragers and the purveyor of lodgings, to beg the
inhabitants to permit us to pass through the town,
but I found that they had all been stopped at the
barrier, where they were calling out vainly for admit-
At last I stood up in the litter, and, taking
off my mask, made a sign to one of the most important
tance.
Queen of Navarre.
193
persons in the crowd that I desired to speak to him,
when, upon his approaching me, I begged that he
would enjoin silence in order that I might be heard.
When this had been with great difficulty accom-
plished, I explained to them who I was, together with
the object of my journey, and said that, far from
desiring to do them any harm by my coming, I did
not even wish them to dream of such a thing. I then
begged them to grant admittance to me and my
women for that one night, with as few of my male
attendants as they liked, leaving the remainder of
them outside in the suburbs. To this plan they
agreed, and they granted my request.
I entered their town thus, with the most distin-
guished members of my retinue, amongst whom was
the Bishop of Liege's grand-master, who was un-
luckily recognized just as I was going into my
lodging, followed by all this armed and drunken
mob. Thereupon they commenced hurling insults at
him, and desired to set upon him, notwithstanding
that he was a venerable old man of eighty, with a
white beard reaching down to his girdle. I made him
take refuge in my lodging, against the mud walls of
which these drunkards directed a whole shower of
arquebuse shots.
Upon hearing all this disturbance, I inquired
whether the landlord of the house was within. For-
tunately he happened to be at home. I begged him,
thereupon, to go to the window, and arrange for me
to speak to some of the leading townspeople.
This he spared no pains to accomplish, and at last,
after having shouted for some time out of the windows,
the burgomasters came to speak to me, so drunk
O
1
L
194
Marguerite de Valois,
that they did not know what they were saying. I
assured them that I had had no idea that this grand-
master was obnoxious to them; represented to them
how serious it would be for them to offend a person
of my quality, who was a friend of all the principal
lords of the States, and told them that I was sure that
Monsieur le Comte de Lalain and all the other
leaders, would be much annoyed at the reception
they had given me.
At this mention of the name of Monsieur de Lalain
a change came over them, and they all evinced more
respect for him than for any of the kings to whom I
was related. The oldest amongst them inquired
of me, smiling and hesitating, whether I was
indeed a friend of Monsieur le Comte de Lalain;
to whom I replied, seeing that my relationship to
him was of more service to me than that of all the
potentates in Christendom :-
"Yes; I am his friend, and likewise his kins-
woman.'
Upon this they made obeisance to me, shook
hands with me, and became at once as courteous
as they had before been insolent, beseeching me to
excuse their conduct, and promising that they would
leave the worthy grand-master in peace, and suffer
him to depart with me.
Upon the following morning, as I was about to
proceed to mass, a man named Du Bois-the agent
whom the king¹ had placed near Dom John, and who
was extremely Spanish in his sympathies-presented
himself before me, and informed me that he had
received letters from the king charging him to
1
¹ Henry III.
Queen of Navarre.
195
conduct me safely upon my return journey; that, with
this end in view, he had begged Dom John to place
Barlemont, with a troop of cavalry, at his disposal,
to serve me as an escort, and to conduct me in safety
as far as Namur, and that I must ask the townspeople
to grant admittance to Monsieur de Barlemont, who
was one of the noblemen of the country, with his
troop, in order that he might escort me.
Now, this had been planned with a double object;
that of gaining possession of the town, and of ensuring
that I should fall into the hands of the Spaniards. I
was extremely perplexed as to what to do in this
emergency, but after confiding in Monsieur le Car-
dinal de Lenoncourt, who did not wish to fall into
the hands of the Spaniard any more than I did, we
decided that it would be advisable to find out from
the townspeople whether there was not some other
road by pursuing which I might avoid Monsieur de
Barlemont's troop.
Leaving, therefore, the little agent Du Bois, to
converse with Monsieur de Lenoncourt, I repaired to
another apartment, sent for some of the townspeople
to come thither, and told them that if they admitted
Monsieur de Barlemont's troops they would be lost,
as they would take possession of the town for Dom
John. I advised them to arm, and to hold themselves
in readiness at their gate, in the attitude of persons who
had been forewarned, and only to permit Monsieur de
Barlemont to enter alone, without any of his following.
They took my advice in good part, and, believing
what I said, offered to risk their lives in my service,
and to provide me with a guide who should conduct
me out of the town by a road which would place the
196
Marguerite de Valois,
river between me and Dom John's soldiers and leave
them so far behind that they would be unable to over-
take me; after which I was to continue my journey
only by way of such houses and towns as were upon
the side of the States. Having arrived at this deci-
sion, I sent them off to admit Monsieur de Barlemont
alone, who, as soon as he had entered the town, endea-
voured to persuade them to allow his men to come in
likewise, whereupon they turned upon him and were
upon the point of killing him, telling him that if he did
not make his troops withdraw beyond its confines,
they would open fire upon them with their artillery.
This they did in order to give me time to cross the
river before the soldiers could come up with me.
When Monsieur de Barlemont was inside the town,
he and the agent Du Bois did all they could to per-
suade me to go to Namur, where Dom John was
awaiting me. I appeared as though anxious to do
as they advised, and after having heard mass, and
partaken of a hasty dinner, I quitted my lodging
accompanied by two or three hundred armed citizens,
and whilst continuing to converse with Monsieur de
Barlemont and the agent Du Bois, took my way
straight towards the river-gate, which was in the
opposite direction to the road leading to Namur
upon which Monsieur de Barlemont's soldiers were
assembled. When they became aware of this, they told
me that I was not going the right way; but I went
on, continuing to beguile them by fair words, until
I arrived at the gate of the town, through which
I passed, followed by the greater number of the
citizens, and hastening to the river, embarked on
board a boat, upon which I made my suite take
Queen of Navarre.
197
their places as quickly as possible-Monsieur de
Barlemont and the agent Du Bois calling out to
me all the while, from the water-side, that I was
not doing right, and that I was not adhering to the
wishes of the king, who desired that I should pass
by way of Namur. In spite of their expostulations,
we crossed speedily over to the other side, whilst the
citizens, during the time that our litters and horses
were being conveyed across, entertained Monsieur de
Barlemont and the agent Du Bois with a thousand
grievances and complaints, in order that I might be
enabled to gain time-taking them to task with
respect to the wrong Dom John had done in break-
ing faith with the States and putting an end to the
peace, referring to the old quarrels at the time of
Count d'Aigmont's death, and repeating their threat
that, if the soldiers came any nearer to the town, they
would
fire them with their artillery. By
this means they gave me time to proceed so far that
I had no longer anything to fear from the troops,
directed as I was by God, and by the guide with
whom they had provided me.
open
upon
I passed that night in a fortress called Fleurines,
belonging to a gentleman who was upon the side of
the States, and whom I had met when I was with
the Comte de Lalain. Unfortunately, however, the
said gentleman was not at home, his wife only being
within; and she-as soon as we entered the first
courtyard, the gates of which we found wide open-
took fright and fled to her stronghold, raising the
drawbridge, determined, however much we might
entreat, not to allow us to come in.
Meanwhile, three hundred gentlemen, who had
198
Marguerite de Valois,
been despatched by Dom John to intercept us, and to
seize upon the said castle of Fleurines-being aware
that I had arranged to stay there-made their appear-
ance upon a small elevation some thousand
paces off,
and thinking that we had entered the fortress, having
perceived from where they were that we had all
gone into the courtyard, they halted there, close by,
hoping to surprise me upon the following morning.
As we were in this extremity, being only inside the
first courtyard, which was merely protected by a
wretched wall, and by a rickety door that would have
been quite easy to force, and still arguing with the lady
of the castle, who continued deaf to our entreaties, God
granted us the grace of vouchsafing that her husband,
Monsieur de Fleurines, should return home at night-
fall, who caused us to be admitted at once, and was
extremely angry with his wife for having displayed
such rudeness and indifference.
The said Lord of Fleurines had been sent after us
by the Comte de Lalain to ensure my safe passage
through the towns belonging to the States, as he was
prevented from accompanying me himself, being unable
to leave the army of which he was commander-in-chief.
This fortunate meeting brought us good luck,
for, as the master of the house offered to escort us
into France, we passed through no more towns in
which I was not honourably and amicably received-
as they were all upon the side of the States-my only
annoyance arising from the fact that I could not
return by way of Monts, as I had promised the
Countess de Lalain that I would, and that I was
unable to approach it any nearer than De Nivelles,
seven good leagues off, which was the reason why,
کو
Queen of Navarre.
199
!
with the war raging as it was, she and I were unable
to meet, and why I saw nothing of Monsieur le Comte
de Lalain either, he being, as I have already said, with
the army of the States near Anvers. I could only
despatch a letter to her from Nivelles, by a servant of
the gentleman who acted as my guide, when, upon
hearing of my whereabouts, she immediately sent
some gentlemen of greater distinction to me, who had
been waiting there to escort me to the French frontier
(for I had to pass through the whole of Cambresis,
which was half for the Spaniard and half for the
States), with whom I proceeded to the castle of
Cambresis, whence I sent her, as a remembrance,
when they were returning, one of my dresses, com-
posed of black satin, all covered with raised em-
broideries, which I had heard her admire very much
when I wore it at Monts, and which had cost me
eight or nine hundred crowns.
Upon arriving at the castle of Cambresis, I received
information that some Huguenot troops intended to
waylay me between the Flemish and the French fron-
tiers; whereupon, having only communicated this
news to a few persons, I made ready for my departure
at an hour before daybreak. Upon sending for our
litters and horses, however, so that we might set off,
the Chevalier Salviati commenced procrastinating just
as he had done at Liege, when, as I knew that he
did this for a purpose, I abandoned my litter, and,
mounting on horseback, followed by those of my
people who were ready first, succeeded in reaching
Castelet by ten o'clock in the morning, having thus,
through the mercy of God, escaped all the snares and
pitfalls of my enemies.
200
Marguerite de Valois,
لين
Upon proceeding thence to my home of La Fère,
where I intended remaining until I should hear that
peace was concluded, I found that a messenger from
my brother had preceded me, who had orders to await
me, and to return post-haste and inform him directly
I arrived. My brother wrote me word by him that
peace had been established, and that the king was
about to return to Paris, but that, as regarded himself,
his condition had gone from bad to worse, as he was
condemned to endure the slights and indignities to
which he and his followers were being perpetually
subjected, whilst there arose every day fresh quarrels,
which were fastened upon Bussi and the worthy
fellows who were in his service. This made him
await my return to La Fère with extreme impatience,
in order that he might come and join me there.
I sent his messenger back to him immediately, and,
upon being informed by him of my return, he at once
despatched Bussi to Angers, together with his entire
household, and taking with him only some fifteen or
twenty of his followers, set forth by post to join me
at my home of La Fère.¹ It was one of the greatest
pleasures that I have ever experienced to receive
under my own roof one that I loved and honoured so
much, and I took every pains to provide him with all
the amusements that I thought would be likely to
render his sojourn agreeable. This he took in such
good part that he would willingly have exclaimed, like
Saint Peter," Here let us raise our tabernacles,” had it
1
"Monsieur, frère du Roy, arriva à Paris. . . d'où il partit
le samedi 12 (October, 1577) pour aller à la Fère, en Picardie,
veoir la roine de Navarre, sa seur."-De L'Etoile, Journal de
Henry III.
Queen of Navarre.
201
not been that the right royal courage and generosity
of soul which distinguished him incited him to nobler
deeds. The tranquillity of our court, compared with
the other from which he came, rendered the pleasures
so sweet that he tasted there that he could not help
perpetually exclaiming
"Oh, my queen, how pleasant it is to be with you!
Good heavens, this society is a paradise replete with
all sorts of delights, whilst that from which I came is a
hell filled with all kinds of dissensions and torments!"
We passed nearly two months in this happy state,
which seemed only like two short days, during which,
having told my brother what I had done for him whilst
travelling in Flanders, and of the condition in which I
had left his affairs, he agreed that Monsieur le Comte
de Montigny, brother of the Comte de Lalain, should
come to La Fère and consult with him as to the course
to be pursued, so that he might be informed of the
wishes of the people whilst making known to them his
He' arrived, accompanied by five or six of the
most important personages in Hainault, one of whom
was the bearer of a letter and message from Monsieur
d'Ainsi, offering my brother his services, and assur-
ing him that he might count upon the citadel of
Cambray. Monsieur de Montigny was commissioned
by his brother, the Comte de Lalain, to place the
whole of Hainault and Artois, in which there are
several fine towns, at my brother's disposal.
own.
Having received these direct overtures, my brother
sent back the delegates, after presenting them with
gold medals upon which were depicted his head
¹ The Comte de Montigny.
202
Marguerite de Valois,
and my own, and assuring them of the improvements
and benefits which they might hope for from him, in
consequence of which, upon their return, they made
every preparation for his coming, whilst he, with the
intention of putting his forces in readiness to proceed
to Flanders, returned to court in order to endeavour
to obtain the provisions from the king which were
necessary for his enterprise.
As I desired to set off upon my voyage into Gas-
cony, and had made everything ready to this end, I
returned to Paris, and was met by my brother when a
day's journey from thence, whilst the king, the queen
my mother, and Queen Louise,¹ with the whole court,
did me the honour to come and meet me as far as Saint
Denis, where I was to dine, and where they received me
with much honour and cordiality, taking great pleasure
in making me describe the splendours and magnifi-
cences of my journey and sojourn at Liege, together
with the adventures consequent upon my return.
Whilst we were conversing thus pleasantly, being
all of us seated inside the chariot of the queen my
mother, we reached Paris, where, after supper, when
the dancing was finished, I approached the king and the
queen my mother, who were together, and entreated
them not to take it amiss if I begged them to permit
me to go and rejoin my husband, for that, as peace
was now concluded, such a course could not inspire
them with mistrust, and that it would be both un-
seemly and injurious to me if I put off going any
longer.
They both appeared to approve thoroughly of this
plan, and commended me for desiring it, and the queen
¹ Louise of Lorraine, wife of Henry III.
Queen of Navarre.
203
:
my mother said that she would like to accompany
me, as it was necessary that she should visit that part
of the country in the interest of the king, to whom she
likewise said that he ought to furnish me with the
means requisite for my journey, which he readily
agreed to do.
As I did not wish to leave anything undone which
might oblige me to return to court, where I could never
have known any happiness once my brother (whom I
saw preparing to depart very soon upon his Flemish
expedition) was gone, I begged the queen my mother
to recall to mind what she had promised me when
peace had been concluded with my brother; that, in
the event of my departing for Gascony, she would
have certain estates assigned to me for my marriage-
portion. She recollected this, and as the king con-
sidered that my demand was very reasonable, he
promised me that the matter should be arranged.
I begged that it might be settled quickly, as I desired,
with his permission, to start at the commencement of
the following month.
Matters were thus concluded, but after court
fashion; for, instead of allowing me to set out, in
spite of my daily solicitations, they¹ obliged me to drag
on at court for five or six months, and my brother like-
wise, who was all as impatient to proceed upon his
expedition into Flanders. He represented to the
king that it was for the honour and aggrandizement of
France; a means of averting civil war, since all such
unquiet spirits as were desirous of change would have
an opportunity of letting off their steam in Flanders,
and of quenching their thirst for warfare, whilst the
¹ The King and the Queen-Mother.
1
204
Marguerite de Valois,
2
4
enterprise would provide the French nobility with a
school wherein they could accustom themselves to
the practice of arms, as they had done in Piedmont,
and be the means of producing future Monlucs,'
Brissacs, Termes,3 and Bellegardes, equal to those
great generals, who, having received their training
during the Piedmontese wars, had since then so
gloriously and successfully served both their king and
their country. These arguments, sound and truthful
though they were, were not potent enough to weigh in
the balance against the envy engendered by an im-
provement in my brother's prospects, and he was made
to encounter fresh obstacles every day, in order to
hinder him in assembling his forces and obtaining the
necessary funds for his journey into Flanders; whilst,
in the meantime, he and Bussi and others of his fol-
lowers were subjected to a thousand insults,-Bussi
having endless quarrels thrust upon him, by day and
night, and at all hours now by Quelus, now by Gram-
mont, with the object of inducing my brother to take
part in some of them.
This was done without the king's sanction, but
Maugiron, who dominated him at that time, and
who, having quitted my brother's service, imagined
that he probably bore him illwill in consequence (as
it is generally the one who is in the wrong who never
forgives), hated my brother with such an intense
hatred that he sought to injure him in every possible
way, whilst rudely braving and insulting him; for
¹ Blaise de Lasseran, Seigneur de Montluc.
3 Paul de la Barthe, Seigneur de Termes.
2
Charles de Cossé, Comte de Brissac.
4
Roger de Saint-Lary, Seigneur de Bellegarde.
Queen of Navarre.
205
the rashness of extreme youth, puffed up as he was
by the king's favour, led him to commit all manner
of impertinence, and having allied himself with Quelus,
Sainct Luc, Sainct Maigrin, Grammont, Mauléon,
Livarrot, and sundry other young men whom the
king favoured, and who were followed by all the
members of the court-after the fashion of syco-
phants, who only run after the prosperous-heand they
did anything that came into their heads, whatsoever it
chanced to be. It happened, therefore, that scarcely
a day elapsed without some new quarrel arising be-
twixt them and Bussi, whose courage none could
surpass. My brother, thinking that these incidents
were not calculated to accelerate his journey into Flan-
ders, and desiring rather to mollify the king than to
annoy him-so that he might continue to regard his
enterprise with favour-reflecting, also, that if Bussi
were away from court he might advance the training
of the troops which were required for his army, sent
him off, forthwith, to his estates to carry out this object.
But my brother's persecutions did not cease with
Bussi's departure, and it then became evident that,
although his fine qualities had filled Maugiron and
the other young men who were about the king with
a great deal of jealousy, the chief reason for their
hatred of him arose from the fact that he was in my
brother's service. For, after he had left, they con-
tinued to defy and annoy my brother with so much
insolence, and so publicly, that everybody perceived
it, although he was of an extremely discreet and
patient disposition, and had resolved to submit to
anything with the object of advancing his Flemish
expedition, hoping thereby to escape very shortly
206
Marguerite de Valois,
from his annoyances, and never to allow himself to
be subjected to them again.
Nevertheless, these insults and persecutions were
exceedingly annoying and humiliating to him, particu-
larly as he perceived that, out of hatred to him, his
enemies sought to injure his followers in every pos-
sible way; they having within the last few days caused
Monsieur de la Chastre¹ to lose an important law-
suit only because he had lately entered my brother's
service, the king having allowed himself to be so
influenced by the persuasions of Maugiron and Sainct
Luc, who were friends of Madame de Senetaire," that
he had himself asked that the suit might be given in
her favour against Monsieur de la Chastre, who was
then in my brother's service, and who, being offended
at this, as may well be imagined, imbued my brother
with a share of his just displeasure.
The marriage of Saint Luc took place at about
this time,³ and as my brother did not wish to be
present at it, he begged me not to go to it either
whereupon the queen my mother, who was not over-
pleased with the insufferable impudence of these
young men, and who was fearful, likewise, that the
day would be passed in merrymaking and de-
bauchery, and that, as my brother had not consented
to join in it, they might play him some trick which
might be injurious to him, arranged that the king
should give his consent to her going, upon the day
1
2
Edme, Marquis de la Châtre.
Jeanne de Laval, dame de Senetaire, dame douée d'une
singulière beauté et encore d'un plus bel esprit, que le Roi
aima."-De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry III., 1586.
He married Jeanne de Cossé, daughter of Maréschal de
Brissac.

FRANCOIS DE
FR
D
VC DANIOV, DE BRABAT
Queen of Navarre.
207
1
of the wedding, to dine at Sainct Maur, and took my
brother and myself there with her. It was upon Easter
Monday. We returned in the evening, the queen
my mother having so lectured my brother that she
had succeeded in inducing him to consent to appear at
the ball, so as to please the king. But instead of
mending matters, this only made them worse, for
Maugiron and others of his faction who were present,
began taunting him with such cutting words that
anyone even of lesser degree than himself would
have been offended at them-telling him that it was
labour lost for him to have changed his dress,
that he might have come in the one he wore in the
afternoon, seeing that he had arrived at dusk, an
hour extremely appropriate to him, and twitting him
with his ugliness and meanness of stature.2
All this was repeated to the bride, who was near
him, loud enough for it to be overheard.
1
My
"Le dimanche gras, 9 febvrier, Monsieur, frère du Roy,
accompagné de la Roine sa mère, et de la roine de Navarre, sa
sœur, s'en alla dès la matin prommener au bois de Vincennes et
à Saint-Maur-lès-Fossés, tout exprès, afin de n'assister aux nopces
qui ce jour furent faites de Saint-Luc et de la damoiselle de
Brissac."-De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry III.
We
Contemporary portraits fully confirm the fact of the duke's
ugliness. "He was a small brown creature," says Froude,
"deeply pock-marked, with a large head, a knobbed nose, and a
hoarse croaking voice."-Froude, Hist., xi., pp. 132, 154, 155.
His character was in keeping with his ignoble presence.
read in Sully that Henry of Navarre, who had every right to
know him well, said of him: "Il a si peu de courage,-le cœur si
double et si malin, le corps si mal basti, etc., etc.," whilst
Marguerite, in spite of her devoted attachment to him, was
betrayed into declaring that "si toute l'infidélité étoit bannie de
la terre, il la pourroit repeupler." Sir William Stirling-Maxwell
"worthless
alludes to him in his "Don John of Austria" as a
prince,—perhaps the basest of the base Valois-Medici brood.”—
Don John of Austria, chap. vi., p. 234.
208
Marguerite de Valois,
brother, knowing that this was only done with the
object of inducing him to reply, and of thus placing
himself upon bad terms with the king, withdrew
from where he was, so filled with indignation and
annoyance that he could scarcely contain himself; and,
after having talked over the matter with Monsieur
de la Chastre, he decided to go away for a few
days upon a hunting expedition, thinking by his
absence to diminish the animosity of these youths
and thus to facilitate the conclusion of his business
with the king relative to the preparation of the
army for his Flemish enterprise. He went off to
find the queen my mother amongst the company,
and made known to her the resolution he had
arrived at. She was much annoyed at what had
occurred, approved of his decision, and promised
him that she would persuade the king to agree to
it, and that she would ask him during my brother's
absence, to furnish him quickly with what had
been promised him for his expedition into Flanders,
and, as Monsieur de Villequier happened to be
present, she ordered him to go and inform the
king of my brother's desire to repair for some days
to the chase, which it seemed to her could only be
productive of good, as a means of appeasing all the
quarrels between him and these youths-Maugiron,
Sainct Luc, Quelus, and the rest.
My brother withdrew to his chamber, and looking
upon his leave of absence as already obtained, desired
his servants to be prepared upon the morrow to
proceed to Sainct Germain, where he intended to
remain for a few days to follow the stag, and
ordered his chief huntsman to have the dogs in
Queen of Navarre.
209
readiness there; after which he retired to rest, with
the intention of rising on the following morning and
consoling or diverting himself a little with the chase
after the dissensions of the court. Monsieur de Ville-
quier, in the meanwhile, had gone by command of the
queen my mother to ask for my brother's leave of
absence from the king, who in the first instance granted
it. But having shut himself up in his closet with a
Jeroboam's council of some five or six young men
they represented to him that this departure was very
suspicious, and reduced him to such a state of appre-
hension that they led him to commit one of the
greatest follies that was ever perpetrated in our day-
namely, to detain my brother prisoner, with all his
principal followers.
If this decision had been rashly arrived at, it was
still more indiscreetly carried out, for the king, after
hurrying on his night gear, went straightway to the
queen my mother,' in a state of the utmost excite-
ment, as though there had been some public panic,
or the foe had been at the gate, exclaiming :-
CC
How, madam, could you think of asking my
permission to allow my brother to depart? Do
you not perceive, were he to go, the peril to
which you expose my realm ? Underneath this
pretext of hunting, there lurks, doubtless, some
dangerous design. I am going to arrest him, together
with all his people, and shall have his coffers searched.
¹ Both in the first edition and in that of Monsieur J.
Godefroy, this phrase is thus rendered: "le Roy soudain prenant
la parolle de nuit s'en alla, etc., etc." This, as Monsieur Guessard
points out, is absolute nonsense. According to his authority,
"le Roy soudain prenant sa robe de nuict," is the original sentence;
an amendment which I have adopted above.
P
210
Marguerite de Valois,
I feel assured that we shall make some important
discoveries."
And thereupon, seeing that he was accompanied by
the Sieur de Lossé,¹ captain of the guards, and several
Scottish archers 2
The queen my mother, fearing that in his impe-
tuosity he might commit some act to endanger my
brother's life, entreated that she might go with him,
and all disarrayed as she was, wrapping herself
up as
best she could in her dressing-gown, followed him
up to my brother's room, at the door of which the
king knocked violently, calling out that it was the
king, and that he must be admitted.
My brother woke up with a start, and well know-
ing that he had done nothing which need give him
cause to fear, bade Cangé, his valet de chambre, open
the door to the king; whereupon the king, entering
in a fury, commenced raging at him, saying that
it was evident that he would never give over plotting
against the state, and that he would teach him what
came of putting himself in opposition to his king.
Thereupon he ordered his archers to carry off my
brother's coffers and to drag his attendants out of the
room. He himself searched in my brother's bed to
see if he could find any papers there, and as my
brother happened to have a letter from Madame
de Sauve, which he had received that very night, he
held it in his hand to prevent it from being seen.
1
¹ Jean de Losses, who styles himself, in a deed of acquittance,
dated 1569: "Chevalier de l'ordre du Roy et Cappitaine de sa
garde éscossoise."
2 There is a hiatus here in the Memoirs.
3
Literally "night-cloak;""manteau de nuit," in original.
Queen of Navarre.
211
As my
The king insisted upon taking it from him.
brother resisted this, and implored him, with clasped
hands, not to look at it, the king only desired to see it
all the more, deeming that this paper would be amply
sufficient to settle my brother's account. At last, the
king having opened it in the presence of the queen
my mother, they were all as much embarrassed as was
Cato, when, having obliged Cæsar, in the Senate, to
display the paper which had been brought to him,
and which he declared was something affecting the
welfare of the Republic, it turned out to be a love-
letter which the sister of this very Cato had addressed
to himself.
The shame and annoyance occasioned by this mis-
apprehension increased the king's anger instead of
diminishing it, and, without listening to my brother,
who kept on asking of what he was accused, and why
he was being treated thus, he committed him to the
keeping of Monsieur de Lossé and the Scotchmen,
after ordering them not to allow him to speak to any-
body.
This happened an hour after midnight. My brother
remained in this situation, feeling more concerned
upon my account than upon his own-for he fully
believed that I had been served in the same fashion,
and did not think that what had commenced in so
violent and unjust a manner could have any other than
a disastrous ending-until, observing that Monsieur
de Lossé's eyes were filled with tears of regret at seeing
things brought to this pass, and not daring, on account
of the archers who were present, to converse with him
with any freedom, he merely inquired of him what had
become of me.
212
Marguerite de Valois,
|
Monsieur de Lossé replied that as yet nothing had
been required of me, whereat my brother made
answer:
"It is a great relief to me in my distress to know
that my sister is at liberty, but, in spite of her being
So, I am assured that she loves me so much that she
would rather share my captivity than continue in
freedom without me;" and he begged Monsieur
de Lossé to go and entreat the queen my mother to
obtain permission from the king that I should be
detained a prisoner with him, which request was
granted.
The firm confidence which my brother had in the
depth and strength of my affection inspired me with
such especial gratitude that, although he had already
placed me under many an obligation by his kindnesses,
I have always set this one before them all.
As soon as he had obtained this permission, which
was at about dawn, he begged Monsieur de Lossé to
despatch one of the Scottish archers to break this
sad news to me, and to conduct me to his chamber.
When this archer entered my room, he found me
still asleep, unconscious of all that had happened. He
drew aside my curtain, and said, with the accent
peculiar to the Scotch :-
"Good day, madam! Monsieur your brother
desires that you will come and see him."
I gazed at him scarcely awake, fancying that I must
be dreaming. Then, recognizing him, inquired
whether he was not one of the Scottish guard. He
replied that he was, and I then rejoined :
"What is the matter? Has
Has my brother no other
messenger but you to send to me?"
Queen of Navarre.
213
He answered that he had not, for that he had been
deprived of his servants, and he then related to me, in
his jargon, what had befallen my brother in the night,
and told me that he had obtained permission for me to
bear him company during his captivity. Then, seeing
that I was greatly distressed, he approached me and
said in an undertone :-
"Do not distress yourself; I have the means of
rescuing your brother, and will do so, never fear; only
I shall have to depart with him."
I promised him all the recompense that he could
have hoped for from us, and after dressing myself
hastily, set off with him to my brother's apart-
ment.
I was obliged to cross the whole breadth of the
courtyard, which was thronged with people, who
were generally eager to behold me and to do me
honour.
But now, perceiving that Fortune was turning her
back upon me, they too pretended not to see me.
Upon reaching my brother's room, I found him so
resigned that no change had taken place either in his
demeanour or in the calm which was habitual to him.
When he beheld me, he said, embracing me, and
with a countenance which was joyous rather than
sad:
"I beseech you, my queen, to dry your tears! In
my present situation your grief is the only thing that
could afflict me, since my innocence and the honesty
of my intentions prevent me from fearing any of the
accusations of my enemies. If it is their intention to
sacrifice my life unjustly, those who commit this
barbarity will do themselves more harm than they will
214
Marguerite de Valois,
do me, who am possessed of sufficient courage and
resolution to despise an unjust condemnation. Neither
is this the thing that I most dread, for my existence
has been hitherto encompassed with so many troubles
and disappointments that, never having tasted any of
the joys of this world, I ought not to feel any regret
at leaving them. My only fear is, that being unable
to bring about my death by fair means, they may
cause me to languish in the solitude of a long captivity;
although, even then, I should make light of their
tyranny if you would but grant me the favour of
consoling me with your presence.'
>>
These words, instead of arresting my tears, caused
me to pour forth wellnigh all the essence of my
being.¹
I answered him with sobs, that my life and in-
terests were bound up in his; that it was in the power
of God alone to prevent me from bearing him company
in whatsoever condition he might chance to be, and
that, if he were to be removed elsewhere and I was not
permitted to accompany him, I should kill myself in
his presence.
Whilst we were conversing thus, and both seeking
vainly to discover the reason that had induced the
king to display such cruel and unjust bitterness
towards my brother, the hour came round for the
opening of the palace gates, when a rash youth who
was in Bussi's service, having been recognized and
stopped by the guards, was questioned as to whither
1 "Verser toute l'humeur de ma vie."-Memoirs, p. 276.
Monsieur Guessard substitutes "toute l'humeur de ma vue,"
although he states that "de ma vie" occurs in the manuscript
(Guessard, p. 140).
Queen of Navarre.
215
he was going; whereupon he made answer, in sur-
prise, that he was going to seek his master. This
speech having been reported to the king, a suspicion
arose that Bussi must be in the Louvre, which he had
indeed entered that afternoon, upon returning in my
brother's suite from Sainct Germain, and at his desire,
as he wanted to confer with him upon business con-
nected with the army which he was raising for Flanders
as he did not then know that he should leave court
so soon as he had afterwards suddenly resolved upon
doing.
In the evening, in consequence of what I have
related, L'Archant,¹ the captain of the guards, having
received orders from the king to search for Bussi, and
to arrest both him and Simier (and who conducted
this investigation with regret, being an intimate friend
of Bussi and connected with him by marriage, so that
Bussi always called him his father, whilst he spoke of
Bussi as his son), went up to Simier's room, where he
arrested him, after which, as he had no doubt but that
Bussi was in hiding there, he made a superficial search,
and was well pleased when he failed in discovering him.
But Bussi, who was lying on the bed, and who
perceived that he was about to be left alone in the
room-being afraid lest the commission should be
entrusted to someone else with whom he might not be
in like safety, and desiring rather to be in the keeping
of L'Archant, a worthy man and a friend, and pos-
sessing, as he did, a gay and ribald disposition, upon
1 Nicolas de Grémonville l'Archant, Captain of the King's
Body-guard. This is probably the same Grémonville who was
employed by Henry III. to stop the queen's carriage in 1583, and
convey her and her ladies to the abbey of Ferrières.
216
Marguerite de Valois,
which dangers and risks could never produce any
impression of fear-thrust his head through the curtain
just as L'Archant was passing out through the door in
charge of Simier, and called out :—
"Hulloa, father! Are you going away thus with-
out me? Do you not consider that my behaviour
has been more creditable than that of this scoundrel
of a Simier?"
L'Archant turned round and said :—
(C
Ah, my son, would to God that I had lost an
arm rather than that you should have been here!"
To which Bussi replied
"That is a sign, good father, that my affairs must
be prospering!" and he continued to make fun of
Simier, perceiving what a state of quaking apprehen-
sion he was in.
L'Archant placed them in a guarded room, and
then proceeded to arrest Monsieur de la Chastre,
whom he conveyed to the Bastille.
Whilst all these events were taking place, the
custody of my brother had been given to Monsieur
de Loste, a worthy old man who had once been tutor
to the king my husband, and who loved me like a
daughter. He detested the evil counsel by which
the king allowed himself to be governed, and being
desirous of obliging us both, he determined to afford
my brother an opportunity of escape. In order to
discover his intention to me he commanded the
Scottish archers to take up their position upon the
step outside the door, only retaining two of them with
him in whom he had confidence. Then he said,
taking me aside :-
"The heart of every true Frenchman must bleed at
Queen of Navarre.
217
beholding what we behold to-day! I have served the
king your father too long for me not to sacrifice my
life for his children. I believe that I shall have charge
of Monsieur your brother wheresoever he is confined.
Pray assure him that I will free him at the risk of my
life. We must not converse together any longer,
lest my intention should be discovered, but you can
count upon this for certain."
This hope consoled me somewhat, and recovering
my courage, I told my brother that we ought not to
submit to this kind of investigation without knowing
what we had done; that it was treating us like
common rogues to shut us up after this fashion, and
I begged Monsieur de Loste to ask the king, as he
would not permit the queen my mother to come up
and visit us, that it would please him to acquaint us
by one of his servants of the cause of our detention.
Monsieur de Combaut,' the head of the young men's
party, was thereupon despatched to us, who informed
us, with his usual solemnity, that he was sent to us to
inquire what explanation we desired to give to the
king. We replied that we wished to speak to some-
one from the king, in order to know the reason of
our arrest, as we were at a loss to imagine what it
could be.
He answered us, gravely, that gods and kings must
not be called to account for their actions, since they
did all things for a good and just purpose. We told
him that we were not persons who ought to be detained
after the manner of those who are subjected to the
inquisition, and are left to divine the cause of their
1
¹ Robert de Combaud, Lord of Arcis-sur-Aube, first groom of
the chambers to Henry III.
1
218
Marguerite de Valois,
offending; but we could drag nothing else from him.
except that he would occupy himself in our behalf
and do the best that he could for us.
My brother fell to laughing, but I, being entirely
absorbed by misery at beholding the brother whom I
loved better than myself in danger, had great diffi-
culty in preventing myself from talking to Combaut
as he deserved.
Whilst he¹ was making his report to the king, the
queen my mother, who had sought her chamber in
the state of affliction that may be imagined (for,
being a very prudent person, she foresaw the trouble
that this extreme measure, executed without rhyme
or reason, might produce in the realm if my brother
did not take it good-naturedly), sent off to summon
all the elders of the council, consisting of Monsieur
the Chancellor, with the princes, nobles, and marshals
of France, who were all extremely scandalized at the
bad advice that the king had received. They told
the queen my mother that she ought to oppose it,
and point out to the king the injury that he was
doing himself; that one could not prevent the wrong
which had been already done, but that it must be
redressed as effectually as possible.
The queen my mother thereupon went at once to
seek the king, accompanied by all these his ministers,
who pointed out to him the gravity of these pro-
ceedings. As he was no longer under the per-
nicious influence of the young men, he took the
representations of the old noblemen and counsellors
in good part, and begged the queen my mother to
1 Combaut.
;
Queen of Navarre.
219
that my
brother
set matters to rights, and to arrange
should forget everything that had occurred; that he
should bear the young men no illwill, and that,
through the same means, a reconciliation should be
brought about between Bussi and Quelus.
This having been determined, all the guards that
had been set over my brother were immediately with-
drawn, and the queen my mother, repairing to his
room, told him that he ought to praise God for the
mercy He had shown him in delivering him from so
great a peril, seeing that there had been moments
when she scarcely dared hope for his life; and that,
since he knew by this that the king's mood was such
that he was not only offended by facts, but by fancies,
and was so determined in his opinions that, without
pausing at her counsel, or at anybody else's, he did
everything that came into his head, my brother
would do well, so as not to put him into these tem-
pers, to make up his mind to accommodate himself
to his will, and to go forthwith and seek him, in order
to prove that he did not cherish any resentment at
what had been perpetrated against his person, and that
he would dismiss it from his memory. We answered
her that we had indeed good cause to praise God for
the mercy He had vouchsafed us in preserving us
from the injustice it was intended to do us-in respect
to which, after God, we admitted that we were
wholly indebted to her-but that my brother's rank
did not permit of his being imprisoned without cause
and then liberated without some form of justification
and acquittal.
The queen replied that God Himself was power-
less to undo what had already come to pass, but that
220
Marguerite de Valois,
For it must be confessed
the irregularities connected with my brother's arrest
would be made up for by causing his liberation to be
attended with all the honour and satisfaction that he
could desire; but that he, likewise, must give satisfac-
tion to the king in everything, addressing him so
respectfully, and manifesting so much zeal in his
service, as that he should rest contented therewith;
and that he must arrange, furthermore, that Bussi
and Quelus should become reconciled in such a
manner that no bone of contention should remain to
cause further quarrels.
that the chief cause which had led to this evil counsel
and its consequences had been the dread of a duel
solicited by the elder Bussi-the worthy sire of so
worthy a son-who had begged the king to allow
him to become the second of his son, the gallant
Bussi, and that Monsieur de Quelus should, in like
manner, act as second to his own son, to the end that
they four should finally settle this dispute without
involving the court-as heretofore-in the quarrel,
or putting so many people to inconvenience.
My
brother promised her that Bussi, seeing that there
was no hope of his being permitted to fight, would
do whatever she commanded in order to get out of
prison.
The queen my mother, thereupon, went down to
the king, and persuaded him to consent to liberate
my brother with due respect; to which end he came
to the room of the queen my mother, accompanied
by all the princes, lords, and other advisers belonging
to his council, and sent Monsieur de Villequier to
summon us; when, upon passing through the cham-
bers and reception-rooms on our way to his majesty's
Queen of Navarre.
221
presence, we found them thronged with people, who
gazed at us with tears in their eyes, and praised God
at beholding that we were delivered out of danger.
When we came into the room of the queen my
mother, we found the king with the company I have
mentioned, who said to my brother, upon beholding
him, that he begged he would not take amiss what he had
done in his anxiety for the tranquillity of his realm, or
be offended at it, and that he would not believe that it
had been done with any intention of displeasing him.
My brother replied that he owed and had sworn
such allegiance to his majesty as would ensure his
being always well pleased with whatsoever seemed
good unto him, but that he entreated him to con-
sider that the devotion and fidelity he had shown him.
did not deserve such treatment; that, nevertheless, he
only reproached his ill-luck, and should be perfectly
satisfied if the king would acknowledge his innocence.
The king answered that he had no doubt of it, and
that he begged him to count upon his affection as
he had done heretofore. Upon this the queen my
mother took hold of them both, and made them
embrace. The king then commanded that Bussi
should be summoned, in order that he might become
reconciled to Quelus, and that Simier and Monsieur
de la Chastre should be set at liberty. When
Bussi came into the room, with that fine air which
was natural to him, the king told him that he
desired him to become reconciled to Quelus, and that
there should be no further mention of their quarrel,
and commanded him to embrace Quelus forthwith.
Bussi made answer: "Sire, if it please you that I
should kiss him, I am quite agreeable;" and suiting the
222
Marguerite de Valois,
action to the word, he straightway gave him a hug
after the manner of a Pantaloon,' whereat all the com-
pany, notwithstanding that they were still awed and
astonished at what had taken place, could not refrain
from laughing. Those who were wisest considered that
the meagre satisfaction my brother had received was
not public enough to compensate for so great a wrong.
When this was over, the king and the queen my
mother came up to me and told me that I must help
my brother to dismiss any memories which might
interfere with the obedience and affection he owed to
the king.
I replied that my brother was so prudent and so
much attached to the king's service, that he did not
need to be persuaded thereunto either by me or by
anybody else, but that he had never received, and never
should receive, from me, any other advice than that
which would be conformable to their will and to his
own duty. As it was by this time three o'clock in
the afternoon, and as no one had as yet dined, the
queen my mother proposed that we should all dine
together, and requested my brother and myself to go
and change our apparel, which was in keeping with
the sad situation whence we had just emerged, and
that we should array ourselves in order to be present
at the king's supper and at the dance. She was
obeyed with respect to such things as were possible-
namely, the taking off and putting on of apparel—
but as concerned the countenance, the true index of
<<
"A la Pantalone."-Memoirs, first edition, p. 290. "C'est-
à-dire," says Monsieur Guessard, une embrassade de théatre.
Pantalon est un des masques de la comédie Italienne."-Lettres
et Mémoires de Marguerite de Valois, note to p. 147.
Queen of Navarre.
223
the soul, the righteous wrath we had experienced
was plainly legible upon both of ours, having
been imprinted there with all the violence of
sorrow and just contempt wherewith we were pos-
sessed in consequence of the performance of this
tragi-comedy. When it had been terminated after
this fashion, the queen my mother, perceiving before
her the Chevalier de Seurre,¹ whom she had appointed
to sleep in my brother's room, and in whose conver-
sation she sometimes took pleasure, seeing that he was
possessed of a lively wit and said readily whatever
he chose, having a somewhat cynical turn of humour,
said to him:--
cr
Well, Monsieur de Seurre, what say you to all
this?"
"I consider it too much to have been done with-
out premeditation," he answered, "and too little to
profit by."
Then, turning to me, he said aside, so that she
could not overhear him :-
"I do not believe that we have reached the last act
of this drama; I shall be much deceived in that man"
(alluding to my brother) " if he allows the matter to
rest here."
The day having passed thus-the wound having
been only fomented externally, and not healed from
within the young men who possessed the king, judg-
ing my brother's nature by their own, and as their
raw experience prevented them from realizing the
power which duty and patriotism may exert over a
prince as great and illustrious as he was, persuaded
1
¹ Michel de Seure, Knight, Grand-Prior of Champagne.
224
Marguerite de Valois,
the king, so as to identify their own interests with his,
that my brother would never forget the public insult
he had received, and would seek to revenge himself
for it.
The king, forgetful of the folly these youths had
already induced him to commit, became immediately
imbued with this second idea, and commanded that
the captains of guards should keep careful watch at
the doors to see that my brother did not go out, and
that all his followers should be turned out of the
Louvre every night, with the exception of those who
generally slept in his room or in his closet. My
brother perceiving that he was thus at the mercy of
these heartless youths, who disposed of him, as re-
garded the king, just as their fancy moved them, and
fearing from the recent example of what had been
done to him, without cause or reason, that worse might
happen to him, determined, after he had endured
the fear of this possibility for three days, to quit the
court never to return, and to withdraw to his own
possessions, with the view of hurrying on his prepa-
rations with as much promptitude as he could, to the
end that he might set out for Flanders. He com-
municated this desire to me, and, as I saw that in it
lay his only hope of safety, and that neither the king
nor this realm would suffer any prejudice in conse-
quence, I approved of it, and upon considering the
means of carrying it out, seeing that he could not
make his escape by the doors of the Louvre, which
were so jealously watched that the guards even scrutin-
ized the faces of all those who passed through them,
there seemed to be no other way than for him to get
out by the window of my room, which was upon
upon the
Queen of Navarre.
225
second storey, looking out upon the moat; and he
begged me, with this object, to procure a stout cable
of the necessary length.
I set about doing this at once, and caused a broken
bed-trunk' to be removed that very day, as though to
get it repaired, by a boy who was faithful to me, and
who, when he brought it back in a few hours' time,
had put the cable we required inside it.
When the supper-hour came, as it happened to
be a fast day, when the king did not sup, the queen
my mother and I supped alone together in her small
apartment. Here my brother, notwithstanding that
he was usually sufficiently patient and discreet in all
his actions, came to me as I was rising from table,
impelled by the recollection of the insult he had
received and of the danger that threatened him, and
being impatient to get away, whispered to me to
make haste and come quickly to my room, where I
should find him.
2
Monsieur de Matignon, who was not at that time
a marshal, a dangerous and cunning Norman, who
did not like my brother, having either been informed
of our plan by one who had not held his tongue, or
else guessing it from the manner in which my brother
had spoken to me, said to the queen my mother, as
she was returning to her room, that it was evident my
brother intended to make off; that he knew perfectly
well that he would be gone by the morrow, and that
¹ Monsieur Guessard substitutes "malle de luth,” or lute-box,
for the "malle de lit" of the first edition, which I took to mean
the large trunk, similar to the Italian "cassone," which was
generally placed at the foot of the bed in medieval chambers
(Edition Guessard, p. 150).
2 Odet de Matignon, Comte de Thorigny.
226
Marguerite de Valois,
she ought to prevent it. This conversation I partly
overheard, as I was near enough to her to do so, and
was besides upon the alert, observing attentively all
that took place, after the manner of persons in like
case, who, when upon the eve of their deliverance, are
wont to be agitated by all manner of hopes and fears.
I perceived that the queen was troubled at this
news, which made me still more apprehensive lest we
should have been discovered. Upon entering her
closet she drew me aside and said to me :-
"Are you aware of what Matignon told me?
CC
I replied: "I did not hear what it was, madam,
but I saw that it was something that pained you."
"Yes," she answered; "it pained me very much,
for
you know that I have pledged my word to the
king that your brother shall not depart, and Matignon
has just told me that he knows perfectly well that he
will not be here to-morrow."
As I now found myself betwixt the horns of a
double dilemma, since I should either have had to
break faith with my brother and place his life in
jeopardy, or to swear against the truth (a thing that
I would not have done to escape a thousand deaths), I
was in such great perplexity that, if God had not
assisted me, my demeanour would have plainly be-
trayed what I feared might have been discovered.
But seeing that God helps all good intentions, and
that His divine goodness operated towards this work
of saving my brother, I was enabled to compose
my countenance and my speech in such wise that
the queen could ascertain nothing but what I chose,
whilst at the same time I neither militated against my
soul nor my conscience by the taking of any false
Queen of Navarre.
227
oath. I merely asked her whether she was not
aware of the hatred that Monsieur de Matignon bore
my brother, and said that he was a malicious mischief-
maker who could not endure to see us all agreed;
that I would forfeit my existence if my brother had
any desire to make off; and that, as he had never
hidden anything from me, I was quite certain that he
would have informed me of it if he had had any
such intention. I said this feeling well assured that,
once my brother was safe, no one would dare to do
me any injury, whilst even supposing that the worst
happened, and that we were destined to be discovered,
I infinitely preferred to pledge my life than to outrage
my soul by a false oath, or to place my brother's
existence in danger.
She replied, without seeking deeply into the mean-
ing of my words :-
"Consider well what you say; you will be my
surety for it; you will answer for it upon your life!
I replied, smiling, that this was what I meant, and,
bidding her good-night, repaired to my room, where,
after I had undressed, in haste, and got into bed, in
order to be enabled to dismiss my ladies and maids,
my brother joined me, with Simier and Cangé, as soon
as I was left with only my waiting-women. I then
got up again, and after we had adjusted the rope by
means of a stick, and looked into the moat to see that
there was nobody there, with the help of only three
of my waiting-women who slept in my room, and of
the chamber-boy who had brought me the rope, I let
down first my brother (who laughed and joked without
being in the least afraid, although the height was very
great), then Simier, who trembled and could scarcely
228
Marguerite de Valois,
hold on from fear, and then Cangé, my brother's valet
de chambre. God directed my brother and protected
him so happily from discovery that he reached Saincte
Geneviesve, where Bussi was awaiting him, who, with
the abbot's' consent, had made a hole in the town-
wall. Through this hole he passed out of the town,
and finding horses all ready awaiting him, withdrew
to Angers without encountering any mischance.
2
Just as we were letting down Cangé, the last of all, a
man jumped up from the bottom of the moat and set
off running towards the apartment which adjoins the
tennis-court, in the direction leading to the guard-
house. In the midst of all this risk I had never
apprehended anything upon my own behalf, having
been entirely occupied with my brother's safety or
danger; but I was now half senseless with terror,
deeming that this man was somebody who, in accor-
dance with Monsieur de Matignon's warning, might
have been posted there to watch us, and, fancying
that my brother had been captured, I became in a
state of despair such as can only be imagined by those
who have gone through similar experiences.
Whilst I was in this extremity, my women, more
anxious than I was for my safety and their own, took
the rope and threw it into the fire, so that it might
not be discovered, supposing that, by ill-luck, the man
¹ This abbot was one Joseph Foulon, who became known on
account of the conferences which were afterwards held in his
abbey during the siege of Paris.
2
"Le Vendredi 14 de ce mois (Jan., 1578), sur les sept
heures du soir, Monsieur, s'en estant allé à l'abbaie Sainte-
Geneviève et faisant semblant de venir faire collation avec l'abbé,
s'en va en certain endroit de ladite abbaie, à ce destiné et ordonné,
et par dessus les murailles de la ville, se fait descendre avec une
corde dans le fossé."-De L'Etoile, Journal de Henry III.
Queen of Navarre.
229
my
who had arisen out of the moat should have been set
there as a spy. This rope, which happened to be a
very long one, made such a blaze that the chimney
caught fire, so that the flames came out through the
top, and being perceived by the archers who were on
guard that night, they came and knocked violently at
my door, saying that I must open it directly. There-
upon, although I made sure at the first knock that
brother was taken and that we were both lost, as
I had always put my trust in God, He enabled me to
retain my presence of mind (a favour it has pleased His
divine majesty to vouchsafe to me in all the perils in
which I have found myself), and seeing that the rope
was only half burnt, I told my women that they were
to go boldly to the door and ask them what they
wanted, speaking low, as if I had been asleep. This
they did, whereupon the archers said that my chimney
had caught fire, and that they came to extinguish it.
My women told them that it was nothing; that they
could quite well put it out themselves, and that they
must take care not to awaken me.
This alarm was scarcely over when, two hours
later, there comes Monsieur de Lossé to convey me
to the presence of the king and of the queen my
mother, in order that I might give them an account
of my brother's evasion, whereof they had been ap-
prised by the Abbot of Saincte Geneviesve, who, so
as not to become compromised in the affair, had,
with my brother's consent, informed the king of it
as soon as he knew that he was far enough upon his
way to ensure his not being captured, saying that my
brother had arrived at his house unexpectedly; that
he had detained him there, but that during this
230
Marguerite de Valois,
time he and his followers had practised the hole
in the wall, and that he had been unable to come and
inform the king of it sooner. As it was still night,
Monsieur de Lossé found me in bed. I at once
arose, wrapped in my dressing-gown, when one of my
foolish and affrighted women caught hold of it,
screaming and weeping, and saying that I should
never return. Monsieur de Lossé remarked to me
as he thrust her aside: "If this woman had made
this scene before anyone who was not as devoted to you
as I am, it would have got you into trouble. But as
it is, fear nothing, and give thanks to God, for
Monsieur your brother is in safety."
This information proved very useful in fortifying
me against the threats and menaces which I had to
undergo from the king, whom I found seated at the
bedside of the queen my mother, in such a passion
that I believe he would have made me suffer from it
if her presence and the fear inspired by my brother's
departure, had not restrained him.
They both said that I had assured them that my
brother should not depart, and that I had pledged
myself to them thereunto. I replied that this was
true, but that he had deceived me in this as he
had deceived them; that, nevertheless, I could answer
to them, at the risk of my life, that his departure
would not result in any deviation from his allegiance
to the king, and that he was only going home in
order to prepare what he required for his expedition
into Flanders. This mollified the king somewhat,
and he allowed me to return to my room. He
very soon afterwards received intelligence from my
brother, who assured him that his desire had been
Queen of Navarre.
231
only what I had represented it to be. This put an
end to the reproaches, although it did not do away
with the displeasure of the king, who, upon a pre-
tence of wishing to assist in the preparations for my
brother's army for Flanders, did, in reality, all that he
could, in an underhand manner, to delay and hinder
them.


BOOK THE THIRD.

IME went on after this fashion, and as I
continued to importune the king at all
hours to allow me to go and join the
king my husband, and as he perceived
that he could no longer refuse me this
request and did not wish me to depart bearing him
illwill; as likewise he desired, above all things, to
divert me from my affection for my brother, he endea-
voured to conciliate me by every kind of benefit,
giving me, in accordance with the promise made me
by the queen my mother at the peace of Sens, the
assignment of my marriage-portion in lands, and,
furthermore, the patronage of sundry offices and
benefices, and besides the pension such as the daughters
of France are accustomed to receive, he made me an
additional allowance from the money in his coffers,
and took the trouble to come and visit me every
morning and to represent to me how advantageous
his friendship was to me, enabling me to live quite
happily, whilst that of my brother would, in the end,
bring about my destruction, with a thousand other
arguments to a like effect.
He could never succeed, however, in making me
234
Marguerite de Valois,
swerve from the fidelity I had sworn to my brother, nor
could he extort from me aught else than that my greatest
desire was to behold my brother restored to his favour;
that it seemed to me that he had never deserved to be
deprived of it, and that I was sure that he would
endeavour to render himself worthy of it by every
kind of obedient and devoted service; that, as re-
garded myself, I felt that I was indebted to him for all
the honours and benefits that he was conferring upon
me; that he might rest assured that, once I was with
the king my husband, I should not fail to obey any of
the commands with which it might please him to charge
me, and that I should labour to no end so earnestly as
to maintain the king my husband in his allegiance.
As my brother was just at this time upon the point of
starting for Flanders, and as the queen my mother
desired to go and see him at Alençon before he set out,
I besought the king that he would be pleased to permit
me to accompany her, in order to bid him farewell.
To this he unwillingly consented.
Upon my return from Alençon, everything having
been prepared for my journey, I again entreated the
king to allow me to depart.
The queen my mother, who had likewise to make
an expedition into Gascony in the interests of the king,
(that country having need of either his or her presence),
decided that I should not set forth without her,¹ and
This journey, it would appear, was undertaken at the
expense of the clergy. We read in De L'Etoile that, "Sur la
fin de ce mois (Juillet, 1578), le Roy demanda au clergé de
France une décime et demie d'extraordinaire, oultre les
moiennes décimes ordinaires, soubs prétexte des frais qu'il
convenoit faire pour renvoier la roine de Navarre, sa seur, au

Queen of Navarre.
235
as the court was removing from Paris, the king con-
ducted us to Dolinville,¹ where, after having entertained
us for some days, we took our leave of him, and
shortly afterwards came into Guyenne, which was
the province that was under the government of the
king my husband, and, in consequence, I was every-
where given a public reception.
The king my husband came to meet the queen my
mother as far as La Reolle-a town which was still held
by those of the religion by reason of the mistrust which
yet possessed them-the disturbed condition of the
country not having permitted of his coming any further.
He was bravely attended by all the lords and gentle-
men belonging to the religion in Gascony, and by
several Catholics.
It had been arranged by the queen my mother that
she should make only a short sojourn here, but so
many accidents supervened, upon the side both of the
Huguenots and of the Catholics, that she was con-
strained so remain eighteen months, and as she was
roi de Navarre son mari, dont tout le clergé murmura fort."-
Journal de Henry III., 1578.
Monsieur
1 "A son Dolinville."-First edition of Memoirs.
Guessard calls it "Olinville," so that I conclude it is thus
written in the MS. “Ollainville" is now a village in the
department of Seine-et-Oise. Henry III. once had a country-
house there.
2 "Le samedi 2 Aoust, la roine de Navarre partit du
chasteau d'Olinville pour prendre le chemin de Gascongne, vers
le Roy son mari, et l'accompagnent la Roine sa mère, le Cardinal
de Bourbon, le duc de Montpensier, et Messire Gui du Faur,
sieur de Pybrac, président de la cour."-De L'Etoile, Journal de
Henry III., 1578. Après les mots : le Roy son mari,' says
Monsieur Guessard, "Lestoile avait ajouté, dit l'éditeur, la ligne
suivante, qu'il a postérieurement effacée : à son grand regret
et corps défendant, selon le bruit tout commun.'
CC
236
Marguerite de Valois,
2
angry and weary at this delay, there were times when
she was inclined to think that it had been purposely
contrived by them, to the end that they might enjoy
the society of her maids of honour, as the king my
husband had become deeply enamoured of Dayelle,'
and Monsieur de Thurene of La Vergne. This,
however, did not prevent my husband from showing
me great respect and affection; as much, indeed, as I
could have desired, for he informed me, upon the very
first day, of all the devices which had been invented, at
the time of his residence at court, to set us against one
another, which he admitted had only been with the
object of sowing dissension between my brother and
himself, and of thus ruining us all three, and he ex-
pressed great satisfaction at our having come together
again.
We continued in this happy state as long as the
queen my mother remained in Gascony, who, after
she had established peace, changed the king's lieutenant,
at the entreaty of the king my husband, dismissing
Monsieur le Marquis de Villars, and putting Monsieur
le Mareschal de Biron in his place.
3
When the time came for her to go into Languedoc,
we accompanied her as far as Castelnaudarry, and
1
¹ A Greek by birth, who had escaped from the sacking of
Cyprus in 1571. She afterwards married Jean d'Hémerits, a
Norman gentleman. "Il ne faut pas la confondre," says
Monsieur Guessard, "avec Victoire d'Ayelle (Ayala), fille
d'honneur de la reine Catherine. Celle-ci était d'une famille
illustre d'Espagne, et épousa, en 1580, Camille de Fera, Seigneur
originaire de Mantoue."—Lettres et Mémoires de Marguerite de
Valois.
2 We read in Castelnau (t. i., p. 328) of " Mademoiselle de La
Vernay."
André de Brancas.
Queen of Navarre.
237
after taking leave of her there, we returned to Pau, in
Bearn, where, as there was no celebration of the
Catholic religion, I was only allowed to have mass
performed in a little chapel three or four paces long,
and which, being extremely narrow, was quite full
when we were only seven or eight persons within.
When mass was about to be celebrated the drawbridge
of the castle was raised-for fear that the Catholics of
the country, who enjoyed no religious privileges,
should come to hear it, for they were extremely
anxious to be present at the holy celebration of which
they had been deprived for several years. Urged by
this pious and natural desire, some of the inhabitants
of Pau found means, upon the day of Pentecost, to
obtain entrance to the castle, previous to the lifting
of the drawbridge, and thence to slip into the chapel,
where they were not discovered until mass was well-
nigh over, when, the door being partly opened to
allow of the entrance of one of my people, some
Huguenots, who were prying in, perceived them,
and reported the circumstance to Pin, the secretary of
the king my husband, who had great influence with
his master and great authority in his household, as he
was accustomed to manage all affairs connected with
those of the religion. He immediately sent the
guards of the king my husband to the chapel, who,
after dragging the Catholics thence and beating them
in my presence, cast them into prison, where they
remained for a considerable time, in addition to which
they were very heavily fined.
I was much offended at this indignity, having been
unprepared for anything of the kind. I sought the king
my husband in order to complain of it, and entreated him
238
Marguerite de Valois,
to allow these poor Catholics to be released, who had
not deserved any such chastisement merely for desir-
ing, after having been deprived for so long of the
services of our religion, to take advantage of my
coming to attend mass upon the occasion of so solemn
a feast. Le Pin, without having been summoned,
thrust himself upon us as a third, and, ignoring the
respect due to his master, instead of allowing him to
reply to me, took up the conversation himself, telling
me not to worry the head of the king my husband
about that matter, since, whatever I said, would not
alter the state of the case; that the Catholics had
richly deserved their fate, and that I ought to be
satisfied in that I was permitted to have a mass said
for myself and for those of my people whom I desired
should attend it.
These words, from a man in such a position, of
fended me greatly, and I besought the king my hus-
band that, if I was fortunate enough to have any
place in his affections, he would prove to me that he
was sensible of the insult which he had seen me
receive from this low fellow, and would see that I
obtained satisfaction for it.
The king my husband, perceiving my just indigna-
tion, ordered Du Pin to quit my presence, assuring
me that religious zeal was what had pushed him thus
far, and that I should receive whatever satisfaction I
might desire; whilst, with regard to the Catholic
prisoners, he would advise with his counsellors in the
parliament of Pau as to what could be done to comply
with my wishes.
Having spoken to me thus, he repaired to his closet,
where he found Le Pin, who, after talking the matter
Queen of Navarre.
239
over with him, induced him entirely to change his
mind. In consequence of which, fearing lest I should
require him to dismiss Du Pin, he took to avoiding
me, and to assuming a distant manner towards me.
Finally, as I had made up my mind that he should
either part with Du Pin or with me-whichever he
preferred-all those who were in attendance upon
him and who hated Le Pin, represented to him that
he ought not to displease me for the sake of such a
man and one who had so grievously insulted me,
and that if the circumstance ever came to the know-
ledge of the king or of the queen my mother they
would think it very wrong of him to have retained
him about his person. This at last induced him to
dismiss him, but he did not cease to bear me illwill
or to treat me distantly, being incited thereto, as he
has since told me, by Monsieur de Pibrac, who was
playing a double part, saying to me that I ought not
to put up with the insolence of a low fellow like
Du Pin, and that, whatever happened, I ought to have
him sent away, whilst he declared to the king my
husband that there was no reason why I should de-
prive him of the services of one who was so necessary
to him. Monsieur de Pibrac did this with the object
of inducing me, by reason of all these annoyances, to
return to France, where he enjoyed the appointment
of president and adviser of the king's council; whilst,
to make matters worse for me, the king my husband,
since the departure of Dayelle, had begun to pay
court to Rebours,' a malicious girl who disliked me,
and who endeavoured, by every means in her power,
¹ Daughter of Guillaume Rebours, president of the parliament.
of Calais.
240
Marguerite de Valois,
2
to prejudice me in his eyes.¹ As, in the midst of all
these tribulations, I had sought help from God, He
took compassion upon my tears and vouchsafed that we
should depart from this little Geneva of a Pau, where,
fortunately for me, Rebours remained behind, ill, whom
the king my husband, once she was out of his sight,
dismissed likewise from his affections, and began to
take up with Fosseuse, who at that time was much
prettier, and quite young and innocent.
3
On our way to Montaubon we had to pass by a
village called Eause, and, upon the night of our arrival
there, the king my husband fell ill with a violent and
continuous fever, accompanied by severe headache,
which lasted for seventeen days, during which time he
could neither obtain rest by day or by night, and it
was necessary to change him continually from one bed
to another. I devoted myself so entirely to waiting
upon him-never quitting him for a moment, or even
taking off my clothes-that he began to take pleasure
in my service, and to praise it to everybody, par-
ticularly to my cousin, Monsieur de Turenne, who,
}
Marguerite ne luy en fit plus cruel traitement," says
Brantôme, et venant à estre fort malade à Chenonceaux, où
elle mourut, la visita, et, ainsi qu'elle voulut rendre l'âme,
l'admonesta, et puis dit: Cette pauvre fille endure beaucoup ;
mais aussi elle a fait bien du mal. Dieu luy pardonne comme je
luy pardonne."-Eloge de Marguerite de France.
2
"Ce petit Geneve de Pau."-Memoirs, livre iii., p. 321.
Françoise de Montmorency, fifth daughter of Pierre, Marquis
de Thury, Baron de Fosseux, married afterwards the Baron de
Cinq-Mars.-Memoirs de Castelnau, t. i., p. 329; Histoire de
Montmorency, p. 304, and Confession de Sancy.
4
* Henri de La Tour, Vicomte de Turenne, afterwards Duc
de Bouillon. There is a hiatus here in the first edition of the
Memoirs, the name being left out. Monsieur Guessard, however,
remedies the omission.
Queen of Navarre.
241
acting the part of a kind kinsman, re-established me
as firmly as ever in my husband's favour—a blessing
which I enjoyed during the four or five years that I
remained at Nerac, where our court was so brilliant
that we had no cause to regret that of France. Besides
myself, with a good many ladies and maids of honour,
there were Madame la Princesse de Navarre, my hus-
band's sister,¹ married since to Monsieur le Duc de
Bar,2 and the king my husband, with a goodly follow-
ing of lords and gentlemen-as gallant a company as
any I can ever remember to have seen at the French
court the only drawback consisting in the fact that
its members were Huguenots. This difference of re-
ligion, however, was never alluded to. The king my
husband and his sister, Madame la Princesse, used to
go off in one direction to hear the sermon, whilst I
and my suite would repair in another, to attend mass
in a chapel situated in the park, after which we were
wont to reassemble and walk together, either in a
beautiful garden which had long alleys planted with
laurel and cypress, or in a park, which I had had laid
out in avenues three thousand paces long, by the side
of the river, the remainder of the day being generally
passed in all kinds of innocent amusements, and the
afternoons and evenings in dancing.
The king was devoted to Fosseuse, who, as she was
entirely dependent upon me, conducted herself with
such virtue and propriety as would have saved her
¹ Princess Catherine of Bourbon, who married, in 1599, Henri
de Lorraine, Duc de Bar, Marguerite's nephew.
2 Monsieur Guessard renders this phrase: "Monsieur le Duc
de Bar mon nepveu," whence I conclude it runs thus in the
original MS.
R
242 Marguerite de Valois,
and myself, if she had only persevered in it, from
many of the misfortunes which have since come
to pass.
But Fortune-jealous of such a delightful existence,
which seemed, by reason of the peace and unity
wherein we continued, to set her power at defiance—
stirred up a fresh subject of dissension between the
king my husband and the Catholics, which set the
king my husband and Monsieur le Mareschal de
Biron-who had been given the post of king's lieu-
tenant in Guyenne at the request of the Huguenots-
so much at variance that, in spite of all I could do to
maintain peace between them, I was unable to prevent
them from reaching an extremity of hatred and mis-
trust. They began to complain of one another to the
king; the king my husband demanding that Monsieur
le Mareschal de Biron might be dismissed from his
post in Guyenne, and Monsieur le Mareschal accusing
my husband and those of the so-called religion, of
having engaged in sundry enterprises contrary to the
terms of the treaty of peace.
This beginning of discord went on increasing, to
my great regret, without my being able to remedy it.
Monsieur le Mareschal de Biron advised the king' to
come into Guyenne, saying that his presence there
would set matters to rights, which the Huguenots
being informed of, imagined that the king was coming
solely with the intention of seizing upon and dis-
mantling their towns. This made them decide to
have recourse to arms, which was what I dreaded
most, seeing that I was bound to identify myself with
¹ The King of France.
Queen of Navarre.
243
the fortunes of the king my husband, and must find
myself, in consequence, upon the side which was
opposed to the king and to my own religion.
I spoke of this to the king my husband, with the
view of restraining him, and to all the members of his
council, pointing out to them how disastrous this
war might prove, when they would have such a com-
mander opposed to them as Monsieur le Mareschal
de Biron, who, besides being a great general, was so
bitterly incensed against them that he would not make
a pretence of fighting, or spare them as some had
done, and that if the king's power were to be directed
against them with the object of utterly exterminating
them, they were not in a position to resist it.
But their dread of the king's coming into Guyenne,
together with the hope that possessed them of making
expeditions against the towns of Gascony and Lan-
guedoc, influenced them to such an extent that,
although the king did me the honour to place much
more faith and reliance in me than heretofore, and
that the leaders of the religion acknowledged that I
was endowed with some judgment, I was, never-
theless, unable to persuade them of that which they
soon afterwards discovered, to their cost, to be the
truth.
I had to allow this torrent to rush on uncontrolled,
although it very soon abated its course when they
came to experience what I had predicted.
Long before things had come to this pass, seeing
in what direction they were tending, I had given
frequent warnings to the king and to the queen my
mother, in order that they might mend matters by
giving some satisfaction to the king my husband.
244
Marguerite de Valois,
But they took no heed whatever of my representa-
tions; it even seemed as though they were well
pleased at the turn which affairs had taken, for the
late Mareschal de Biron assured them that he was in
a position to reduce the Huguenots as thoroughly as
he desired. My advice was consequently neglected,
and the feeling of bitterness went on gradually in-
creasing until hostilities ensued.
The members of the so-called reformed religion,
however, were much dissatisfied with the strength of
the only forces they were enabled to assemble—the army
of the king my husband being far inferior, numerically,
to that of Mareschal de Biron. All their enterprises,
too, had miscarried, with the exception of the expedi-
tion against the town of Cahors, which they took by
means of petards, with the loss of a great many men,
Monsieur de Vezins,' who defended it, having held out
for the space of two or three days, disputing street
after street and house after house with them, upon
which occasion the king my husband revealed his pru-
dence and valour, conducting himself less after the
manner of a prince of his quality than of a daring and
experienced general.
The taking of this town weakened rather than
strengthened them. The Mareschal de Biron, seizing
his opportunity, continued the campaign, assaulting
and taking all the small towns that declared for the
Huguenots, and putting everybody to the edge of the
sword.
Ever since the commencement of hostilities-seeing
that, as the king my husband honoured me with his
¹ See his "Eloge" in the Histories of De Thou (t. lii.) and
D'Aubigné (t. i., livre i., chap. 4, and livre iv., chap. 7).
Queen of Navarre.
245
:
:
affection, I was bound not to abandon him—I had
made up my mind to embrace his interests, not with-
out extreme regret, however, that the motive of the
war should be such that I could not desire the advan-
tage of either the one side or the other without prejudice
to myself. For, supposing that the Huguenots ob-
tained the victory, it would bring about the destruc-
tion of the Catholic religion, the safety of which was
more precious to me than my own life; whilst, if the
Catholics prevailed over the Huguenots, I could but
foresee the downfall of the king my husband.
Nevertheless, seeing that duty, joined to the affec-
tion and confidence which he was pleased to show me,
retained me at his side, I wrote to the king and to
the queen my mother, describing to them the state to
which the affairs of this part of the country had been
reduced in consequence of their neglect of my warn-
ings, and besought them that, if they would not
favour me so far as to command the extinction of this
fire to which I found myself exposed, they would at
least be pleased to give orders to Monsieur le Mares-
chal de Biron to treat as neutral the town in which
I abode, and to arrange that no fighting should take
place within three leagues of it, and I told them that
I should exact the same terms from the king my hus-
band with regard to those of his religion.
This request the king granted me, on condition
that the king my husband should not be within the
town of Nerac, and provided that, whenever he came
there, the neutrality should cease.
Each party observed this condition as honourably
as I could have desired, although it did not prevent the
king my husband from often coming to Nerac, where
246
Marguerite de Valois,
Madame his sister and I were sojourning-it being
his nature to delight in the society of ladies, added to
which he was then greatly enamoured of Fosseuse, (to
whom he had been devoted ever since he had broken
with Rebours), from whom I had never received any
bad offices, so that he continued to treat me with
the same intimacy and affection as heretofore, per-
ceiving that I only desired to please him in all
things.
These several considerations having, one day, led
him to Nerac with his troops, he remained there for
three days, being unable to tear himself
away from
such pleasant company and from so agreeable a
spot.
Upon being informed of this, the Mareschal
de Biron, who had only been awaiting some such op-
portunity, advanced in our direction with his army,
upon a pretence of joining Monsieur de Cornusson,
Seneschal of Tolose, who was conveying some reinforce-
ments to him, at a ford of the river, but instead of
going in that direction, he marched towards Nerac,
and presented himself before it at about nine o'clock
in the morning, with all his army drawn up in battle
array within cannon shot.
The king my husband, who had been apprised upon
the previous night of the coming of Monsieur de Cor-
nusson, wishing to prevent the union of the two
forces in order that he might give them battle sepa-
rately, as he had sufficient men for the purpose-
Monsieur de la Rochefoucaut being at hand with all
the nobility of Xaintonge, and at least 800 mounted
arquebusiers which he had supplied-had sallied forth
at daybreak, thinking to fall in with one of them at
Queen of Navarre.
247
the ford. He had been wrongly informed, however
-Monsieur de Cornusson having crossed the river
upon the previous night-so that having failed in his
enterprise, he returned to Nerac, where, as he made
his entry into the town by one gate, he learnt that the
Mareschal de Biron was drawn up in battle array
before the other.
The day happened to be extremely stormy, and the
rain fell so heavily that the arquebusiers were unable
to do any service. Nevertheless, the king my husband
placed some of his troops amongst the vines to prevent
the Mareschal de Biron from approaching any nearer.
The Mareschal, being unable to carry on any further
operations on account of the rain, continued all the
same drawn up within sight of us, standing his ground
firmly, bringing up his artillery to within firing range,
and only allowing some two or three of his men to
disband, who asked our permission to break a lance
in honour of the ladies.
Then, all at once, he divided his forces, and caused
seven or eight volleys of cannon-shot to be fired into
the town, one ball of which was carried as far as the
castle; after which he retired, having previously sent
a trumpeter to me to present me his excuses, and to
assure me that, had I been alone in the town, nothing
in the world would have induced him to act as he had
done, but that I must be aware that, according to the
terms of the arrangement to which the king had agreed
for the neutrality of the town, it had been specified
that, if the king my husband should be at Nerac, the
neutrality would become null and void, and that he had
orders from the king to attack him wheresoever he
might chance to be.
248
Marguerite de Valois,
Upon all other occasions Monsieur le Mareschal de
Biron had behaved towards me with the greatest
respect, and had shown himself to be my friend; for
when, during the course of the war, some of my
letters happened to fall into his hands, he returned
them to me unopened, whilst all those who stated
that they were in my service were always well and
honourably treated by him.
I sent back word by the trumpeter that I was aware
that Monsieur le Mareschal was only acting in accor-
dance with the exigencies of war and the instructions
of the king, but that a man so intelligent as he was
could very well have conformed to both the one
and the other without annoying his friends; that
he might perfectly well have allowed me to enjoy
the pleasure of seeing the king my husband for
these three days at Nerac; that he could not
attack him when in my presence without attacking
me likewise; that I was extremely offended at his
conduct, and that I should complain of it to the
king.
This war continued for some time longer, those of
the religion being continually worsted, which assisted
my endeavours to influence the king my husband
towards peace.
I wrote frequently to the king, and to the queen
my mother, upon this subject, but they paid no atten-
tion to my letters, trusting to the good luck which
had always hitherto attended Monsieur le Mareschal
de Biron.
Simultaneously with the commencement of this
war, the town of Cambray, which since my departure
from France had declared itself for my brother,
Queen of Navarre.
249
through the influence of Monsieur d'Ainsi,' of whom
I have already spoken, was besieged by Spanish
troops.
My brother, who was at home at Plessis-lez-Tours
(whither he had but recently returned from Flanders,
where he had had given over to him the towns of
Monts, Valenciennes, and others, which were under
the command of the Comte de Lalain, who had taken
my brother's side and caused him to be recognized as
lord of all the country under his control), upon being
informed of this, and wishing to succour the town,
immediately set about raising an army with which to
proceed to its relief. But as this army could not be
made ready soon enough, he despatched Monsieur de
Balagny in the meanwhile, to the relief of the town,
there to await the time when he could come with his
troops and raise the siege.
When he had proceeded thus far with his
prepara-
tions, and was beginning to assemble a portion of the
force required, this Huguenot war broke out, which
compelled all his soldiers to disband, in order to take
service with the army of the king, who was proceeding
into Gascony. This deprived my brother of all hopes
of being able to relieve Cambray, the loss of which
would entail that of the whole of the rest of the
country he had conquered, and, what he regretted
most, of Monsieur de Balagny and all the gallant
fellows who were inside the walls of Cambray. He
was extremely distressed at this, and as he was
endowed with much wisdom and was never at a loss.
¹ We read in the "Economies de Sully," chap. xvi., the
account of the " sale tromperie" of which "le pauvre Monsieur
d'Inchy" was the victim.
250
Marguerite de Valois,
for an expedient when in trouble-perceiving that the
only remedy would be the pacification of France, and
possessing as he did a spirit capable of overcoming all
difficulties he undertook to bring about a peace, and
despatched a gentleman at once to the king to persuade
him to this end, and to beg him to grant him permis-
sion to treat for it. He did this from the fear that
those who might be commissioned to arrange it should
allow matters to drag on to such a length as would
prevent him from being able to relieve Cambray in
time-Monsieur de Balagny, who was, as I have
said, within the town, having apprised my brother
that he could hold out for six months longer. He
said, however, that if the siege was not raised by
then, the scarcity of provisions would be such that
there would be no possibility of restraining the towns-
people, or of preventing them from surrendering.
God having assisted my brother in his project of
persuading the king to make peace, the king agreed
to his proposal, thinking to turn him, by this means,
from his Flemish enterprise, of which he had never
approved. He commissioned him, therefore, to ar-
range the terms of the treaty and to conclude peace,
informing him that he would send him Messieurs
de Villeroy and de Bellievre to help him with the
negotiations.
This commission resulted very fortunately for my
brother, for, coming into Gascony, he concluded peace
to the satisfaction of the king and of all the Catholics,
whilst he left the king my husband and the Huguenots
of his party no less contented, having proceeded with
so much wisdom that he was praised and esteemed for
it by everybody; added to which, he succeeded in
Queen of Navarre.
251
gaining over
over that great general, Monsieur le Mareschal
de Biron, who devoted himself to his service in order
to take the command of the army for Flanders, and
whom he withdrew from Gascony to please the king
my husband, Monsieur le Mareschal de Matignon
being appointed in his place. My brother was re-
tained in Gascony by this business for seven months,
which seemed to him to be a great deal longer than
they were, on account of his desire to go to the relief
of Cambray, notwithstanding that the pleasure he
experienced at our being together somewhat sweetened
the bitterness of this responsibility.
Previous to his departure, my brother was desirous
of reconciling the king my husband with Monsieur le
Mareschal de Biron, on condition that the Mareschal
would, in the first place, give me the satisfaction
of apologizing for what had occurred at Nerac,
and for which he desired me to upbraid him in the
haughtiest and most scornful language at my com-
mand.
I obeyed this earnest injunction of my brother's
with the discretion necessary upon such occasions, for
I was well aware that he would one day regret his
advice, seeing that he might hope for such great
things from the assistance of so gallant a soldier.
My brother, who, upon returning to France
accompanied by Monsieur le Mareschal de Biron, was
received with no less honour and triumph-for hav-
ing quieted so great a disturbance to the satisfaction
of everybody than upon the occasions following
upon the many victories which he had achieved by his
arms, immediately set about strengthening and improv-
ing his army. But, alas! with what certainty does
252
Marguerite de Valois,
envy ever follow in the wake of happiness and glory!
The king, who derived no satisfaction from this state.
of affairs, and who was, besides, not overpleased that
my brother and I should have remained together in
Gascony for seven months during the peace negotia-
tions, imagined, in order to find an excuse for his ire,
that I had been the origin of the war, and had
dragged the king my husband into it (although he
can thoroughly testify to the contrary) in order that
my brother should have the credit of arranging peace ;
which, if it had only depended upon me, should have
cost him much less time and trouble, seeing that the
delay was very prejudicial to his affairs in Flanders
and at Cambray.
This however was not taken into consideration; for
envy and hatred are apt to blind the eyes and render
them unable to behold things as they are.
The king
founded a mortal aversion to me upon this false basis,
and, calling to mind the memory of the past (when,
during the time of his sojourn in Poland, and since
his return thence, I had ever studied my brother's inte-
rests and contentment rather than his own), allowed
all this to combine together to my disadvantage,
and swore to compass my own and my brother's
destruction.
Unhappily for me, Fortune favoured his animosity,
and decreed that my brother, during his seven months'
sojourn in Gascony, should become enamoured of
Fosseuse, to whom, as I have already said, the king
my husband had been paying his addresses ever since
he had parted from Rebours. This led the king my
husband to regard me with ill-feeling, as he imagined
that I was going against him and furthering my
Queen of Navarre.
253
brother's suit. As soon as I became aware of this I
besought my brother so earnestly-pointing out to
him the misery he would bring upon me by this
courtship that, caring as he did for my happiness
more than for his own, he subdued his passion, and
ceased to hold any intercourse with her.
I succeeded thus in remedying this matter, but
Fortune, who, when she begins persecuting one,
is not to be discouraged by the first rebuff, contrived
another pitfall for me-far more dangerous than the
first-by arranging that Fosseuse, who was extremely
fond of the king my husband, and who, up to this
time, had only allowed him such familiarities as
might with all propriety be permitted, should sur-
render herself so entirely to his will as that she should
unfortunately become with child.¹ Whereupon, find-
ing herself in this condition, she completely changed
her attitude towards me, and instead of being open
with me, as was her custom, and doing me all the
good services that she possibly could with respect to
the king my husband, she commenced avoiding me,
and doing me as many evil turns as she had previously
done me good ones. She possessed so much influence
over the king my husband that, in a very short time,
I perceived he was entirely changed. He became
estranged, avoided me, and no longer took the same
¹ A lampoon of the period refers thus to the behaviour of the
King and Queen of Navarre at this time :—
"..
Il y a bien de la besogne
A regarder ce petit roy,
Comme il a mis en désarroy
Toutes les filles de sa femme;
Mais, hélas! que la bonne dame
S'en venge bien de son côté !”
254
Marguerite de Valois,
pleasure in my society as he had done during the four
or five happy years that I had spent in Gascony, when
Fosseuse had conducted herself respectably.
When the peace to which I have alluded was
signed, and my brother had proceeded to France to
form his army, the king my husband and I returned
to Nerac, where we were no sooner arrived than
Fosseuse either as an excuse to conceal her condition,
or else in order to get rid of its consequences-put it
into the king's head to go to the waters of Aigues-
caudes, which are situated in Bearn.
I begged the king my husband to excuse me if I
did not accompany him to Aigues-caudes, as he knew
that, since the insult I had received at Pau, I had
made a vow never to enter Bearn unless the Catholic
religion was established there. He pressed me ear-
nestly to go, until he lost his temper, but I ended by
excusing myself. He then told me that his girl (for
it was thus that he designated Fosseuse) required to
drink the waters for the indigestion from which she
suffered. I told him that I was quite willing that
she should go there. He replied that it would not
be seemly for her to go there without me; that it
would cause people to imagine evil where none existed,
and he became very angry with me because I refused
to take her to the waters. Finally, I contrived that
he should be satisfied if two of her companions,
Rebours and Villesavin,' went with her, together
with the governess.
They departed with him, whilst I waited at
Baviere. I heard every day from Rebours (whom
2
1
See Castelnau, t. i., p. 329.
2 ( Baniere," original MS.
Queen of Navarre.
255
he had formerly loved-a depraved and deceitful girl,
who was only desirous of ousting Fosseuse in order
that she might supplant her in the favour of the king
my husband) that Fosseuse was doing me all the
worst offices in the world, maligning me continually,
and persuading herself that if she had a son and could
get rid of me, she might marry the king my husband,
who, upon his side, had resolved, upon his return to
Baviere, to go to Pau, and to take me there, either
with my consent or by force.
My annoyance upon receiving this news may be
well imagined. Nevertheless, as I had confidence in
the goodness of God and in that of the king my
husband, I passed the time of my sojourn at Baviere
in waiting for the king, and in shedding tears as
numerous as the drops of water which he and his
companions were drinking at Aigues-caudes, notwith-
standing that I was surrounded by the whole of the
Catholic nobility of those parts, who strove by every
means to make me forget my troubles.
At the end of a month or five weeks, the king my
husband, having returned with Fosseuse and his other
companions, learnt from one of the gentlemen who
had been with me how unhappy I was from the fear
of having to proceed to Pau. He did not, therefore,
press me so much to go, but only said that he would
have greatly desired that I should do so if I had
been agreeable. But as my tears and protestations
combined to show him that I would rather die
than go, he altered his plans, and we returned to
Nerac.
Here, as I found that everybody was talking about
Fosseuse's condition, and that not only at our court,
256
Marguerite de Valois,
but throughout the country, it was made the subject
of common gossip, I desired to put an end to the
rumour, and made up my mind to speak to her. I
took her aside, therefore, into my closet, and addressed
her thus :-
"In spite of your having for some time estranged
yourself from me, and of my having been led to
believe that you make mischief between me and the
king my husband, the friendship I have always borne
you, combined with that which I have sworn to the
honourable family to which you belong, does not
admit of my refusing to assist you in the distressing
position in which you find yourself, and which I beg
you will not deny to me; and as I do not wish that
disgrace should fall upon both you and myself-who
have as much interest in the matter as you have,
seeing that you are in my service-you may rely
upon my acting towards you like a mother. I have
an excuse, on account of the plague, which, as you are
aware, is raging in this country, and even in this very
town, for proceeding to Mas d'Agenois, a house
belonging to the king my husband, which is situated
in a very lonely spot. I will only take with me such a
following as you may yourself choose. Meanwhile, the
king my husband will go hunting in quite another
direction, whence he will not return until after the
time of your delivery, and we shall thus put an end to
this scandal, which concerns me no less than it does
yourself."
Instead of being grateful to me for this, she
answered me with great haughtiness, saying that she
would give the lie to all those who had talked about
her; that for some time I had taken a dislike to her,
Queen of Navarre.
257
and that I was seeking for a pretext whereby to ruin
her.
She spoke as loudly as I had spoken low, and quit-
ting my closet in a rage, went to the king my husband
and worked him up into the same state, so that he
became greatly incensed with me for what I had said
to his girl-declaring that she would give the lie to all
those who had accused her-and he continued to bear
me malice for this, until, some months having elapsed,
the hour of her delivery was at hand.
She was taken ill in the morning at daybreak,
whilst occupying the room of the maids of honour.
She sent for my doctor, and begged him to go and
inform the king my husband, which he did.
We were sleeping in the same room, in separate
beds, according to our custom. When my husband
was informed of this news by the doctor, he was
greatly embarrassed as to what to do, fearing, on the
one hand, that she should be discovered, and on the
other that she might not be properly attended to,
for he loved her dearly. In the end, he decided to
confess everything to me, and to beg me to go and
see that she was well cared for, being sure, in spite
of what had taken place in the past, that he would
always find me ready to serve him in whatsoever he
pleased. He drew aside my bed-curtains, therefore,
and addressed me thus:-
My dear, I have hidden something from you
which I must now avow. I entreat you to pardon me,
and to forget all I have previously said upon this
subject, and to oblige me by getting up immediately
and going to the assistance of Fosseuse, who is very
ill. I feel sure that, out of pity for her condition, you
S
258
Marguerite de Valois,
will let bygones be bygones. You know how dearly
I love her; I pray you, therefore, to do me this
favour."
I replied that I honoured him too much to take
anything amiss that came from him; that I would go
to her and behave to her as though she had been my
own daughter, and that, meanwhile, he must go upon a
hunting expedition, and take all his suite away with
him, so that no rumour of this might get abroad.
I then had Fosseuse promptly conveyed out of the
maids' room and into a chamber apart, where my
doctor and several women attended upon her, and
where I saw her safely delivered. God willed that
she should only give birth to a daughter, which,
moreover, was still-born.
After her delivery, she was carried back to the maids'
room, whence, in spite of using the greatest discretion,
it was impossible to prevent the news from spreading
all over the castle.
She
When the king my husband returned from hunting
he went to see her, according to his custom.
besought him to induce me to go and see her—as I
was accustomed to visit my maids whenever they were
ill-thinking by this means to silence the rumours
that were afloat.
Upon seeking my chamber, the king my husband
found that I had gone to bed again, as I was tired
with having arisen so early, and with all the trouble
I had had whilst seeing that Fosseuse was properly
attended to. He begged that I would get up and
go to her.
I replied that I had been to her when she had had
need of my assistance, but that now she no longer
Queen of Navarre.
259
required it, and that, if I went to her, I should be
calling attention to, instead of concealing what had
happened, and that everybody would point the finger
of scorn at me.
He was extremely angry with me, which annoyed
me very much, for I did not consider that I deserved
such a reward as this after what I had done in the
morning. She often incited him to get into these
tempers against me.
Whilst we were upon these terms, the king, who
ignored nothing of what went on in the houses of all
the greatest personages in his realm, and who was par-
ticularly curious to know about the behaviour of our
court, having been informed of all this, and being
still desirous of revenging himself upon me because
(as I have already explained) of the fame my brother
had acquired when he arranged the terms of the
peace, imagined that this would be a favourable
opportunity for making me as miserable as he wished
by dragging me from the side of the king my husband,
in the hope that a separation would prove like the
breaking of the Macedonian battalion. To compass
this end, he made the queen my mother write to me
to say that she desired to see me, as a separation of
five or six years from her was quite long enough, and
that the time had now come when I ought to pay a
visit to court, which would be to the advantage of
both the king my husband and myself; moreover,
that she knew that the king was anxious to see me,
and that, if I had not the funds necessary for the
journey, the king would arrange to provide me with
them. The king wrote to me in the same strain, and
sent Manniquet, his groom of the chamber, to me
260
Marguerite de Valois,
to persuade me to come, for, during the five or six
years that I had been in Gascony, I had never been
able to make up my mind to return to court. He
found me now more disposed to follow his advice,
because of the displeasure I felt on account of
Fosseuse, of which he had been informed at court.
The king and queen sent me two or three letters,
one after the other, and caused fifteen thousand crowns
to be delivered to me so that I should not be delayed
for want of the necessary funds, and the queen my
mother informed me that she would come and meet
me as far as Xaintonge, and that if the king my
husband would conduct me thither, she would advise
with him, and make known to him the king's pleasure.
For the king was very anxious to withdraw him from
Gascony in order to keep him at court in the same
position that he and my brother had occupied in
former times, and the Mareschal de Matignon was
persuading the king to this end, being desirous of
obtaining the supreme command in Gascony.
All these fine appearances of goodwill did not de-
ceive me as to the results which were to be expected
from a return to court, as I had had too much ex-
perience of them in the past. I determined, however,
to profit by his offers¹ and to take my departure for
only a few months, so that I might arrange my affairs
and those of the king my husband, and I also
thought that my going away would serve to turn the
king my husband from his affection for Fosseuse-
whom I was taking with me-and that, once she was

¹ In some editions this is rendered, "Je me resolus de tirer
prouffit de ses coffres."
Queen of Navarre.
261
!
out of his sight, he might possibly take up with
somebody else who would be less hostile to me.
I had trouble enough to induce the king my husband
to consent to my taking this journey, because it an-
noyed him that Fosseuse should go away after so
much scandal had been set afloat concerning him.
He became much kinder to me in consequence,
wishing very much to change my intention of return-
ing to France. But, as I had already given my pro-
mise in my letters to the king and to the queen my
mother, and had even received the before-mentioned
sum for my journey, the evil fate which was luring
me to court triumphed over the scant desire that I
then felt to repair thither, just as the king my
husband was beginning to treat me with more
affection.


ZON
INDEX.

IGMONT (Comte d'), Lamoral, Comte d'Egmont,
executed at Brussels, 4th June, 1568, 164
(with note), 167, 197.
Ainsi (Monsieur d'), Bauduin de Gavre, Sieur
d'Inchy, 161 (with note), 162, 171, 172, 177,
201, 249 (with note).
Alégre (Antoine d'), assassinated by Baron de Viteaux, 14
(Introduction).
Alençon (Duke of), first husband of Marguerite de Valois, sister
of Francis I., 1 (Introduction).
Alençon (François de Valois, Duke of), youngest son of Henry
II., brother of Marguerite, assumed title of Duke of Anjou
when his brother Henry, who had formerly borne it, became
King of France, note to p. 3, 15 (Introduction), 68 (with
note), 99, 100, 101, 104; his first escape from court, 131,
168 (with note); joins Marguerite at her house of La Fère,
200 (with note), note to p. 207; his arrest by order of Henry
III., 211; his escape from the Louvre, aided by Marguerite,
227; negotiates peace between Henry III. and King of
Navarre, 250 (see “Anjou”).
Alessandrino (Cardinal), nephew of Pope Pius V., note to p. 84.
Ali (Pasha), Commander-in-chief of the Turkish Fleet at the
Battle of Lepanto, note to p. 175.
Ambrun (Bishop of), 150.
Ange (Friar), said to be the son of Marguerite and Harlay
de Chanvallon, 28 (with note) (Introduction).
Anjou (François de Valois, Duke of), formerly Duke of Alençon,
brother of Marguerite, note to p. 118 (see “Alençon ").
Anjou (Henri de Valois, Duke of), elected King of Poland),
afterwards King of France as Henry III., brother of Mar-
guerite, II (Introduction), 66 (with note), 67, 71 (with
note), 72, 73 (with note), 79, 104, 190 (see “Henry III.").
264
Index.
Annebaut (Monsieur d'), 68 (with note).
Anquetil (historian), statement of, 15 (Introduction).
Archant (L'), Nicholas de Gremonville L'Archant, Captain of
the King's Body-guard, 215 (with note), 216.
Aremberg (Comtesse d'), 180 (with note).
Aremberg (Madame d'), wife of Charles de Ligne, Comte
d'Aremberg, 181 (with note).
Aremberg (Monsieur d'), Charles de Ligne, Comte d'Aremberg,
181 (with note).
Armagnac, valet de chambre to the King of Navarre, 16 (Introduc-
tion), 97.
Arscot (Duc d'), 172 (with note), 173 (with note), 174, 175.
Assigny (Madame d'), note to p. 122.
Attrie (Mademoiselle d'), 158 (with note).
Aubiac, favourite of Marguerite, 34 (Introduction).
Aubigné (D'), author of "Le Divorce Satyrique," note to p. 10
(Introduction).
Aurée, or Aurec (Madame d'), 163 (with note), 172, 176, 177,
179, 186.
Aurec (Monsieur d'), 173 (with note), 177, 179, 187.
Austria (Anne of), married Philip II. (her uncle) as his fourth
wife, 181 (with note).
Austria (Don John of), natural son of the Emperor Charles V.,
157 (with note), 160, 162, 164, 172, 173, 174, 175 (with
note), 176 (with note), 177, 179, 184, 187, 191, 194, 195,
196, 197, 198, note to p. 207.
Auvergne (Comte d'), Charles.de Valois, son of Charles IX. and
Marie Touchet, note to p. 28 (Introduction).
Auvergne (Dauphin of), afterwards Duke of Montpensier, note to
P. 71.
Avantigny, chamberlain to the Duke of Alençon, 136.
Bajomont, one of Marguerite's favourites, note to p. 47, note to
P. 49.
Balagny (Monsieur de), 249, 250.
Balançon (Baron de), 173 (with note), 181, 182, 183.
Balançon (Madame de), (Claude de Tournon), 182.
Bar (Monsieur le Duc de), Marguerite's nephew, 241 (with
note).
Barlemont (Monsieur de), 195, 196, 197.
Bayle (statement by), 23 (Introduction).
Bazin (Monsieur), his description of the divorce of Marguerite
and Henry IV., 36 (Introduction).
Beaumont (Comte de), note to p. 40 (Introduction).
Beaupréau (Duc de), note to p. 152.
Beaupréau (Henri de Bourbon, Marquis de, son of the Prince de
Index.
265
la Roche-sur-Yon), 30 (Introduction), 65 (with note), 66,
note to p. 152.
Beauvais (Monsieur de), counsel for the Duke of Alençon at the
Conference of Sens, 145.
Bellay (Joachim Du), an Angevin poet whose verses are quoted by
Marguerite, 62 (with note).
Bellegarde (Duke of), 43 (Introduction).
Bellegarde (Roger de Saint-Lary, Seigneur de Bellegarde), 204
(with note).
Bellièvre (Monsieur de), 250.
Bertier (Chancellor), Marguerite's agent during the negotiations
for her divorce, note to p. 41 (Introduction).
Besme ("a German gentleman "), assassinates Admiral Coligny,
93.
Béthune (Mademoiselle de), lady-in-waiting to Marguerite, 28,
29 (Introduction).
Bidé, a gentleman whom Marguerite was accused of visiting, 24,
25 (Introduction).
Blomberg (Barbara), reputed mother of Don John of Austria,
note to p. 157.
Bourgogne (Marguerite de), note to p. 9 (Introduction).
Brantôme (Pierre de Bourdeille, Sieur de), note to p. II, 13, note
to p. 15, 18 (with note), 19 (with note), note to p. 19,
note to p. 20, 23, 25, 30, 31, 32, note to p. 35, 45, 57, 58
(Introduction), note to p. 61, note to p. 71, 177, note to p.
240.
Biron (Armand de Gontaut, Maréchal de), 63 (with note), 236,
242, 243, 244, 245, 247, 248, 251.
Boëssiere (La), a gentleman in Marguerite's service, 183.
Bourbon (Cardinal de), 72, 86, 88, 154, note to p. 235.
Bourdeille (Jeanne de), maid of honour to Marguerite and to the
queen-mother, 108 (with note).
Bracciano (Diego des Ursins, Duke of), 42 (Introduction).
Brissac (Charles de Cossé, Comte de), 204 (with note).
Brunswick, Dorothy, widow of Eric, Duke of, note to p. 184.
Bussi (Louis de Clermont de Bussy d'Amboise), first gentleman-in-
waiting to the Duke of Alençon, 25, 26, 33 (Introduction),
118 (with note), 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 129,
147, 188, 200, 204, 205, 214, 215, 216, 219, 220, 221, 228.
Cambray (Bishop of), 160, 163, 172.
Camille, gentleman-in-waiting to Henry III., 109 (with note),
113, 114.
Cangé (valet de chambre to the Duke of Alençon), 210, 227, 228.
Canillac, or Cavillac (Jean-Timoléon de Beaufort Montboissier,
Marquis de), 32, 33 (Introduction), 63.
266
Index.
Carlos (Don) eldest son of Philip II., note to p. 9 (Introduction),
note to p. 70, note to p. 82, note to p. 167.
Casimir (Duke), 145.
Castelan (Honoré), physician to Charles IX. and Catherine de'
Medici, 81, 106.
Castelnau, 57 (Introduction), note to p. 236, note to p. 240, note to
P. 254.
Chaligny (Comte de), 159 (with note).
Changi, a young lady-in-waiting to Louise de Vaudemont, queen
of Henry III., 126.
Chanvallon (Jaques de Harlay, Seigneur de), first equerry to the
Duke of Alençon, 28 (with note), 29, 33 (with note), 44
(Introduction).
Chappellain (Jean), physician to Charles IX. and Catherine de'
Medici, 81.
Charles V. (Emperor), note to p. 121, note to p. 157.
Charles IX., King of France (brother of Marguerite), note to p. 3,
4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 40 (with note) (Introduction), 64
(with note), 69, 71 (with note), 88, 89, 91; agrees to the
Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, 93, 95; his illness, 99, 100,
101; his death, 103 (with note), 106, 150, note to p. 180,
181.
Charry (Admiral de), adviser of Catherine de' Medici during
minority of Charles IX., 89 (with note), 90, 92.
Chastelas (Monsieur), cousin of Mademoiselle Torigny, 128,
135, 136, 137.
Chastre (Monsieur de la), Edmé, Marquis de la Châtre, 206
(with note), 208, 216, 221.
Clement, assassin of Henry III., 35 (Introduction).
Clermont (Antoine de), note to p. 118.
Coconas (Comte de), a Piedmontese gentleman, decapitated by
order of Charles IX., June, 1574, 101 (with note), 102.
Codrington (Robert), his translation of " Memoirs of Marguerite.
de Valois," published 1648, note to p. 59.
Coligny (Admiral de), 6 (Introduction), wounded by Maurevert,
88, 89, 92; his assassination, 93, 95.
Combaud (Monsieur de), Robert de Combaud, first groom of the
chambers to Henry III., 217 (with note), 218.
Comini (or "Pomini"), one of Marguerite's favourites, 47 (with
note) (Introduction).
Condé (Mary of Cleves, Princess of), first wife of Henri de
Bourbon, Prince of, 86 (with note).
Condé (Prince of), 92, 98, 106.
Cornusson (Monsieur de), 246, 247.
Cossé (Jeanne de), note to p. 206, note to p. 207.
Cossé (Maréchal de), imprisoned by Charles IX. at Vincennes, 101.
Index.
267
Coste (Father Hilarion de), "a monkish chronicler," 35, note to
p. 45 (Introduction), note to p. 71.
Cueva (Cardinal de la), note to p. 157.
Curson (Countess of), one of Marguerite's train-bearers at corona-
tion of Marie de' Medici, 52 (Introduction).
Curton (Madame de), governess to Marguerite, 3 (with note)
(Introduction), 109.
Dampierre (Madame de, Jeanne de Vivonne), aunt of Brantôme,
13 (Introduction), 68 (with note), note to p. 118, 121.
Daniel (Le Père), statement by, note to p. 78.
Dauphin ("Monsieur le "), eldest son of Francis I., uncle of
Marguerite, note to p. 119, 120 (with note).
Dauphin (the), afterwards Louis XIII., birth of, 43, 50 (with
note) (Introduction).
Dayelle (maid of honour to the queen-mother), 236 (with
note), 239.
Descarts (Monsieur), Jaques de Pérusse, Seigneur d'Escars, 189
(with note).
Dibdin (author of "Library Companion "), 2 (Introduction).
Du Bois (agent of Henry III. in Flanders), 194, 196, 197.
Dumas (Alexandre, père), his romance of "La Reine Margot,"
note to p. 3 (Introduction).
Dupleix, note to p. 29, note to p. 44, note to p. 51 (Introduc-
tion), note to p. 80.
Duras (Madame de), lady-in-waiting to Marguerite, 28, 29
(Introduction).
Duras (Monsieur de), 148.
Elizabeth (Princess), eldest daughter of Henry IV. and Marie
de' Medici, afterwards married to Philip IV. of Spain, 51
(with note) (Introduction).
Elizabeth (Queen), Elizabeth of Austria, wife of Charles IX.,
180 (with note).
Entragues (Marquis d'), father of Henrietta de Balzac, Mar-
chioness of Verneuil, note to p. 39 (Introduction).
Estrées (Gabrielle d'), Duchess of Beaufort, mistress of Henry IV.,
37 (with note), 38 (with note), 39, 43 (Introduction).
Etoile (De L'), note to p. 5, note to p. 10, note to p. 15, note to
p. 28, note to p. 49, note to p. 50, note to p. 51, note to
PP. 53 and 54 (Introduction), note to p. 154, note to p. 188,
note to p. 200, note to p. 206, note to p. 207, note to p.
228, note to p. 234, note to p. 235.
Ferrière (Monsieur Hector de la), note to p. 34, note to p. 46,
note to p. 54 (Introduction).
268
Index.
Fleurines (Monsieur de), 198.
Fosseuse, maid of honour to Marguerite, 240 (with note), 241,
246, 252, 253, 254, 255, 257, 258, 260, 261.
Foulon (Joseph), Abbot of Ste. Geneviève, 228, 229.
Fourqueveaux (French ambassador in Spain), note to p. 82.
Francis I. (King of France), grandfather of Marguerite, 1, 2,
note to p. 54 (Introduction).
Francis II. (King of France), brother of Marguerite, 3, note to
pp. 11 and 12 (Introduction).
Freer (Miss), her "History of the Reign of Henry IV.," 33
(Introduction).
Froude (Anthony), quotation from, note to p. 207.
Gauric (Luke), an astrologer who foretold the manner of
Henry II.'s death, note to p. 105.
Genissac (a Huguenot gentleman), 150.
Godefroy (Monsieur J.), his edition of Memoirs, note to p. 209.
Gondy (Henri de), Bishop of Paris, note to p. 40 (Introduction).
Gonzague (Ludovic de), 173 (with note), 176.
Grammont, favourite of Henry III., 205.
Gregory XIII. (Pope), returns thanks to heaven for Massacre of
Saint Bartholomew, note to p. 17 (Introduction).
Grey (Lady Jane), remarks concerning her writings by Sir
Harris Nicolas, note to p. 22 (Introduction).
Grillon (Louis de Berton de Crillon), 139 (with note).
Grimonville (Larchamp de), captain of archers, arrests Mar-
guerite by order of Henry III., 27 (Introduction).
Grulard (President), 5 (Introduction).
Guast (Louis Béranger Du, or Le), favourite of Henry III., 12,
13, 14 (with note), 15 (with note), 16, 24, 25, 26 (Intro-
duction), 78 (with note), 83, 104, 108, 110, 115, 116, 117,
119, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130,
135, 142, 147 (with note), 188.
Guessard (Monsieur), published an edition of Marguerite's works
in 1842, note to p. 7, note to p. 38, note to p. 44 (Intro-
duction), note to p. 64, note to p. 73, note to p. 80, note to
p. 154, note to p. 161, note to p. 170, 173, note to p. 209,
note to p. 214, 222, note to p. 225, 235, 236, 240, note to
p. 241.
Guise (Francis of Lorraine, Duke of), father of Henry, Duke of
Guise, 7 (Introduction).
Guise (Henry of Lorraine, Duke of), 7, 24 (Introduction), 79,
note to p. 80, note to p. 82, 83, 84 (with note), 88, 89, 90,
91, 93, 95, 111, 116, note to p. 127, 148.
Harcourt (Pierre de, Sieur de Beuvron), note to p. 127.
AY
Index.
269
Hardelay (Jean de Bourdeille), brother of Brantôme, 120 (with
note).
Henry II. (King of France), father of Marguerite, 2, 30, 31, 41
(Introduction), 65 (with note), 105, note to p. 119.
Henry III. (King of France, formerly Duke of Anjou and King
of Poland), brother of Marguerite, note to p. 3, 11, 12, 13,
24, 27 (with note), 35 (Introduction); his marriage, 117,
167, 168, 171, note to p. 215, note to p. 217; his arrest of
his brother, the Duke of Alençon, 211; permits Marguerite
to rejoin her husband in Gascony, 234 (with note), note to
p. 235 (see "Anjou" and "Poland, King of").
Henry IV. (King of France and Navarre), husband of Marguerite,
36, 38, 39, 41 (Introduction) (see "Navarre, King of ").
Horne (Monsieur de), Philippe de Montmorency, Comte de
Hornes, executed 1566, 167 (with note).
Hungary (Rudolph, King of), note to p. 84.
Isabella (the Infanta Archduchess), daughter of Philip II., note to
p. 157.
Joinville (Prince de), afterwards Duke of Guise, 30 (Introduction),
65 (with note), 66.
Joyeuse (Cardinal de), note to p. 36 (Introduction).
La Ferté, chamberlain to the Duke of Alençon (or Anjou), 136.
Lalain (Comte de), 163 (with note), 164, 171, 172, 194, 197,
198, 199, 201, 249.
Lalain (Comtesse de), 164 (with note), 165, 170, 171.
Landgrave (Madame la), wife of Louis-Henry, Landgrave of
Leuchtenberg, 181 (with note).
Langres (Bishop of), 159 (with note).
Lenoncourt (Cardinal de), 158 (with note), 174, 189, 190, 195.
Lescar, a gentleman sent to Marguerite when in Flanders by the
Duke of Alençon, 187.
Leu (Thomas Le), engraver, 58 (Introduction).
Liancourt, first equerry to Henry III., 109 (with note), 112, 113,
114.
Liege (Gerard Grosbek, Bishop of), 179 (with note), 180, 189,
190, 191, 192, 193.
Lippomano (Venetian envoy), note to p. 157.
Livarrot (a favourite of Henry III.), 189, 205.
Lorraine (Cardinal of), uncle of Henry, Duke of Guise, 83.
Lorraine (Charles, Duke of), husband of Marguerite's sister
Claude, note to p. 69, note to p. 94, 106.
270
Index.
Lorraine, Dorothy, daughter of Francis, Duke of, 184.
Lorraine ("Madame de"), Duchess of, Claude, second daughter of
Henry II. and wife of Charles, Duke of, sister of Marguerite,
3 (Introduction), 84, 94, note to p. 97, 106 (see "Valois,
Claude de ").
Lorraine (Prince of), son of Marguerite's sister, the Duchess of,
69 (with note).
Lossé (Monsieur de), 229, 230.
Losses (Monsieur de), 107, 210 (with note), 211, 212.
Loste (Monsieur de), 216, 217.
Louis le Hutin, King of France, note to p. 9 (Introduction).
Louise (Queen), wife of Henry III., 159 (with note), 202 (with
note).
Lyons (Bishop of), 150.
Macchiavelli (Niccolo), note to p. 78.
Malherbe, a celebrated poet, 48 (Introduction).
Manniquet (groom of the chambers to Henry III.), 259.
Mantua (Duke of), 173.
Matignon (Jaques de, Marshal of France), note to p. 127.
Matignon (Monsieur de), Odet de Matignon, Comte de Thorigny,
afterwards a Marshal of France, 225 (with note), 226, 227,
228, 251, 260.
Maugiron (Louis de), son of the Baron d'Ampuis, Lt.-General
of Dauphiné, favourite of Henry III., 189 (with note), 204,
206, 207, 208.
Mauléon (Girard de), Seigneur de Gourdan, favourite of Henry
III., 189 (with note), 205.
Maureval (or Maurevert), his attempt on life of Admiral Coligny,
6 (with note), 7 (Introduction), 89, 92 (note).
Maximilian II. (Emperor of Germany), note to p. 84.
Maxwell (Sir William Stirling, Bart.), quotation from his "Don
John of Austria," note to p. 157, note to p. 162, note to p.
173, note to p. 207.
Mayenne (Monsieur de), Charles de Lorraine, Duke of, brother
to Henry, Duke of Guise, 158 (with note), 188.
Maynard, a youthful poet attached to Marguerite's court, 48
(Introduction).
Medici (Catherine de'), Queen-mother of France, widow of
Henry II., mother of Marguerite, of Francis II., Charles
IX., Henry III., and of the Duke of Alençon, 4, 5 (with
note), note to p. 6, 7, note to p. 19, 20, 31, 55 (Introduc-
tion); honours Marguerite with her confidence, 77; is present.
at the siege of Saint Jean d'Angely, 78; diminishes her
favours to Marguerite, 80; persuades King Charles to agree
to Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, 92, 93 (with note), 120;
Index.
271
her departure for Conference of Sens, 144; negotiates the
Peace of Sens, 145.
Medici (Marie de'), second wife of Henry IV., 42, 43, 51, 52
(Introduction).
Meru, Monsieur de (Charles de Montmorency, afterwards Duc.
d'Amville, third son of the Constable), 85 (with note).
Millon (Madame "la Castelaine" de), 158.
Miossans (Henri d'Albret, Baron de), first gentleman-in-waiting
to King of Navarre, 16 (Introduction), 97, 99 (with note).
Mirande (Mademoiselle de la), maid of honour to Catherine
de' Medici, note to p. 24 (Introduction).
Modena (Bishop of), Pope's nuncio in France, note to p. 36
(Introduction).
Mole, La, a Provençal gentleman, decapitated by order of Charles
IX., June, 1574, note to p. 96, 101 (with note), 102 (with
note).
Mongez (quotations from), 3 (with note), 27, note to p. 28, 36,
note to p. 38, note to p. 41, 45 (with note), note to p. 53
(Introduction), note to p. 65, note to p. 160.
Monluc (Blaise de Lasseran, Seigneur de Montluc), 204 (with
note).
Montbazon (Duke of), sent by Henry IV. to "compliment" Mar-
guerite on her return to Paris, 1605, 44 (Introduction).
Montdoucet, agent to Henry III. in Flanders, 152, 153, 154, 190.
Monte (Horatio del), Archbishop of Albe, note to p. 36 (Intro-
duction).
Montecuculi (Comte), an officer in the household of the Dauphin
(son of Francis I.), note to p. 120.
Montejean (René de, Marshal of France), note to p. 152.
Montgomery (Gabriel de), Comte de Lorges, Captain of the
Scottish Guard, 2 (Introduction), 65 (note).
Montigny (Madame, or Mademoiselle de), 109 (with note), 112,
114.
Montigny (Monsieur de), 163 (with note).
Montigny (Monsieur de), Floris de Montmorency, Baron de, 167
(with note), 171, 201.
Montmorency (Maréchal de), imprisoned by Charles IX. at
Vincennes, 101.
Montmorency (Messieurs de), 85 (with note).
Montpensier, (Monsieur de) (Duke of), note to p. 54 (Intro-
duction), note to p. 235.
Montsoreau (Comte de), note to p. 118.
Mouy (Madame de), 158 (with note).
Moui, or Moüy (Seigneur de), 6, and note to p. 7 (Introduction),
89.
Moüy (Monsieur de, Seigneur de Picardie), 159 (with note).
272
Index.
}
Nançay, Monsieur de (Gaspard de la Châtre, Seigneur de),
Captain of the King's Guard, 96 (with note), 97.
Napoleon III., his restoration of Saint Denis, 55 (Introduction).
Navarre (Henry d'Albret, King of), husband of Marguerite de
Valois who was sister of Francis I., father of Jeanne d'Albret,
Queen of, grandfather of Henry IV., I, note to p. 9 (In-
troduction).
Navarre (Henry, King of, afterwards Henry IV. of France),
husband of Marguerite, 4, 25, 26 (Introduction); his mar-
riage to Marguerite, 87; present in Louvre at time of
Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, 95; his serious illness, 126;
his escape from Paris, 133, 151, note to p. 207; his meet-
ing with Marguerite at La Roelle, 235; his illness at the
village of Eause, 240; his recommencement of hostilities with
the King of France (Henry III.), 244; peace negotiated by
the Duke of Alençon, 250; his attachment to Fosseuse,
259 (see "Henry IV. King of France and Navarre ").
Navarre (Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of), daughter of Henry II.,
King of, wife of Anthony de Bourbon, Duke of Vendôme,
and mother of Henry IV., King of France and Navarre, 2,
3, note to p. 4 (Introduction), 85 (with note); her death,
86 (with note).
Navarre (Madame la Princesse de), Catherine of Bourbon, sister
of the King of Navarre, married Henry of Lorraine, Duc de
Bar, 241 (with note).
tr
Navarre (Prince of), afterwards King of, negotiations for his
marriage with Marguerite, 85, 87 (see " Navarre, King of,"
and "Henry IV., King of France").
Nemours (Duchess of), 42 (Introduction).
Nemours (Madame de), Anne d'Este, wife of Jaques de Savoye,
Duc de, 112.
Nevers (Madame de), Henrietta of Cleves, Duchesse de Nivernois
et de Réthelois, 86 (with note), note to p. 102, 108.
Nicolas (Sir Harris), his "Memoir of Lady Jane Grey," note to
p. 22 (Introduction).
Nostradamus (Michael, physician and astrologer to Henry II.),
note to pp. 11 and 12 (Introduction), note to p. 105.
Nouë (La), Huguenot leader killed at Massacre of St. Bartholo-
mew, 89, 93.
O (François d'), Seigneur de Fresnes, favourite of Henry III.,
IIO, III.
Orange (Prince of), 164, 187, 190.
Orleans (Gaston), Duke of, second son of Henry IV., 50 (Intro-
duction).
Index.
273
Orleans (Louis), Duke of, son of Henry II., died an infant, note
to p. 12 (Introduction).
Orleans ("Monsieur d'"), Duke of, third son of Francis I., uncle
of Marguerite, 119 (with note), 120 (with note).
Pardaillan (Hector de), one of the Huguenot leaders, 88 (with
note), 90.
Paul (St. Vincent de), almoner to Marguerite, 53 (Introduction).
Perron (Du), afterwards Cardinal, note to p. 102.
Philip II. (King of Spain), note to p. 9, 157 (with note), note to
p. 167, 172, note to p. 176, 181 (with note) (see "Spain,
King of").
Pibrac, or "Pybrac" (Gui de Faur, Sieur de), note to p. 8 (In-
troduction), note to p. 235, 239.
Pin (Le, or "Du"), Secretary to the King of Navarre, 237, 238,
239.
Poland (King of), afterwards Henry III. of France, brother of
Marguerite, note to p. 3, 6, 11 (Introduction), 88, 91, 92,
98; becomes King of France, 104, 108 (see "Anjou" and
"Henry III.").
Poltrot, the assassin of Francis, Duke of Guise, 7 (Introduction),
89.
Ponchartrain, Mémoires de, 54 (Introduction).
Porcian (Princess of), Catherine of Cleves, 24 (Introduction),
83 (with note), 84 (with note).
Portugal (Dom Sebastian, King of), 24 (Introduction); negotia-
tions for his marriage with Marguerite, 82 (with note), note
to p. 84.
Poux (Colonel), 145.
Prudhomme, note to p. 18 (Introduction).
Quelus (favourite of Henry III.), 110, 205, 208, 219, 220, 221.
"Rais" (Retz, Madame de), Duchess of, 68 (with note), 72, 108.
Ravaillac, assassin of Henry IV., 52 (Introdution).
Réaux (Tallement des), note to p. 46, note to p. 47 (Introduction).
Rebours, maid of honour to Marguerite, 239 (with note), 240
(with note), 246, 254.
Rendan (Madame de), 62 (Introduction).
Retz ("Rais"), Albert de Gondy, Duc de, Marshal of France,
note to p. 68, 91 (with note).
Rizzio (David), 47 (Introduction).
Rochefoucault (Countess de 1), one of Marguerite's train-bearers
at coronation of Marie de' Medici, 52 (Introduction).
Rochefoucault (Monsieur de la), Huguenot leader ki led at the
Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, 88, 93.
T
274
Index.
Rochefoucaut (Monsieur de la), 246.
Roche-sur-Yon (Philippe de Montespedon, Princesse de la), 152
(with note), 153, 154 (with note), 156, 158, 159, 180,
186, 189, 191.
Roche-sur-Yon (Prince de la), 65 (with note).
Ronsard (Pierre), poet, compares Marguerite to the goddess
Aurora, 20 (with note), 47 (Introduction).
Rosny (Baron de), afterwards Duke of Sully, 39 (Introduction).
Roville (Guillaume de), author and publisher, 1 (Introduction).
Ruffé (Philippe de Volvire, Marquis de Ruffec), 110, 111, 114.
Ste. Beuve, 15; his description of Marguerite, 17, 18, 19; of her
admiration for Bussy d'Amboise, 25; of her life at Nerac,
26, 27; of her condition previous to her residence at Usson,
30; of her life at Usson, 32; of her correspondence with
her husband, 35; quotations from his works, 55, 56, 58
(Introduction), note to p. 66, note to p. 159, note to p.
166.
Saint-Julien (Date de), one of Marguerite's favourites, 47 (with
note), 48 (with note) (Introduction).
Saint-Luc, favourite of Henry III., 205, 206, note to p. 207, 208.
Saint-Maigrin, favourite of Henry III., 205.
Saint Réal (author of "Histoire de Dom Carlos"), note to p. 9,
(Introduction), note to p. 79, note to p. 157.
Saint-Val (Georges de Vaudray, Sieur de St. Phal), favourite of
Henry III., 122 (with note).
Salviati (Chevalier de), first equerry to Marguerite and to the
Duke of Alençon, 190 (with note), 199.
-Sauve (Madame de), lacy-in-waiting to Catherine de' Medici, 72,
104 (with note), 108, 115, 116, 119, 120, 128, 133, 139,
210.
Savoy (Emanuel-Philibert), Duke of, husband of Marguerite, sister
of Henry II., 2 (Introduction), 69 (with note).
Savoye (Madame de), Marguerite, Duchess of, sister of Henry
II., and wife of Emanuel-Philibert, Duke of, aunt of Mar-
guerite, 69 (with note), 119 (with note), 121.
Scotland (Mary, Queen of), 3, 9, 31 (Introduction).
Senétaire (Madame de), 206 (with note).
Seurre (Chevalier de), Michel de Seure, Grand-Prior of Cham-
pagne, 223 (with note).
Simie, or Simier (Jean de Seymer), chamberlain to the Duke of
Alençon, 131 (with note), 215, 216, 221, 227.
Souvray (Gilles de Souvré), favourite of Henry III., 116 (with
note).
Spain (Elizabeth de Valois), Queen of, eldest daughter of Henry
Il., and third wife of Philip II., King of, eldest sister of
Index.
275
Marguerite, 2, 3, note to p. 9, 18, 19 (Introduction), 69
(with note), 127, 176 (with note).
Spain (Philip II., King of), note to p. 9 (Introduction), 83, 84
(with note), note to p. 85, 157 (with note), 160, 173, note
to p. 175, 181 (with note) (see "Philip II.").
Strada (the historian), note to p. 157.
Sugères (Helène de Fonsèque, daughter of the Baron de), maid of
honour to Marguerite and to the queen-mother, 108 (with
note).
Sully (Maximilian de Béthune, Duke of), note to p. 9, note to p.
II, note to p. 37, note to p. 38, 39, 43, 57 (Introduction),
note to p. 207, note to p. 249.
Tassis (De), a member of the state council of Don John of
Austria, note to p. 157.
Tejan (Monsieur de), wounded at Massacre of Saint Bartholomew,
96 (with note).
Téligny (Charles de), Huguenot leader killed at the Massacre of
Saint Bartholomew, 88 (with note), 93.
Termes (Paul de la Barthe, Seigneur de Termes), 204 (with
note).
Thou (De), 12, 14 (Introduction), note to p. 80.
Thurene, or Turenne (Monsieur de), Henri de la Tour, Vicomte
de Turenne, afterwards Duc de Bouillon, 236, 240 (with
note).
Torigny (Gillone Govion de Matignon), maid of honour to
Marguerite, 127 (with note), 135, 136, 137, 141.
Touchet (Marie), mistress of Charles IX., married to the Marquis
d'Entragues, note to p. 39 (Introduction).
Tour (Madeleine de la), daughter of Jean, Count of Boulogne and
Auvergne, mother of Catherine de' Medici, note to p. 67.
Tournon (Cardinal de), 66.
Tournon (Claude de), note to p. 181.
Tournon (Madame de), lady-in-waiting to Marguerite, 158 (with
note), 159, 181, 182, 189.
Tournon (Mademoiselle de), maid of honour to Marguerite, 158
(with note), 178, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185.
Urbino (Lorenzo, Duke of), father of Catherine de' Medici, note
to p. 67.
Usez (Madame d'), wife of Jaques de Crussol, Duc d', 109 (with
note).
Valette (Jean-Louis de Nogaret de la), Duc d'Epernon in 1581,
favourite of Henry III., 189 (with note).
276
Index.
Valois (Charles de, Comte d'Auvergne), son of Charles IX. and
Marie Touchet, note to p. 39 (Introduction).
Valois (Claude de), second daughter of Henry II., married to
Charles, Duke of Lorraine, sister of Marguerite, 3 (see
"Lorraine").
Valois (Marguerite de), sister of Francis I. and wife of Henry
II., King of Navarre, great-aunt to the Marguerite of these
Memoirs, 1, 2.
Valois (Marguerite de), daughter of Francis I., sister of Henry II.,
and wife of Emanuel-Philibert, Duke of Savoy, aunt to the
Marguerite of these Memoirs (see "Savoye "), 2.
Valois (Marguerite de), author of Memoirs, youngest daughter of
Henry II., her birth and education, 3; her marriage to King
of Navarre, 4; is implicated in murder of Du Guast, I
15; her
divorce, 40-42; her return to Paris in 1605, 44, 45; takes
up her abode at Hôtel de Sens, 45; account of her court in
Paris, 46; removes to Faubourg St. Germain, 49; she
attends coronation of Marie de' Medici, 51; her character
and mode of life, 53; her death and burial, 54, 55; her
literary style, 56 (Introduction); her early recollections, 63;
her conversation with her brother of Anjou at Plessis-les-
Tours, 72; his subsequent ingratitude, 78, 79; negotiations
for her marriage with the King of Portugal, 82, 83; negotia-
tions broken off, 85; her marriage to the King of Navarre,
87; is present in the Louvre during Massacre of Saint Bar-
tholomew, 95, 96; her forebodings of evil upon first meet-
ing with her brother the King of Poland after his accession
to the throne of France, 108; her journey into Flanders,
159; her return by way of La Fère, 200; rejoins her husband
in Gascony, 235; life with her husband at Pau, 237, and at
Nerac, 240; her vexation on account of her husband's
attachment to Fosseuse, 259; is invited to return to Paris
by Henry III. and the queen-mother, 260; decides to do so
in an evil hour, 261.
Varembon (Marquis de), 173 (with note), 182, 183, 184.
Vaudemont (Louise de), wife of Henry III., note to p. 117.
Vendôme (Alexandre de), afterwards Grand-Prior of France,
second son of Henry IV. and Gabrielle d'Estrées, note to p.
38 (Introduction).
Vendôme (Antoine de Bourbon, Duke of), husband of Jeanne
d'Albret, Queen of Navarre, and father of Henry, King of
Navarre, afterwards Henry IV., 2 (Introduction).
Vendôme (Cæsar de Bourbon, Duke of), son of Henry IV. and
Gabrielle d'Estrées, 44 (with note), 50 (with note).
Vergne (La), 236 (with note).
Vermont, gentleman-in-waiting to Marguerite, 48 (with note)
(Introduction).
Index.
277
Verneuil (Henri de Bourbon, Duke of, afterwards Bishop of
Metz), son of Henry IV. and Madame de Verneuil, 43.
Verneuil (Henrietta de Balzac), Marchioness of, mistress of Henry
IV., note to p. 28, 39, 42, 43.
Vezins (Monsieur de), the defender of the town of Cahors, 244
(with note).
Vienne (Bishop of), 150.
Villars, gentleman-in-waiting and favourite of Marguerite, note
to p. 47 (Introduction).
Villars (Monsieur le Marquis de), 236 (with note).
Villequier (Monsieur de), 208, 209, 220.
Villeroy (Monsieur de), 250.
Villesavin, 254.
Viteaux (Guillaume du Prat, Baron de), the assassin of Antoine
d'Alégre and of Louis Béranger Du Guast, 14, note to p.
15, 16 (Introduction), note to p. 147.
Vivonne (Charles de, Baron de la Chasteigneraye), note to p. 31
(Introduction).

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