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HISTORY
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THE
HISTORY
OF
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
VOL. I.
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THE
HISTORY
Religious Liberty
1
HOLBORN.
OF
FROM THE
FIRST PROPAGATION OF CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN,
THE DEATH OF GEORGE III.,
TO
INCLUDING
ITS SUCCESSIVE STATE, BENEFICIAL INFLUENCE, AND
POWERFUL INTERRUPTIONS.
By BENJAMIN BROOK.
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En two Golumes.
VOL. I.
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LONDON:
PUBLISHED BY F. WESTLEY, STATIONERS'-court :
SOLD ALSO BY B. J. HOLDSWORTH, ST. PAUL'S CHURCH-YARD ; T. HAMILTON,
PATERNOSTER-ROW; J. BLACK, TAVISTOCK-STREET; OGLE AND CO.,
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PREFACE.
THE doctrine of Religious Liberty is always wor-
thy of human investigation, and, to a generous
mind, it is always gratifying and profitable. The
more it is tried, as gold tried in the furnace, the more
will its intrinsic worth and untarnished lustre appear.
The prevailing ignorance of this doctrine is not occa-
sioned by any mystery or obscurity in it, but by the
prejudice and passions of men. In all ages, men have
allowed their minds to be improperly influenced by
strong attachments to a party, and powerfully attract-
ed by outward appearance and secular interest: by
which means they have rendered themselves incapa-
ble of investigating, or even of understanding, this
important doctrine. In all our researches, let the
mind be cool and unbiased, and, making truth our
constant guide, we shall ultimately arrive at entire
satisfaction. The avenues of our understandings not
being obscured by prejudice and prepossessions, but
constantly open to evidence and conviction, the result
will afford a bountiful recompence for all our toil.
In the volumes now offered to the public, the au-
thor has made unadorned truth, as derived from the
pages of divine inspiration, and the most approved
historical records, his constant guide; having endea-
voured throughout to trace, with unbiased fidelity,
the actual state and successive progress of liberal
principles, with their meliorating influence on society
and the church of God. To accomplish these great
objects, he has brought to light multiplied intolerant
vi
PREFACE.
proceedings and disgraceful persecutions, which the
best of men in all ages, have endured for the sake of
truth and a good conscience. The developement of
these powerful and long-continued interruptions to
religious freedom, necessarily led him to an undis-
guised exposure of almost innumerable usurpations
and oppressions, from catholics and protestants; show-
ing, throughout, their open repugnance to Christiani-
ty, enlightened policy, sound philosophy, the rights of
conscience, and every principle of humanity.
He is sufficiently aware, that the multiplied facts
here detailed will not be cordially relished by persons
whose education or secularity prompts them to into-
lerance; but, since they are facts which will perhaps
never be questioned;-facts derived from the most
faithful and approved historical records, and fraught
with invaluable instruction, they are submitted to the
candour and judgment of every enlightened mind.
For the satisfaction of the inquisitive reader, correct
reference is made, on all points of importance, to the
most respectable authorities, and, on points of minor
consideration, the authorities are generally inserted.
This, the author considered as indispensably necessa-
ry, in order to answer every objection that might
arise, and remove every possible cause of jealousy
from the mind of the reader. Numerous quotations
will be found as nearly as possible in the very words
of the authorities referred to, especially in those inte-
resting and important occurrences which seemed to
require this kind of exactness; and in no instance is
there any further variation of the words, than ap-
peared indispensably necessary for the use of modern
readers.
The author has made it a leading object to furnish
the reader with the only proper ground of concord
and liberality among Christians. The errors, super-
1
PREFACE.
vii
stitions, and persecutions of our ancestors, which some
would have buried in forgetfulness, ought certainly
to be proclaimed to the ends of the earth, as a sea-
sonable warning to the present generation, and a use-
ful lesson to posterity. This will make no alteration
of their true character. Those who are displeased at
the exposure of these evils, whether in others, or in
their own party, rarely "know what manner of spirit
they are of;" are usually under the dominion of the
same temper; and, if placed in like circumstances,
would commit similar outrages. It cannot, there-
fore, be too early for these abuses to be corrected!
Nothing has so much obstructed the progress of
Christianity in the world, as the absurd and selfish
doctrines, together with the superstitions and slavish
practices, which have been blended with it, and fa-
thered upon it. As the religion of Jesus Christ was,
for many centuries, completely buried under so great
a mass of rubbish, that it could scarcely be distin-
guished from the foulest Paganism; so to free Chris-
tianity from these heterogeneous and foreign mix-
tures, and to fix it on its only foundation, unclouded
and unencumbered by human appendages, is the no-
blest effort of man, and the greatest benefit to socie-
ty. The strongest reasons that can possibly exist,
therefore, enforce a temperate, but manly statement
of the actual situation and beneficial influence of Re-
ligious Liberty, together with its multiplied inter-
ruptions, from the earliest period to the present time.
Persons whose minds are thoroughly liberalized
will not censure others for worshipping God accord-
ing to their conceptions of the Gospel. They cannot
help feeling the highest respect for those who zea-
lously propagate. what are called the essentials of
Christianity; yet they always feel the greatest plea-
sure in holding out the right hand of fellowship to
W
viii
PREFACE.
'4
all pious Christians, by whatever name they may be
called. They cannot attach to any man the least de-
gree of criminality, for exercising the right of private
judgment-a right which the Creator has equally
conferred upon every intelligent creature. There
may be a manly statement of principles, without the
smallest portion of bigotry. The lovely grace of cha-
rity may be in full operation, as combined with un-
shaken firmness. Freedom of sentiment may be ful-
ly allowed to others, and still be unreservedly em-
ployed by ourselves. By avoiding the odious stigma
of bigotry and intolerance, we do not betray the
cause of truth by apathy and supineness.
Had the Christians of former ages firmly adhered
to the authority of the Gospel, as sacred and inviola-
ble, discarding the fatal principle of expediency; had
they consulted the will of Christ as contained in his
holy word, instead of idolizing the taste, the caprice,
the fashion of the day, the man of sin would never
have trampled upon the prostrate liberties of Christ-
endom; nor would the darkness of the middle ages
have wrapt in its deadly shades, from generation to
generation, the churches of the living God.
All professing Christians ought to feel jealous of
every thing that bears the semblance of an innova-
tion upon the simplicity of the New Testament; and
unless the ample and melancholy page of history is
opened to them in vain, they will feel themselves
scrupulously bound to reject the irreligious follies of
their forefathers, lest the world should again be vi-
sited with the darkness and intolerance of the papal
usurpation. The very possibility of the recurrence
of these evils, or any portion of them, stamps the
greatest importance on every deviation from the
plain path of truth; and Christians of every name,
on whose hearts the lessons of history have been in-
?
PREFACE.
ix
scribed, who are capable of rising above the preju-
dices and passions of the multitude, and who can rea-
son from past events, will "Stand fast in the liberty
wherewith Christ has made them free, and not be
entangled again with the yoke of bondage."
In modern Europe, where every thing that takes
place is accurately known to the magistrate, unless
religious liberty be enjoyed, pure Christianity will
be unable to find an entrance. Or if it have by any
means gained admittance, it holds a very precarious
existence; and if in this case an attempt be made to
propagate the religion of Christ, without the allow-
ance of which religious liberty is an empty name, a
single frown from the political head is the certain
signal of its departure. The history of Europe, es-
pecially of our own country, from the days of Con-
stantine to the close of the seventeenth century, fur-
nishes a luminous commentary on this subject, and a
useful lesson to mankind.
Enlarged conceptions of the rights of conscience,
and a resolute adherence to the principles of religious
freedom, if considered apart from man's immortal
destinies, and unconnected with his eternal interests,
become inferior objects of literary research and poli-
tical discussion: but when viewed in their close rela-
tion to the spiritual welfare of man, and in their ten-
dency to promote the salvation of souls, they become
a nobler theme-they acquire unspeakable worth.
When the doctrine of religious liberty shall be
universally understood and scrupulously observed by
all denominations of Christians, it will annihilate that
system of antichristian proselytism which has hither-
to been so tenaciously upheld by the bigoted or in-
terested partizans of every sect; will effectually de-
stroy party-prejudice, and every root of bitterness
among Christians; will promote, on its only proper
1
X
PREFACE.
foundation, "the unity of the spirit in the bond of
peace." When the rights of conscience, and the prin-
ciples of religious freedom, are consecrated to the ser-
vice of the sanctuary of God, they become objects of
the greatest regard to the ministers of Jesus Christ,
and of unspeakable utility to mankind. On account
of their tendency to promote pure religion in the
world, and their utility in augmenting its influence
on society, they have been strongly recommended to
posterity. These important considerations, together
with the desire of rescuing from oblivion or misre-
presentation, the most glorious transactions of our
country; the opportunity afforded of giving some
instruction on the true character and influence of
Christianity; and the hope of impressing on the
minds of Christians, those invaluable lessons which
are applicable to all ranks of men, in all countries, at
all times-have induced the author to offer his work
to the attention and candour of the public.
The continuance of Christianity in any country,
depends very much on the permanency of religious
liberty. If this important doctrine be disallowed,
voluntary piety is the dream of enthusiasts; the ora-
cles of God are convertible to the sense of those in
power; and the whole train of ecclesiastical officers,
from the highest to the lowest, is one long muster-
roll of the tools of statesmen-a disgrace to their spe-
cies-a contradiction to their possession-a dishonour
to God!
What then is Religious Liberty? It is that liber-
ty or right which every man possesses to believe the
Gospel, to worship God, to profess and propagate re-
ligion, without human molestation. It is that una-
lienable right which is essential to our rational na-
ture, and which is given us by our Creator, to exa-
mine and embrace, to practise and promote religion
PREFACE.
xi
to the widest possible extent, without the compul-
sive or restrictive interference of man. Religious
Liberty, says a learned churchman, is one of the
rights of human nature, antecedent to society, which
no man can relinquish; since it is essential to his
constitution, and out of his power, to surrender to
another. The religion of Christ, he adds, makes its
way by argument and persuasion, and is matter of
individual choice, not of force or violence.* To pre-
tend, therefore, to examine or embrace, to practise or
promote religion, before we have proved our right so
to do, is equally fallacious as to pretend to cultivate
an estate, before we have made good our title to it.
From the foregoing statement, it will appear, that
the great doctrine agitated by the patrons of reli-
gious freedom, and the advocates of ecclesiastical
power, is not which denomination of Christians ought
to have the pre-eminence, and the power of control-
ling the religion of other members of society: but, to
the exclusion of all theological disputation, it is a
doctrine reduced to a plain historical fact-a fact
which no man will dispute, who has carefully and
impartially examined the page of history. To fa-
vour the reader with a lucid and successive view of
this important fact, is one principal design of the au-
thor in the publication of these volumes.
It ought not to be forgotten, that, whilst the gua-
rantee of religious freedom has always been exceed-
ingly partial, those who have suffered under this par-
tiality, and have endeavoured to vindicate their
rights, have for the most part proceeded upon nar-
row and erroneous grounds, suited only to promote
the interest of their own sects. Christian freedom,
securing to every man the rights of human nature,
* Warner, vol. i. p. 24, 44.
{
xii
PREFACE.
knows no distinction of sects and parties; but allows
and guarantees to all mankind, the unmolested use of
their understandings and consciences, in all things
pertaining to the worship of God and their eternal
salvation. This gives dignity and importance to the
subject, and recommends it to the cordial approbation
of all rational creatures.
It is the wisdom of every government, as such, to
let religion take its own course, and leave it to rest
on the ground of its own excellence; not to suffer
any class of men to transgress the boundaries of their
profession; nor hold out any civil distinctions as a
ground of jealousy and contention. A political priest-
hood, under any form of religion, is inimical to the
happiness, the rights, the best interests of man. Un-
bounded religious liberty will no more break in upon
the rights and happiness of others, than it would wil-
lingly suffer its own to be destroyed: no more injure
good government, than it would be injured, oppress-
ed, and ruined by tyranny. It is not a liberty to
trample on religion, and sport with revelation; but a
liberty to examine religious opinions, to believe and
profess them on conviction, and to direct our own
religious practice according to the evidence of divine
truth and the convictions of our minds, to the exclu-
sion of all human interruption.
Religious liberty is of so much importance to man-
kind, that it is impossible for any nation to set too
high a value upon it, or to be too jealous of every at-
tempt that has a tendency to depreciate its benefits.
It is one of the noblest gifts of God to mankind, the
source of happiness to human life, and essentially ne-
cessary to all rational and acceptable religion. Life,
without this liberty, is, to a generous mind, a burden
and a torment. What can be greater degradation to
a rational being, endowed by his Creator with powers
}
PREFACE.
xiii
to think, judge, and decide for himself, than to be-
come the property and slave of another, wearing the
chains and fetters of the most infamous bondage?
Happy is that nation whose children are educated
in the principles, and trained in the practice, of reli-
gious freedom; are made acquainted, in their youth-
ful days, with its nature and worth; are inspired, from
the earliest period, with ardent love to it: they will,
by these means, discover their perfect abhorrence of
those slavish principles and deceptive arts, by which
designing men, in past ages, have invaded the rights,
and impiously destroyed the noblest privileges of
their country. This will prove the best and most
effectual method of permanently securing the invalu-
able treasure, and of transmitting it down, from age
to age, to the latest posterity. This treasure was
bought with blood. We are a kingdom not of slaves,
but of men. Our estates, our persons, our families,
our consciences, our souls, our religion, our God, are
all our own.
TUTBURY,
September 1, 1820.
4
1
My
}
1
1
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.
CHAPTER I.
From the First Propagation of Christianity, to the Death of king
Henry VII.
SECTION
1. The Liberal Constitution of the Apostolic Churches
II. The Liberty of the ancient British Churches subverted by
Imperial Oppressions
··
III. The Tyrannical Usurpations of the Papacy..
iv. The Influence of Wickliffe's Opinions on Popish Domina-
tion
CHAPTER II.
The Reign of king Henry VIII.
1. The Diffusion of Liberal Principles opposed by Henry
and his Bishops
II. The Rejection of the Papal Yoke, and its Influence on
Christian Freedom
CHAPTER IV.
The Reign of queen Mary.
1. England's Subjection to the Papal Yoke followed by An-
tichristian Oppressions
II. The noble Defence of Christian Truth and Liberty
1
20
50
70
124
148
CHAPTER III.
The Reign of king Edward VI.
I. The Basis of the Reformation, with its Influence on Reli-
gious Emancipation
II. A more Perfect Reformation intended, but followed by
Measures hostile to Christian Liberty
197
180
228
245
xvi
CONTENTS.
* **$*??#}*
CHAPTER V.
The Reign of queen Elizabeth.
SECTION
1. Legislative Attempts to Establish Uniformity in Religion
unfavourable to Religious Freedom
11. Ecclesiastical Supremacy founded on Antichristian Usurp-
ation
268
III. Ecclesiastical Subscription and other Episcopal Proceed-
ings Subversive of Liberal Principles
IV. Occurrences more favourable to the just Claims of Chris-
tians.......
..... 354
293
CHAPTER VIII.
CHAPTER VI.
The Reign of king James I.
1. The Oppressive Measures of the Court destructive of
Christian Liberty
377
11. The Failure of Efforts to obtain greater Liberty of Worship 404
..
332
CHAPTER VII.
The Reign of king Charles I.
1. Ecclesiastical Claims subversive of Religious Freedom ... 427
II. Attempts to obtain greater Christian Freedom under the
Parliament
456
The Commonwealth.
1. Inpediments to Religious Emancipation continued......... 492
II. The Protectorship favourable to Liberal Principles
508
:
HISTORY
OF
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
CHAPTER I.
FROM THE FIRST PROPAGATION OF CHRISTIANITY, TO THE
DEATH OF KING HENRY VII.
SECTION 1.
The Liberal Constitution of the Apostolic Churches.
THE glory of Messiah's kingdom formed an important
article in the writings of the Hebrew prophets. "Those
holy men, who, from time to time, were raised up to exercise
their ministry in the Jewish church, foretold the advent of
this illustrious personage, and described, in most glowing
language, the majesty of his character, the extent of his
empire, the blessings of his government, and the happiness
which his subjects should enjoy under his mild and gentle
reign." The chosen tribes, accordingly, anticipated his ap-
pearance with eager and high expectation, especially about
the time of his coming in the flesh; and they anxiously
looked for him as the great prince and deliverer of their
nation, who should erect a kind of universal monarchy in the
earth.
The Jews ardently longed for the accomplishment of the
promises given unto their fathers; but their principal object
VOL. I.
B
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10
୨
HISTORY OF
seems to have been the establishment of a temporal kingdom,
like the kingdoms of the world, though far surpassing them
in its extent and magnificence. Their fond expectations and
wishes were, however, exceedingly erroneous; which Messiah
the Prince, on various occasions, openly corrected. Even his
own disciples were unable to reconcile to their anticipations
of a mighty deliverer, the sufferings and death of their
King. According to his Regal character and office, "all
power was given unto him in heaven and in earth;" and
he was, and still is, "The Head over all things to the
church" but the empire which he came to establish, was
totally distinct from every political institution, and consists
of "righteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost."
The Jewish economy was a Theocracy, and introductory
to Messiah's kingdom. The one was a type and shadow,
the other was the substance, and intended to endure to the
end of the world. When the latter was introduced and
established by the authority of Christ; the former received
its completion, and then vanished away. The Jewish dis-
pensation, with its numerous ceremonial observances and
other peculiarities, has now no existence. National dis-
tinctions and ritual consecrations have ceased. The parti-
tion wall between Jews and Gentiles is demolished. Nothing
local formed any part of the new economy.
The true wor-
shippers, who had heretofore worshipped the Father by the
obscure medium of typical observances, were henceforth re-
quired to worship him in the simplicity of spiritual obedience,
no longer attaching sanctity to places, nor efficacy to national
privileges. "The hour cometh, and now is, when the true
worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit and in truth;
for the Father seeketh such to worship him." This is the
cardinal law and basis of the new economy, in which Mes-
siah is the only Lord and Judge. His dominion has an
immediate relation to the understandings, consciences, and
souls of his people; and is intended to prepare them for
that sublime state, where knowledge and rectitude, love and
obedience, harmony and felicity, will shine in their fullest
glory for ever.
No fact can be more conspicuous than the constant solici-
tude manifested by our Saviour, to exclude the operation of
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
3
secularity in the reception of his doctrine. When he was
arraigned at Pilate's bar, and questioned about his claim to
regal dignity, he unequivocally said, "MY KINGDOM IS NOT
OF THIS WORLD." He boldly owned himself to be a king;
yet, whilst advancing his title and claim to the honours of
royalty, he explicitly informed Pilate, not only that the au-
thority of Cæsar had nothing to dread from him, but that his
disciples could expect no secular advantages as the result of
embarking in his cause. And when his disciples "disputed
among themselves who should be the greatest," he expressly
told them, that lordship and authority formed no part of what
they had to expect as his followers, who himself " came not
to be ministered unto, but to minister, and to give his life a
ransom for many." They were extremely slow to believe,
that he came not to establish a temporal, but a spiritual king-
dom. His death plunged them into despondency, but did not
wholly dissipate their delusions: "We trusted that it had
been he which should have redeemed Israel."
After the Saviour's resurrection from the dead, the hopes
of the disciples seemed to be rekindled, and with great solici-
tude they inquired: "Lord, wilt thou at this time restore
again the kingdom to Israel?" A remarkable change, how-
ever, subsequently took place in their views and dispositions;
when the circumstances of the Christian calling seemed to
preclude the possibility of secularity vitiating the motives of
professed converts. When it was fully ascertained, that "all
who will live godly in Christ Jesus shall suffer persecution,” no
room was left for the operation of any lower inducements to
espouse the cause of Christ, than those which had an imme-
diate respect to the recompense of a future reward. No one
could profess the Gospel with any rational prospect of im-
proving his temporal condition, but only with the view of
obtaining the kingdom of heaven. In perfect conformity to
this statement, the founders of the new economy used their
utmost efforts to preserve the minds of their respective con-
verts from mixing secularity and a worldly spirit with their
religious profession. They inculcated the following useful
lessons upon this point:-" Love not the world, neither the
things that are in the world: if any man love the world, the
love of the Father is not in him. 66 Set your affection on
39
B 2
4
HISTORY OF
things above, not on things on the earth."-" Lay not up for
yourselves treasures upon earth; but lay up for yourselves
treasures in heaven."-" Seek ye first the kingdom of God
and his righteousness; and all these things shall be added
unto you."
The ministry of the Gospel was not instituted to promote
the secular interest of any one; but was an office of a purely
spiritual nature, having an exclusive reference to objects of
infinitely greater moment than those of philosophers, politi-
cians, and the men of this world. Its perfection as a means
consists in its simplicity, while its efficiency depends on the
promised agency of the Spirit of God; and it has one simple
end in view, to which it is perfectly and exclusively adapted;
that end is the salvation of souls.
The primitive Christians were absolutely uninfluenced by
secular allurements. This is the unvaried opinion of all our
historians. "They neither had, nor strove to obtain, the least
secular support of any kind. They lay exposed to the rage
of the whole world around them, incited by its natural enmity
against God and love of sin. They had not the least legal or
secular aid against persecution. Obliged, like all other sub-
jects of the Roman empire, to contribute to the general de-
fence, and to serve the Roman armies, when called on, they
had no civil privileges: if the emperor chose to persecute,
they were perfectly defenceless, and had no political resource
against persecution."*
What are the motives then which the inspired writers
propose to call into action as substitutes for secular allure-
ments ? "The love of Christ constraineth us."-" They
watch for your souls as those that must give account."
"Feed the church of God, which he hath purchased with
his own blood." Any motives short of these, could not, in
their view, produce a suitable care of souls; nor could any
qualifications exclusive of these, constitute a fitness for the
ministerial office.
}
The idea of bribing men to teach, and that of coercing
them to believe, were equally remote from the views which
the apostles entertained of the religion of Jesus Christ. They
* Milner's Church Hist. vol. i. p. 553, 554.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
5
disclaimed alike all dominion over the faith of Christians, and
all the craft of worldly policy, contenting themselves with
inculcating on the churches the equitable principle, that “the
labourer is worthy of his hire." No specific sum was exacted,
no kind of compulsive authority employed; they simply ap-
pealed to the gratitude and generosity of believers: « If we
have sown unto you spiritual things, is it a great thing if we
shall reap your carnal things ?"-" Let him that is taught in
the word, communicate unto him that teacheth in all good
things.”—The primitive mode of supporting the ministers of
Christ, left Christianity to its pure and unbiassed operation;
no other method could have been congenial to its true charac-
ter, or to its munificent intentions.
As the primitive churches were spiritual institutions, and
Christ himself was the only Head; so their prosperity could
be promoted only by those means which Christ himself ap-
pointed. Only so far as the minds of the people were enlight-
ened by divine truth, their consciences impressed with the
authority of God, and their hearts engaged in heavenly pur-
suits, was the cause of undefiled religion promoted. How
could coercive measures, any more than secular advantages,
be applied to enlighten men's understandings, to awaken their
consciences, to sanctify their hearts, to save their souls?
Could persecution produce the fruits of holiness? or male-
volence be employed to promote a kingdom of love and
peace? The weapons of this warfare were not carnal or com-
pulsive; but only mild and affectionate persuasion, directing
the arrow of divine truth to the consciences of the people.
A few plain and unlettered men were the instruments em-
ployed by our Lord for the advancement of his cause; and
the only arms they used, were evangelical truth, laborious
preaching, ardent prayer, unwearied patience, and a holy
example. The instruments and the arms were perfectly
suited to the nature of his cause, which consisted not of out-
ward pomp, temporal power, or worldly policy, but of truth
and righteousness, love and peace. The converts to Christ
breathed that generous and benevolent spirit which is so
profusely inculcated in the Gospel.
The first publishers of Christianity were destitute of tem-
poral power and influence; their doctrine was obnoxious to a
**
ނ
6
HISTORY OF
藏
​depraved world; their outward circumstances were contemp-
tible; and they could not present unto men any other induce-
ment to embrace the Gospel, than the sure prospect of life
and immortality in the world to come, with the certainty, that
Christians "must through much tribulation enter into the
kingdom of God." The success of their doctrine was directly
opposed by the intolerance of princes, the wisdom of philoso-
phers, the intrigues of courtiers, the enmity of the pagan
priesthood, with all the weight of an established system of
superstition and idolatry; it could, therefore, only make its
way by the force of its truth, the mildness of its character,
and the power of the Holy Ghost: thus conquering the
malice and opposition of its enemies. External coercion had
no place in the Christian code-constituted no part of the
new economy: all such measures were considered as abso-
lutely inapplicable and unavailable to promote the worship of
"God in spirit and in truth," or to produce grace, and holi-
ness, and happiness in the souls of the people.
The ministry of the Gospel rested on one secure foundation
-the authority of Jesus Christ; with one grand object in
view-the salvation of souls. The superiority among the
members of the apostolic churches, principally consisted of
a larger portion of piety, labour, and usefulness; and to all
of them, without distinction, were addressed those directions
and exhortations which pre-suppose a right and a competency
to judge and to choose, to "prove all things," and to "hold
fast that which was good." A restricted right of interpreting,
believing, and improving these instructions, would have an-
nulled their force and destroyed their meaning. Such a
restriction could not exist among Christians when the means
of interpretation were common to all, and the religious rights
of all were perfectly equal.
No truth can be more evident than that the most liberal
principles were uniformly inculcated by the founders of the
Gospel, and appreciated by their individual converts. The
Lord Jesus exhorted the people to "search the Scriptures."
But what strange impertinence must this have been, if they
did not possess an indubitable right of determining their true
meaning, and of regulating their faith and practice accord-
ingly! Did he not also warn his disciples against either
2.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
Ÿ
surrendering or usurping this right? In concerns of this
nature, said he, "call no man your father upon the earth;
neither be ye called masters :" and did he not mean by this,
that they should not impose their opinions upon others, nor
suffer others to impose their opinions upon them? We read
of the Saviour's using compulsive measures only in one
solitary instance, and that was not to force profane people
into the temple, but to drive them out of it.
He never
compelled the people, by external force, to receive his doc-
trine, or espouse his cause. When the disciples saw one
casting out devils in the name of Christ, and they forbade him,
“because,” said they, "he followeth not with us," our Lord
openly admonished and censured their erroneous conduct.
And when his disciples would have commanded fire to descend
from heaven to consume those who rejected his message, he
rebuked them, saying: "Ye know not what manner of spirit
ye are of; for the Son of man is not come to destroy men's
lives, but to save them." To execute judgment upon those
who rejected Christ and his words, by punishing them in their
bodies or estates, formed no part of his holy instructions or
gracious intentions: "If any man hear my words, and believe
not, I judge him not: for I came not to judge the world, but
to save the world. He that rejecteth me, and receiveth not
my words, hath one that judgeth him: the word that I have
spoken, the same shall judge him in the last day." Our Lord,
in the parable, prohibited his disciples from plucking up the
tares, lest they should pluck up the wheat also; but said,
"let them both grow together until the harvest :—the harvest
is the end of the world."
Had the Saviour considered the right of private judgment.
as unlawful, or liberty of conscience as under human restric-
tions, he would no doubt have given instructions upon this
point to Herod, Caiaphas, or some other persons of similar
rank, and have invested them with power to convert the
people and extend his cause-not by affectionate persua-
sion-not by a faithful exhibition of the Gospel-but by
the weight of their authority, and the plenitude of their
official power. Instead of this, he exposed and condemned
the doctrines and proceedings of the ecclesiastical governors,
addressed his instructions indiscriminately to the people, and
8
HISTORY OF
affirmed as proof of his mission, that "the poor had the
Gospel preached unto them."
The apostles, worthy followers of such a Master, in obe-
dience to his command, went into all nations, preaching that
doctrine which the rulers of the earth disbelieved, and incul-
cating that religious worship which they all opposed. They
never refused to any man the unrestricted exercise of private
judgment, or the entire liberty of worshipping God according
to the convictions of his mind. They employed no oppressive
restrictions, no temporal penalties to promote so sacred a
cause; but, in perfect conformity to their heavenly com-
mission, they went in every direction, "teaching all nations."
They considered religion as a personal concern, excluding
all coercive interference of man. They never entertained the
wild notion, that human authority should be employed to
enforce the Divine authority of the Gospel, or the claims of
God. The whole of their authority was derived from their
Divine commission, and by this commission it was limited.
When the Jewish rulers assumed the authority of con-
trolling religion, and the apostles refused to observe their
commands, did they not, in the reason they assigned to
justify their refusal, make an open protest against all penal
and compulsive measures in the cause of religion, saying,
"We ought to obey God rather than men ?” And what can
be the import of the following apostolical instructions, but
the exclusion of all such measures under the New Testa-
ment economy?—“ The servant of the Lord must not strive;
but be gentle unto all men, apt to teach, patient, in meekness
instructing those that oppose themselves; if God peradventure
will give them repentance to the acknowledging of the truth."
"The weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty
through God."-" Who art thou that judgest another man's
servant? to his own master he standeth or falleth."
The apostles of our Lord were decidedly of opinion, that
those who have to give an account of themselves hereafter,
are bound to think and judge, believe and practise, for them-
selves now. "So then every one of us shall give account of
himself to God. Let us not, therefore, judge one another
any more: but judge this rather, that no man put a stumbling-
block, or an occasion to fall, in his brother's way." On these
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
9
equitable and substantial grounds, the apostles made a direct
appeal to the people, and called upon them to judge for them-
selves. Did not St. Paul thus address the Corinthians, "I
speak as unto wise men, judge ye what I say?" Did he not
thus address the Romans, "Let every man be fully per-
suaded in his own mind ?" No one could misunderstand this.
Did not the apostles openly disapprove and censure the con-
duct of Diotrephes, who sought and loved to have the pre-
eminence over his brethren? Were not the Bereans applauded
for searching the Scriptures daily, whether what the apostles
preached was the true doctrine? Did not Gallio, the deputy-
governor of Achaia, act worthily by refusing to judge in such
matters? Were not the apostolical epistles addressed to all the
members of those Christian societies to which they were sent,
to be publicly read in their assemblies, and to be circulated,
without restriction, for the use and benefit of every individual?
The whole canon of the New Testament was sent abroad in
the same spirit of general utility. Every man had perfect
liberty to obtain copies of the Sacred Books, and felt himself
perfectly unrestrained in the use and application of their
contents. "Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, and the
dwellers in Mesopotamia, and in Jerusalem, and Cappadocia,
in Pontus, and Asia," both read and heard without control,
"the wonderful works of God," for their own edification and
benefit. The Scriptures, therefore, do not condemn, but in
the strongest terms enjoin, the exercise of private judgment,
and unrestricted liberty of conscience. The Gospel breathes
the most consummate benevolence; and its original promul-
gation was absolutely devoid of bigotry, secularity, and
intolerance-it displayed the spirit of unbounded and untar-
nished liberality.
Nor did the first publishers of the Gospel overlook those
false teachers who endeavoured to obtain great power and
honour in the churches, and to bring their members under
subjection to themselves. Men arose in those early times.
who attempted to introduce human traditions, as well as
Jewish ceremonies, into Christian worship; and others, neg-
lecting Christ and his apostles, sought to blend the specula-
tions of pagan philosophy, and the doctrines and command-
ments of men, with the pure Gospel. All these dangerous
10
HISTORY OF
errors and innovations were alike indignantly rejected by the
founders of the apostolic churches; which, being composed of
far better materials, were erected upon a foundation much
more honourable and secure. They were founded on the sole
authority of Jesus Christ.
In conformity to the above important facts, are the senti-
ments of no less an authority than that of bishop Stillingfleet,
who says, that "Christ who came to take
away the unsup-
portable yoke of Jewish ceremonies, certainly did never intend
to gall the necks of his disciples with another instead of it.
The grand commission the apostles were sent out with, was
only to teach what Christ commanded them. There is not
the least intimation of any power given them to impose or
require any thing beyond what himself had spoken to them,
or they were directed to by the immediate guidance of the
Spirit of God."*
The preaching of the Gospel was the instituted means of
diffusing undefiled religion, and the formation of Christian
churches followed as the happy consequence. The apostles
laboured in all places whither they went to promote the con-
version of souls, after which, upon a credible profession of
faith in Jesus Christ, the converts were collected together, and
formed into religious societies, called churches. There is no
other way of gathering together its members out of the world,
than by the preaching of the word. They were perfectly
voluntary associations of the individuals who composed them,
yet their union was the result of conviction and duty to Jesus
Christ. Religious character was indispensably necessary to
membership, and the sole qualification requisite to Christian
communion. It pleased God by the foolishness of preaching
to save them that believe." "So then faith cometh by hear-
ing, and hearing by the word of God.”—“ And believers were
the more added to the Lord, multitudes both of men and
women.”—“ And the Lord added to the church daily such as
should be saved."
66
These primitive societies, agreeably to their holy character
and design, considered the essence of Christianity as consist-
ing not in refined speculation, external grandeur, or any forms.
Stillingfleet's Irenicum, Pref.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
11
of worship whatever, but in the exemplification of faith in
Jesus Christ, by a suitable Christian deportment. By the
blessing of God upon the faithful ministry of the apostles,
numerous Christian societies were formed in the places where
they laboured; and, being dignified with the beauty of holi-
ness, they, as lights set upon a hill, reflected a bright lustre in
all directions, attracting multitudes, both Jews and Gentiles,
to the cross of Christ. The apostles "went forth, and
preached everywhere, the Lord working with them, and con-
firming the word with signs following." The heavenly rays
of the Gospel suddenly shone through the world. The doc-
trine of the apostles and evangelists went into all the earth,
and "their words to the end of the world :" so that, accord-
ing to the ecclesiastical records of these early times, "through-
out all cities and villages many very populous churches were
established;" and they who had been the slaves of supersti-
tion and idolatry, were released from their "loathsome fetters,”
and brought to worship the true God.*
The churches of Christ, when organized, were furnished
with bishops or pastors, chosen by the voice of the people, and
supported by their spontaneous contributions. We are not
instructed in the Christian code to promote Christianity by
compulsive means, or penal edicts: but we hear a voice from
heaven, saying, "In vain do they worship me, teaching for
doctrines the commandments of men." All the instructions
and exhortations in the New Testament, as well as that
liberality and forbearance which it so conspicuously displays,
would have been without meaning on the principle of coercion.
The doctrine of compulsion, as a means of promoting unde-
filed religion, was not the doctrine of the primitive churches,
and it betrays the grossest ignorance of Scripture, as well as
of human nature. Men cannot be fined, or taxed, or forced
into religion. The principle is evil; it is anti-christian; it is
at the greatest possible distance from the liberal spirit and
constitution of the apostolic churches.
The authority and appointment of Christ formed the consti-
tution of his holy empire, and the traditions of men had no
share in its spiritual government. These gracious regulations
f
* Euseb. Eccl. Hist. b. ii. c. 3.
}
12
HISTORY OF
1
proceeding from Him, " in whom are hid all the treasures
of wisdom and knowledge," are consummately wise;-being
enacted by Him who is inflexibly just and supremely kind,
they are perfectly good ;-and being given by Him who
searches the heart and is Lord of conscience, their obliga-
tions extend to the latent desires and intentions of the mind.
The motives enforcing obedience are perfectly conformable to
the spiritual nature and holy character of those Christian
institutions; not consisting of penal sanctions or temporal
privations, but of the smiles or frowns of Him who is judge of
all, and at whose tribunal their eternal states will be unaltera-
bly fixed.
The infallible Legislator of these holy institutions provided,
for the edification and encouragement of their members, those
ordinances of Christian worship which should be at all times
either necessary or useful to his people, and gave them all the
requisite instructions how they were to be observed to the end
of the world. The Lord Jesus, as the unerring governor of
his churches, and as a distinguished part of his royal preroga-
tive, prescribed and enforced the whole of that spiritual service,
which, to the end of time, is to be presented unto God. He
did not leave any part of it in an unfinished state, or liable to
any additions, alterations, or improvements of man. When
men appoint those things in religion, therefore, which Christ
has not appointed, or set aside those things which he has
enjoined, they commit dangerous encroachments on his regal
authority, and, consequently, expose themselves to his awful
displeasure. The former usurps his throne:-the latter annuls
his laws.
Where then, it may be asked, shall we seek for information
and guidance upon all points relating to the constitution of
the primitive churches, the authority and number of their
officers, together with the government of their members, but
to the New Testament? From whom shall we derive correct
ideas of the nature and design of Christian churches, if not
from the direction and example of those, who, being the first
followers, familiar friends, and inspired servants of Jesus
Christ, best understood the laws, the spirit, and the intentions
of his kingdom? Who is authorized to introduce any change
in the essential laws and constitution of the churches of
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
13
I
Christ? to institute other terms of communion, or to dispense
with those which Christ has instituted, by compulsory statutes,
which supersede and preclude all selection of character? And
why should it be deemed unlawful for Christians to associate
together on the very same principles as those on which the
primitive churches were founded, to employ the very same
means, the preaching of the word, in order to their formation
as the apostles themselves employed, and to attempt to realize
the very same important spiritual objects which they so happily
realized? These inquiries deserve the most attentive and dis-
passionate consideration.
The laws, government, and kingdom of Jesus Christ differ
materially from those of the world. The qualifications and
obedience of his subjects, were widely different from those of
earthly princes. The profession of faith in Christ, attested
by a corresponding Christian character, was an essential quali-
fication to communion in the primitive churches, and to enjoy
the confidence and affection of the brethren. The members of
those churches were "a chosen generation, a royal priesthood,
an holy nation, a peculiar people,” intended to “show forth
the praises of Him who had called them out of darkness into
his marvellous light." In obedience to the authority of their
Lord and King, they "worshipped God in the spirit, rejoiced
in Christ Jesus, and had no confidence in the flesh." These
were some of their most prominent qualifications; but, as it
must obviously appear to every one, these could not constitute
those qualifications which belonged to the faithful subjects of
earthly princes. Men may be good subjects of a temporal
prince, and be entitled to all the rights and privileges which
belong to such, yet be so far from bearing any true allegiance
to Jesus Christ, as to remain totally inimical to his govern-
ment, and entire strangers to the benefits of his kingdom.
The primitive Christians were partakers of the Saviour's holy
image, and transformed into his likeness. The doctrines
which they believed, and from which they derived all their
security and happiness, formed their common bond of union.
They loved one another for the truth's sake, which dwelt in
them; and this love was not an inactive, dormant principle,
but displayed by the most substantial acts of kindness and
liberality. The words of our Lord, describing his obedient
14
HISTORY OF
subjects, are remarkable: "I have given them thy word, and
the world hath hated them, because they are not of the world,
even as I am not of the world."
The liberty claimed and enjoyed by the apostolic churches,
could not be conceded to any power on earth. It was the
gift of God, and essential to the existence of the kingdom of
Christ. The great Creator had made it the duty of every
individual to embrace the Gospel, as matter of conviction and
unbiassed choice; therefore no one could, without flagrant
injustice and cruelty, interfere with it; and since the discharge
of this duty was inseparable from man's accountableness to
God, the prerogative of allowing the people to observe it, as a
plenary indulgence, or as a boon, could not belong to the
church, nor to the magistrate. The apostolic churches never
imposed grievous burdens upon the consciences of their con-
verts, whom they neither created, nor redeemed, nor were
appointed to judge. If these Christian converts did not enjoy
entire freedom of belief, and of worship, who were invested
with power from heaven to restrain them, and what means
were to be employed in this labour of love? Let these ques-
tions be calmly and fearlessly answered.
The power of governing the churches of Christ, and of
exercising the various functions belonging to them, like the
laws themselves, was neither the gift of the people, nor any
commission from princes. This prerogative had a much
higher origin, and was derived from heaven. The Son of
God, who redeemed the church with his own blood, was
pleased to prescribe and permanently establish the whole of
its holy administration. The commission which he gave his
apostles is plain and decisive: "As the Father hath sent me,
even so I send you."-" And, lo! I am with you always,
even unto the end of the world." He was not a temporal
prince; he disclaimed all pretensions to that office. As the
authority with which he invested his churches was not derived
from earthly monarchs; so it could have no dependance upon
them-it could not be forfeited to them-it could not without
injustice be claimed by them. That which they had no power
to give, they had no right to take away.
The primitive Christian churches, then, according to the
representation, now attempted to be substantiated, were vo-
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
15
luntary societies, altogether spiritual in their nature, inde-
pendent of any secular power, and subsisting by the direction
and authority of Jesus Christ. To punish men for their
religious delinquency by inflicting upon them temporal pe-
nalties, or otherwise than by excluding them from spiritual
privileges, could not possibly belong to the churches of
Christ. All such punishment would have been an express
violation of the spirit and discipline of the Gospel, and di-
rectly subversive of the constitution and character of the
churches, as religious societies instituted for religious pur-
poses. The Christian churches could inflict only spiritual
censure, which consisted of admonition and exclusion; they
had no weapons but those which were spiritual, much less
any weapons of vengeance.*
The history of the apostles, and of the first Christian
churches, affords sufficient proof, that all ecclesiastical authority
was derived from above, and that no part of it was under the
control of man. When the Jewish sanhedrim, who acted
under the authority of the Romans, and with the assistance
of the captain of the temple, had imprisoned the apostles,
and "commanded them not to speak at all, nor teach in the
name of Jesus;" their answer was plain and decisive:
"Whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken unto
you more than unto God, judge ye." They had a commission
from heaven to preach the Gospel, which they were under the
strongest obligation to execute, and which no temporal juris-
diction or authority on earth could revoke. Whereas, had
the churches been under the control of the state, in such
things, the apostles would have been guilty of disobedience
to their superiors: they ought to have acquiesced in the
prohibition, and not to have persevered in the exercise of
their function, especially as they were so solemnly silenced
by those whom they owned to be the "rulers of the people."
The churches must, therefore, have been constituted inde-
pendent of the state, or the apostles were guilty of sedition
or rebellion. The same imputation will affect all the churches
of Christ for the first three hundred years, who held their
* In these Introductory observations the Author acknowledges, that he
has derived several valuable thoughts from Conder, "On Protestant Non-
conformity."
16
HISTORY OF
1
public assemblies and regulated their ecclesiastical govern-
ment, not only without the authority of their respective
princes, but often directly contrary to their express com-
mand; which is a fact so indubitably attested on the page
of history, that it would be altogether superfluous to allege
any formal proof.*
If, indeed, the churches of Christ were absolutely inde-
pendent of the state, and rested wholly, for their existence
and all their regulations, on the authority of Christ, under
Pagan princes, they could not, surely, be less so under those
princes who afterwards professedly embraced Christianity.
A prince's embracing Christianity could by no means enlarge
his jurisdiction, or extend his government to religion; much
less could it diminish and even subvert the independence of
the churches. For what is that which constitutes the dis-
tinction between a Pagan, and a Christian prince? Nothing
but baptism and the profession of Christianity: but this sa-
crament and that profession could never convey the least
spiritual jurisdiction. On the contrary, so important a
change could only import obedience and subjection to the
laws of the religious Society into which the prince voluntarily
entered; and consequently it could only make him a member
-not a governor of the church of Christ.
The church and the state in the circumstances now ad-
verted to, could not occasion the least painful apprehension
to either. The church would remain in the same situation
as it was left in by its divine Author, only with this addi-
tional circumstance, that the prince who was originally its
enemy would be its friend. Nor would this settlement be at
all prejudicial to the civil government. The independency of
the churches could never shake the thrones of princes, or do
the least disservice to their authority. The divine commis-
sion for the government of the churches of Christ, extends
only to matters purely spiritual: their ministers and other
members are still subjects of the commonwealth, and under
the civil government of their princes. The churches, by their
divine charter, can make no seizure of the rights or immuni-
ties of the state: their legislations and censures relate only to
* Collier's Eccl. Hist. vol. i. p. 253.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
17
;
the invisible world. Jesus Christ has given them no autho-
rity to encroach upon the rights or prerogatives of princes.
It is, however, equally true, that they are bound, under the
strongest possible obligations, not to surrender their spiritual
authority to the secular magistrate; and to attempt it would
be an open violation of their divine establishment. Although
the primitive churches propagated their faith, and governed
their converts when oppressively persecuted by the state; yet
they were always inoffensive and loyal subjects of the empire,
rendering all that obedience to princes which was due to
them.
The apostles, addressing their epistles to the respective
churches, laboured to show, that Christianity was not de-
signed to interfere in any respect with the political relations
of society, much less to discharge them from their former
political obligations. That ecclesiastical rule which they
enforced upon them, widely differed from all kinds of poli-
tical jurisdiction in this essential point, that it had no bearing
upon the civil interests of mankind: it did not in the least
affect either their persons or their property. They were
anxious to impress upon the members of those Christian
societies, that their having embraced the religion of Jesus
Christ, did not release them from any civil obligations, and
that in consequence of their religious profession, they were
not subject to any alteration in their civil rights and immuni-
ties. As members of civil society, they were in no respect
withdrawn from either the protection or the control of their
civil governors; and they were brought under no new obli-
gations, excepting those which were purely religious. Our
Lord's celebrated injunction was an infallible guide in their
intercourse with the governments of the world:-" Render
unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, and unto God, the
things that are God's."
The apostles, at the same time, gave many strong intima-
tions of the corruptions which would arise in the church at a
future period, as appears from the following passages of their
epistles. The apostle Paul having delivered to the elders of
the church at Ephesus, a solemn warning to take heed to
themselves, and to the flock over which the Holy Ghost had
made them overseers, immediately adds, as the reason of it;
VOL. I.
C
18
HISTORY OF
:
"For I know this, that after my departure, shall grievous
wolves enter in among you, not sparing the flock also of
your own selves shall men arise, speaking perverse things, to
draw away disciples after them." The fear and jealousy
which he entertained concerning the policy and influence of
false teachers, is thus expressed: "But I fear, lest by any
means, as the serpent beguiled Eve, through his subtlety, so
your minds should be corrupted from the simplicity that is in
Christ." For such corrupters "are false apostles, deceitful
workers, transforming themselves into the apostles of Christ;
and no marvel, for Satan himself is transformed into an angel
of light; therefore it is no great thing if his ministers also be
transformed as the ministers of righteousness." The apostle
Peter gives suitable caution against the baneful influence of
such false teachers. "But there were false prophets also
among the people, even as there shall be false teachers among
you, who privily shall bring in damnable heresies, even deny-
ing the Lord that bought them, and bring upon themselves
swift destruction. And many shall follow their pernicious
ways, by reason of whom, the way of truth shall be evil
spoken of. And through covetousness shall they with feigned
words make merchandize of you, whose judgment now of a
long time lingereth not, and their damnation slumbereth not."
To these passages might be added many others, by which the
apostles warn the primitive churches of the approaching dan-
gers arising from false teachers. The true character of these
apostates is delineated in these words: "This know also, that
in the last days, perilous times shall come. For men shall
be lovers of their own selves, covetous, boasters, proud, blas-
phemers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, unholy, without
natural affection, truce-breakers, false accusers, incontinent,
fierce, despisers of those that are good, traitors, heady, high-
minded, lovers of pleasure more than lovers of God; having
a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof."
The primitive Christians acknowledged no man on earth
to be head of the church. All the princes of the world were
Pagans and enemies to Christianity; consequently, spiritual
supremacy, as a qualification of princes, had no existence.
History bears the strongest attestation to the fact-the fact
which all acknowledge, that for ages, the Christian churches
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
íg
and their pastors knew nothing of supremacy and headship,
but maintained an undisputed independence. The unim-
peachable documents of antiquity totally confront the daring
assumption on this point, and leave every unbiassed mind in
a state of the utmost astonishment at the boldness of the
claim, the arrogance of the sentiment, and the impiety of the
practice. When will the inhabitants of Christendom recover
the use of their senses, and show themselves to be men, by
discarding the grossest imposture, and delivering themselves
from the worst despotism that ever enslaved this part of the
creation of God?
To prevent Christians from ever ascribing this extravagant
power and pride to any mortal, the disciples of Christ received
the following decisive prohibitions from their Lord and Mas-
ter :-" The kings of the Gentiles," says he, "exercise lord-
ship over them; and they that exercise authority upon them
are called benefactors. But YE SHALL NOT BE So: but he
that is greatest among you, let him be the younger; and he
that is chief, as he that doth serve. "Be not ye called
Rabbi; for one is your Master, even Christ; and all ye are
brethren. And call no man your father upon earth; for one
is your Father which is in heaven. Neither be ye called
masters; for one is your Master, even Christ. But he that
is greatest among you shall be your servant.
And wнOSO-
EVER SHALL EXALT HIMSELF SHALL BE ABASED; and HE
THAT SHALL HUMBLE HIMSELF SHALL BE EXALTED."
99
?
In exact conformity, therefore, to the high authority of
these injunctions, were both the doctrine and practice of the
apostles. They combated the spirit of imposition, exhorting
the people to "stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ had
made them free, and not be entangled again with the yoke of
bondage." In their practice, they openly refused to “have
dominion over their faith, but to be helpers of their joy :"
they were neither concerned to promote their own secular
interest, nor to force their faith and practice upon the people.
They sought not theirs, but them;--not their temporal fa-
vours, but the salvation of their souls.
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€ 2
20
HISTORY OF
SECTION II.
The Liberty of the ancient British Churches subverted by Imperial
Oppressions.
THE Churches planted by the apostles were not subject to
any foreign jurisdiction, but were all governed by the laws of
Christ; they were absolutely uncontrolled and uninfluenced
by secular considerations, being founded upon a basis far
more secure than any human policy or power, and for pur-
poses far superior to those of any human or political institu-
tions. No doctrine of the New Testament, as before stated,
can be more conspicuous than the voluntary association of
these Christian societies, and the right of private judgment
as claimed and exercised by their respective members; it is
equally conspicuous, that those primitive institutions, founded
on the sole authority of Christ, had no other object in view
than the advancement of the Redeemer's kingdom, and the
salvation of the souls of men. As to the rights and immu-
nities of the churches at this early period, says Mosheim,
"nothing can be more evident than the perfect equality that
reigned among those churches; nor does there appear, in the
first century, the smallest trace of that association of provin-
cial churches, from which councils and metropolitans derived
their origin."* The primitive churches, says Burnet, had no
human laws in their favour, but many against them; and
their suffering patiently so many persecutions according to
the laws of the empire under which they lived, was conform-
able to the doctrine laid down by the apostles.†
The inquisitive reader will, no doubt, be particularly desi-
rous to know when the Sun of Righteousness first arose upon
our island, and by whose missionary labours the Gospel of
Christ was first proclaimed to the ancient Britons. At that
early period, we discover, with melancholy precision, the
gloomy horrors of the long night in which our ancestors
wandered, before the beams of divine Revelation darted upon
* Mosheim's Eccl. Hist. vol. i. p. 107. + Burnet's Speech, p. 2.
}
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
21
them from the East; and could we draw a full picture of the
gross ignorance, the gloomy superstition, the disgusting vices,
and the accumulated miseries which then reigned in Britain,
it might at once raise a blush for our humiliating origin, and
influence our gratitude to Him, who "brought life and im-
mortality to light by the Gospel." The naked bodies, and
savage exterior of the ancient Britons, were less disgraceful
than the besotted minds, and depraved hearts, which lurked
within. Our forefathers practised a singular kind of poly-
gamy, elevated very little above the promiscuous intercourse
of brutes. The rude lords exercised an absolute power over
the life and death of their women and children. Prisoners
taken in war, and condemned criminals, they enclosed in
wicker cages, and burnt alive as sacrifices to their gods! In
short, many generations of our ancestors lived in a most dis-
mal night of barbarism, superstition, and idolatry.
The inquiry, when and by whom the light of the Gospel
was first brought to this realm of night? is a point on which
ecclesiastical historians have been divided. Most of them
seem, however, to agree in fixing that event before the expi-
ration of the first century; and the testimonies of several of
the ancients have been produced in support of this opinion.
Tertullian and Origen, speak of Christianity as having made
its way into Britain; nor do they represent it as a recent
event; so that it may be presumed to have taken place long
before their time. But Eusebius is much more explicit; and
speaking of the pious labours of the apostles, he positively
declares, that some of them " had passed over the ocean, and
preached in the British Isles."* From his connexion with
the imperial court, and his known intimacy with the Emperor
himself, who was a native of Britain, he may well be supposed
to have possessed the most accurate information; and, as the
strength of his reasoning on the point which he discussed,
depends much on the truth of the above allegation, it may be
presumed that he was well assured of the fact.† Theodoret,
another ancient and respectable ecclesiastical historian, ex-
pressly names the Britons among the nations whom the
apostles "had persuaded to embrace the religion of him who
* Euseb. Demon. Evan. b. iii. c. 7. + Stillingfleet's Antiq. p. 36.
22
HISTORY OF
was crucified." He also says, after having mentioned Spain,
that "St. Paul brought Salvation to the Islands that lie in
the ocean."*
To the foregoing testimonies, may be added that of Gildas,
the earliest of all our British historians. He affirms that the
Gospel began to be published in this country about the time
of the memorable revolt and overthrow of the Britons under
Boadicea. Speaking of this revolt, with its disastrous ter-
mination and consequences, he adds, "In the meantime,
Christ, the true sun, afforded his rays, that is, the knowledge
of his precepts, to this Island, benumbed with extreme cold,
having been at a great distance from the sun, not the sun in
the firmament, but the Eternal Sun in heaven." This ac-
count places the introduction of Christianity in the year of
our Lord, 59 or 60; which appears to be, on the whole, cor-
rect, and is remarkably supported by the "Triades of the
Isle of Britain." These are ancient British documents of
undoubted authority, though but little known till lately,
except to a few who had access to the remaining depositories
of ancient Cambrian records. From these interesting docu-
ments we learn, that the famous Caractacus, after a war of
many years in defence of the liberties of his country, was
basely betrayed and delivered up to the Romans, and was,
together with his father, Brân, and the whole of his family,
carried captive to Rome, about the year 52 or 53, where they
were detained about seven years. The Gospel was, at this
time, preached at Rome, and Brân with others of his family,
became converts to Christianity. Having remained in capti-
vity about seven years, they had permission to return, and
were the honoured instruments of introducing the knowledge
of Christ among their countrymen, at the period already men-
tioned; on which account, Brân was long distinguished as
one of three blessed sovereigns, and his family as one of the
three holy lineages of Britain.
素
​Upon the return of these earliest British converts, it might
be expected that some of the Christians with whom they had
associated at Rome, would be persuaded to accompany them
to their native country. Some of the disciples of Christ,
* Theodoret, tom. i. in Psal. 116; tom. iv. ser. 9.
+ Gildas' Epist. c. i.
•
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
23
whose names are recorded in the New Testament, were prob-
ably at Rome, when they quitted that city; but it is difficult
to obtain decisive evidence, that any of them did at that time
visit Britain. We find, however, that certain Christians from
Rome did actually accompany the liberated captives. The
names of three have been preserved. One was called Ilid,
who was an Israelite; the other two were, Cyndaf and Ar-
wystli Hên, both probably Gentiles.* They all seem to have
been preachers, and were instrumental in turning great num-
bers of the Britons from their druidical errors and supersti-
tions, persuading them to believe in Jesus Christ. The
grand object of the royal convert, and of those who accom-
panied him on his return, was to make known to the ancient
Britons the only way of salvation, in which they seem,
through the blessing of God, to have been eminently suc-
cessful. These persons were the first Christian preachers, of
whom we have any account, that set their feet on this Island:
Brân introduced them and the Gospel to Britain.
Though the monkish legends, of Joseph of Arimathea and
others bringing the Gospel first to this country, are unwor-
thy of the least degree of credit;† yet considerable circum-
stantial evidence has been alleged, that Aristobulus, men-
tioned in the epistle to the Romans, preached the Gospel in
Britain; and the Greeks say, that this preacher
66 was sent
into England, where he laboured very much, made many con-
verts, and at last died." If this account be correct, he most
probably accompanied Brân, when he returned to his native
country. He is, indeed, on strong grounds supposed to have
been the Arwystli, already mentioned. As Brân was a Cam-
brian prince, we may safely conclude, that Christianity gained
access to the mountains of Wales, as early as into any part of
this kingdom.
+
It has been stated by those who appear to have paid the
greatest attention to this part of British history, and who seem
to have been best acquainted with it, that great numbers of
the Druids embraced Christianity on its first promulgation in
this island; and, consequently, that the Christianity of the
*Roberts' Chronicle, p. 293, 294. + Stillingfleet, p. 10—13.
Literary Panorama, vol. ii. p. 842.
--
24
HISTORY OF
I
Britons, in time, became tinctured with Druidism. This will
not appear at all extraordinary, when we recollect how much
the religion of the Jewish Christians was tinctured with
Judaism, and that of the Platonic converts with Platonism.
The case was no doubt similar with converts from all other
sects. To men's attachment to old opinions and prejudices
may be traced most of those religious differences, errors, and
contentions among Christians of the first ages, if not those
also of later times.
The actual progress of Christianity in Britain during the
first two centuries cannot now be known with any degree of
precision, only that it appears to have been successful, seeing
it was sufficiently conspicuous to be noticed by African writers
about the beginning of the third century. The exertions of
the Romans to extirpate Druidism, on the one hand, and the
divine consolations of the Gospel, on the other, contributed
greatly to favour its propagation, and to aid its progress.
Whilst the Romans indulged the bitterest intolerance and
antipathy against Druidism, and used every means in their
power to effect the total extinction of it; the religion of Jesus
was making silent, but secure progress among all ranks of
society, by the attraction of converts to the doctrine of the
cross. There can be no doubt that the Druids made consi-
derable opposition to the new doctrine; yet the faith continued
its prevailing influence to the time of king Lucius, when a new
period of zealous exertions in its favour appears to have com-
menced.*
This prince, so much celebrated by ecclesiastical historians,
was a king of the Silures, and a descendent of Caractacus.
The general testimony borne to his character appears to be a
sufficient ground for the celebrity he acquired, by his signal
services in the cause of religion. The title of sovereign of all
Britain has been improperly assigned to this prince, as it had
been to his progenitors; for in his time there were many kings
over particular cities, and no one king over the whole island.
The old British government was neither popular as some
pretend, nor under one monarchy; but the people were
governed by several petty princes, ruling different parts of the
country.+
*Roberts' Chron. p. 296.
+ Stillingfleet's Antiq. p. 65.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
25
The following story is related of king Lucius' first embrac-
ing and promoting the Christian religion. He sent Eluanus
and Medwinus to Eleutherius, bishop of the church at Rome,
desiring, by means of his instruction, to be made acquainted
with the Gospel. Upon which the latter gave thanks to God,
that such a noble prince so much desired Christianity; and
then, by the advice of the presbyters at Rome, they first
baptized these ambassadors, and, being instructed, they
ordained them, making Eluanus a bishop or pastor, and
Medwinus a teacher. So they returned to king Lucius, who,
with the chief of the Britons, was baptized; and then, accord-
ing to the instructions of Eleutherius, Christian churches were
organized, bishops were ordained, and the Christian religion
was taught and propagated.*
*
This story may, on the whole, be true. The two ambas-
sadors themselves were no doubt British Christians; and hav-
ing been employed in recommending the new doctrine to king
Lucius, he sent them to Eleutherius for further instruction.
Knowing the great fame of Rome, and hearing of the flourish-
ing state of the Christian church in that city, he wished to
ascertain how far the British Christians agreed with those of
Rome: and he might reasonably presume, that the Christian
doctrine was there taught in its greatest purity, being the
place of resort from all other parts of the empire, and the very
place where some of the apostles had preached the Gospel.
These considerations might reasonably move king Lucius to
send his embassy to Rome.
This prince held some further correspondence with Eleu-
therius, from whom, in answer to his inquiries, he received
the following useful instructions: "You have desired us to
send you a copy of the Roman and imperial laws, with a design
to make them the rule of justice in the realm of Britain. As
for the imperial laws, we may dislike and disapprove them at
any time, but the law of God is above all censure and excep-
tion. I mention this because, through the mercy of God, you
have lately received the Christian religion in the kingdom of
Britain; so that now you have the privilege of consulting both
the Old and New Testament. Out of these volumes you
Stillingfleet's Antiq. p. 66.
26
HISTORY OF
C
may, by the advice of your subjects, collect a body of laws,
which, under God's protection, may enable you to govern
your people. Christian subjects, who live in peace and tran-
quillity under your protection, and sheltered by your adminis-
tration, are cherished as the Scripture speaks, as a hen
gathers her chickens under her wings.' The people of Britain
are your subjects, and committed to your care, amongst whom
it is your part to promote unity and good understanding, to
bring them to a submission to the Gospel, and into the bosom
of the church; to restrain them from disorder, and to sup-
port, govern, and protect them from the insults of injurious
malice.”*
In conformity to these excellent instructions, Lucius laud-
ably exerted himself to diffuse Christianity in all directions,
and to promote the conversion of his subjects, not by any
methods of coercion, but only by the simple preaching of the
Gospel. His zeal was great and effective; so that many of
the British churches, and probably some on the continent,
owed their formation or confirmation, under God, to his muni-
ficent exertions. But by the formation of these ancient
churches we are not to understand the imposition of Chris-
tianity by the secular power, or any attempt to force religion
upon the people by civil coercion and penal laws. Nothing
could be more remote from the thoughts, intentions, and
efforts of king Lucius; whose zeal in this cause was tempered
with prudence, and consisted wholly in recommending and
persuading his subjects to embrace the Gospel, allowing them
at the same time the most perfect liberty of conscience.
No doubt can be entertained that the Christianity of these
first ages was in its purest form, being received on conviction,
and from choice, not imposed by the force of human edicts
and temporal penalties. The important fact is acknowledged
even by all the Romish writers, that it continued to maintain
its unsullied purity in Britain, down to the time of Dioclesian.
As the purity of the faith signifies in their vocabulary its
agreement with that of the church of Rome, this is a very
important concession; for it was not till the next age, that
Rome began to vary from her former self; upon which, the
† Fox, vol. i. p. 119.
*
Collier, vol. i. p. 14.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
27
British churches not varying, thus became different, and were
considered as corrupted. Whereas the British churches pre-
served Christianity for many ages more pure than any other
churches in Christendom.*
It has been assumed, that the adoption of Christianity was,
at least from the time of Lucius, universal throughout the
island of Britain. But this is an assumption neither rational
in itself, nor favoured by any analogy in the course of events,
not even in the experience of the apostles. Were it to be
admitted that the Roman policy of extirpating the Druids
was continued, that Christianity was publicly favoured, and
that many of the Druids themselves took shelter under its
peaceful shade, which no doubt was the case; and if we con-
clude even that the majority of the Britons became Christians,
it would be highly honourable to the country, and certainly
full as much as could reasonably be expected. Be this,
indeed, as it might, we find that the necessary officers of the
primitive churches were appointed; the doctrines of the
churches were simply apostolical; the rites no more than the
two appointed by our Lord; and the exercise of public instruc-
tion and public worship duly observed.
To the close of the third century, the British churches
existed and prospered without the alliance of the state. The
religion of Christ, throughout this period, obtained success on
the ground of its own amiable attractions. The Christian
churches during these purest ages were founded on conviction,
and the voluntary association of the parties concerned, to the
exclusion of every species of imposition, coercion, and inter-
ference from others. For the preservation of peace and unity
among them, it was usual to advise in important cases with the
bishops or pastors of other churches, and chiefly with those of
the greatest reputation, who gave their judgment, not by way
of authority, but of friendly correspondence; not to exercise
any dominion over the faith of their brethren, but to show
their concern to preserve the peace and purity of the churches
of Christ. This is a most important concession, supported
by indubitable facts. So that, as to the Christians themselves,
+ Stillingfleet's Antiq. p. 128.
* Roberts' Chron. p. 300.
28
HISTORY OF
this was the age of unrestricted and perfect religious freedom:
their only danger arose from blind and superstitious Pagans.
Britain was now reduced to the condition of a Roman pro-
vince, and the public profession of Christianity depended upon
the connivance of the Roman governor or governors for the
time being. Christians had it not in their power to oppress
and persecute their fellow Christians: none but Pagans could
make inroads and encroachments on their religious rights. It
was particularly providential for the British churches, whether
owing to their distance from the seat of government, to the
clemency of their provincial governors, or to some other cause,
that they were long strangers to those violent oppressions
which afflicted less favoured provinces of the empire. When
persecution raged furiously in Gaul, our sequestered isle was
the asylum of religious liberty. At length, however, the
Britons were marked out by the emperor Dioclesian to drink a
portion of those bitter ingredients, which he poured out upon
all parts of the empire. It is marvellous and almost incredible
what numbers of innocent Christians were tormented and
slain: some with the sword; some burnt in the fire; some
scourged with whips; some stabbed with forks; some fixed on
gibbets; some drowned in the sea; some had their skins
plucked off; some their tongues cut out; some were stoned to
death; some destroyed by cold; some starved with hunger;
some had their hands cut off, or otherwise dismembered, and
left naked to the open shame of the world; yet in all these tor-
ments their piety and constancy remained unshaken.* Whilst
the good people were thus carried as sheep to the slaughter,
their places of worship were demolished; and the copies of the
holy Scriptures were sought after, and, when discovered, pub-
licly burnt; insomuch, that in some provinces there were
scarcely any traces of Christianity remaining. To accomplish
these infamous designs against our ancestors, Dioclesian sent
Maximian Herculius into Britain.†
This monster of iniquity, Dioclesian, who commanded him-
self to be worshipped as God! boasted of having blotted out
the Christian name; and it is manifest from our ecclesiastical
+
*Fox, vol. i. p. 38.
+ Roberts' Chron. p. 96.
Stillingfleet's Antiq. p. 70.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
29
records, that his diabolical edicts succeeded to a very great
extent. Impious man! proud boaster! though in that bloody
slaughter, Christianity almost disappeared in some parts; yet
after these desolations many Christians still remained in Bri-
tain. St. Alban, our proto-martyr, fell in the dreadful
carnage. His kindness in sheltering a Christian preacher
from the fury of persecution, by affording him refuge in his
house at Verulum, was graciously rewarded by his conversion
to the faith of Christ. He sealed his profession with his
blood; and the earliest historians of that event, among other
miraculous circumstances with which they embellish the story,
affirm that the eyes of the executioner dropped from his head,
instantly as he gave the fatal blow. The place was afterwards
called St. Albans, in honour of the martyr.*
Persecution, however, cannot suppress the truth. It may
depress it, or check its progress for a season-it may murder
its advocates and professors; but "the blood of the martyrs
is the seed of the church." Ancient writers have compared
Christianity to the palm-tree, which, the old naturalists say,
rises in proportion to the weights with which it is loaded.
Justin Martyr, addressing the emperors, said, "We desire a
fair trial, and no favour : if we are guilty, punish us; if we are
innocent, protect us. We do not desire you to punish our
calumniators: their own ignorance and wickedness is punish-
ment enough." He then adds: "We are slain with the
sword; we are crucified; we are cast to the wild beasts; we
are bound with chains, tortured and burnt; yet we are not
only constant to our profession, but we increase and multiply:
the more we are persecuted and destroyed, the more are
added to our numbers. As a vine, by being pruned and cut
close, puts forth new shoots, and bears greater abundance of
fruit; so it is with us, who are the vine which God and his
Christ have planted.”+
The foregoing barbarous enormities afterwards subsided
through the clemency of Constantius Chlorus, governor of
Britain, who, in the year 305, was placed on the imperial
throne. Though he lived and died a Pagan, he surpassed all
others in "clemency and goodness towards his subjects," and
*Fox, vol. i. p. 98.
+ Jortin's Remarks, vol. i. p. 336.
30
HISTORY OF
allowed the Christians the perfect liberty of their religion,
protecting them against injury and persecution. The love of
justice, and the exercise of tolerance, were ranked among the
most prominent traits in his character, and not improper for
the imitation even of Christian princes.*
It is related of this prince, that wishing to distinguish his
courtiers who were Christians, and try their probity, he pre-
tended to be an enemy to their religion, and commanded them
all to offer sacrifice to the gods, upon pain of his displeasure,
and the forfeiture of their places. The men of principle, who
made conscience of their religion, told him plainly, that they
must resign their offices; for they valued the favour of God,
much more than the favour of any prince: but the licentious
part of the court, who had taken up the profession of Chris-
tianity merely because it was become fashionable, when they
found it discountenanced and opposed by the emperor, signi-
fied their readiness to sacrifice to the Pagan deities, rather than
relinquish their secular interest. Constantius, upon this, gave
them a severe reprimand, and dismissed them from their
employments: declaring that he had no opinion of men of
such mercenary dispositions, who were governed wholly by
self-interest, and, since they had shown themselves to be false
to their God, they would not be faithful to their prince. As
to the others, who were willing to part with all for Christ, he
commended them highly for their integrity, esteemed them
among his best friends, and gave them an important share in
the public administration. This may afford a useful lesson
to private Christians, as well as to princes, not to sacrifice
their honour and their consciences to the flattery of superiors,
lest those superiors treat them with infamy and contempt.
The fourth century produced a revolution in the state of
religious freedom, which placed the churches of Christ in
circumstances nearly the reverse of the apostolic churches
mentioned in the New Testament. Constantine the Great,
son of Constantius, who, in the year 306, succeeded to the
imperial dignity, effected a complete change in the religion of
the empire. Our country has been pronounced happy beyond
*Euseb. Eccl. Hist. b. viii. c. 14.
+ Euseb. Constan. b. i. e. 11.
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31
all others, in giving birth to Constantine, the first Christian
emperor.*
This prince had, indeed, been for some time an indignant
spectator of the savage cruelties inflicted by the hands of the
Roman soldiers, on those citizens whose religion was their only
crime. His father having recommended indulgence to the
Christians by the authority of his dying breath, Constantine
gave early indications of a desire to protect and favour them.
These tolerant principles were extended alike both to Pagans
and Christians, even before the emperor avowed any peculiar
attachment to the latter. At the period of his accession, he
had not discarded paganism; and some time after, when
engaged in his preparations to give battle to Maxentius, he
deliberated with himself to what deity he should address his
supplications for aid and success in that warfare.† On the
defeat of Maxentius, a proclamation was issued by the joint
emperors, Constantine and Licinius, for the protection of
every description of religionists, Pagans and Christians, leav-
ing them in the free and full possession of that liberty to
which they had a natural and an equal claim. As this docu-
ment, issued by these Pagan monarchs, exhibits the only
proper ground on which princes can, with any degree of pro-
priety, attempt to regulate the religion of their subjects, the
perusal of it will no doubt be gratifying to the reader.
"Weighing with ourselves, that the liberty and freedom of
religion ought not in any case to be prohibited, but that free
leave ought to be given to every man to do therein according
to his mind and will; we have given commandment to all men
to qualify matters of religion as they themselves thought good,
and that also the Christians should keep the opinions and
faith of their religion. But because that many and sundry
opinions by the same our first license, spring and increase
through such liberty granted, we thought good to add there-
unto and make plain such things whereby some of them in
time to come may be let or hindered. When therefore by
prosperous success, I, Constantinus Augustus, and I, Licinius
Augustus, came to Mediolanum, and there sate in council
upon such things as served for the utility and profit of the
* Stillingfleet's Antiq. p. 90.
+ Euseb. Constan. b. i. c. 21.
32
HISTORY OF
commonwealth, these things amongst others, we thought,
would be beneficial to all men; yea, and before all other things
we purposed to establish those things wherein the true
reverence and worship of God is comprehended: that is, to
give unto the Christians free choice to follow what religion
they think good, and whereby the same sincerity and celestial
grace, which is in every place received, may also be embraced
and accepted of our loving subjects.
"According therefore unto this our pleasure, upon good
advertisement and sound judgment, we have decreed, that no
man be so hardly used, as to be denied to choose and follow
the Christian religion; but that this liberty be given to every
man, that he may apply his mind to what religion he thinketh
meet himself, whereby God may perform upon us all his ac-
customed care and goodness. To the intent, therefore, that
you may know that this is our pleasure, we thought it neces-
sary to write this unto you, whereby all such errors and opi-
nions being removed, which in our former letters, being sent
to you in behalf of Christians, are contained, and which seem
very indiscreet and contrary to our clemency, may be set
aside and annihilated. Now, therefore, we firmly and freely
will, and command, that every man have free liberty to ob-
serve the Christian religion, and that he may do the same,
without any grief or molestation.
"These things have we thought good to signify unto you
by as plain words as we may, that we have given to the
Christians free and absolute power to keep and use their
religion. And for as much as this liberty is absolutely given
by us unto them, to use and exercise their former observances,
if any be disposed, it is manifest that it helpeth much to
establish the public tranquillity of our time, for every man to
have license and liberty to choose and exercise what kind of
worship he himself listeth. This is done by us, to the intent
that we would have no man to be enforced to one religion more
than another; and this thing amongst others we have provid-
ed for the Christians, that they may regain the possession of
those places, in which they have heretofore been accustomed
to hold their assemblies; so that if any have bought or pur-
chased the same either of us, or of any other, the said places
without money or recompense, shall forthwith and without
2
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
33
delay, be restored to the said Christians. And if any man
have obtained the same by gift from us, and shall require any
recompense to be made in that behalf, then let the Christians
repair to the president (being the judge appointed for that
place) that consideration may be had of them by our benig-
nity all which things we will and command, that you see
given and restored freely, and with diligence, unto the society
of the Christians, all delay set apart.
“And because the Christians themselves are understood to
have had not only those places wherein they were accustomed
to resort together; but also certain other peculiar places, not
being the property of any one man, but belonging to their
congregation and society, you shall see all those also restored
to the Christians; that is to say, to every fellowship and
company of them, according to the decree now given, all
delay set apart. Provided that the order we have taken, be
observed, that if any taking recompense, shall restore the said
lands and possessions, they shall not mistrust, but be sure to
be saved harmless by us. In all these things, it shall be your
part to employ your diligence in the behalf of the foresaid
Christians, whereby this our commandment may speedily be
accomplished, and also in this case by our clemency, the
public peace may be preserved. For undoubtedly by this
means, the good-will and favour of God shall always continue
with us.
And to the intent that this our constitution may be
notified to all men, it shall be requisite that a copy of these
our letters be set up in all places, that all men may read and
know the same."*
Thus Constantine's first care was, 66
to secure full liberty
to the Christians."+ In this admirable, imperial edict, we at
once perceive that the subjects of the empire were not to be mo-
lested for their religion, whether that religion were Christianity
or Paganism, but every one was left to the arbitration of his
own mind. No force was to be applied to conscience. Pro-
tection was afforded, without respect to religious profession,
equally to every subject of the empire; and religion was treat-
ed as a personal concern, with which the civil power might not
VOL. I.
* Fox, vol. i. p. 95.
D
+ Stillingfleet's Antiq. p. 74..
34
HISTORY OF
I
interfere. This document appreciates the indubitable rights
and liberties of mankind, and might not be an improper
model for kings and emperors in modern times. If the rights,
which it recognizes and establishes, be founded in justice,
then it undeniably follows, that every opposite measure,
whether from Constantine or any other, must be an open
violation of justice. It was strictly within the limits of the
emperor's authority, to assure all the subjects of the empire,
of secure protection and impartial usage in the exercise of
their religion. Constantine had not yet learned to rule the
consciences and souls of his subjects: these he left, as they
ought ever to be left, in the uninterrupted possession of
their native liberty. In conformity to this happy change,
the Christians enjoyed quietness from persecution, their places
of public worship, before demolished, were re-built, and the
worship of God observed, without the least disturbance.*
These were the days of perfect religious liberty.
Constantine, not long after, addressed his subjects by letter,
expressing the clemency and liberality of his sentiments, as
follows: "Those who err, and are out of the way, enjoy
the benefit of peace and quietness, with and amongst the
number of the faithful; and, I trust, the restitution of the
Christians may be a means of bringing those who err, into
the perfect way of verity. Let no persons, therefore, be
grievous one at another, but what every man thinketh*best,
that let him do: for such as are wise, ought thoroughly to
be persuaded, that they only mean to live holily, and as they
should do, whom the Spirit of God moveth to take their
delight and recreation in reading his holy will; and if others
will wilfully go out of the way, cleaving to the synagogue of
false doctrine, they may at their own peril. As for us, we
have the most worthy house or congregation of God's verity,
which he, according to his own nature and goodness hath
given us; and this we wish unto them, that, with similar
participation and common consent, they may feel with us the
same delectation of mind.-We give thee thanks, O Lord
most mighty, that all mankind have not been destroyed.
Surely as thy benignity and gentleness are manifested by
Collier, vol. i. p. 25.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
35
sundry benefits bestowed upon us, so much also is the same
set forth and declared in the discipline of thy eternal Word,
to those who are heavenly-minded, and apply themselves to
the attainment of sincere virtue. But if any such there be
that have little regard or consideration thereof, let them not
blame others; for that physic whereby health is obtained, is
manifestly offered unto all men. Now, therefore, let no man
attempt to subvert that, which experience itself doth show to
be good. Let us all use this benefit bestowed upon us; that
is, the benefit of peace and tranquillity, setting apart all con-
troversy. And let no man hurt or prejudice his fellow, for
that wherein he thinketh himself to have done well. If, by
what any man knoweth, and hath experience of, he thinketh
he may profit his neighbour, let him do the same; if not, let
him decline it till another time; for there is great diversity
between the willing and voluntary embracing of religion, and
when a man is thereto enforced and coacted."
"*
On another occasion, the emperor addressed his subjects in
these words:" God hath many ways declared his omnipo-
tent power, both in stirring me up to undertake his cause,
and prospering my endeavours; so that the whole world,
which before groaned under affliction and tyranny, hath, by
God's power aiding me, been set at liberty, and enlightened
with the knowledge of religion.—Let no man molest another;
but let every one follow the persuasion of his own conscience.
Let those who have a true opinion concerning God, be per-
suaded, that such as regulate their lives by the rule of God's
sacred laws lead a most holy and upright life; but those who
will not be conformable thereunto, may have liberty to erect
their altars. We will maintain the church and true religion;
and we desire, that others may joyfully receive this general
offer of peace and concord.-Let no man, in that which he is
persuaded is right and good, give any offence to another; but
rather let him that hath knowledge and understanding, endea-
vour to instruct and convert his neighbour. But if he cannot,
let him give it over. For it is one thing to embrace religion
willingly, and another to be compelled through fear of pu-
nishment."+ These are admirable sentiments; and the em-
* Fox, vol. i. p. 113.
+ Euseb. Constan. b. ii. c. 41, 55, 59.
D 2
36
HISTORY OF
.
peror could not have more decisively stated and defended the
religious rights and liberties of his subjects.
Constantine having favoured Christianity, became exceed-
ingly zealous in the cause. To promote it by every means in
his power, seemed to be one great end of his life and govern-
ment; but, as he very much mistook the real nature of the
religion he espoused, so he completely failed in the proper
means of recommending it to others. His conduct in this
respect was the more unhappy, because it formed a precedent
to succeeding princes, who have admired and applauded him
as the great example for their imitation.
This mighty prince contradicted and violated his own edicts.
Affecting to be convinced of the folly and impiety of the
Pagan superstitions, he at first earnestly exhorted his subjects
to embrace the Gospel; but afterwards he employed all the
force of his authority, to abolish the ancient worship, and to
establish Christianity as the religion of the empire. He made
Christianity a state religion, by putting himself at its head,
and promulgating laws for its government and support. His
zeal in the cause of religion, augmented with his years; and
he issued several imperial edicts for the demolition of the
Pagan worship, and the prevention of sacrifices upon their
altars. He was, on the other hand, scrupulously observant
of the numerous rites and ceremonies prescribed by his Chris-
tian clergy, solemnly protesting himself a disciple of Jesus
Christ.
The emperor, however, did not suddenly adopt these mea-
sures: for some time, he considered those who dissented from
his imperial church, as actuated only by folly, and under the
delusions of Satan; therefore he deemed them more worthy
of pity, than of punishment; because, said he, "as it showed
clemency to grieve for them; so to punish madmen, was
extreme madness." Had Constantine stopped here, his li-
beral principles and unsullied reputation would have been the
admiration of posterity. But having by imperial force sup-
pressed the Pagan worship,* he next proceeded to extirpate
all error and heresy from the empire; for which purpose, he
issued his royal mandates, and sent them for execution to the
*Euseb. Constan. b. ii. c. 44. b. iii. c. 47.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
37
governors of the different provinces. In one of these docu-
ments, he threatened, in the following lofty tone, to inflict
public punishment on all delinquents:
"We enact and command by this law, that none of
you
shall dare hereafter to meet at conventicles: therefore we
command that all those places, where you were wont to keep
those meetings, shall be demolished; and if any of you care
for the true and sincere religion, let them return to the catho-
lic church, and be partakers of its holiness. For it is agree-
able to that prosperous and flourishing state which we by
God's providence enjoy, that they who live in this age of
knowledge and hope should be converted from the blindness of
error to the right way, from darkness to light, from ignorance
to truth, and from death to salvation: and that our careful
providence, for curing these errors, may be more powerful
and effectual, we have commanded, that all your superstitious
places of meeting, and all your heretical temples, shall, with-
out delay or contradiction, be pulled down, and confiscated to
the catholic church; and it is enacted and commanded, that
there shall be no such meetings or assemblies, after this day,
in any place, public or private.”*
Constantine's bigoted intolerance prompted him to become
a destroyer of public property, and a plunderer of other men's
goods, not to say openly to commit the sin of sacrilege; yet
his episcopal biographer passes the highest encomiums on his
clemency and goodness; and without hesitation declares, that
he governed his subjects in "peace and tranquillity," reign-
ing "graciously and mildly, like an indulgent father, care-
fully providing for them!!" The truth is, by the suppres-
sion of one sect of religionists, and the exaltation of another,
under the influence, and by the force of imperial edicts, Con-
stantine invaded the throne of Christ, subverted the original
constitution and liberties of the churches, despoiled them of
their native simplicity, and generated those evil tempers
amongst their members, which, in every age, have been the
unfailing source of pride, contention, and every evil work.
No historical fact can be more conspicuous, than that this
Christian prince directly interfered with the concerns of the
* Euseb. Constan. b. i. c. 38. b. iii. c. 63.
+ Ibid. b. i. c. 9.
38
HISTORY OF
2 KBPS.
churches of Jesus Christ; and that he made new laws, and
enacted new penalties for the direction and government of
Christianity, is equally incontrovertible as any fact recorded
in history but it is indispensably necessary to ask what right
or authority had he for doing this? When and by whom was
he invested with this high magisterial power? If God confer-
red this high authority upon him, there must exist some proof
of it; let this proof be produced. It will never be doubted,
that the papal power has interfered with the concerns of
the church, by issuing new laws and new penalties in religion;
nor will it be questioned, that, as in the case of Constantine,
it has actually compelled the nations to receive the prescrip-
tions of its authority, and to do homage to its will. Has it
not asserted its control over the church, and exercised at its
pleasure the power of ruling the understandings and con-
sciences of the people? Constantine claimed and exercised
the same power, and thus usurped the throne, and claimed
the prerogative of God.
If the jurisdiction, assumed by this sovereign prince, be
acknowledged to have been on the whole, legitimate, who was
to determine the limits within which it ought to have been
confined? Who was to be the judge of its proper range ?
Were the boundaries according to which this interference
ought to have been restricted or enlarged, any others than
those which the sovereign will of this prince should assign?
He was himself, to the exclusion of every other party, the
judge of what was proper. He alone was to determine when
this interference should be exerted, and when it should be
withheld. The acknowledgment of Constantine's right to
interfere in choosing and appointing a religion for all his sub-
jects, therefore amounts to nothing less than an allowance of
his authority to do what he pleased; and it is evident, that
no other account can be given, why he ruled the churches of
Jesus Christ, than that it was his sovereign pleasure so to do.
But mark the consequence of this acknowledgment. If
Constantine had a right to rule the churches of Christ,
because he possessed the means of coercing their members,
every person, capable of exerting the same force, must possess
a title to ecclesiastical dominion equally legitimate. Galerius,
predecessor of Constantine, published an edict, in which he
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
39
commanded the subjects of the empire, who had embraced
Christianity, to return, upon pain of death, to the religion of
their Pagan ancestors. So it will undeniably follow, that if
Constantine was right, as the supreme secular magistrate in
interfering with religion, Galerius could not be wrong. The
argument will not be weakened by affirming, that Galerius
was a Pagan, but Constantine a Christian. For, if to control
religion was a right belonging to the imperial throne, it was
as much the right of Galerius to demand obedience to his
edicts, as it could be the right of Constantine to prescribe by
his mandates. Thus it was established, by the same rule,
that to persecute Christians at one time, and to spare them
at another, were equally to be commended as legitimate acts;
that whether they were tortured and destroyed, or suffered to
exercise their discipline and worship undisturbed, it was the
same as matter of equity; especially since it was evident, that
the persecution of Christians by a heathen emperor, was as
just a proceeding as the persecution of any sect of Christians,
or even of Pagans, by a Christian emperor: that is to say,
both these emperors exercised a jurisdiction over the religious
opinions and professions of their subjects, according to their
own will and pleasure. "Whom they would they slew, and
whom they would they kept alive; whom they would they
set up, and whom they would they put down." Such are the
absurdities and mischiefs, the usurpations and oppressions,
into which men plunge, when they recognize any human
power as possessing authority to interfere with the con-
sciences of men and the service of God.
The emperor, Constantine, frequently asserted, that the
care of the church was committed to him, and the conduct of
his clergy proves that they believed him.
But the great
question is, by whom, and by what instrument of conveyance,
was this care committed to him? Historians and other wri-
ters who have maintained this sentiment, certainly ought to
have produced the document by which this authority was
conveyed; and till it be produced, since the whole system
of ecclesiastical authority rests upon it, the people will not,
surely, suffer themselves to be mislead into the worst kind of
slavery, on the slender ground of their confident assertions
only. As this document could be nothing less than a divine
40
HISTORY OF
[
communication or warrant, the production of it would give
the fullest satisfaction, and all objections to the ecclesiastical
jurisdiction of the crown, in the early ages of Christianity,
would be at once silenced.
The only proof, however, that the care of the church was
committed to Constantine, is the emperor's own, assertion.
This kind of proof makes strange work when applied to other
cases. His holiness of Rome asserts with equal confidence,
that to him the care of the church is committed, and he
announces himself to the world as the vicegerent of Jesus
Christ. Let protestants then examine well on what ground
they stand. Did not the conduct of the clergy prove that
they believed what Constantine affirmed? Doubtless! And
does not the conduct of the catholic clergy prove that they
believe what the pope affirms upon the same point? This most
admirable argument has been employed almost universally by
historians and ecclesiastics, and alas! the people have ever
believed it; but protestants surely ought to expect something
more firm and stable than this mere affirmation, to warrant
the submission of their consciences to any human authority
whatever. Till we are favoured with a new revelation from
heaven, introducing a new economy, and giving new instruc-
tions on the subject of religious obedience, we must steadfastly
adhere to the laws already given, and call no man master, in
matters of religion, save Jesus Christ.
It will be of no avail to plead the practice under the Jewish
theocracy, the jus divinum of the magistrate's office, the system
of expediency, or any other consideration equally slender and
inapplicable. Constantine's interference with the concerns of
religion required an unequivocal charter from heaven, authoriz-
ing him to make new laws and new penalties in the churches.
of Christ, to establish and enforce religion by methods of
coercion, and to make such alterations and improvements of
Christianity as to him should seem most eligible. Neither
this prince nor any of his successors, unless they received such
charter directly from God, could claim and exercise dominion
over the religion of their fellow-creatures, without the worst
kind of presumption and usurpation, involving themselves in
the guilt of persecution.
Constantine holding solely the reins of power, the professed
W
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
41
ministers of Christ, already secularized in spirit, and aspiring
to worldly pre-eminence, obtained access to his presence, and
ingratiated themselves in his esteem. While he assumed the
high office and authority of prescribing the faith of the empire,
his obedient clergy bartered their independence for the pos-
session of his favour. Instead of maintaining an erect posture
as men, and deciding all theological inquiries for themselves,
they solicited his attention to their controversies, and made
him the arbiter of their differences, not because he was wise,
but because he was powerful. They flattered him into a
persuasion that he had a right to exercise an absolute supre-
macy over all the Christian communities in the empire. The
most extravagant panegyrics were lavished upon him, and his
unworthy adulators ascribed to him the honours and preroga-
tives of the divinity. The office of prescribing to the faith of
mankind, and of judging offences against the Gospel, which
the invisible Head of the church had hitherto challenged as
exclusively his own, was now accounted proper for a mortal!
Constantine became the judge of heresy. He summoned and
presided in ecclesiastical councils. He published rescripts and
issued edicts, not as formerly, to assure the subjects of the
empire of secure protection in the exercise of their religion,
but to denounce religious opinions, and to threaten the inflic-
tion of tremendous punishments against all persons, whose
tenets and discipline did not accord with his imperial standard.
Why," exclaims the emperor, in an edict against certain
dissenters from his church, "why should we bear any longer
with your impieties! You shall not dare in future to meet
together!—you are deprived of the places in which you have
been accustomed to assemble !"
(C
This is undoubtedly the language of princely authority.
"But," says a pious historian, "neither in Constantine, nor
in his favourite bishops, nor yet in the general appearance
of the church, can we see much of the spirit of godliness.
Pompous apparatus, augmented superstitions, and unmeaning
forms of piety, much show and little substance appears.
External piety flourished; and monastic societies were grow-
ing; but faith, love, and heavenly mindedness, appear very
rare; yet among the poor and obscure Christians I hope there
was far more godliness, than could be seen at courts, and
/
ነ
42
HISTORY OF
1
}
among bishops and persons of eminence. The doctrine of
real conversion was very much lost, or external baptism was
placed in its stead; and the true doctrine of justification by
faith, and the true practical use of a crucified Saviour for
troubled consciences, were scarcely to be seen at this time.
There was much outward religion, but this could not make
men saints in heart and life."* This was the state of things
when the famous council of Nice was convened by the autho-
rity of Constantine, who presided as moderator in all its
deliberations; and it was by this memorable council that the
Nicene Creed was received and adopted as the doctrine of the
empire, when the emperor declared that whosoever refused to
receive it, should be sent into a state of banishment; and
though "Constantine was disposed to give his sanction to
any creed," those who could not conscientiously receive the
one now appointed were banished from their country.†
The emperor's proceedings against the Donatists, however,
carried him to still greater lengths of absurdity. By his
intolerant enactments, he not only deprived them of their
places of public worship, confiscating them to the public trea-
sury, and forbidding them to assemble for the worship of God;
but he likewise sequestered the private property of those whom
he had condemned, and even sentenced some of them to death;
though he afterwards seems to have commuted this for a
milder punishment, most probably that of exile, which some of
them certainly underwent.‡
This was ecclesiastical jurisdiction, indeed! These were the
proceedings of the famous emperor Constantine! the worst
part of whose character was, "that, as he grew older, he grew
more culpable; oppressive in his family, oppressive in the
government, and oppressive by superfluous magnificence."—
But, our churchman adds, "in vain do we look either for
wisdom or equity in the ecclesiastical proceedings of Constan-
tine or any of his family."§
It cannot be doubted that this prince interfered with the
concerns of the churches of Christ: he most certainly employed
his power to coerce conscience, and to punish its exercise in
Milner, vol. ii. p. 47, 49.
Brown's Inquiry, p. 14.
+ Ibid. p. 65, 66.
§ Milner, vol. ii. p. 49, 107.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
43
religion. But whence derived he this high authority? Who
committed the care of the churches into his hands? Who
gave Constantine authority to pronounce the opinions of men
erroneous? Who authorized him to punish men for their
religious delinquency? The power which he possessed was
correct, as it was exercised in the regulation of political
affairs; but it was most flagitious when directed to religion,
the cognizance and government of which no mortal can justly
claim. He openly encroached upon the native rights of his
subjects, to think for themselves, and to embrace the religion
of their own choice; and was, at the same time, guilty of
usurping the prerogative of Deity, by claiming to himself that
spiritual allegiance and responsibility which belongs to God
alone. But those Christians, who allow the divine origin of
the sacred writings, and who derive their religion from this
unerring source, can admit no other authority to decide for
them in matters of doctrine and worship. To understand
those books, they are endowed with mental faculties; and
should they err, in opinion or practice, they are accountable
only to the Supreme Judge of heaven and earth.
Christianity could not, in the least, be improved by Con-
stantine's elevation to the imperial throne: its relations to
man were still the same; its spirit, its doctrines, its laws being
unalterable. Human power is totally unable, by any of its
acts, to obtain the assent of the mind to the truth of any doc-
trine. This assent can be secured only on the perception of
the truth of such doctrine. Hence, the Gospel, which can
benefit those only by whom it is received, and on whom it has
its desired influence, was committed to mankind by its Author,
to take its course; to be embraced or rejected at the peril of
those to whom it should be tendered. It was a most atrocious
usurpation of the prerogative of Christ, as well as a most fla-
grant innovation on religion, when Constantine undertook to
pronounce judgment upon the professors of it. The fear of
incurring his wrath became the actuating principle of a hypo-
critical proselytism; and the hope of enjoying his favour
engaged men in a false avowal of discipleship.
There is too much reason to apprehend, that, notwithstand-
ing the laboured and gorgeous panegyrics on the emperor's
piety, he was but little acquainted with the principles, and still
1
1
44
HISTORY OF
7
less influenced by the spirit of Christianity. He, indeed,
could dictate his own opinion to his subjects, as the measure
of the true faith; he could proclaim his intention to reduce
mankind from error to truth; he could provide splendid ban-
quets for the bishops who frequented his court, in which
Eusebius could perceive a representation of the kingdom of
Christ; he could erect magnificent churches, and endow them
with riches; he could trust to a baptism administered almost
in his last moments, and purposely deferred till the shades of
death were darkening his eyes, for the purgation of the sins of
his life. The contaminations of guilt which he had contracted,
and the stains of blood which he had shed, were no doubt to
be washed away by the sacred mysteries contained in the
baptismal waters !*
Whatever might be the true character of this great prince,
it was no part of his prerogative to prescribe religious tenets,
and to enforce them by secular authority. The proofs of his
encroachment on the rights of the churches of Jesus Christ,
and of his subverting their constitutional liberties, are abun-
dant and decisive: but religion certainly was not the proper
element for human power; and truth could not be benefited
by such assistance. The consequence of Constantine's officious
interference in religion, says a learned writer, was, that the
Christian religion, which, for three hundred years after the
ascension of Christ, had been spreading over a large part of
Asia, Europe, and Africa, without the assistance of secular
power and authority, and was almost everywhere through
those countries in a flourishing condition; but in the space of
another three hundred years, or a little more, was greatly
corrupted in a large part of that extent, its glory debased, and
its light almost extinguished !†
Christianity needs no assistance from civil powers, and they
never interfere with its concerns without doing mischief; yet
it is not opposed, but friendly, to the secular authority of
princes. Obedience to civil government is forcibly inculcated
in the Gospel, and particularly exemplified in the conduct of
Christians. Christ was not the rival of Cæsar, nor did he call
mankind to become his disciples to engage them in contention
* Socrates, b. i. c. 26.
+ Lardner's Cred. vol. viii. p. 24.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
45
with political rulers. Christianity never presented itself in
the attitude of hostility against the power of the state; but is
ever friendly to the good order of society, and the office of the
civil magistrate. It is uniformly the same throughout all
periods in its aspect towards civil government. The secular
power has, indeed, been opposed to the Christian profession
as often as restraints and punishments have been inflicted upon
Christians, on account of their religious sentiments. In this
view the supreme secular power in the hands of Constantine
and all his successors, who have claimed ecclesiastical jurisdic-
tion, has been opposed to the Christian religion; since they
have favoured only their own party with exemption from
persecution. The Pagan emperors were not always perse-
cutors of Christians; but they sometimes generously allowed
their Christian subjects equal favour and protection as other
subjects, while they followed the religion of their own choice.*
Their forbearance, however, does not import a union between
the church and the state; nor could their conversion to Chris-
tianity identify their political government with the Gospel
institution, as having any power or influence over it.
No human power on earth can form a union of Christianity,
and the political constitution; because the specific object of the
former, is totally different and beyond the cognizance of the
latter. Christianity addresses itself to men as individuals,
never as they constitute a political body; but all civil autho-
rity, when legitimately directed, is addressed to men as a
political community. The nature, adaptation, and influence
of Christianity can be learned only from the New Testament,
in which the whole will of its Founder is deposited. Chris-
tianity is so far from placing our religious and political
obedience in the same class of obligations, that, in all the con-
cerns of faith and worship, it inculcates that scrupulous and
pure subjection to the will of God, which neither enforces nor
yields subjection to things unrevealed: whereas the whole of
our political obedience is founded on political enactments.
When the Gospel is spiritually understood and cordially
received, it constrains men to a consistent denial of the prin-
ciple, that any authority on earth has a right to enforce rcli-
* Lardner's Cred. vol. i. p. 257.
46
HISTORY OF
gious opinions on the consciences of men, by the aid of worldly
sanctions. Christianity, in short, leaves the whole business of
religion to the unbiased operation of truth and conviction.
Since, therefore, neither Constantine, nor any of his successors,
can furnish testimonials of their high authority from the New
Testament, nor from any subsequent revelation, empowering
them to preside over the dispensation of the Gospel, their
compulsory acts and deeds in matters of religion, stand on
record as open violations of the doctrine and spirit of Chris-
tianity, usurpations of the authority of Jesus Christ, subver-
sions of the liberties of Christian churches, and outrageous on
the consciences and rights of mankind.
The children of pride, in the Christian churches, had long
beheld with wishful eyes, the distinguished honours, the
immense riches, and the unrestrained pleasures, which the
heathen hierarchy enjoyed by the incorporation of Roman
superstitions. Fastidious ambition and lust of domination
had begun to work in the breasts of many, even before the
celebrated triumph of Constantine; and some of these sons of
Diotrephes obtained titles of pre-eminence, and exercised
dominion over their brethren. They had begun to encroach
on the rights of Christians, to exercise dominion over their
faith, and thus to usurp the authority of Christ. When the
day at last dawned, which presented an opportunity of sup-
planting the Pagan establishment, is it to be imagined that
men of such a spirit, and such a character, would indolently
suffer the happy season to expire? No: the objects, in their
view, were substantial and irresistible.
Nor had Constantine less powerful temptations. Ignorant
in a great degree of the character and objects of the Christian
economy; superstitiously attached to those persons who had
obtained the direction of his conscience; and surrounded at
all times by flatterers, who were constantly filling his ears
with lectures on the meritorious services he would present to
God and his church, by bestowing the spoils of the merciless
Egyptians on the oppressed Israelites; he would have been.
more than a man, had he not fallen into the snare, which was
so artfully laid for secularizing and oppressing Christianity.
More accustomed to hear the clang of arms, than to attend to
the cries which violence forces from the injured, he had no
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
47
time nor inclination to reflect, that even when he was laudably
exerting his authority in protecting Christians from persecu-
tion, and Christianity from the insults of ignorance and ma-
lice; he himself would be guilty of the most flagrant violation
of his own edicts, of the laws of Christianity, and of natural
justice, by depriving his worthy subjects of those natural
rights to which they were entitled as men, as Christians, and
as members of the empire. Having so little acquaintance
with the nature and intentions of Christianity, he was uncon-
scious, that, while he was allying it to the political constitu-
tion, and secularizing its public teachers, he was laying a
broad foundation for its corruption and utter ruin. If he
had possessed the fear of God in his heart, and could have
foreseen the tragic scenes which were exhibited through all
the nations of Europe, during the middle ages, in conse-
quence of his politics, he would, no doubt, have shuddered at
them, and have been the first in reprobating such unrighte-
ous and oppressive measures.
Constantine indeed was no prophet; he could only reason
from analogy, and as he was instructed by his clergy, who
lectured to him as follows:-Did a system of impiety, super-
stition and absurdity, supported only by its incorporation with
the state, not only so long triumph over the efforts of philoso-
phy, but even resist Christianity itself; and shall not that
heavenly religion, resting hitherto on its own evidence alone,
become greatly triumphant, by possessing the throne, sway-
ing the sceptre, and brandishing the sword of its unworthy
rival?
This was the MODEL into which the Christian churches
were transformed. Christianity now changed her attire, and
filled the throne of her discarded rival. The ministers of the
churches raised their heads; extended their views; and became
lords not only over God's heritage, but of the dominions of
sovereign princes. The spirit of innovation raged. Super-
stition opened all her tinsel treasures. Ignorance erected her
ebon throne. The doctrines of Christianity were adulterated.
Its institutions were sophisticated. Offices, hitherto unknown
in Christian churches, were invented; and were executed by
persons, under characters not less foreign to the Christian
institution than those of magician or soothsayer. So mighty
48
HISTORY OF
1
a revolution could not, indeed, have been effected without the
plan of an incorporation with the state, already venerable and
familiar to the multitude.
The political arrangements of the empire constituted ano-
ther branch of this model. The emperors, to rivet more
firmly the chains with which they had bound their ancient
Roman subjects, divided it into certain districts, and these
into minute parts, over which certain civil and military offi-
cers were appointed to preside, accountable to the political
head of the empire. When Christianity was attempted to be
incorporated with the civil constitution, the Christian church
became catholic by a catholicism, limited only by the number
and extent of the Roman provinces. This catholic church.
became as unwieldy as the empire, with which she was pro-
fessedly united. It, therefore, became necessary to divide
and subdivide her into parts, analogous and adjusted to the
artificial divisions of the empire. These geographical parti-
tions, according to the extent of territory, and the quality of
the cities in them, were governed by patriarchs, metropolitans,
and bishops, with other orders of subsidiary clergy. These
government officers, like the civil and military officers presid-
ing in the different provinces, were accountable to the em-
peror, as well in their clerical as their civil character. He
governed the ecclesiastical branch of the empire by the use of
subaltern officers, as really as he ruled the civil and military
departments. This was the process of the empire; and to
whatever religious opinions the emperor inclined, he dragged
the churches of Christ in imperial chains to profess an attach-
ment to the same courtly articles, and proceeded, without
ceremony, to anathematize all the Christian world beside !
The Christian church was thus new-modelled, as much as
possible, in conformity to the constitution and government of
the state. The emperor, by these various means, unfortu-
nately sowed the seeds of strife and contention throughout
the empire, and he presently reaped the bitter fruits of his
folly. "For as soon as Christianity was by law established,
debates grew more violent ;" and our author adds, "it is not
in the wit, or in the power of man, or rather, it is an impos-
sibility, to prevent diversity of opinions; since this is the
1
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
49
unavoidable result of human imperfection, and human li-
berty."*
It was not then apprehended how great a change this new
government of Christian churches, would make in the consti-
tution of the empire. But the prelates, for the greater state
and dignity in their judicial proceedings, having adopted the
model and appendages of the civil judicatories, had their
chancellors, commissaries, officials, advocates, proctors, regis-
ters, apparitors, &c. &c.
Thence originated these phrases
unheard before, episcopal jurisdiction, episcopal audience,
and others of the same kind.t
Whether the adoption of these measures contributed to
improve these shepherds of Christ's flock in humility, meek-
ness, and tolerance, may be submitted to the determination
of every judicious and impartial reader. It was in vain to
imagine, that, as formerly, a sense of religion would operate
on the minds of the people. True religion is of too delicate
a nature to be rendered compatible with the measures now
used for its advancement. From the moment the pastor was
armed with the terrors of the magistrate, the power of reli-
gion was superseded, and the gentle voice of love was drown-
ed in the clamour of commitments, forfeitures, and distress of
goods. By the methods now adopted, those brotherly cor-
rections and charitable interpositions, which were instituted
by Christ and his apostles, degenerated into mere worldly
domination. When, on the one hand, the ministers of reli-
gion thought fit to exchange that parental tenderness, which
was the glory of their predecessors, for that lordly superiority
which succeeded; it was a natural consequence, that, on the
other hand, the amiable reverence of the child should be
overwhelmed in the fearful submission of the slave. The
great engine of the magistrate, is terror; that of the pastor,
is love. St. Paul understood the difference, and marked it
well: "The servant of the Lord must not strive, but be
gentle to all men, apt to teach, patient and meek, not greedy
of filthy lucre, no striker." The weapons of his warfare are
not carnal: he forbears threatening; does not employ tempo-
ral weapons in this spiritual warfare: his weapons are the
* Jortin, vol. i. Pref.
"
VOL. I.
+ Campbell's Lect. vol. i. p. 61.
E
1
荷造り
​50
HISTORY OF
:
soft powers of persuasion, animated with tenderness and
love.*
The political regulations of the fourth century, produced
a revolution in the state of religious society and of religious
freedom, nearly the reverse of that appointed by Jesus Christ.
The constitutional liberties of the primitive churches, origi-
nally given them by Christ, were subverted and destroyed
by imperial oppressions; and these Christian societies, origi-
nally governed by the laws of Christ, were metamorphosed
into political institutions, regulated by political edicts, super-
intended by officers provided and directed by political autho-
rity, and wholly under the cognizance and control of political
government. The revolution thus effected in the constitution,
laws, government, and liberty of Christian churches, has been
applauded by historians and ecclesiastics in every age; but
the wisdom and discrimination of such men will most assur-
edly be questioned, since they plunge themselves into one of
the greatest of all delusions by assigning political duties to
the same class of obligations as those which are religious.
Custom is not unfrequently deemed a sufficient reason for
the former; but it has no meaning when applied to the
latter. Constantine played the tyrant over the souls of his
subjects, and other sovereigns have done the same; but we
are bound to reject their impious and cruel deeds, and to
"stand fast in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us
free," refusing to be "entangled again with the yoke of
bondage."
SECTION III.
The Tyrannical Usurpations of the Papacy.
FROM the first secularization of Christianity under Constan-
tine the Great, the profession of religion assumed a character
hitherto unknown in the christian world, and ecclesiastical
history presents a picture of Christian churches widely dif
ferent from any thing to be collected from the records of the
New Testament. The authority which this prince began to
exercise in the government of Christianity, was, in its conse-
Campbell, vol. i. p. 67.
*
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
51
quences, most fatal to the rights of civil rulers; but still more
pernicious to the interests of true piety, and more destructive
to the liberty and lives of mankind than a thousand other
plagues. The lightest afflictions fell upon the churches when
Pagan emperors were the persecutors of Christians: the hea-
viest came in succeeding ages, and the first of them descended
when Constantine proclaimed himself the sovereign disposer
of the religion of his subjects.
Had the emperor contented himself with only keeping the
peace of society, and embracing the religion of his own choice,
he had acted the part of a worthy prince; but, not satisfied
with this, he confirmed the creeds of interested and passionate
men by his authority, and proceeded to the greatest extremity
against those who had honesty enough to reject them. Thus,
for the sake of that which the Gospel never taught, love and
peace were discarded, and envy and hatred promoted by im-
perial authority. The emperor, in the distribution of his
bounty, lavished upon his obsequious clergy worldly wealth,
temporal grandeur, and spiritual dominion; which, in their
maturity, overthrew the thrones of princes, and destroyed em-
pires and kingdoms;—a righteous but terrible retribution !
This mighty ascendency of power, it ought to be recol-
lected, was the progressive attainment of several successive
generations. Numerous errors, the produce of ages, and the
fruit of vain philosophy, paved the way for the events which
followed; but they were in a great degree ineffectual, until
the kingdom of Christ was converted into a kingdom of this
world, by exalting the teachers of Christianity to the same
state of grandeur, power, and affluence in the empire, as had
formerly been conferred upon Pagan priests and the chief
officers of the state. These pretended ministers of Jesus
Christ having now a wide field opened for gratifying their
lust of power, wealth, and dignity, the connexion of the
Christian's faith and the cross ceased. That which followed
was the kingdom of the clergy, supplanting the kingdom of
Jesus Christ.
The history of the church, from the accession of Constan
tine, to the period, when the bishop of Rome was elevated to
supreme authority, discovers a progressive approximation to
that state of things, denoted in Scripture by the revelation of
E 2
52
HISTORY OF
Ci
L
"the man of sin sitting in the temple of God." All the vio-
lent contentions, the assembling of councils, the persecutions
alternately carried on by the different parties, were so many
means of preparing the way for the open assumption of spiri-
tual tyranny, with all the idolatry and superstition of the
Roman hierarchy. In all these transactions, the substitution
of human for divine authority; contentions about words,
instead of promoting the faith once delivered to the saints:
pomp and splendour of worship, in the place of primitive sim-
plicity; and worldly power and dignity, instead of the self-
denying labours of love and bearing the cross :-this baneful
change progressively operated in darkening the human mind
as to the real nature of Christianity, until, in process of time,
it was buried and lost in the immense rubbish of human
inventions.
;;
When Jesus Christ was interrogated by the Roman go-
vernor concerning his regal authority, he said, "MY KING-
DOM IS NOT OF THIS WORLD." This sacred maxim is of
unspeakable importance; and nearly every corruption that
arose in the Christian churches, by which these heavenly
institutions were disfigured and debased, may, through every
period be traced to some departure from this grand and fun-
damental principle of Christianity. It may, therefore, be of
importance to the reader, to keep his eye steadily fixed upon
this sacred principle, while perusing the following pages; for
that alone can enable him to trace the rights and liberties of
the kingdom of Christ, amidst the labyrinths of error, delu-
sion, and usurpation, which he will presently have to ex-
plore.”*
Towards the close of the fourth century, Gratian and
Honorius concurred in their endeavours to suppress Pagan-
ism, and to substitute Christianity in its place; but none
used methods so strong and severe as Theodosius, commonly
called the Great, by those whom he favoured. His temper
was violent, and his government oppressive. In order to
suppress the Pagan worship, he made it a capital crime to
offer its sacrifices or to attend at its altars. Being resolved to
establish a perfect uniformity of religion throughout the em-
* Jones' Waldenses, p. 173.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
53
pire, he enacted the most severe penalties against those who
could not conform to his church establishment. He was su-
preme in all causes, civil and ecclesiastical, and he preposter-
ously resolved to reduce all his subjects to a perfect confor-
mity to his own religious opinions. Instead of union in
Christ, the head of the church, held in mutual charity and
forbearance, he determined to cut and square religion accord-
ing to his own views; and to compel, by penal laws, univer-
sal submission to his own institutions.
The absurdity and tyranny of his imperial proceedings,
must appear to all persons capable of sober reflection. For,
admitting that irreligion and idolatry were offensive to the
Almighty, he was judge alone; and these things were matters
of cognizance to the magistrate only so far as they disturbed
the peace of civil society. We have fifty millions of Pagan
subjects in Bengal and the East, under our government and
our laws; and shall the magistrate inflict pains and penalties
upon them for their idolatry, or, like Theodosius, put them
to death if they offer sacrifices to their gods? The emperor
took the shortest way. The Pagans who sacrificed, suffered
death. The erroneous had their possessions confiscated, and
were banished from their country. Will these proceedings
be called no compulsions, but salutary restraints? and not
cruel persecution? If this was not barbarous persecution,
there never was any persecution in the world. If divine
truth cannot defend itself against the open attacks or insi-
dious wiles of its enemies, such a magistracy as that of Theo-
dosius, will form not only a feeble rampart against error, but
the very defence thus made, proves the weakness rather than
the strength of the fortress.
Divine truth, is perfectly capable of caring for itself, with-
out the interference of magistrates, or any penal establishment.
Theodosius had no right to make his religion that of the state
universally, with pains and penalties on all those who scrupled
his inventions. Every man in this matter, ought to have been
left to his own conscience, undisturbed, so long as he conti-
nued a peaceable subject. It is an unwarrantable violation of
the right of private judgment to impose religious sentiments
on the subjects of any government, with pains and penalties.
for nonconformity: therefore, Theodosius, and all others who
54
HISTORY OF
have acted like him, are chargeable with the grossest abuse
and perversion of power.
Libanius, still firmly attached to heathenism, presumed
indeed to address the emperor, and to teach him lessons of
religion and moderation: "That religion ought to be planted
in men's minds by reason, not by force." The proceedings of
Theodosius were opposed to the spirit and precepts of the
Gospel, tending directly to debase Christianity, and to pro-
mote hypocrisy. His terrible denunciations, according to one
historian, proceeded from the "best intentions," and his "cle-
mency, liberality, and generosity were admirable :"* but ano-
ther styles him "an over-bearing emperor-passionately re-
solved to bow the necks of his subjects to his religious opi-
nions;a fierce bigot, establishing uniformity of religion by
the most unchristian edicts."+
The Saxons, who now reigned in Britain, are represented as
fierce persecutors of religion; not because the Britons were
Christians, but because the Christians were Britons. The
renowned Arthur, is said to have wrought wonders of valour,
and his uncle, St. David, miracles of sanctity. We may hope,
however, that St. Asaph, who was at the head of the famous
seminary at Bangor, laboured diligently in word and doctrine ;
and he is celebrated for an excellent saying, "they who op-
pose the preaching of God's word, envy the salvation of man-
kind."+
The country was divided into seven Saxon kingdoms,
called the Heptarchy; when their deplorable ignorance and
idolatry excited the compassion of pope Gregory, who se-
lected a number of monks, with the famous Austin at their
head, whom he sent to preach the Gospel in Britain. Upon
their arrival, they landed in the isle of Thanet, a part of the
kingdom of Kent, then governed by king Ethelbert, whose
queen, called Bertha, was a Christian, but he was a heathen.
She had the liberty of her religion secured to her, by the
articles of marriage.§
Austin immediately despatched a messenger, acquainting
the king with the design of their mission; and Ethelbert, in
a few days, gave them audience. The place of their meeting
*
Milner, vol. ii. p. 198, 223.
Fuller, b. i. p. 40, 42.
+ Haweis, vol. i. p. 321.
§ Collier, vol. i. p. 64.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
55
1
was in the open air, which the king chose, from a supersti-
tious notion, that, if the monk brought any enchantments,
they would not operate as in a covered building. When
Austin had finished his discourse, the king answered him to
the following purpose:-" The doctrines and promises ye
have made, are indeed fair and inviting; but I am not as yet
resolved to embrace them, since I cannot suddenly consent to
quit that religion I have so long professed, together with the
whole English nation. Yet, because ye are strangers, and
come a long journey, and as it seems would impart to us the
knowledge of that religion you believe to be the best, we
WILL NOT GIVE YOU THE LEAST MOLESTATION, BUT RATHER
WILL PROTECT YOU, AND TAKE CARE THAT ALL THINGS NE-
CESSARY SHALL BE PROVIDED FOR YOUR MAINTENANCE;
NEITHER SHALL WE PROHIBIT YOU FROM GAINING AS MANY
AS YOU CAN TO THE BELIEF OF YOUR RELIGION. 99* Admi-
rable sentiments, thou wise Pagan! Happy had it been for
the world and for the churches of God, if princes, calling
themselves Christians, had adopted thy generous principles,
and reflected them in their conduct! This would have pre-
vented rivers of blood.
The effects of Austin's mission were presently manifest.
Among its first fruits was the conversion and baptism of king
Ethelbert, who testified great satisfaction at the faith and
conversion of many of his subjects, whom he nourished with
the greatest care and tenderness. The king would not, how-
ever, compel any of his subjects to receive Christianity; hav-
ing learned," that force and dragooning was not the method
of the Gospel; that the religion of our Saviour was to make
its way by argument and persuasion; to be matter of choice,
and not of compulsion." He considered the church as "a
distinct and independent society, and that his regalia received
no diminution by leaving the church in her ancient liberty of
choosing her own governors."+
These excellent and dignified sentiments would have been
no disgrace to princes in a more enlightened age. How differ-
ent were they from those of the pious Gregory, who, in his
letter to this Saxon prince, recommended him to destroy the
* Echard, p. 21.
+ Collier, vol. i. p. 67, 79.
56
HISTORY OF
;
property of his subjects, and to persecute them into his reli-
gion. "My illustrious son," says he, "forget not to main-
tain your ground, and make a suitable return to the divine
bounty. Make use of the first opportunity, and exert your-
self, to enlarge the pale of the church within your territories
quicken your zeal for the conversion of the country; prosecute
the remains of idolatry, and demolish the temples of false wor-
ship. Engage your subjects to Christianity by good example,
by encouragement, and discipline, and by all the proper in-
stances of terror and persuasion." But Gregory, upon more
mature consideration, made scine alteration of these measures;
´and while he zealously urged upon the king the demolition of
the Pagans' idols, he recommended the preservation of the
temples as fit places for Christian worship, and the accommo-
dation of things as far as possible to the views and prejudices
of the heathen.*
Persecution is one way of converting persons to the faith;
but it is most unwarrantable, and ought to be the abhorrence
of mankind. It was a worse error than Druidism itself. But
in this age, this diabolical spirit of persecution was the disgrace
and bane of the churches. If the Druids resisted Christianity,
when propagated by force, how far were they to be blamed?
And which party was most worthy of censure? Undoubtedly
the Christians. They had no permission, much less a com-
mand, to employ such unhallowed measures, which only
create antipathy and revenge. The mission of Austin may
be considered as a new era in the history of the British
churches. They appear not to have suffered much persecu-
tion for a considerable period: but now they were destined to
feel a reverse from a subtle and ambitious foe, and to prove
their constancy under difficulties and distresses; which arose,
not from the opposition of the heathens, but from those who
called themselves Christians.
Austin having obtained considerable eminence, and being
supported by the interest of king Ethelbert, endeavoured to
establish an agreement with the British churches, and to bring
them into a conformity to the church of Rome. To accom-
plish this object, a conference was appointed; when he insisted
* Collier, vol. i. 71, 73.
I
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
57
upon three important points: "That they should celebrate
Easter at the same time as the Roman church ;-administer
baptism according to her usages;—and acknowledge the
pope's authority over them." If they would comply with
these propositions as the basis of uniformity, and assist in
promoting the conversion of the Saxons, he said, he would
bear with their disagreement in other matters. The delegates
of the churches defended their rights, and refused to yield to
any of these points; but particularly, to the pope's authority.
Dinoth delivered a speech on this occasion, full of Christian
magnanimity, and in the spirit of a true primitive bishop. In
his own name, and in the name of his brethren, he said:
“Know and be assured, that we all, jointly and severally, are
in humility ready to declare our deference to the church of
God, the pope of Rome, and every sincere and pious Chris-
tian; so to love every one according to his station in perfect.
charity, and to assist them all, by word and deed, so that they
may become children of God. But as to further deference
than this, we know of none which he whom ye call Pope, or
father of fathers, (that is, bishop of bishops) can claim or de-
mand. The deference which we have stated, we are ever
ready to pay to him, and every Christian.”*
The mild benevolence and dignified firmness of this speech,
imperfect as it evidently is, are strongly characteristic, and
agreeable to what is even acknowledged by the adversaries of
Dinoth. It discovers so much meekness in the expression of
that independence which it breathes, without the remotest
idea of concession, that it must be peculiarly gratifying to
every liberal mind. He leaves the inference evident and de-
cisive; but he leaves it to be drawn by his opponent from his
words, full of beauty, simplicity, and force. He firmly re-
fuses subjection to the usurped and haughty claims of Rome;
and the inflexibility of his purpose was proved by a continued
resistance of the antichristian yoke.
The British churches had other reasons for refusing confor-
mity to the church of Rome, and submission to her despotic
power. Their bishops were elective. Saints and martyrs
were not regarded as intercessors. Images in places of pub-
Roberts' Chron. p. 177.
t
58
HISTORY OF
lic worship were accounted abominable. And no affinity was
thought to be contracted by being sponsors.
For the noble resistance which Dinoth and his brethren
made against the Romish despotism, Austin denounced
against them this tremendous threatening :-" Since you
refuse to accept of peace with your brethren, you shall have
war with your enemies; and since you will not preach the
word of life to them whom you ought, you shall suffer by
their hands, the revenge of death!"* But, poor man! he
did not live to see his angry denunciation fulfilled; for he
died soon after, and left his followers to accomplish his holy
wishes. The refusal of subjection to the pretended authority
of Rome, was followed, as might have been anticipated, by an
inextinguishable animosity on the part of the new usurpation;
and Austin's threats were soon after horribly accomplished by
the massacre of the Monks of Bangor. Though Austin was
dead, the massacre is justly attributed to his haughty coun-
sels. The Saxon chiefs having received express orders to fall
upon Dinoth and his monastery, and punish his disobedience
without delay, assembled their armed forces in the vicinity of
Chester. At the same time, a great number of monks belong-
ing to the British churches, assembled "to offer up their
prayers for their countrymen." But even their prayers were
offensive to Ethelfrid, commander of the hostile force, who
said, “these men endeavour to engage their God against us;
and though they don't carry arms, and draw their swords, yet
they fight against us with their prayers, which is as much an
act of hostility as the other !+
Those who had assembled for prayer to God, were obliged
to retreat to Bangor, where they summoned all their friends
to their assistance. Dinoth, at the same time, sent two hun-
dred of the most prudent men to entreat Ethelfrid to spare
their monastery, and offer him all their property, if he would
allow them in peace to serve and praise God, especially as
they had never done any thing to displease him. But, having
heard their message, he commanded all these defenceless mes-
sengers to be immediately slain; and having advanced with
* Fox, vol. i. p. 132.
+ Collier, vol. i. p. 77.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
59
his forces to the monastery, he appointed one thousand two
hundred more to be put to death !*
The slaughter of so many pious Christians, must have been
a great affliction to the British churches; yet those who sur-
vived this horrid massacre were not the less zealous, but more
active and determined than ever. The opposite party, who
employed these methods to promote the work of conversion,
or who inflicted these cruelties on those who refused to join
their party, must have been sunk into the very dregs of inhu-
manity and barbarity. The British churches being divided
from the church of Rome, their liberties and privileges were
protected by the mountains of Wales, to which they retired
for a secure asylum, and where they preserved the spirit of
independence unsubdued, till the country became united to
England under a Tudor. For several hundred years, they
firmly resisted the Romish usurpations, and openly refused all
subjection to her haughty and tyrannical authority. But,
whilst they made so noble a stand, the greater part of the
churches in North Britain were induced to join the dominant
party-to surrender their dearest rights—to yield themselves
to the vassallage of a foreign yoke.†
Persecution, with the design of establishing papal domina-
tion in Wales, continued four hundred years. The ministers.
and members of these churches, were butchered, or driven
into exile, and their places of worship plundered and destroy-
ed; but, after all, this persecution completely failed to effect
the object. These detestable cruelties, unhappily destroyed
the religious instructers of the people, and reduced the na-
tives almost to a savage state; but they retained the strongest.
abhorrence against the instruments of their ruin. Perhaps no
country suffered more, if so much, in defence of pure Chris-
tianity, and the rights of conscience. The mischief of all
these barbarities originated in placing too much power in the
hands of domineering religionists; and it must be acknow-
ledged by all, that uncivilized nations were never forward to
persecute Christians in the first ages, or even in any others,
till they found their sect attached to a political system, allow-
ing them to aim at dominion and government.‡
* Roberts' Chron.
+
p. 179.
Roberts' Chron. p. 316, 327.
+ Ibid. p. 202, 323, 324.
60
HISTORY OF
In these times, remarkable for darkness and oppression,
certain individuals were raised up to enlighten the Christian
churches, and correct their most dangerous errors. Edwin,
king of Northumberland, and greatest of the Saxon kings,
though a heathen, gave an instructive lesson on the principles
of religious liberty. His first wife being dead, he became suitor
to the daughter of the famous king Ethelbert, and accordingly
sent his ambassadors to king Eadbald, her brother. Having
announced the object of their embassy, Eadbald said, that it
was not lawful for a Christian to marry a Pagan; an alliance
with a prince of such belief could not be attempted without
dishonouring God, and profaning their religion. Edwin, ad-
miring the lady's fame, and not satisfied with her brother's di-
vinity, insisted, that her religion ought to be no impediment,
since she and her attendants should have the free exercise of
it; and further, if upon examination he found her religion
more excellent than his own, he would himself embrace it.
Edwin's great liberality, silenced all objections, and gave satis-
faction to all parties. The royal pair were soon united in the
bonds of matrimony; and Edwin, after mature examination,
professedly embraced Christianity; and when he was bap-
tized, it is said, "all the nobility, and a great part of the
commonalty followed his example."*
Eadbald, king of Kent, was succeeded by his son Earcon-
bert, who was the first Saxon prince that made Paganism.
penal, and commanded that the idols should be destroyed,
and the Pagan worship suppressed. The existence of hea-
thenism under this prince, says our author, will be matter of
less surprise, when it is recollected, that Ethelbert, his grand-
father, did not compel any one to become Christian, and that
Eadbald, his father, indulged the same latitude of toleration.
These lenient measures might be proper enough at the first
promulgation of Christianity. To give the Pagans time to exa-
mine the doctrine of the Gospel, and not hurry them by force,
into a new and unheard-of belief, was only reasonable: but,
he adds, after they had conversed with Christians through two
successive reigns, and had been favoured with so many oppor-
tunities of conviction, this prince might now think that their
Collier, vol. i. p. 85.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
61
refusing to enter the Christian church, was only obstinacy and
dissoluteness. This consideration, therefore, induced him to
suppress the Pagan religion by the force of penal edicts. He
also commanded the observation of Lent, and punished those
who had the presumption to discontinue fasting before the
forty days were expired.* Such were the superstition and
slavery of those dark ages.
The reader cannot fail to observe, from these historical
facts, the progressive accessions of power to the church. But
it was reserved to Theodorus, archbishop of Canterbury, to
complete England's subjection to Romish usurpation. This
archprelate having made a visitation throughout that part of
the island which was inhabited by the English, settled the
proper time for the observation of Easter, and brought the
people to a conformity to the church of Rome. In his pro-
gress through the country, he ordained bishops, and brought
the form of the church to the Romish standard. So reluctant
however, were the English to surrender their rights and liber-
ties, and to yield themselves and their religion to a foreign
yoke, that Theodorus was the first usurper to whom they
universally submitted.†
Besides the fruitless attempt to engraft Christianity upon
the political constitution, the religion of Jesus Christ was, in
many
other respects, spoiled of its original beauty and simpli-
city. The ministers of the meek and lowly Saviour, who at
first were pastors or teachers of individual flocks, having pro-
gressively usurped power and dominion over the people, were
now exalted to bishops of cities and provinces; and great num-
bers of useless and burdensome offices were gradually intro-
duced into the church, particularly with a view to aggrandize
the priesthood. By these progressive steps, the bishop of
Rome, at length, claimed superiority over his brethren; and
though the humble Gregory despised all lofty titles, his suc-
cessor, Boniface, in the year 606, prevailed with the emperor
Phocas, whose hands were reeking with the blood of his pre-
decessor, to proclaim him UNIVERSAL BISHOP.
The Virgin
Mary was, at the same time, exalted to the throne of Deity,
and venerated and worshipped as THE MOTHER OF god.‡
Collier, vol. i. p.
90. + Fox, vol. i. p. 138.-Collier, vol. i. p. 100.
Bale's Popes, p. 40.-Fox, vol. i. p. 631.
1
1
62
HISTORY OF
This mighty papal claim, which was equally chimerical and
opposed to the genius of Christianity, could hardly have been
advanced with any prospect of its establishment, except in an
age like this, remarkable for darkness and credulity. The
tyrannizing ecclesiastics erected a superstructure of priestly
domination, which not only gave sanction to the papal decrees,
to which obedience was required of mankind as to divine and
infallible oracles; but also made even kings and emperors feel
the plenitude of that power, which they artfully established
over the understandings and consciences of the people. The
clergy, at the same time, turned the influence they had ac-
quired to their own secular advantage, by a continual aug-
mentation of their wealth, as well as their power.
To uphold and strengthen this unexampled authority, the
politic pontiffs contrived to attach the monks to obedience still
more devout, by encouraging them to quarrel with the other
bishops, and transfer their allegiance to Rome. By this crafty
measure, a vast army was enlisted to magnify the beast, and
exalt his supremacy. Thus they secured the protection of
their immunities, and found a more indulgent superior, than
when under the nearer eye of their own immediate prelates:
by this means, the insolent pontiff became entitled Christ's
vicegerent on earth, his arrogant pretensions found a host of
advocates, the most erroneous opinions were considered of
equal authority with the oracles of divine truth, and refusing
subjection to this wicked usurper was accounted rebellion
against God. Thus wealth by degrees accumulating, and
power increasing, the dominion of this prelate, grew at length
to that height, which in succeeding ages directed its thunders
against the proudest monarchs, and brought them to the
deepest humiliation at the feet of this sovereign impostor.
The doctrine now strongly inculcated of the great merit of
liberal donations to the church, poured immense treasures into
the hands of the priesthood. No man, living or dying, failed
to interest some saint or other in his favour: and as the opu-
lent, the warrior, and the monarch, were usually the most pro-
fligate, and commonly guilty of the most atrocious crimes,
they had it in their power to redeem their souls, by sharing
with the church and her saints the fruits of their plunder,
rapine, and murders; by founding monasteries, building
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63
churches, and enriching the sacred officers; who not only
pronounced their absolution from guilt, and released them
from the pains of hell due to their sins, but associated them
in all the merits of saints and martyrs. Emperors, kings, and
wealthy nobles, gave them not only gold, silver, and rich
vestments, but estates, dignities, and rich tenures. Some of
the bishops became dukes, counts, marquesses, invested with
regalia in their own domains; administering justice; supreme
in their several territories; and often heading armies which
they levied in defence of their liege lord, or to decide conten-
tions among themselves. The Roman pontiffs had the largest
share of honours; and being set up as the object of prime ve-
neration, and appealed to in most difficulties and quarrels, the
wealth and power which flowed to them from a thousand chan-
nels, is almost inconceivable. Every bishop and priest gra-
dually extended his claims over ignorance and superstition,
always finding support at Rome for the most extravagant
pretensions, provided that holy see was a sharer in the
spoil.
The monasteries, filled with sloth, ignorance and wealth,
could not but exhibit what the records of time confess, scenes of
voluptuousness, ambition, contention and impurity. Notwith-
standing these enormities, the monkish tribes maintained the
highest pretensions to sanctity, and the monasteries were mul-
tiplied and filled with inhabitants. It was esteemed the per-
fection of piety to retire to these seclusions: and in those
times of anarchy and confusion; when crimes of the most
atrocious nature accumulated, no remedy was considered so
effectual to efface all guilt, and to secure the sinner from all
punishment, as to erect or inhabit these houses of perfidy and
wickedness.
What the state of religion must have been amidst such
multiplied abuses, from the supreme head at Rome to the
lowest of the tonsured tribe, is at this period scarcely conceiv
able. The people ignorant, superstitious, and profligate,
yielded implicit faith and obedience to their clerical superiors,
who, furnishing them with absolution and passports to St.
Peter, thought themselves justly entitled to the plunder
which they extorted. The endless unmeaning rites and ce-
remonies, with the pageantry attending them, kept up a
64
HISTORY OF
{
constant Pagan rareeshow, which amused the imbecile genera-
tions of the middle ages, and diverted them from attending to
the frauds and scandals of the clergy. The blind reverence
for saints and relics rose to the altitude of Deity: an oath
upon a bone, or a finger, or a nail of the cross, was supposed
to be more solemn and binding than any simple appeal to
God, the searcher of hearts. Indeed, the Scriptures of truth,
and the nature of human obligation, found, in these dark
ages, very miserable expositors; while the general practice,
both of priests and people, afforded the most decisive proofs
of universal apostacy. The ecclesiastical canons of this
riod, contain melancholy evidence of the ignorance and impu-
rity of the age: ignorance, which rendered it meritorious for
the priests to know the creed and the Lord's prayer; and
impurity, which could publish such rules of virtue, as no
person of common modesty could endure to read.
pe-
But even in these ages of gross darkness, a few individuals
arose endowed with light and sense, to discern the abounding
enormities; with fortitude to bear their open testimony against
them; and with fidelity to seal that testimony with their
blood. The general darkness was too gross to admit a full
display of light; and the dominion of priestcraft so strongly
rivetted, and its power so firmly fixed, that all attempts to re-
monstrate against corruption, and to enlighten the minds of
the people, by which the power and wealth of the priesthood
might have been endangered, were entirely frustrated, and
they generally terminated in the capital punishment of those
who sought the desired reformation.
Ardous, a man of tried religious character, could not keep
silence; but freely exposed and censured the depraved man-
ners of the clergy, for which he was presently excommuni-
cated. He formed a Christian church, or a society of persons
like-minded with himself, over which he presided as their
bishop: but the intolerance of the age would not suffer this
deviation from the established order; and being torn from
his friends, and driven into banishment, he continued to hold
fast the faithful word. The intolerant church took up arms,
indeed, against all who refused implicit submission to prelati-
cal usurpation.
The immortal ALFRED, after a long and bloody conflict
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65
with the Danes, succeeded in establishing himself on the
throne of Britain, which he filled with honour, equalled only
by the valour by which it was acquired. For gentleness of
disposition, improvement of time, and purity of manners, he
is deservedly applauded. This wise prince divided the king-
dom into counties, framed a body of laws for the government
of his subjects, instituted the palladium of English liberty,
trial by juries, and laid the foundation of parliaments. He
was himself learned, and the great patron and restorer of
learning. With this view, he invited many learned foreigners
into his kingdom, and founded the university of Oxford.
From the thickest shades of darkness, he emerged as the
bright morning star. So universal was the ignorance which
then prevailed, that this excellent prince complained bitterly,
that from the Humber to the Thames, there was not a priest
who understood the liturgy in his mother tongue; and that
from the Thames to the sea, there was not one who knew
how to translate the easiest piece in Latin. Alfred's private
charities were equally useful as they were extensive; being
directed to meliorate the minds as well as support the bodies
of his subjects. He was, doubtless, the greatest monarch
that ever sat on the English throne.*
William the Conqueror introduced a new dynasty, checked
the pope's encroachments on the regal power, and when called
upon to own himself a vassal of holy see, replied, "I hold
my kingdom from none but God, and my sword." The rude
soldier achieved more for the cause of religious freedom, than
even the sainted Edward, called the Confessor; for he intro-
duced a more manly independent tone, and allowed men to
think and decide upon religion for themselves.
He new-
modelled the judicial part of the administration.
the bishops and others were absolute judges in every shire,
and their right reverend fathers in many cases shared the
fines imposed for the king, William stripped them at once
of their judicial power, and confined them within their own
province, of attending to their ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and
the care of souls.† He was so great a promoter of learning,
And as
Kennet, vol. i. p. 58.
+ Ibid. vol. i. p. 109.
VOL. I.
F
66
HISTORY OF
which the Danish savages had almost annihilated, that he has
been styled the Mecenas of the age.
Alphage, archbishop of Canterbury, displayed the true
spirit of a primitive martyr, by refusing to betray what he
conceived to be the interests of the church, to the fierce per-
secuting Danes. "Shall I be afraid," said he, "to go to
heaven, because a violent death lies in the way? I have given
the enemy no just occasion to use me ill. It is true, I have
converted some of the most considerable of them to Christian-
ity; but if this be a fault, I shall be happy in suffering for it.
If you think the Danes are particularly enraged against me
for reproving them for their immorality and injustice, I can-
not help it. I am bound to these remonstrances by my com-
mission; and unless I give the wicked man warning, his blood
will be upon my head. If this be all the provocation I have
given them, I must indeed think it unbecoming my station to
desert my worthy countrymen in time of danger, and make
an ignoble provision for myself. What can I be less than
a hireling, if when I see the wolf ready to devour my sheep,
I presently run away, and leave them to shift for themselves?
I am resolved, therefore, to stand the shock, and submit to
the order of providence." The magnanimity of this prelate
did not expire in words; nor did his valour shrink in the
hour of danger. He was first dragged in chains to prison,
then cruelly murdered by the Danes.*
This ferocious cruelty was not confined to the barbarous
Danes. King Henry II. displayed an instance of cruelty,
equally repugnant to every principle of justice and humanity.
A company of about thirty men and women, who spoke the
High Dutch language, attracted the attention of the govern-
ment, by the singularity of their religious opinions. What
these opinions were it is difficult to ascertain, as they are re-
corded only by their adversaries, who speak of them with
great asperity. These persons being apprehended, were ar-
raigned before a council of the clergy at Oxford, and interro-
gated respecting their religion. Gerard, their teacher, a man
of learning, answered, that they were Christians, and believed
the doctrines of the apostles. They were sufficiently orthodox
concerning the trinity and incarnation; but they denied seve-
* Warner, vol. i. p. 224, 225.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
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ral of the received doctrines of the church. Refusing to
abandon their opinions, they were condemned by their clerical
judges as incorrigible heretics, and delivered to the secular
power to be punished. The king commanded them to be
branded with a red hot iron on the forehead, to be whipt
through the streets of Oxford, and to be turned out into the
open fields, forbidding all persons to afford them any shelter
or relief, under the severest penalties. This cruel sentence.
was executed with the utmost rigour; and it being in the
depth of winter, they all perished with cold and hunger!*
Thus these inoffensive foreigners, who had probably left their
own country to avoid persecution, suffered death in the great
cause of religious freedom.
While the prince and his clergy were murdering these in-
nocent persons, our Island groaned under the yoke of foreign
despotism. The papal usurpations and oppressions had no
bounds. The Roman pontiff, sent John the Franciscan to
England, with the following commission :-"We charge you,
that, if the major part of the English prelates should make
answer, that they are exempt from foreign jurisdiction, you
demand a greater sum, and compel them, by ecclesiastical
censures, to withdraw their appeals, any privilege or indul-
gence notwithstanding."+ This was the unbounded encroach-
ment by which the pope, in the plenitude of his dominion,
assumed to himself the same dispensing power in the Church,
as king James, long after, assumed in the State. So shame-
less were the papal exactions in these gloomy ages, and so se-
cure was their hold on the abject slavery and superstition of
mankind, that they committed these scandalous depredations,
in open violation of every principle of equity and decorum.
And all men, who received not the testimony of Jesus Christ,
but refused submission to his easy yoke, were induced to kiss
the iron rod of the Italian Tyrant.
The nation groaning under this intolerable despotism, ages
were spent in fierce and haughty conflicts of the prelates;
sometimes with each other, and sometimes with their natural
prince. Ecclesiastics claimed exemption from civil jurisdiction,
and a right of appeal to Rome. But while the king, with
* Collier, vol. i. p. 348.
My
† Milner, vol. iv. p. 5.
F 2
68
HISTORY OF
much justice, opposed this priestly exemption from the laws
of the country, Thomas a Becket, archbishop of Canterbury,
became the hero of his order, and filled Britain, and all Europe,
with his fame. From an obsequious courtier, he suddenly
became a stern, mortified priest, armed with all the haughty
sanctity of the times; and by a long course of stubborn dis-
tress, and insolent prosperity, he so imbittered the life of
king Henry, that this prince, in a fit of passion, exclaimed,
"have I none that will rid me of this insolent priest ?” He
was accused of his brethren, " as a public incendiary, the
persecutor of his own order, the king's determined enemy,
and the destroyer of all good men who came in his way.'
And certain courtiers, anxious to gratify their master's re-
venge, stabbed him at the altar of Canterbury cathedral.*
""
Amidst innumerable encroachments and usurpations, no
one received more insulting treatment than king John. Hav-
ing refused to allow the pope's nomination of Langton to the
see of Canterbury, the whole of the kingdom was laid under
the papal interdict for upwards of six years; during which
period the churches were sealed up; the ceremonies, on which
the salvation of men was then supposed to depend, were inter-
mitted; the lover could not complete his wishes by holy ma-
trimony; and the bodies of the dead were not only denied in-
terment in consecrated ground, but were thrown into ditches,
or on the highways, to the great annoyance of the living.
The king was then excommunicated from holy church; de-
posed from his throne; and his kingdom given to Philip of
France. The pope's legate, having humbled the cowardly
monarch, who threw his crown at this proud prelate's feet,
retained it in his possession for a short time, and then restored
it to the worthless wearer, as the pope's "vassal and tenant,"
for the payment of a thousand marks a year to his pontifical
master!!†
Robert Grosteste, bishop of Lincoln, was a worthy cham-
pion of truth and liberty, and unequalled in knowledge, piety
and integrity. The popes were now pursuing a scheme for
draining the kingdom of its wealth, and securing all its luera-
tive benefices to Italians. The bishops were charged at one
* Warner, vol. i. p. 380.
+ Fox, vol. i. p. 287.
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time, to provide for a hundred of these hungry foreigners;
and now Innocent IVth. commanded Grosteste to give the
first vacant canonry to a boy, who was nephew to his holi-
ness. But the hardy prelate wrote to the pope," that if we
except the sins of Lucifer and antichrist, there can be no
greater crime than to deprive the souls of men of the spiritual
aid of their pastors, by conferring benefices on persons inca-
pable of performing the duties. Those who serve their own
carnal desires by means of the milk and wool of the sheep of
Christ, and do not minister the pastoral office to the salvation
of the flock, are guilty of destroying souls." This so inflamed
the unhallowed passions of his holiness, that he swore by St.
Peter and St. Paul, if it were not for the gentleness of his own
disposition, he would so confound this doting old man, who
had outlived his understanding and his manners, he would
make him such an example, such a prodigy of a wretch, that
all Christendom should stand amazed at his punishment. For,
he added, “is not the king of England our vassal, nay our
slave, to imprison and destroy whom we please?" One of his
cardinals, however, lowered his tone, by intreating him to
moderate his resentment; and assured him, that as to the
prelate's abilities, learning, and piety, there was not his supe-
rior in Christendom, nor his equal among themselves. He was
nevertheless excommunicated by the pope; but the venerable
prelate despised the censures of the man of sin, and appealed
to the just tribunal of God.*
Boniface VIIIth. who closed the thirteenth century, sur-
passed all his predecessors. He pushed all their oppressive
claims with a degree of obstinacy approaching to madness,
being insensible to all the mischiefs occasioned by his wild
ambition, and resolved to try the patience of a prostrate
world.+ The legates of holy see exhibited a faithful repre-
sentation of their master, and abuses and oppressions con-
stantly multiplied. The examples of the proud ecclesiastics
corrupted as much as their rapaciousness devoured. Nearly
every tongue confessed the flagitious conduct of the clergy,
who, armed with all the spiritual terrors, and possessed of the
keys of paradise, despised the slaves, who crouched to them
*Fox, vol. i. p. 366.
+ Milner, vol. iv. p. 69.
}
70
HISTORY OF
for absolution; and in confidence of their security, they re-
garded not their enemies, only as persons on whom they
might glut their malice with impunity, and plunder without
remorse.
The Christian churches bore scarcely any resemblance to
those of Jesus Christ. The holy Scriptures were locked up
in an unknown tongue. The ignorant and illiterate people
were unable to discover or to claim the rights and liberties of
Christians. The rules of their conduct were not the sacred
precepts of the Gospel, but the decrees of popes, with the in-
novations and unmeaning fancies of visionary monks; which,
instead of promoting the true spirit of Christianity, obscured
the power of sober reflection, and drew the human mind from
all those researches which tended to detect the deceptions and
frauds of these pious impostors, into endless labyrinths of
darkness and iniquity.
This was the meridian splendour of papal domination.
Unresisting submission was paid to the pontifical decrees;
the whole ecclesiastic hosts were drilled to passive obedience;
and even monarchs held a precarious sceptre, surrendering
their crowns and their kingdoms to the sovereign pleasure of
his holiness. The stoutest trembled at the papal anathemas,
and the most stubborn yielded to the stern obstinacy of per-
severing ambition. The pontiff and the clergy exercised ab-
solute dominion over the consciences, as well as over the pro-
perty of the people; the decrees of the pope, and the tradi-
tions of the church, were considered of equal authority with
the commands of God: thus there arose a most prodigious
monster of ecclesiastical despotism, which swallowed up the
civil power, and rode triumphant upon the necks of princes
and their people.* This is a rapid summary of the inso-
lence, the usurpation, the rapacity of the pope and his clergy,
over the wealth of the nation, the consciences of the people,
and the liberties and best interests of the churches of Jesus
Christ.
SECTION IV.
The Influence of Wickliffe's Opinions on Popish Domination.
THE preceding section furnishes the reader with a melancholy
* Fox, vol. i. p. 484, 885.
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71
!
picture of the darkness and oppressions of the middle ages.
Through the various successive periods, papal despotism
and cruelty were progressively accumulating, until at length,
men's understandings and consciences, formed by their Cre-
ator for the noblest purposes, were bound, as with fetters of
iron, in slavish subjection to the arbitrary pleasure of aggran-
dizing popes, and their ignorant, worthless, and superstitious
priests. The religion of Jesus, in itself simple and consistent,
unencumbered with trifling and burdensome traditions, and
happily calculated to promote the best interests of men, was
so far obliterated or disfigured, that scarcely any traces of its
original beauty and excellency could be found; and instead
of being employed for the advancement of those glorious
purposes for which it was appointed by its Author, it was
made the instrument of all kinds of fraud, superstition, de-
bauchery, and oppression.
Under the domination of Rome, the clergy had, by their
uncontrollable influence over the people, extended their tem-
poral power to a point unparalleled in the annals of the
church. Priests of every description claimed exemption from
all civil jurisdiction; and a clergyman guilty of the foulest
crimes was not to be tried by the civil magistrate. The Ro-
man pontiffs deposed princes and emperors at pleasure; and
having fulminated against them the sentence of deposition
and excommunication, authorized their subjects to commit
rebellion and regicide. "An heretic,” said they, "has no
right to his crown; and when he is excommunicated, it is
no sin for any one to kill him." On this account, some of
the princes of Europe were deposed and murdered; and
others, whatever might be their private sentiments, were
extremely unwilling to incur the displeasure of his holiness.
The pride and arrogance of the popes arose to an insup-
portable height. These men, assuming to themselves the
lofty and arrogant claim of infallibility, pretended to be God's
vicars upon earth, the sovereign judges of truth, the heads
of the church, and the unerring guides of all Christians,
but were frequently monsters of perfidy, blasphemy, lust,
pride, and cruelty—a disgrace to religion and humanity! If
such was the head of the church, it could not be expected
that the other ecclesiastics and inferior clergy would be re-
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HISTORY OF
markable for their morals and piety. They were, indeed,
sunk in the dregs of ignorance and debauchery; and the
laity, guided by such teachers, were at once the dupes of
superstition and wickedness.
By the unparalleled rapacity and scandalous exactions of
the sovereign pontiff, this country was nearly drained of its
wealth. The disposal of ecclesiastical benefices in England
was claimed by the pope, who generally bestowed them upon
foreign ecclesiastics; who, by his dispensation, enjoyed the
profits without residing in the kingdom; while their benefices
were farmed to the English, who served the cures for very
small sums. The most important causes of a civil nature,
which the ecclesiastical courts contrived to bring within their
jurisdiction, were carried to Rome; and the sums of money
annually exported out of the kingdom, for these and nume-
rous other purposes, amounted to two thirds more than the
produce of the royal treasury.
The commencement of the fourteenth century, was the gol-
den
age of popery; and had the accustomed affairs of the na-
tion continued uninterrupted, our Isle would have become one
vast monastery, and England a nation of monks. But the
greedy, insolent avarice of the court of Rome, and the domi-
nant pride of the priesthood, which was become proverbial,
prepared the nation for those auspicious events which after-
wards followed. For, when empires have arrived at their
height of glory, they become stationary, fall into decrepitude,
and rush to ruin. This was an age of portentous agitations,
both in church and state: two kings were deposed and mur-
dered; on which a learned churchman remarks, "that the
clergy were the first to lead this dance of disloyalty, and that,
in all state alternations, be they ever so bad, the pulpit will
be made of the same wood as the council-board. Thus ambi-
tious clergymen abuse the silver trumpets of the sanctuary,
and make what was appointed to sound religion, to signify
rebellion."* Whilst, however, the pope strove to profit by
this scramble for power, he by untoward events was a consi-
derable loser.
This was the state of the church and the nation, when di-
* Fuller, b. iv. p. 153,
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vine Providence raised up that bright luminary of the Chris-
tian church, Dr. John Wickliffe. This learned divine was
born in 1324, near Richmond in Yorkshire, and has been
usually styled "The Morning-star" of the Reformation. He
made a noble stand against the encroachment of arbitrary
power, and the tyrannical usurpations of the papacy. He
exposed, as in the light of the noon-day sun, the innumerable
errors, superstitions, and cruelties of the Roman hierarchy,
and of every order of its tyrannizing ecclesiastics. He made
a prompt and vigorous effort to restore to the minds of men,
the possession and exercise of those rights which were given
them by their Creator, and which are essential to man's ra-
tional nature.
The piety and superior penetration of Wickliffe, enabled
him to make the most important discoveries. He adopted a
more simple and rational method of inquiring after truth, than
was usually pursued in those times of spiritual vassallage. He
claimed as well the right as the power of thinking and decid-
ing for himself upon all points in theology; and he took the
plain text of Scripture into his hand, unencumbered by the
corruptions of ancient commentators and scholastic divines;
and endeavoured to discover the true and genuine sense of
the book of God, disregarding the prevailing and established
opinions of men. By this method of investigating divine
truth, he attained to that noble freedom of thought, by which
his writings were afterwards so eminently distinguished; and
which procured him, according to the custom of the times, the
title of "the Evangelic Doctor."*
All the circumstances of Wickliffe's life, remarkably illus-
trated the wisdom of divine Providence, in preparing and
bringing into active operation suitable instruments for accom-
plishing the most important enterprises. Wickliffe's lot was
cast in an age when the abuses of the church had become in-
tolerable; and a successful controversy in behalf of the uni-
versity of Oxford, with the mendicants, or begging friars, first
raised him to public notice. This, in the year 1361, procured
his election to the mastership of Baliol college; and his subse-
quent success in defending the king and parliament, by his
* Gilpin's Lives, vol. i. p. 4.
74
HISTORY OF
learned and unanswerable writings, against the papal usurpa-
tions, proclaimed his fame at court, and through the country.
By the active part which he took in supporting the indepen-
dence of the crown, against the unrighteous pretensions and
cruel threatenings of the pope, though he irritated both the
clergy and the pontiff, he gained the applause of the king and
the parliament, as well as of every disinterested subject of the
realm. These intrepid efforts established his reputation in the
opinion of all worthy persons, and gave him an opportunity of
diffusing the light of truth in all directions, as fast as it beam-
ed on his own mind. He appears to have been led forwards,
like his successor, Luther, by a honest mind, and an intrepid
spirit; but without knowing to what point he was destined to
go, or whither the habit of inquiring into existing abuses, and
protesting against them, would ultimately lead him. As his
first attempts were levelled against the papal innovations; so
his thoughts were afterwards directed to explore all the cor-
ruptions of the system; and the more he thought and investi-
gated, the darker did it appear, till at length he received full
conviction, that the pope was "the man of sin" foretold by
the apostles.
Wickliffe being preferred to the divinity professor's chair at
Oxford, was placed in a situation extremely congenial to his
wishes, affording him the most favourable opportunity for the
public discussion of all subjects connected with morals and
divinity. By a long course of investigation, he was tho-
roughly convinced that the religion of Rome was full of errors
and superstitions, and promoted by usurpation, imposition,
and cruelty, in direct violation of holy Scripture and the
rights of conscience. He was first led to these discoveries
from the loose and immoral lives of the monastic clergy; and
his views were more powerfully confirmed by his researches
into antiquity. To oppose so great a torrent of evils, requir-
ed the greatest wisdom, courage, and circumspection, which
he employed to the utmost of his ability. He failed not to
expose in his public lectures, the numerous errors, delusions,
and iniquities of the monastic institutions, especially those of
their clergy. A regard for religion, he said, was not to be
expected from such men. They had nothing in view but the
advancement of their own order. In every age, he observed,
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
75
they had made it their practice to invent and multiply such
new doctrines, as best suited their avaricious minds; and they
had nearly set aside Christianity, by binding men to observe
their traditions, in preference to the New Testament of Jesus
Christ; who, it might be supposed, left nothing out of his
scheme that was useful.
This champion for the truth, next made a bold and vigor-
ous attack upon the usurpations and oppressions of the court
of Rome, which was ever a favourite topic with him, and on
which he openly declared his sentiments without reserve.
The pope himself was frequently the subject of his animad-
version; and he openly exposed his pretended infallibility,
his usurpation, pride, avarice, and ecclesiastical despotism.
He even ventured to call him Antichrist. He declaimed
against the pride, and pomp, and luxury of bishops; and
asked the people, when they saw their right reverend fathers,
attended by fourscore horsemen in silver trappings, whether
they perceived any resemblance between such splendour, and
the simplicity of primitive bishops? He opened his mind on
these subjects with a degree of freedom, and strength of argu-
ment, far superior to the courage and learning of those times.
Wickliffe, at the same time, translated the Bible out of Latin
into English, with a long preface, in which he pointedly re-
flected on the prevailing corruptions of the clergy; condemn-
ed the worship of saints and images; denied the corporeal
presence of Christ in the sacrament; and exhorted all people
to the study of the holy Scriptures. His bible, with the pre-
face, was well received; and, as it justly exposed innumerable
errors and abuses, so it proved the happy means of diffusing
better principles through every part of the kingdom.*
Wickliffe's translation excited the fiercest animosity in the
minds of dignified ecclesiastics; because, as the Scriptures
themselves were, on many accounts, particularly displeasing
to them, so it was impossible that they could view with com-
placency their translation and circulation, even though they
were confined to the schools of learning, and to the libraries
of such of the nobility as could afford to possess the high and
costly luxury of manuscript libraries. These translations re-
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 23.
76
HISTORY OF
presented the founder of Christianity, as a lover of peace, as
a person mean in his worldly circumstances, and altogether
opposed by his doctrine and example to outward state and
grandeur. They gave no sanction to wars, crusades, and
such enterprises in the cause of Christ, nor to the pomp,
wealth, pride, and pageantry, of the clerical order. They af-
forded no sanction to many of the doctrines of the church
of Rome. Five out of seven of the sacraments of that church
were unknown to the sacred volume; and equally unauthorized
by it, was the papal hierarchy itself, and nearly all its institu-
tions. As the vast assumption and pre-eminence of the pope
had no foundation in the holy Scriptures; so the various or-
ders and dignities, as cardinals, archbishops, deans, archdea-
cons, vicars, priests, and many others, had absolutely no war-
rant from the book of God. The Reformer, in his other
writings, most solemnly protested against the multiplied inno-
vations, as false, superstitious, antichristian; and not unfre-
quently he expressed himself upon these topics, with holy and
elevated indignation.
These courageous exertions could not fail to awaken the
violent clamour of the bishops and other dignitaries; and
Simon Islip, archbishop of Canterbury, who took the lead,
and set the example to his brethren, was determined to pro-
ceed against him with the utmost rigour. The church had,
however, slept so long in its errors and superstitions, that it
was unprepared for so bold an attack. The zealous ecclesias-
tics searched records, examined precedents, and at length,
with some difficulty, Wickliffe was deprived and silenced.*
It was no doubt a favourable circumstance for him, that
there was not in England, at this time, any law in force for
burning heretics.
Whilst the patrons of ignorance and intolerance sought to
crush the famous Reformer, together with the just sentiments.
he propagated; and the Roman pontiff published his thun-
dering bulls, commanding him to be seized and punished for
his damnable heresies; he was protected, and his cause
espoused, by some of the first persons in the nation, parti-
cularly the famous John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, and
* Fox, vol. i. p. 485, 486.
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Lord Piercy. The duke had imbibed many of Wickliffe's
sentiments concerning the usurpation and tyranny of the
pope, but was, at the same time, a man of violent passions.
He was a determined enemy to the exorbitant power of the
clergy, which excited their indignation against him. As they
hated the duke, and trembled at his principles, some of the
leading ecclesiastics are said to have used very base means to
blacken his character. This kind of usage from the clergy
did not give him any more favourable opinion of their charac-
ter, but confirmed his abhorrence of their pride and intole-
rance; and he retorted upon them, by using all the methods
in his power to make them as much despised by cthers as
they were by himself. Wickliffe's exposure and attack of
the Romish church, gave the duke great pleasure, who waited
to see its consequences with much anxious attention; and
when he found that the zealous advocate of liberty was in
danger, he interposed his power; rescued him out of the
hands of his enemies; conveyed him up to court; took him
into his confidence; and treated him with every possible kind-
ness. Thus was the celebrated Reformer not only rescued
from the malice and outrage of those in holy orders, but in-
troduced into more public life, which afforded him a more
gratifying opportunity of signalizing himself in the cause of
truth and liberty.
Wickliffe was summoned to appear before the archbishop of
Canterbury, and the rest of the bishops at Lambeth. The
intrepid Reformer obeyed the summons; when "all expected
he would have been devoured, as in a den of lions." But, on
the day of examination, a gentleman courtier waited on these
right reverend fathers, "commanding them not to proceed to
any definitive sentence against John Wickliffe." Never, per-
haps, were the lord-bishops before served with such a prohibi-
tion. It was supposed that the messenger durst not have.
delivered his mandamus, had he not been backed by the
prince who employed him. "The bishops being struck with
a panic, dropped the proceeding;" and so Wickliffe escaped
the heavy punishment, which no doubt would have been in-
flicted upon him.*
* Fuller, b. iv. p. 137.
78
HISTORY OF
*
The complaints of existing abuses now became general.
The high offices of state had for a long time been wholly
occupied by ecclesiastical dignitaries, and the government of
the kingdom wholly in their hands; therefore the temporal
lords and commons in parliament, beholding this extreme
inconvenience, petitioned the king, "that none but laymen
might be capable of the offices of chancellor, treasurer, keeper
of the privy seal, barons of the exchequer, and other great
places of the civil list." His majesty signified, in reply to
this petition," that he would ordain upon this point, as it
should seem best to him by the advice of his good council:"
accordingly, to give them satisfaction, and make a trial of the
expedient, the bishops were removed from several of the prin-
cipal civil offices.*
The nation began now to feel its own interest, and to seek
release from ecclesiastical bondage. The diffusion of Wick-
liffe's opinions contributed, more than any other event, to
make this impression on all ranks of society. The subject
was vigorously espoused by the ruling powers. Edward
III. now king of England, had for some time withdrawn
the tribute, which his predecessors, from the time of king
John, had paid to the pope. The pontiff menaced in his
usual despotic tone; but he had a prince to deal with of
too high a spirit to be intimidated by his threatening bulls.
Edward called a parliament; laid the affair before them; and
desired their advice. The parliament, without much debate,
resolved, that king John had acted illegally, and had surren-
dered the rights of the nation. They, at the same time, ad-
vised the king by no means to submit to the pontifical usurp-
ation; and promised to afford him their utmost assistance, if
the affair should require it.†
England groaned under the intolerable oppressions of the
court of Rome, especially that of draining the wealth of the
nation. Not only was religion decayed and lost in the innu-
merable human impositions; but, that which was considered
as the most vexatious, a body of insolent tithe-gatherers were
set over the people, who had to make their own fortunes out
of the surplus of their exactions for the holy see.
These
* Warner, vol. i. p. 506.
+ Echard, p. 156.
,
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
79
hardships, notwithstanding the blind obedience paid to his
holiness, created great uneasiness. The nation saw itself
wronged; and parliamentary petitions, in strong language,
were presented to the Romish conclave; but to very little
purpose: the pope refusing to hear any motion which affected
his power, or his revenue.
The duke of Lancaster had a spirit answerable to his birth,
and preserved the forms of royalty as much as any monarch
of his time; therefore, though the nation had complained in
vain for upwards of thirty years, he was determined if possi-
ble to obtain redress. And, in the first place, to open the
eyes of the people in the most effectual manner, he obliged
the bishops to send in lists of the number and value of such
preferments, as were in the hands of foreigners. From these
lists it appeared what immense sums were in this way con-
veyed annually out of the kingdom. He next sent an em-
bassy to the pope, to treat of the liberties of the church of
England; at the head of which were the bishop of Bangor
and Dr. Wickliffe. The agents of both parties met at Bru-
ges; and though after a considerable time a kind of treaty
was made, it was never observed. Wickliffe, however, made
the journey of considerable service to himself. With great
care he embraced every opportunity afforded him of sifting
the real designs of the court of Rome, not only in this affair,
but in all its negociations. He minutely examined the ends it
had in view, and the means it employed: and by frequent in-
tercourse with the Romish ambassadors upon these subjects,
he penetrated so far into the constitution and policy of that
corrupt court, that he became more convinced than ever of its
avarice, ambition, encroachment, and intolerance. Though he
had long been opposed to its doctrines and ministry, he had
never till now thought so ill of its designs.*
Thus instructed, on his return home, he did not fail to
refute the policy, and expose the aggrandizement of antichrist.
Among the principles which he propagated and defended,
and for which he was accused by the prelates, we have select-
ed the following specimen as given by his enemies :-He de-
nied the pope's supremacy, and was opposed to any person
*
Gilpin, vol. i. p.
19.
80
HISTORY OF
assuming the arrogant title of head of the church; declaring,
"That it was blasphemy to call any one head of the church,
save Christ alone." He condemned the Romish infallibility
as the shocking mark of antichrist; affirming, "That the
doctrine of the infallibility of the church of Rome, in matters
of faith, was the greatest blasphemy of antichrist." He con-
demned episcopacy as the mere creature of princes, and con-
sidered the officers of the primitive church, as the only officers
belonging to the church of Christ, and as unalterable by any
human power; declaring, "That in the times of the apostles
there were only two orders, namely, priests and deacons; that
a bishop did not differ from a priest; that priests and deacons
might preach without license; and that priests of bad life,
cease any longer to be priests." He defended the mainte-
nance of ministers by voluntary contribution, and opposed
the system of tithes settled on the people by law; saying,
“That tithes are pure alms, and that pastors ought not to
exact them by ecclesiastical censures." He rejected all human
authority and interference in things sacred, and rested the
whole of religion on the word of God; declaring, "That he
rejected the authority of general councils; and that wise men
will leave that as impertinent, which is not plainly expressed
in Scripture." He was opposed to the use of prescribed forms
of prayer, but especially the imposition of them, as prejudicial
to the rights of Christians; and said, "That to bind men to
set and prescript forms of prayers, derogates from that liberty
which God hath given them.”*
Wickliffe held many other sentiments; but in numerous
instances his meaning seems to have been distorted, by the
prejudice and malice of the papists. They even accused him
of the opinion, "that God ought to obey the devil.” This
single fact shows to what an awful length calumny and credu-
lity may go, when the minds of men are heated by passion
and prejudice. Such things," says Wickliffe," do they
invent of catholic men that they may blacken their reputation,
as if they held this impious opinion, that God is a devil, or
any other open heretical tenet; and they are prepared by
false and slanderous witnesses to fix such heresies on good
men as if they had invented them."+
*Fuller, b. iv. p. 131-133. + Milner, vol. iv. p. 208. Appen. p. 29.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
81
Though it could hardly be expected that all our Reformer's
sentiments were unexceptionable; yet he held many opinions.
equally important as those already enumerated. He main-
tained, "That the Gospel was a sufficient rule of itself, with-
out any human additions, to govern the life of any Christian :
-That all other rules add no more perfection to the Gospel,
than the white colour doth to the wall:-That neither the
pope, nor any other prelate, ought to have prisons wherein
to punish transgressors." He was a zealous advocate for the
office and authority of the civil magistrate in all civil matters,
as that which is ordained of God. He maintained that Jesus
Christ was the only head of the church; and denied all hu-
man power and authority in religious concerns, as gross usurpa-
tion, and a direct violation of these portions of Scripture:
"Neither as being lords over God's heritage, but examples of
the flock. The princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over
them, and they that are great, exercise authority upon them;
but it shall not be so among you: but whosoever will be great
among you, let him be your minister; and whosoever will be
chief among you, let him be your servant : even as the Son of
man came not to be ministered unto, but to minister."
As to the lofty claims of the papacy, he said, it was a scan-
dal to the Christian church, that any of its members should
set up his own authority against the authority of Jesus Christ.
The best argument for defending the authority of the church,
was, in his opinion, the necessity of that authority to support
the doctrine of the pope; and it was this that made it worth
defending at the expense of truth. On this subject, he said,
the pope would not submit his authority to the same trial as
Jesus Christ, who said: "If I do not the works of my Fa-
ther which is in heaven, believe me not." But the pope's au-
thority must be acknowledged, though he do the works of the
devil. Thus, says he, Christians are in greater thraldom than
were the Jews under the old law; and that liberty, by which
Christ hath made us free, is by the wickedness of designing
men changed into the most absolute spiritual bondage.
"The
days,” he adds, "I hope will come, when men will be wise
enough to shake from off their necks, the dominion of these
human ordinances; and disdain submission to any ecclesiasti-
VOL. I.
G
82
HISTORY OF
7
cal injunctions, except those which are plainly authorized by
the word of God."*
These were stigmatized Wickliffe's dangerous errors, and
damnable heresies, for which the pope and his colleagues
threatened him with eternal damnation; but, surely, such
generous and dignified sentiments, while they were almost
miraculous in that dark age, would not appear unseemly
among the most famous prelates and divines in modern times.
Who can seriously review the thick darkness from which this
sacred genius emerged, and not acknowledge with mingled
astonishment and admiration, the clearness, justness, and com-
prehension of his views? Who can wonder that principles,
which so forcibly appealed to scripture and common sense,
and were so well calculated to liberate mankind from the gall-
ing fetters of priestly despotism under which they groaned,
should find a numerous host of admirers? But we naturally
ask, how the daring promulgator of such offensive truths
could escape the deadly fangs of the great red dragon? Af
ter many dangers and deliverances, the intrepid Reformer
wrote a letter to the pontiff himself, boldly and unequivo-
cally declaring his sentiments in these words:
"I rejoice to open and declare to every man, especially to
the bishop of Rome, the faith which I hold. For, as I sup-
pose it to be sound and true, he will confirm my faith; or, if
it be erroneous, he will amend it. The Gospel of Christ is
the whole body of God's law. I hold the bishop of Rome, as
he is the vicar of Christ, to be bound most of all other men
to that law of the Gospel. The greatness amongst Christ's dis-
ciples did not consist in worldly honours or dignity, but in
the near and exact following of Christ in his life and man-
ners: whereupon I gather out of the law of the Lord, that
Christ in the time of his pilgrimage here, was a most poor
man, casting off all worldly rule and honour.
"I also fully gather, that no faithful man ought to follow,
either the pope himself, or any holy man, but in such points
as he hath followed the Lord Jesus Christ. For Peter and
the sons of Zebedee, by desiring worldly honour, contrary to
following the steps of Christ, did offend; and, therefore, in
* Fox, vol. i. p. 491, 510.—Brit. Biog. vol. i. p. 43—46.
着
​RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
83
those errors they are not to be imitated. I gather that the
pope ought to leave all temporal dominion and rule to the se-
cular power, and to move and exhort the whole of his clergy
effectually thereto : for so did Christ, and especially his apos-
tles. Wherefore, if I have erred in any of these points, I will
most humbly submit myself to correction, even by death, if
necessity require; and if I could labour according to my de-
sire in my own person, I would surely present myself before
the bishop of Rome: but the Lord hath otherwise visited
me, and hath taught me to obey God rather than men.
*י
In the foregoing heretical opinions, as well as in this bold
address to his holiness, Wickliffe advocates the cause of reli-
gious freedom, and rests the whole on its only secure foundation.
He obviously maintains, that the Word of God is the unim-
peachable, all-sufficient, and only rule in all matters of reli-
gion, to the exclusion of all compulsory interference on the
part of man; and that
and that popes and prelates ought to renounce
their secular power and authority, and, in all their concerns,
to submit themselves to the authority of Jesus Christ and his
apostles. These are the fundamental principles of Christi-
anity, on which the unalienable rights of conscience are
founded.
It may be easily conceived how these doctrines would be
received at Rome, and what impressions they would make on
the mind of his holiness. Sentiments were never published
to the world more hostile to the usurpations, impositions, and
cruelties of the papal see; or more galling and offensive to the
sovereign impostor. Articles of accusation against Wickliffe
were, therefore, immediately despatched to Rome, when the
pope engaged in the prosecution with the utmost readiness
and alacrity. He sent on this occasion no less than five thun-
dering bulls to England. The zeal of the holy father was,
no doubt, greatly augmented by the unfavourable tendency of
Wickliffe's tenets, upon the revenues of the church. With
these bulls the pope sent to the bishops copies of the heretical
articles, requiring them to examine whether the heretic really
held those doctrines; and, if he did, immediately to cast him
into prison; or, if they failed in this, to cite him personally
* Fox, vol. i. p. 508.
G 2
84
HISTORY OF
to make his appearance within three months at Rome, where
he would assuredly be rewarded according to his crimes. He
also enjoined the bishops to represent to king Richard II.
and his council, that his errors were equally dangerous to the
state, as they were to the ecclesiastical establishment.*
The pope had very little doubt of the success of his bulls,
as the papal power had not been accustomed to receive contra-
diction. However despotic and unreasonable its demands, the
greatest monarchs had usually obeyed them in the most implicit
and submissive manner. But a new scene was now open-
ing to view, and an improved tone of feeling began to appear
in the nation, to which the preaching of Wickliffe had greatly
contributed. The imperious pontiff must have been very sen-
sibly mortified at the neglect with which he was treated. The
university of Oxford deliberated whether it should receive his
bull, and it seems to have refused. The regency were so far
from being disposed to show him reverence, that they united
at this juncture, with the parliament, in giving a very public
and signal instance of their esteem for, and confidence in, Dr.
Wickliffe; as if they had designed to make their contempt of
the pope as notorious as possible. The French, on the death
of king Edward, resolved to take the advantage of the minority
of Richard; accordingly Charles the Fifth had soon five armies.
in the field, and a strong fleet at sea, which he sent out with
orders to infest the coast of England. As the country was
now very far from being in a posture of defence, all the money
that could be raised was indispensably necessary, to enable the
regency to oppose these formidable assaults. The parliament
having entered upon its deliberations on ways and means, it
was debated in the house, whether the money collected in En-
gland for the use of the pope, might not, in such case of emer-
gency, be employed for the service of the nation; and, as they
all agreed upon the expediency of the measure, the only point
to be settled was its legality. After much deliberation it was
at length agreed, both by the regency and the parliament, to
put the question to Dr. Wickliffe; who, upon a question of
this nature, was certainly the most excellent casuist they could
have consulted. He readily gave them his opinion, with the
* Gilpin, vol. i. p. 26.
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very
substantial reasons on which it was founded, that they might
conscientiously make this freedom with the pope's money.*
There was, indeed, the utmost necessity for taking some prompt
measures, as the French had already invaded the country,
and committed numerous depredations in various parts of the
kingdom.
Notwithstanding the honour and esteem which Wickliffe
received from the regency and parliament, and the disrespect
with which the university and the king treated the authority
of his holiness, the bishops made ample amends by their abun-
dant zeal and assiduity to support the papal see. Courtenay,
bishop of London, in particular, not only complied with his
most holy mandate, but entered into all the spirit of it. The
reformer was convened before a synod in St. Paul's cathedral;
but being accompanied by the duke of Lancaster, lord Piercy,
and other powerful supporters, Wickliffe was a mere spectator
of the rude quarrel between the prelates and the nobles, which
ended in a riot, and left him to depart unhurt and uncen-
瓠
​sured. The bishop of London was stopped in his career at the
very commencement of his proceedings against the Reformer,
by receiving a peremptory order from the duke of Lancaster,
not to imprison Wickliffe. The prince told him, that to
imprison a man for holding an opinion, could not be justified
by the laws of England; therefore, he took the liberty of
informing him, that, if he proceeded to such extremity, he
must take the consequences. The right reverend prelate,
alarmed at this menace, immediately relinquished the design,
not daring to do more than cite Wickliffe before a provincial
synod at Lambeth, and send him a copy of the articles object-
ed against him, desiring an explanation.
Courtenay being afterwards preferred to the see of Canter-
bury, was resolved to crush Wickliffe and his opinions; he
therefore cited the Reformer to appear before him in the monas-
tery of Grey Friers. But, being a member of the university,
and holding an office there, he was exempt from his lordship's
episcopal jurisdiction, and he refused to appear. The univer-
sity itself was in his favour, and the determination of the
majority was to support their member. Though his grace
* Fox, vol. i. p. 510.
+ Fuller, b. iv,
p. 135.
86
HISTORY OF
made himself as content as he could under this mortifying dis-
appointment, and as he could not proceed against the person
of Wickliffe, he resolved to suppress his doctrines; and accord-
ingly when the court assembled on a certain day appointed, a
large collection of articles was produced. At the instant that
the court was entering upon its deliberations, the monastery
was shaken by a violent earthquake. The affrighted bishops
threw down their papers, and exclaimed, that their proceedings
were displeasing to God; and hastily resolved to relinquish
the suit. The archbishop alone continued unmoved. He
chid the superstitious fears of his brethren, and told them,
that if the earthquake portended any thing, it was the down-
fall of heresy that as noxious vapours are lodged in the
bowels of the earth, and are expelled by these violent concus
sions; so by their strenuous endeavours, the nation should be
purified from the pestilence of heresy, which had infected every
part of the kingdom. His speech, after some reflection, dis-
pelled their fears. Wickliffe afterwards often spoke of this
incident, and usually called this assembly, "The council of
the Herydene,” the old English word for earthquake.*
This reverend assembly having published its resolutions and
proceedings to the world, Dr. Wickliffe ventured to write a
reply; in which he showed how much his adversaries had
misrepresented him; and he defended his tenets with such a
spirit of truth and freedom, that he gained many over to hist
party. This was called his audacity, at which the archbishop
was exceedingly offended, and upon which he preferred a bill
in parliament to enable sheriffs, on the information of bishops,
to proceed to the imprisonment of all the preachers of heresy.
The bill passed the lords, but was thrown out by the commons,
who were so far illumined by the new doctrine, that they were
by no means disposed to increase the power of the clergy.
The archbishop, thus galled and mortified by the representa-
tive body, made application to king Richard for his royal
license to accomplish the same object, which he imagined
would equally serve his purpose as an act of parliament.
Richard, finding this particularly gratifying to his prerogative,
thought proper to comply with the primate's request, and
*
T
Gilpin, vol. i. p. 44,
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
87
immediately appointed letters patent to be issued, granting his
grace the full powers he desired, as comprised in the following
words:
"Whereupon the said archbishop hath made his supplica-
tion to us, that both for coercion and due castigation of such
as shall henceforth of an obstinate mind, preach or maintain
the foresaid conclusions, we would put to the arm and help-
ing hand of our kingly power. We, therefore, moved by the
zeal of the catholic faith, whereof we are and will be defenders,
and unwilling that any such heresies or errors should spring
up within our dominions, give and grant special license and
authority, by the tenor of these presents, to the foresaid arch-
bishop, and to his suffragans, to arrest and imprison, either in
their own persons or any other, all and every such person or
persons as shall either privily or openly preach and maintain
the foresaid conclusions; and the same persons so imprisoned
to be there detained at their pleasures, till such time as they
shall repent and amend such heretical pravities."*
The grant of these unlimited powers to an ecclesiastical
officer, could not be very agreeable to the body of the people;
therefore, when the parliament assembled soon after, heavy
complaints were sent from every part of the country to their
representatives, expressing in strong language how much the
people thought themselves aggrieved by this stretch of the
prerogative. This, in those dark and oppressive times, was a
noble stand for the right of private judgment, against the
encroachments of arbitrary power. The people, capable of
thinking and deciding for themselves, could not feel easy when
placed wholly at the control and disposal of proud, avaricious,
and merciless ecclesiastics. Thus began to dawn upon the
island of Britain, the morning of Christian liberty, and the
exercise of the rights of human nature.
The representative body, to whom the people presented
their complaints, were not wholly deaf to the cries and groans
of the nation. The members of the lower house showed their
interest in this business; and, with the character of English-
men, they manifested their abhorrence of that spiritual vassal-
lage, into which his grace of Canterbury endeavoured to bring
* Pox, vol. i. p. 503.
}
88
HISTORY OF
all the people of the land. "These new powers," said they,
"are dangerous encroachments. If the liberties of the people
are thus put into the hands of the clergy, the nation will become
subject to a new kind of despotism. Heresy," they added,
"is an unlimited word, and may bear as wide a construction
as a bishop shall choose to give it: nor can it be doubted, that
it will often be made to signify whatever the pride or avarice of
the clergy may think expedient." Filled with these enlarged
and honourable sentiments, the commons petitioned the king
against the license which he had granted; and Richard, a
prince of no great excellence, but agreeable to the instability
of his character, listened to their supplication, and revoked
that license to oblige the laity, which he had before granted to
please the clergy. Thus was the zeal of the archbishop again
baffled, and his deep-laid projects entirely blasted; while one
important branch of the legislature, by the independence of its
principles, and the worthiness of its energies, rescued the
nation from the worst kind of slavery.
A very considerable schism having taken place in the catho-
lic church, Wickliffe considered it as involving a new argument
against the infallibility and domination of Rome. Certain dis-
sensions having arisen between pope Urban VI. and his
cardinals, the latter thought proper to dispute the validity of
Urban's election, and to elect a new pope whom they styled
Clement VII. This great schism divided all Europe, each
particular state, from political interest, and not as matter of
right, declaring for one or other of the two popes. France,
whose interest it was, declared in favour of Clement; and, on
the contrary, England thought it more advantageous to espouse
the cause of Urban. By the different powers taking different
sides in this ecclesiastical quarrel, the nations of Europe were
deluged with blood, only to determine which of these two
infallible gentlemen had the right to St. Peter's chair! Urban,
to rouse the nations in his favour, published a bull, in which
he deposed and excommunicated the opposite party and all his
adherents, as the sons of perdition, and called upon all, who
had any regard for religion, to exert themselves at this time in
its cause; and take up arms against Clement and his adherents,
in defence of the holy see. The times, he said, required vio-
lent measures; and for the encouragement of the faithful, he
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
89
promised them pardons and indulgences, which were always
granted to those who lost their lives in these holy wars!
Wickliffe could not behold these events with the eye of an
unconcerned spectator. He very justly considered this dread-
ful schism as a decisive argument against the lofty claims of
the papacy; and, even in the decline of years, took up his pen
once more, and openly exposed the spiritual fraud and usurpa-
tion of the two popes, showing how little credit was due to
either of the contending parties. A bloody and destructive
war in which the name of religion was so vilely prostituted,
roused Wickliffe's indignation; and he expostulated with the
pope in
very strong language, boldly asking him, “How he
durst make the token of Christ on the cross, which is a token
of peace, mercy, and charity, a banner to lead on to slay Chris-
tian men, for the love of two false priests; and to oppress
Christendom worse than Christ and his apostles were oppress-
ed by the Jews? When," he adds, "will the proud priest of
Rome grant indulgences to mankind to live in peace and
charity, as he now does to fight and slay one another ?”* This
piece was eagerly read by persons of all ranks, and greatly
contributed to open the eyes of the people.
Wickliffe had the intrepidity to present to the parliament a
bold philippic against the tyranny of the church of Rome, and
to expose the scandalous usurpations of the holy see. He
wisely prepared the way for his translation of the Bible, on
which he bestowed immense labour, by a book on the truth of
the Scriptures, entitled, "The Path to perfect Knowledge,"
in which he urges all Christians, old and young, to study the
Scriptures diligently, particularly the New Testament, which,
he says,
“is full of authority, and gives understanding to the
simple, especially in all points needful to salvation." He boldly
asserts, that as Elijah had the truth of God against king Ahab
and eight hundred and fifty priests of Baal, so a few poor
men, in comparison of learned clerks, may have the truth now
in opposition to all the prelates and clergy. If a man, says he,
abstain from swearing, and out of charity reprove sin, he is
branded and persecuted as a heretic and a Lollard; but if any
one determine to defend himself against the persecution of the
Gilpin, vol. i. p. 50.
:
*
90
HISTORY OF
1
prelates, he has only to swear boldly by Christ's bones, nails
and limbs, and be proud, lecherous, and profane.
Although the daring Reformer had numerous friends at
Oxford, who bore a principal sway in the university, he was
obliged, through continued molestations from the archbishop,
at length to quit the place of his public usefulness, where his
name had long been highly revered and honoured. The
unwearied persecution from the bigoted primate so far prevail-
ed, that he was constrained to retreat to his pastoral charge at
Lutterworth; where he afterwards died in peace on his own
bed, in the year of our Lord 1384. By the command of the
pope and the council of Constance, after the expiration of
forty-one years, his bones were dug up, committed to the
flames, and the ashes cast into the adjoining brook.*
Thus ended the labours and life of Dr. John Wickliffe ;
who, on account of his superior penetration, the justness of
his sentiments, and the undaunted spirit with which he engag-
ed in the great cause of religious liberty, was one of the most
distinguished ornaments of his country, and his memory is
worthy of being revered and honoured by all men of liberal
principles to the end of the world. Wickliffe was a man of
exemplary piety, and unblemished morals. Notwithstanding
the number and vigilance of his enemies, they have never pre-
sumed to tax him with immoral practice. Though in his pri-
vate deportment he appears to have been uniformly respect-
able; yet his public character it is which principally entitles
him to our attention and regard. We hesitate not to admire
him, says his biographer, as one of the greatest ornaments of
his country; and as one of those prodigies whom providence
raises up, and directs as its instruments to enlighten mankind.
His amazing penetration; his rational manner of thinking; and
the noble freedom of his spirit, are equally the objects of our
admiration. Wickliffe was in religion, what Bacon was after-
wards in science; the great detecter of those arts and glosses,
by which the barbarism of ages had obscured the mind of man.
To this intuitive genius, Christendom was unquestionably
more indebted than to any name in the list of reformers. He
explored the regions of darkness, and let in not a feeble and
* Fox, vol. i. p. 490-529.-Brit. Biog. vol. i. p. 30—41.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
91
glimmering ray; but such an effulgence of light, as could
never be obscured. He not only loosened prejudices, but
advanced such clear incontestible truths, as having once obtain-
ed kept their ground, and proved an unspeakable blessing to
future generations.*
This great Reformer discovered that ingenuousness of spirit
and of principle, which we seldom find recorded on the page of
history, as appears from the following solemn declaration by
Wickliffe's own pen :-" Let God be my witness, that I prin-
cipally intend the honour of God, and the good of the Church,
from a spirit of veneration for the divine word, and of obedi-
ence to the law of Christ: but if, with that intention, a sinister
view of vain glory, of secular gain, or of vindictive malice, hath
crept in unknown to myself, I sincerely grieve on the account,
and, by the grace of God, will guard against it."+ As the sun
in a spring morning, rising above the eastern horizon, is often
obscured by mist and clouds, but gaining strength dispels
the gloomy vapours, and gives light, life and joy to mankind
so Wickliffe rose in our western world to check the terrific
career of cruel bigotry, to stem the tide of priestly intolerance,
to emancipate the human mind from spiritual slavery, and to
prove to the world, that literature, philanthropy, and liberality
of sentiment, constitute essential characteristics of all true
Christians. Every impartial historian will, therefore, erect a
monument of tribute and respect to the memory of this cele-
brated Reformer.
Wickliffe's death, and the ridiculous farce of burning his
bones and scattering his ashes, was insufficient to a complete
extirpation of heresy. His opinions had so universally diffus-
ed through the nation, that a writer of those times says: "If
you met two persons on the road, you might be sure that one
of them was a follower of Wickliffe." Being deeply conscious
of the truth and importance of their doctrines, they discovered
great zeal and assiduity in the propagation of them; and the
Lord abundantly blessed their labours. Almost innumerable
converts were made, especially among
66 persons of rank and
learning." Wickliffe's numerous writings, particularly his
+
*Gilpin, vol. i. p. 52.
Warner, vol. i.
+ Milner, vol. iv. p. 136.
527.
p.
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HISTORY OF
translations of the Scriptures, were dispersed into every corner
of the land, and through every part of Christendom. They
were esteemed by multitudes of great and learned men, at
home and abroad, as more precious than jewels; and having
fallen into the hands of persons who were disposed to favour a
deliverance from the usurpation and tyranny of Rome, almost
innumerable copies were transcribed, and dispersed through all
nations.
Wickliffe unanswerably proved that the Book of God ought
to be in the hands and language of the people, saying;
<<
Scripture is the faith of the Church, and the more it is
known in an orthodox sense, the better; therefore as secular
men ought to know the faith, the divine word is to be taught
them in whatever language is best known to them. The
truth of the faith is clearer and more exact in the Scripture,
than the priests know how to express it; and, if one may say
so, there are many prelates who are ignorant of Scripture, and
others who conceal things contained therein. It seems useful,
therefore, that the faithful should themselves search and dis-
cover the sense of the faith, by having the Scriptures in a
language which they know and understand. Christ and his
apostles converted men by making known to them the Scrip-
tures in that language which was familiar to them. Why then
ought not the modern disciples of Christ to collect fragments
from the loaf; and, as they did, clearly open the Scriptures to
the people that they may know them? The apostle teaches,
that we must all stand before the judgment-seat of Christ, and
be answerable for all the goods entrusted to us; it is necessary,
therefore, that the faithful should know these goods, and the
use of them, that they may give a proper answer. The answer
by a prelate or an attorney will not then avail, but every one
must answer in his own person. *
Anne, consort of king Richard, seems to have been a person
of extensive knowledge and great piety; who, dying in the
year 1394, had in her possession the Gospels in English, with
four learned commentators upon them. At her funeral, arch-
bishop Arundel, in his sermon, adverted to this circumstance,
and, as she was born an alien, expressed much surprise at it.
* Milner, vol. iv. Appen. p. 34.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
93
The prelate added, that she had sent to him, for his inspection
and judgment, her four English translations of the Gospel,
and that he had found them true and faithful. He confessed
that it appeared to him a marvellous instance of godliness, that
so great a lady would humbly condescend to study such excel-
lent books: and he completed his encomium by declaring, that
he never knew a woman of such extraordinary piety.*
This interesting relation may probably induce the reader to
conjecture that Arundel himself was a follower of Wickliffe.
But he will be both surprised and mortified to find, that shortly
after the death of good queen Anne, this same prelate, to the
utmost of his power, urged the king to harass and persecute
all persons who should dare to read and study the Gospels of
Jesus Christ in their native language.+
In Bohemia and other countries, Wickliffe's translations
were received and read with great avidity, and they produced
the best impressions on the minds of the people. The unhal-
lowed assumption, and multiplied errors of popery were, by
this means, exhibited to the view of learned men and the com-
mon people, by the most substantial evidence, and an undis-
guised narration of facts. All who read Wickliffe's produc-
tions were convinced of the ridiculous claims and pretensions
of Rome, as well as the scandalous proceedings by which they
were supported; and were constrained to admire the liberal,
humane, and pious principles of the reforming party. While,
however, these were the happy effects of so wide a circulation
of his writings, other and opposite effects were unintentionally
produced by the same means. As might naturally be expect-
ed, the enemies of light and liberty were awakened from their
long slumber, and the wrath and indignation of the imperious
pontiff was aroused to crush the growing evil in the bud.
Wickliffe's doctrine and writings were so violently opposed by
the pope and his cardinals, that they received in the council
of Constance, the following sentence of condemnation :
"In these our days the old and unclean enemy hath raised
up new strifes and contentions, whose prince and captain in
time past was John Wickliffe, a false Christian; who, during
his life-time, taught and sowed very obstinately many articles
*Fox, vol. i. p. 578.
+ Ibid.
94
HISTORY OF
contrary to the Christian religion and the catholic faith. The
same John Wickliffe wrote certain books, which he called a
Dialogue and a Trialogue, besides many other treatises and
works, in which are many damnable and execrable errors;
which books, for the publication and advancement of his per-
verse doctrine, he set forth openly for every man to read.
Whereby, besides many offences, great hurt and damage of
soul hath ensued in divers regions and countries, but especially
in the kingdom of England and Bohemia; which articles the
masters and doctors of the universities of Oxford and Prague,
defending the truth and verity of God according to the order
of schools, within a while after did reprove and condemn.
"Wherefore, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, this
sacred synod, ratifying and approving the sentence of the arch-
bishops and council of Rome, do by this their decree and
ordinance perpetually and for evermore reprove and condemn
the said opinions and every one of them; his books as entitled.
above and all others his books, volumes, treatises and works,
by what name soever they are called. Also we forbid the
reading, learning, exposition or alleging of any of the said.
books to all faithful Christians, except so far as shall tend to
the reproof of the same; forbidding all and singular catholic
persons, under the pain of curse, that from henceforth they
will not be so hardy openly to preach, teach or hold, or by any
means to allege the said opinions, or any of them, except to the
reproof of them; commanding all those books, volumes, trea-
tises and works aforesaid, to be openly burned, as it was de-
creed in the synod at Rome. For the execution whereof, duly
to be observed, the said synod doth straitly charge and com-
mand the ordinaries of the place diligently to attend and look
to this matter, according as it appertaineth to every man's
duty by the canonical laws and ordinances.”*
This curious document displays, without disguise, the true
spirit, and principles, and practice of popery! Whatever might
be the views of "the masters and doctors of the two univer-
sities,” as here affirmed, they came forwards at this juncture in
the most open and public defence of the new tenets. The
university of Oxford, after mature examination, and greatly
* Fox, vol. i. p. 512.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
95
to its honour, published the following manifesto, upwards of
twenty years after Wickliffe's death:
"Unto all and singular the children of our holy mother the
church, to whom this present letter shall come; the vicechan-
cellor of the university of Oxford, with the whole congregation
of masters, with perpetual health in the Lord. For as much
as it is not commonly seen, that the acts and monuments of
valiant men, nor the praise and merits of good men, should be
passed over and hidden in perpetual silence; but that true
report and fame should continually spread abroad the same
in strange and far distant places, both for the witness of them,
and the example of others. For, as the provident discretion
of man's nature, being recompensed with cruelty, hath devised
and ordained this buckler and defence against such as blas-
pheme and slander other men's doings, that whensoever wit-
ness by word of mouth cannot be obtained, the pen may sup-
ply the want of it.
"Hereupon, that the special good-will and care which we
bear unto John Wickliffe, some time child of this our univer-
sity, and professor of divinity, moving and stirring our minds,
as his manners and conditions required no less, with one mind,
voice and testimony, we do witness all his conditions and do-
ings throughout his whole life, to have been most sincere and
commendable; whose honest manners and conditions, pro-
foundness of learning, and most honoured renown and fame,
we desire the more earnestly to be notified and known to all
the faithful; for we understand that the maturity and ripe-
ness of his conversation, his diligent labours and travails, do
tend to the praise of God, the help and safeguard of others,
and the profit of the church.
“Wherefore we signify unto you by these presents, that
his conversation, even from his youth, to the time of his
death, was so praise-worthy and honest, that never at any
time was there any note or spot of suspicion noised of him.
But in his answering, reading, preaching, and determining,
he behaved himself laudably, and as a stout and valiant
champion of the faith; vanquishing by the force of the
Scriptures, all who, by their wilful beggary, blasphemed
and slandered Christ's religion. Neither was this doctor
convicted of any heresy. God forbid, that our prelates
96
HISTORY OF
*
should have condemned a man of such honesty, for an here-
tic; who, amongst all the rest of the university, had written
in logic, philosophy, divinity, morality, and the speculative
arts, without an equal! The knowledge of which things we
desire to testify and deliver forth, to the intent that the fame
and renown of this said doctor may be the more evident, and
had in reputation amongst those into whose hands these let-
ters testimonial shall come.
""*
The university of Prague, with the celebrated John Huss
at its head, ventured also, at the same time, to make the most
open and determined protestation, in favour of the new doc-
trine; and, with numerous other particulars, they adopted
the following decree, in favour of Wickliffe's excellent senti-
ments:—“The university of Prague hath concluded and
determined, that they will not receive the condemnation of
the five-and-forty articles, made by the doctors in their coun
cil-house, as just and true; except they who condemned them
will prove their condemnation by probable reasons, and the
holy Scriptures."†
These prompt and decisive measures adopted by the two
famous universities, demonstrate to posterity how widely
Wickliffe's liberal principles had diffused, and how highly
they were revered and esteemed among the most learned per-
sons in Europe. It is exceedingly probable, that, by the
uncontrollable domination of the papacy, these learned and
excellent defences were overruled and annulled. So that in
exact conformity to the foregoing supercilious denunciation,
the bigoted patrons of ignorance and superstition adopted the
most prompt measures for the suppression of Wickliffe's opi-
nions. The archbishop of Prague, alarmed at the progress of
the new tenets, commanded all who had in their possession
any of Wickliffe's writings, to bring them to him; when
copies of different parts of his works were brought, to the
number of two hundred; all of which, the right reverend
father condemned to the flames. Similar contemptible mea-
sures were adopted in other places, and undoubtedly with
similar success.
Notwithstanding the manifest injustice and cruelty of the
*Fox, vol. i. p. 511.
+ Ibid. 514.
f
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
97
pope
and the hosts of his coadjutors, the seed which was sown
by Wickliffe could never be smothered and destroyed. Like
an acorn planted in the earth, being watered with the dew of
heaven, it took root, sprang up, and became a mighty tree;
its branches extended throughout Europe; and thanks be to
God! nearly all the kingdoms of the world now begin to place
themselves beneath its peaceful and happy shade. The na-
tions of Europe and of the world, owe their deliverance from
midnight darkness, from infatuated superstition, and from
mental slavery, to the generous and dignified principles, and
the disinterested and unexampled energies of John Wickliffe;
therefore a monument, as durable as time, ought to be erected
in every Christian's breast, in honourable and grateful remem-
brance of his name; and all consistent Protestants, who ap-
preciate real worth, will esteem and revere his memory, as the
most distinguished benefactor to the world and the church of
God, since the days of the apostles.
The lofty claims of the pope, by intrenchments on the
crown and the rights of the people, were grown so enormous,
that the nation found it indispensably necessary to retrench
his usurpation by the adoption of some decisive measure. The
kings of England were as absolute, their prelacy and clergy
as learned, their nobility as valiant, and their commons as
wealthy, as any in Christendom; yet, had not some laws of
provision now been made, England had long since been turn-
ed into the patrimony of St. Peter; yea, had not such
pru-
dential measures been adopted, the sceptre would have been
wrested out of the hands of her monarchs, her prelates have
been made the pope's chaplains, her nobility his servants, and
her commons his slaves.*
3
The pope's claiming the disposal of ecclesiastical benefices,
without waiting till they became vacant, mostly conferred
them upon foreigners, his own creatures, who were to take
possession upon the death of the existing incumbents. This
ecclesiastical fraud coming from the pretended infallibility of
St. Peter's chair, raised loud complaints in the parliament,
and among the patrons of livings, as well as from the people.
His holiness defended what he and his predecessors had done,
VOL. I.
* Fuller, b. iv.
H
P. 145.
98
HISTORY OF
as the undoubted prerogative of holy see; but the parliament
finding it was in vain to expect the least redress from the
court of Rome, resolved to provide against this evil by legis-
lative authority. The memorable statute which they adopted,
called the statute of Premunire, cut off all foreign power and
authority in conferring benefices, by the following decisive
clause :
Whereupon our said lord the king, by the assent of his
parliament, and at the request of his commons, hath ordained
and established, that if any person purchase or pursue, or
cause to be purchased or pursued in the court of Rome, or
elsewhere, any such translations, processes, excommunications,
bulls, instruments, or any other things whatsoever, which
touch the king, his crown, his regality, or his realm; and
they which bring within the realm, or them that receive, or
make notification thereof, or any other execution whatsoever
within or without the realm, that they, their notaries, procu-
rators, maintainers, abetters, and counsellors, shall be put out
of the king's protection, and their lands, tenements, goods,
and chattels be forfeited to our lord the king."*
This decisive measure completely crippled the pope's power
and authority in England. As the learned historian has
quaintly expressed it, "some former laws had pared the
pope's nails to the quick, but the statute of Premunire, in
effect, cut off his fingers; so that hereafter his hand could
not grasp and hold such vast sums of money as before."+
This was so dreadful a blow to the encroachments and usurpa-
tions of the papacy, that the man of sin never recovered his
former dignity and wealth in this country.
The parliament, however, did not stop here, but resolved
to press forwards in the good work of reformation. Having
tasted the sweets of Wickliffe's stigmatized tenets, and being
persuaded of their beneficial influence upon the nation and
the church of God, they were concerned to have the church
purified of the fooleries and defilements of superstition, as well
as released from a foreign tyrannical yoke. A book of con-
clusions was, therefore, introduced into the two houses, con-
taining a kind of platform of the intended alterations and
* Fuller, b. iv. p. 147.
+ Ibid. 145.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
99
.
amendments, a specimen of which we have inserted in the
following familiar style:
"Our usual priesthood, which took its original at Rome,
and is framed to be a power higher than angels, is not that
priesthood which Christ ordained to his disciples. The Romish
priesthood is done by signs, pontifical rites and ceremonies,
and benedictions, of no force or effect, having no ground in
Scripture; and forasmuch as the bishop's Ordinal, and the
New Testament, do nothing at all agree; neither do we see
that the Holy Ghost doth give any good gift by any such
signs or ceremonies; because that he, with all noble and good
gifts, cannot consist and be in any person of deadly sin. It
is, therefore, lamentable and dolorous mockery to wise men,
to see the bishops mock and play with the Holy Ghost, in
giving their orders: their character is the mark of antichrist,
brought into holy church, to cloak and cover their idleness.
That a king and a bishop both in one person, a prelate and a
justice in temporal causes, a curate and an officer in worldly
office, puts every kingdom out of good order. Therefore we
the procurators of God in this case do sue unto the parlia-
ment, that it may be enacted, that all such as be of the clergy,
as well of the highest degree as the lowest, should be fully
excused, and occupy themselves with their own cure and
charge, and not with others." In the conclusion they add:
"Wherefore we earnestly desire and beseech God for his
goodness sake, that he will wholly reform our church, now
altogether out of frame, unto the perfection of her first begin-
ning and original."*
The exhibition of these conclusions in parliament, detecting
and exposing the ecclesiastical knavery, exceedingly alarmed
the bishops and clergy; who, in their panic, immediately ad-
dressed a letter to the archbishop of York, then with the king
in Ireland, to hasten his majesty's return," to defend and
succour the true faith, and holy church, now in great danger
of being ruined by heretics, who were contriving to overthrow
canonical sanctions." They found no great difficuity in pre-
vailing with the weak and fickle monarch; who not only cast
out the conclusions, but treated the principal persons who
* Fox, vol. i. p. 578-580.
to.
H 2
100
HISTORY OF
0.0
promoted them with great severity, threatening the lives of
the famous lords Stury, Clifford, Latimer, and Montague.
He caused the first of these personages to take an oath, “ that
he would never from that day favour or defend any such opi-
nions ;" and having taken the oath, the king answered: “I
swear again to thee, that if thou dost ever break thine oath,
thou shalt die for it a shameful death.”*
The copies of Wickliffe's translation of the Bible having
obtained an extensive circulation, as already intimated, king
Richard and his courtiers were exceedingly offended; and, to
suppress these pestiferous books, with the dangerous and in-
fectious heresies they contained, his majesty issued his royal
proclamation, commanding his officers to seize "all such books,
treatises, and libels;" declaring that whosoever presumed "to
maintain, teach, or obstinately defend, publicly or privately,
any of these wicked and scandalous opinions, or to keep,
transcribe, buy, or sell, any such books, he should be cast
into prison, and remain during his majesty's pleasure."+
This oppressive measure was found to be inefficacious. But,
to take away the key of knowledge, by effectually suppressing
these productions, a bill was soon after brought into the house
of lords. This impolitic step, however, met with a warm oppo-
sition, particularly from the duke of Lancaster; who said, “ We
will not be the dregs of all; seeing other nations have the law of
God, which is the law of faith, written in their own language."
He declared in a most solemn manner, that he would maintain
our having this law in our own tongue against those, whoever
they were, who brought in the bill. The duke was seconded
by others, who said, that if the Gospel, by being translated
into English, was the occasion of running into error, they
might know that there were more heretics to be found among
the Latins, than among the people of any other language.
For the Decretals enumerated no less than sixty-six Latin
heretics and so the Gospel, for the same reason, ought not
to be read in Latin, which the opposers of the English trans-
lation allowed. Upon this powerful opposition, therefore, the
bill was thrown out.
These public discussions gave encouragement to those who
Fox, vol. i. p. 580.
+ Collier, vol. i. p. 590.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
101
laboured and prayed for their country's emancipation from its
present slavery. The great national troubles, occasioned by
the invasion of the Scotts, and a change of administration, now
engaged the whole attention of the government. The followers
of Wickliffe, not insensible of this happy juncture, laboured
with becoming zeal and assiduity to promote their doctrines.
Their munificent efforts were not in vain. In many parts of
the country they had regular congregations, with pastors well
qualified for their work, whom they chose to preach the word
of life, and to administer the sacraments. These good people,
imbibing the spirit, and imitating the example, of the primi-
tive Christians, were the means of diffusing religious know-
ledge through most parts of the kingdom. The prelates at
length employed their holy zeal to suppress them. Henry
Spencer, bishop of Norwich, threatened loudly, that if any
were found in his diocese, he would make them, as he said,
'hop headless, or fry a fagot:" and it is added, that, as "he
was a rough and warlike prelate," he would most probably
have accomplished his threatening, but they had prudence
enough to keep out of his way.*
66
;
One of the preachers among these people, a person it seems
of distinguished eminence, maintained the following important
positions openly in the pulpit at Bristol :—“That every priest
ought to omit matins, mass, vespers, and other canonical
hours, rather than not have time to preach the word of God
because those offices are only of human institution.—That
every priest is authorized jure divino to preach the word of
God, without any supplemental license from his superiors.-
That those bishops and others who discountenance the preach-
ing of the word of God, take these measures to conceal their
own misconduct and immoralities.-That no priest ought to
forbear preaching, nor any laymen forbear hearing the word
of God, on account of being excommunicated."+
Notwithstanding the spirit prevailing in the two houses of
parliament, his majesty was a bondslave to the pope and his
prelates. The pontiff sent his thundering bulls against the
English heretics; and Richard, as an obedient son, received
them, listened to their instructions, and, testifying his zeal for
* Kennet, vol. i. p. 265.
+ Collier, vol. i. p. 579.
:
102
HISTORY OF
his holiness, immediately proceeded to acts of aggression and
persecution against many of his worthy subjects. These pious
Christians were apprehended by the bishops' officers, and cast
into prison; though it does not appear whether any of them
suffered death for the sin of heresy. King Richard had not
indeed the opportunity of promoting, in any great degree, the
tragic scenes of persecution; for he was soon after deposed
from his throne, and sent prisoner first to the tower, then to
Pontefract castle, where he was barbarously murdered.*
The prelates and clergy, during this reign, were much more
hostile to the allowance of Christian freedom, and the diffu-
sion of religious knowledge, than the monarch on the throne.
This might be expected. They knew that "their craft was
in danger;" therefore in the various legislative attempts to
rescue the nation from a foreign oppressive yoke, and to af-
ford the church a portion of religious liberty, they invariably
opposed the humane efforts, and wished all things to continue
as they were. Hence, these spiritual gentlemen, more than
once, made their open and solemn protestation in parliament,
"That they would in no wise assent to any law or statute in
restraint of the pope's authority, but would utterly withstand
the same;" ordering their protestations to be entered on re-
cord.t
+
Henry IV. succeeded Richard II., when the public affairs
were turned into a new channel; the small remains of liberty
were totally destroyed; and the fire of persecution was kindled
in every corner of the land. The bishops and clergy had
now a king exactly suited to their purpose, and ready in all
things to gratify their wishes. They did not fail to make
use of him as the tool of their tyrannical and base designs.
Henry, in his iniquitous act of deposing Richard, and usurp-
ing the throne, was assisted by archbishop Arundel. The
usurper and the primate, who had both been thought to fa-
vour the Reformers, now showed themselves their inveterate
enemies. We need not wonder, therefore, that such a king
and such a prelate most heartily concurred in the pious, but
fruitless attempt of exterminating heretics.§
* Fox, vol. i. p. 574-586.-Fuller, b. iv. p. 153. † Fox, vol. i. p. 583, 584.
‡ Ibid. p. 595.
§ Custance, p. 78.
+
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
103
The policy of the king, in taking every possible method to
secure the possession of his crown, was the distinguishing trait
in his genius; and he had too much discernment not to see
how necessary it was to the accomplishment of this object to
have the clergy firmly fixed in his interest. They were now
become more wealthy, powerful and insolent than at any
former period; therefore it was a constant maxim with Henry,
to do nothing which might tend in the least to disoblige them,
but to embrace every opportunity of testifying his regard for
their welfare. He was assured by this means, how ill soever
he used his other subjects, he should still preserve the reputa-
tion of a pious prince, zealous for the cause and honour of
God, which must greatly contribute to baffle every opposition.
The clergy had from age to age so connived at the high pre-
tensions of the court of Rome, that many attempts of former
parliaments to reform existing abuses, had proved ineffectual.
The people groaned for a reformation; so that though the
king was obliged at first, in compliance with his parliament, to
revive the statutes of premunire, yet the breach of them was
never more connived at than under the reign of this prince.
The followers of Wickliffe were now called Lollards, a term
of reproach by which heretics had been stigmatized in Ger-
many, and by which all pious Reformers were now distin-
guished in England. They endeavoured to extirpate all those
pernicious evils, which sloth and fraud had introduced into
the church.* Their number was greatly multiplied, chiefly by
the proceedings of the late reign, which had contributed greatly
to open the eyes of the people. The progress of heresy, indeed,
proved the inoffensive means of exciting the outrage of the
higher orders of the clergy, and, having every thing their own
way, they persecuted the pious Reformers with unrelenting
cruelty. The laws in existence were deemed insufficient to
prevent the growth of heresy, and secure the welfare of the
church; therefore the bishops craftily insinuated to Henry,
the signal advantage which he would derive by providing a
new law for the burning of heretics; and the pliant king, al-
ways a slave to ignorance and priestcraft, procured the bloody
act, called the statute Ex Officio; which authorized and com-
* Echard, p. 159.
Į
104.
HISTORY OF
manded the bishops to proceed against all persons suspected
of being tainted with heresy. Such as were found guilty were
to be committed to prison, and to remain "so long as to their
discretion should be thought expedient, and be fined as they
should think competent to the offence." In case they refused
to abjure and recant their heretical opinions and practices, the
said persons, after the sentence being pronounced, should
"be burned in the sight of all the people, to the intent that
this kind of punishment might be a terror unto others."*
This was the first law made in England for burning men,
who could not with a good conscience measure their religion
by the decrees of the Roman antichrist, nor by the standard
set up by the English legislature. This was the first time
that the English statute book was disgraced by a law to burn.
human beings, for the singular crime of choosing their religion
for themselves. This was the first instance in which the pro-
perty, and even the life of every Englishman was left entirely
at the disposal of his diocesan, when his religion was his only
crime. Thus the bishops were invested by law with power
and authority of doing what they pleased with the property
and lives of all the people in the land, who scrupulously de-
clined receiving the religion provided by the state.
What use and advantage, then, did their right reverend
fathers make of this immense and unexampled trust? When
it is recollected that their lordships were not distinguished
either for religion or morals; but were extravagantly fond of
outward pomp, and the accumulation of wealth, and remark-
able for usurpation and cruelty, especially in procuring the
barbarous statute; it may without injustice be supposed, that
the unbounded trust would be extremely gratifying to their
minds, and that they would not fail to make the intended use
of it to the utmost of their power. This supposition exactly
accords with the page of history. "The bishops left no means
unattempted to subvert the right ways of the Lord, and in the
diligent execution of the king's statute; insomuch that it is
marvellous how all other laws were neglected, and this only so
nearly followed." They never lost sight of their dignity, and
the enlargement of their estates, at the expense of the liberty,
the lives, and the property of the people.
* Fox, vol. i. p. 596.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
105
William Sautre, rector of St. Osithe, London, was the first
object on whom they wreaked their episcopal vengeance. This
reverend and learned divine was convened and examined be-
fore archbishop Arundel and the convocation, when his grace
pronounced him an obstinate heretic, and, as a heretic, he
ought to suffer death. By these terrific proceedings, he was
frightened into a recantation; but he was soon terrified out of
it by his conscience; and he became more zealous than ever
in the cause of true religion. Having formed the generous
design of a radical reformation of the church, both in doctrine
and discipline, he, with great piety and intrepidity, attended
in the upper house of parliament, and presented his petition
to the lords, that he might proceed in this great work, for the
unspeakable benefit of the nation.* This bold adventure
roused the energies of the bishops; when, being again con-
vened before the archbishop and his colleagues, he was de-
posed and degraded from his ministry, and pronounced an
obstinate and incorrigible heretic. Being thrust out of the
pope's dominion, and metamorphosed into a layman, he was
committed to the secular power; but, not content with this,
they urged the king with unceasing importunity to bring him
to speedy execution. His majesty, too ready to retain the fa-
vour and gratify the wishes of his clergy, issued the terrible
writ for his execution, addressed to the lord-mayor and she-
riffs of London.t
Sautre was, accordingly, burnt in the year 1400, and was
the first in this country who suffered under this act, for the
testimony of a good conscience. In this very extraordinary
case we see the worst kind of intolerance and barbarity, as
well in the first ecclesiastics in the nation, as in the monarch
under their influence; who, upon their advice, proceeded,
without hesitation, to authorize the murder of one of his best
subjects. Thus it may appear," says the venerable Mar-
tyrologist, "how kings and princes have been blinded and
abused by the false prelates of the church, in as much as they
have been their slaves and butchers, to slay Christ's poor in-
nocent members. Therefore what danger, there is, when
princes have not knowledge and understanding themselves;
+ Fox, vol. i. p. 586–590.
* Kennet, vol. i. p. 282.
106
HISTORY OF
but are led by other men's eyes, and trusting to those guides,
who through hypocrisy deceive them, and through cruelty
devour the people !”*
Many viewed the horrid death of this holy martyr, as a
chariot of fire, in which, like Elijah, his happy spirit ascended
the skies. John Badby, an illiterate mechanic, suffered for
the same cause, and though the prince of Wales made him
the most tempting offers, if he would conform to the faith of
holy church, he nobly persisted to give his body to be burned,
for that which appeared to him a purer faith. Even the house
of commons was suspected of being tinged with heretical pra-
vity; for it proposed to the king to seize the church lands,
and petitioned for a mitigation of the severities against the
Lollards. But the king and the clergy afforded each other
mutual support. The lords spiritual and temporal petitioned
that justice might be done upon these troubles of Israel; com-
plaining that unlawful conventicles were held, and preaching
in schools and private houses diffused the poison of heresy
among his majesty's liege subjects. Wickliffe's bible was se-
creted as a precious, though forbidden, treasure, and the ef
fects of it appeared in teaching men to despise consecrated
walls, to hold assemblies wherever they could hear the Scrip-
tures explained, and offer worship to God according to his
holy instructions, through "one Mediator between God and
men, the man Christ Jesus." These were the nonconformists
of their day and their numbers were so great, that it was
deemed impossible to provide prisons sufficient to contain
them.
The prelates, besides their continued care and assiduity in
the execution of the memorable statute, were no less industri-
ous in making additions to it, from time to time, by devising
new ecclesiastical constitutions; and even as soon as the sta-
tute was passed, archbishop Arundel made an addition of
thirteen constitutions, equally barbarous and bloody as the
statute itself. These are preserved on record, but too long
to be recited; only one particular it may not be improper to
notice: "We will and command, that no book or treatise
made by John Wickliffe, or any other, be from henceforth
* Fox, vol. i. p. 586–590.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
107
read in schools, halls, hospitals, or other places whatsoever,
within our province of Canterbury, except the same be first
examined by the university of Oxford or Cambridge. It is a
dangerous thing to translate the text of the holy Scripture out
of one tongue into another; we, therefore, decree and ordain,
that no man hereafter by his own authority translate any text
of the Scripture into English, or any other tongue, by way of
book or treatise; and that no man read any such book or
treatise, lately set forth by John Wickliffe, or hereafter to be
set forth, in part or in whole, privately or openly, upon pain
of the greater excommunication !”*
Popery was now become so formidable, that the Reformers
were extremely circumspect in all their communications. The
bishops having the king on their side, and being armed with
laws and constitutions, with fire and fagot, reigned and ruled
as they pleased, and considered themselves as lords of the pro-
perty and consciences of the people. "So strong were they
in power, that no human force could withstand them ; and so
exalted in pride and vain-glory, that they concluded all things
to be subject to their authority." Whatsoever they decreed,
they expected all men to receive and obey. Such, indeed,
was their superstitious vanity and blindness, that whatsoever
frivolous trifle entered their fancy, it was presently established
for law, to be observed by all. This was manifest to all be-
holders. The archbishop of Canterbury and his brethren
having obtained a little leisure from slaying the innocent peo-
ple of God, directed their thoughts to invent and obtrude
the church new ceremonies and customs, as ornaments
to religion, and improvements to the worship of God. With
these supercilious traditions and impositions of men, the
church of England was exceedingly pestered for many ages,
and has never been entirely released from them to this day.†
The foregoing barbarous statute and constitutions being so
upon
* Fox, vol. i. p. 596-600.
+ The pomp, and pride, and superstition of the prelates were so glaring
and ridiculous, that archbishop Arundel passing through the city of London,
waited for the ringing of the bells of all the churches, in token of his ma-
jesty and triumph; but many of the bells were totally silent; for which
offence he pronounced, in great displeasure, the sentence of suspension
against all the steeples and churches whose bells had not revered and ho-
noured him!-Fox, vol. i. p. 632.
108
HISTORY OF
permanently established, and so vigilantly executed, who
could have thought that the name, or even the memory, of
the persecuted, would have remained unextinguished? But
God's ways are not as men's ways, nor his thoughts as their
thoughts. He often causeth the wrath of man to praise him,
and the remainder of wrath he will restrain. So in the in-
stance before us, to the honour of divine grace, the more the
outward tribulations of his people increased, the more their
inward consolations abounded; and the farther they seemed
from the joys of this life, the nearer was the Lord with his
grace, to confirm and comfort their souls: yea, the more the
servants of God were harassed and persecuted, the more they
multiplied and increased daily; especially in London, Lin-
colnshire, Norfolk, Herefordshire, Shropshire, and various
other places. Some indeed recanted, and carried fagots at
Paul's cross; but multitudes stood firm and unshaken under
all the cruelties inflicted upon them.*
In the former class was John Purvey, a man of great cele-
brity; but being "grievously tormented and punished in the
prison of Saltwood," at length recanted at Paul's cross. He
lived in the time of Wickliffe, and is called "The Library of
Lollards and Glosser on Wickliffe." He was thoroughly con-
versant with the opinions of the great Reformer; and, to the
day of his death, was unwearied in his labours to promote
them: especially the following:-" That auricular confession,
or private penance, destroys the liberty of the Gospel, and was
brought in by the pope and his clergy, to entangle men's con-
sciences in sin, and draw their souls to hell:-That many pre-
lates and clergy live wickedly, contrary to the doctrine and
example of Christ and his apostles; therefore, they have not
the keys of heaven and hell, nor ought any Christian to esteem
their censure of any force: Yea, though the pope should
interdict the realm; yet could he not hurt, but profit us; for
as much as we should thereby be dismissed from observing his
laws, and from saying the service according to the custom of
the church :-Whosoever taketh upon him the office of priest,
although he have not the charge of souls according to the cus-
tom of the church, not only may, but ought, to preach the
*Fox, vol. i. p. 609, 631.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
109
Gospel freely to the people; otherwise he is a thief, and excom-
municated of God and the church :-The popes, bishops, and
clergy, in making so rany laws and ceremonies, were fools
and seducers of Christians; but we ought not to believe their
determinations, nor obey their laws, except they be plainly
grounded upon the holy Scripture."*
We have already noticed how Wickliffe's views of the
Gospel, had entered the two houses of parliament. When the
king wanted money, the commons took occasion to renew their
address to his majesty upon the state of the clergy, and their
petition in favour of the persecuted Lollards. In the former,
they set forth the enormous revenues of churchmen, which
were spent in unnecessary worldly pomp and grandeur; but
if his majesty would take away these burdensome offices and
estates, the kingdom would be in a better state of defence,
more ample provision would be made for the poor, and the
clergy would be more observant of the duties of their func-
tion in the latter, they prayed that the statute for burning
heretics might either be repealed, or at least receive some
favourable alterations. The reader will easily conjecture what
kind of treatment these public guardians would meet with
from the various orders of clergy, and from the historians who
have recorded these transactions. The names of Lollard and
heretic were plentifully distributed, and the petitions were con-
demned as laying the axe at the root of all religion! This they
insinuated to the king, with all the aggravating circumstances
which party-prejudice and self-interest could suggest. The
king, whose interest was combined with that of the clergy,
answered the commons with sharpness, that he would not con-
sent to their petitions, and prohibited them expressly from med-
dling any more with the affairs of the church. This righteous
king reminded them that, so far from repealing the statute
against the Lollards, he wished that its rigours might be
increased, and that heresy might be entirely rooted out of the
kingdom.
G
One very conspicuous trait is, indeed, recorded of the higher
clerical orders of these times. By the tyranny and intrigues
of the crown, persons of distinction were not unfrequently
* Fox, vol. i. p. 619, 619.
110
HISTORY OF
impeached of high treason, and tried for the greatest crimes
against the state; on which occasions the bishops pretended to
be so tender in the cause of blood, that they withdrew and
alleged in their defence the prohibitions of the canons of the
church: but these very bishops were so sanguinary, that they
made themselves the only judges in cases of heresy, where life
was forfeited in the most cruel manner, in direct opposition to
the canon of Scripture. Could it be thought a blemish in the
character of an ecclesiastic, to assist in the condemnation of a
traitor to the scaffold, who had been guilty of murder and
subversion of the laws; and could the same ecclesiastics be
allowed without blame, to convict heretics and deliver them to
the most abhorrent kind of death, when their religion was their
only crime? Those who could think thus, my author adds,
were hypocrites, or else blinded by those "who strain at a
gnat and swallow a camel." But these bishops, who had peti-
tioned for the bloody statute, had divested themselves, not
only of that mercy which was essential to their sacred cha-
racter, but also of the charity and forbearance of Christianity,
and of the good-nature of Englishmen. To burn men for no
other reason, than that they would not renounce what appear-
ed to them to be important truth, and an essential part of their
allegiance to God, was a species of cruelty at which human
nature shudders.* But the poor Lollards, who incurred the
unrelenting displeasure of the bishops, by broaching doctrines
repugnant to their temporal grandeur or secular interest, were
without mercy cast into the flames; and the churches through
the land sounded with encomiums of the king, who had given
such unquestionable proof of his zeal and piety, that he was
esteemed the champion of religion, and the darling of the
priesthood. Though he was a cruel and oppressive tyrant,
and placed on the throne by the good-will of the parliament,
whose rights he constantly endeavoured to subvert; yet he was
applauded by the clergy as a prince endowed with mildness,
piety, and all the other virtues ornamental to the character of
man.
Upon the death of king Henry IV. in the year 1413, his
son, Henry V., succeeded to the crown. The clergy, ever
* Warner, vol. i. p. 524, 526.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
111
awake to their own secular advantage, were determined to
obtain security against all future attempts to diminish their
revenues, by seizing and improving to their own interest, that
complaisance which is usually found in young princes upon
their accessions to their thrones. They were persuaded that
such attempts had greatly promoted the doctrine of the Lol-
lards. Therefore, as those principles were countenanced by
men of the first rank, and of the highest reputation in the
kingdom, they resolved to lay the axe to the root of the tree,
and by boldly attacking the patrons of these reformists, deter
all others from presuming to advance those opinions which
they disapproved. The first object of their indignation, was
the excellent lord Cobham, the most popular man in the king-
dom. He was a person of the first eminence, and a constant
friend and supporter of the pious Reformers. He expended
large sums of money in transcribing Wickliffe's writings, which
he caused to be dispersed into every corner of the land, and
through the different nations of Europe. He, moreover, sup-
ported a great number of Wickliffe's disciples, as itinerant
preachers in many parts of the country, particularly in the
dioceses of Canterbury, London, Rochester, and Hereford.
He took so little pains to conceal his opinions, and acted in so
public a manner, that he was considered as the head and pillar
of the reforming party; consequently he drew upon himself
the resentment of the bigoted ecclesiastics, and was to them
the most obnoxious person in the kingdom.
The convocation which assembled the first year after his
majesty's accession, was principally under the direction and
influence of archbishop Arundel. The chief subject of their
debate was the growth of heresy, but the great object of the
archbishop was the destruction of lord Cobham; for it was
presumed, that, if his ruin could be effected, it would strike
terror into all who adhered to the same opinions. But, as lord
Cobham was in favour with the king, and very popular at
court, the enterprise required great caution. The sagacious
prelate first sounded the king's sentiments, by requesting an
order from his majesty to send commissioners to Oxford, to
inquire into the growth of heresy; to which request the king
had no objection.
Oxford was at this time the seat of heresy. Wickliffe was
112
HISTORY OF
still remembered there with gratitude and esteem; and his
learning, eloquence, fortitude, and unwearied labours in the
cause of unadulterated truth and religious freedom, had made
a deep impression, and were still objects of admiration. His
tenets had spread widely among the students, whose ingenu-
ousness rendered them more open to conviction. Nor, indeed,
was it uncommon to hear his opinions publicly maintained in
the schools. The governing party of the university were,
however, firmly attached to the established order.
The commissioners were respectfully received at Oxford;
and, having made their necessary inquiries, they returned with
the particulars to the archbishop, who laid them before the
convocation. Long debates immediately ensued. The result
was, that heresy was greatly increased, which was particularly
owing to the influence of lord Cobham, who not only avowed
his heretical opinions, but encouraged scholars from Oxford
and other places, by bountiful stipends, to propagate those
opinions in the country. In the conclusion, it was determin-
ed, that without delay a prosecution should be commenced
against him. Into this hasty measure the convocation would
have run, had not a cool and politic head among them sug-
gested, that, as lord Cobham was not only a favourite, but
even a domestic at court, it was highly improper to proceed
farther in this business, till application had been made to the
king. This advice prevailed; and the archbishop, at the head
of a large procession of dignitaries, waited upon Henry. His
grace insinuated to the king the amazing growth of heresy,
which could not fail to draw down the wrath of heaven on
the kingdom; and the great glory that would reflect on a
young monarch to commence his reign by engaging in the
cause of God, and defending the church against heretics, for
which God would assuredly crown all his enterprises with suc-
cess. The archbishop, therefore, with more acrimony than
decency, laid before the king the offence of his servant lord
Cobham, and begged his majesty would suffer them for Christ's
sake to put him to death.
Henry has not unjustly been charged with cruelty; but, in
this instance, he showed a spirit of lenity. With great cool-
ness, he told the furious arch-prelate, that although he had a
particular desire to uphold the church, and was sensible that
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
113
unity was the life of Christianity; yet he had ever been averse
from shedding human blood in the cause of religion; and he
thought that the most prudent method to convince those who
erred, "was mild persuasion and convincing arguments."*
Violence, in his opinion, was more destructive of truth than of
error. He enjoined the convocation, therefore, to postpone the
affair a few days; in which time he would himself reason with
lord Cobham, whose behaviour he by no means approved; and
if his efforts should prove ineffectual, he would then leave him
to the censures of the church.
With this answer the primate seemed satisfied; and the king
sending for lord Cobham, endeavoured by all the arguments in
his power, to set before him the high offence of separating from
the church; and pathetically exhorted him to retract his errors.
Cobham's religious principles were too deeply rooted to be
shaken by his majesty's arguments; and his regard for the
unadulterated truth and liberty of the Gospel, were too great
for him to sacrifice in base complaisance to the wishes of his
sovereign. He knew that the religion of Jesus, not only
allowed him to think and determine for himself, but also laid
him under indispensable obligation so to do; therefore he thus
replied to the reasoning and advice of the king :-" I ever was
a dutiful subject to your majesty, and I hope ever shall be.
Next to God, I profess obedience to my king. But as to the
spiritual dominion of the pope, I never could see on what foun-
dation it is claimed, nor can I pay him any obedience. As sure
as God's word is true, to me it is fully evident, that he is the
great antichrist foretold in holy writ."
This bold and unexpected answer so exceedingly shocked
the king, that, turning away in visible displeasure, he withdrew
from that time every mark of favour from the heretical cour-
tier. He now gave the archbishop leave to proceed against
him, with the utmost extremity, and, as Bale says, "accord-
ing to the devilish decrees, which they call the laws of holy
church."
The vast superiority which the prelates had obtained, in the
parliament, in the cabinet, and, consequently, in the church,
laid almost every murmur asleep; and they even boasted in
VOL. I.
* Kennet, vol. i. p. 310.
I
………………
î
114
HISTORY OF
}
the language of the prophet, that "not a dog durst move his
tongue against them." Lord Cobham was presently appre-
hended by the archbishop, arraigned before him, treated with
insult, and committed to the tower. Placed in these perilous
circumstances, he foresaw his fate. Having received the holy
sentence of condemnation, he was dragged to the place of
execution. St. Giles' fields was the spot appointed for the
outrageous tragedy; where both as a traitor, and a heretic, he
was hung in chains upon a gallows, and then burnt to death
in the presence of the people. This valiant champion for
truth and liberty submitted to his tragical death, "with the
utmost bravery and most triumphant joy, exhorting the people
to follow the instructions which God had given them in the
Scriptures; and to disclaim those false teachers, whose lives
and conversation were so contrary to Christ and his religion."+
Such was the unworthy fate of this man; who, though in
every respect the ornament of his country, fell a sacrifice to
the unfeeling outrage and barbarous superstition of tyranniz-
ing prelates. His character and sufferings were a principal
means of giving stability to the opinions he embraced. And
while he made it appear, that religion was not merely calculat-
ed for a cloister, but might be introduced into the higher circles.
of fashionable life; he gave the world the most convincing
proof, that it was not beneath a person of his rank to endure
every kind of insult, and even death itself, for the sake of those
inviolable rights which exclusively subsist between God and a
man's own conscience. The whole behaviour of Henry towards
his greatest favourite, "a man of consummate probity," gives
no favourable idea of his integrity, since he acted in direct
opposition to his own declared sentiments, and sacrificed a man
for whom he had the highest esteem; in which his object was
to secure the interest of the clergy, and thus to pave the way
for the accomplishment of his own ambitious projects.
The barbarous persecution of lord Cobham presents the
reader with a correct view of the ecclesiastical usurpations and
oppressions of this period. He was not, however, the only
person who felt the vengeance of the bigoted and superstitious
* Fox, vol. i. p. 637–668. 731.-Gilpin's Lives, vol. i. p. 105-137.
+ Custance, p. 81.
i
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
115
prelates. Many others, pious and faithful servants of God,
who could not yield their consciences and their souls to the
servitude of existing impositions, fell a sacrifice to furious and
infatuated bigotry.*
These encroachments and oppressions had no bounds. The
unjust and inhuman methods adopted by the bishops in the per-
secution of these good people, is not unworthy of remembrance.
In their proceedings against them, they always mixed some
capital errors, which all Christians rejected, with those of which
they accused them; and some particulars being proved, they
gave it out that they were guilty of all, to represent them the
more odious !+ By the terrors which these unrelenting cruelties
diffused through the kingdom, the pious Reformers were for
a time almost annihilated. They were hunted down, and their
books searched after and destroyed. In this gloomy period
nothing but bonds, imprisonment, and death awaited those who
dared to reject the errors of popery, and profess a more scrip-
tural faith. It would be endless to recount the names of
those pious persons, who, in this age, sealed the truth with
their blood. Suffice it to say, that whilst great numbers cheer-
fully sacrificed their lives rather than make shipwreck of faith
and a good conscience, the flames with which they were encir-
cled, cast a luminous glory around the dying martyrs, and
rendered their Christian heroism powerfully impressive on those
who beheld their faith and patience, and who shuddered with
equal horror at their bloody executioners, and the clergy who
were the instigators of these cruelties.‡
The Lollards were not the only persons who were convinced
of the necessity of lessening the power of churchmen; but the
parliament, which had agreed to the severest statutes against
them, now discovered their determination to reduce the clergy
within more proper bounds. The clergy took care, however, to
stigmatize all who opposed their secularity and worldly gran-
deur by the obnoxious name of Lollards; and, to render them
and their designs the more odious, they represented them as
acting upon heretical principles; in the same manner as in later
times, they who discovered their zeal for emancipation from the
* Fox, vol. i. p. 669, 748-753.
Custance, p. 82.
+ Burnet, vol. i. p. 29.
1 2
116
HISTORY OF
སརཱ ཏི
arbitrary measures of church and state, were branded with the
odious name of puritans. "The clergy," says my author,
"having their authority fortified with such severe laws, were
now more cruel and insolent than ever. And if any man
denied them any part of that respect, or of those advantages,
to which they pretended, he was presently brought under
suspicion of heresy, and vexed with imprisonments, and articles
were brought against him.”*
These disgraceful and monstrous proceedings, professedly
under the dictation of infallibility, and in support of what was
called "the only true church of Christ," were carried on for
many generations. The faithful page of our venerable Mar-
tyrologist, has detailed the awful facts, which are sufficient to
move any hearts except those of stone.
It is, indeed, pecu-
liarly reviving, amidst these dark and oppressive scenes, to
behold a beam of light dart across the dismal gloom, promis-
ing a rising sun to dispel the clouds of ignorance and error.
Wickliffe stands among the foremost, whose labours tended
to enlighten the sphere in which he moved, and unbolt the
gates of truth, which, for generations, had been shut by the
seclusion of the oracles of God from the sight of the people.
But it was in the reign of king Henry VI., son and successor
of Henry V., that an event transpired of incalculable impor-
tance to the republic of letters, to the diffusion of Christian
knowledge, and to the restoration of the rights of conscience:
the reader will easily guess, that this was the Invention of
PRINTING. It was first discovered and practised, in the year
1450, or 1455, by one John Faustus, a goldsmith, at Mentz
in Germany; and was afterwards introduced into this country
by the celebrated William Caxton.
The prelates and clergy were soon alarmed at the conse-
quences resulting from this invention. They clearly saw it
would make the people too knowing to continue their souls in
tame submission to existing oppressions. Complaint was pre-
sently carried to the pope, "That his holiness could not be
ignorant what effects the invention of printing had produced ;
for men now began to call in question the present faith and
tenets of the church, and to examine how far religion had
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 27.
A
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
117
departed from its primitive institution. What was particularly
to be lamented, they had exhorted the laity even to read the
Scriptures, and to pray in their vulgar tongue. That if these
things were suffered, the common people might at last believe
that there was not so much need of the clergy; for if men were
once persuaded, they could make their own way to God, and
that prayers in their ordinary language might pierce heaven,
as well as those in Latin: how much would the authority of
the mass fall? And how prejudicial might this prove to all
ecclesiastical orders ?”*
The following observations on this subject, exposing the
ecclesiastical oppressions and infatuated superstitions, are sub-
mitted to the reader's perusal :-" By printing," says John
Fox, "tongues are known, knowledge groweth, judgment
increaseth, books are dispersed, the Scriptures are seen, the
doctors are read, stories are opened, times compared, truth
discerned, falsehood detected, and all through the benefit of
printing. Wherefore I suppose, that either the pope must
abolish printing, or he must seek a new world to reign over;
for else, as this world standeth, printing will doubtless abolish
him. But the pope and all his college of cardinals, must
understand, that through the light of printing the world
beginneth now to have eyes to see, and heads to judge: he
cannot walk so visible in a net, but he will be spied. Although
by power he before stopped the mouth of John Huss and of
Jerome, that they might not preach, thinking to make his
kingdom sure; yet, instead of John Huss and others, God
hath opened the press to preach, whose voice the pope is never
able to stop with all the puissance of his triple crown. By
this printing, as by the gift of tongues, and as by the singular
organ of the Holy Ghost, the doctrine of the Gospel soundeth
to all nations and countries under heaven; and what God
revealeth to one man, is dispersed to many, and what is known
to one nation, is opened to all."+
About the time that printing was discovered, was the ini-
quitous persecution of Reignald Peacock, the learned and
pious bishop of Chichester. He had openly declared in his
sermons at Paul's cross, That the office of a Christian prelate
* Kennet, vol. ii. p. 60.
+ Fox, vol. i. p. 803.
118
HISTORY OF
܀
i
}
is chiefly, and above all things, to preach the word of God.-
That human reason is not to be preferred above the Scrip-
tures of the Old and New Testament.-That the use of the
sacraments, as they are now administered, is worse than the
use of the law of nature.—That the bishops, who buy their
admissions of the bishop of Rome, commit sin.-That no man
is bound to believe and obey the determination of the church
of Rome.—That the riches of the bishops, are the goods of
the poor.-That of the four senses put upon the Scripture,
none is to be taken but the first and proper sense.—That the
authority of the ancient fathers is to be held in very little
estimation.—And that the wilful begging of friers, is to be
condemned as idle and needless.
This daring prelate felt the tenderest sympathy for the peo-
ple overwhelmed in ignorance and superstition; and, to alleviate
their misery, he trod in the steps of Wickliffe, and laboured
many years in translating the Bible into English. For his ge-
nerous endeavours to benefit society, and to promote the pros-
perity of the Christian church, he was exceedingly despised and
hated by most of his brethren; but he continued unmolested
so long as he enjoyed the favour and protection of the duke
of Gloucester, through whom he obtained his promotion.*
This honourable patron of piety and learning, however, was
no sooner laid in the grave, than Peacock, for preaching the
above doctrines, was convened before the archbishop and his
colleagues, when his opinions were stigmatized "dangerous
and damnable heresies," and he was required to make a de-
basing recantation openly at Paul's cross, when all his books
were burnt before his eyes. He was then detained a prisoner
for life; and he was murdered in prison by his unfeeling per-
secutors.+
The church of England continued under these spiritual
usurpations and oppressions, with little or no alteration,
through the successive reigns of king Edward IV., Edward
V., Richard III., and Henry VII. The last of these
princes, is said to have been submissive to the pope, but
not servile; for “his devotion was seldom without design;
so using his holiness, that he seldom stooped to him with any
* Kennet, vol. i. p. 415.
+ Fox, vol. i.
p. 806.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
119
1
low reverence, but he took up something to answer his own
ends." He was particularly respectful to his clergy, trusting
and employing them in state affairs, more than his nobility.
But to the poor persecuted Lollards, he was more cruel than
his predecessors; for not only at the beginning of his reign
did he connive at the barbarities inflicted upon them by the
bishops, but, towards the close of it, he treated them with the
most wanton cruelty.
This prince, being shocked to find his kingdom eaten up
by foreign locusts, intruded into all the ecclesiastical benefices
by popish reservations, resolutely set himself to resist the
usurpations of Rome, the parliament affording their co-ope-
ration by strongly remonstrating against this papal plunder.
These noble attempts seem to have failed; and the dread of
anathemas from his holiness still held the nation in a state
of grievous thraldom. A few, and only a few, emancipated
their minds from these oppressive terrors.
These happy
commencements did not indeed stop here. The works of
Wickliffe, as we have observed, crossed the seas, and were
eagerly read and circulated on the continent. The famous
John Huss, and Jerome of Prague fell martyrs for the truth:
but multitudes in Bohemia and other countries cordially em-
braced their opinions, and promoted, with becoming zeal, the
great work of spiritual emancipation.
In England the minds of men in general, being debased by
ignorance, and enslaved by superstition, were prepared with-
out examination to acquiesce in the claims of authority, and
tamely to submit to every yoke. Popery has always been
found adverse to religious freedom. The Romish court, while
it aimed directly at the establishment of spiritual despotism in
the hands of ecclesiastics, contributed to rivet the chains of
political servitude upon the people. In return for the sup-
port which princes yielded to its arrogant claims, it was con-
tent to invest them with an absolute authority over the bodies
of their subjects. By the priestly unction, performed at the
coronation of kings in the name of the holy see, a sacred cha-
racter was understood to be communicated, which raised them
to a superiority over their nobility not possessed in the feudal
ages, and rendered their persons inviolable, and their office
divine. Although the sovereign pontiffs claimed, and, on dif-
120
HISTORY OF
ferent occasions, exercised the power of dethroning kings, and
of absolving subjects from their allegiance; yet any attempt
of this kind from the people, was denounced as a crime de-
serving the severest punishment in this world, and damnation
in the next. Hence sprung the divine right of kings to rule
independently of their people, and passive obedience and non-
resistance to their will; under the sanction of which they
were encouraged to sport with the lives and happiness of their
subjects, and to indulge in the most tyrannical and wanton
acts of oppression, without the dread of resistance, or of being
called to an account by any power on earth. Hence it was
easy for a powerful and ambitious monarch to violate the rights
of the people with impunity, and to establish an administra-
tion completely despotic and arbitrary. It is to the religious
spirit which afterwards spread so rapidly throughout Britain,
and diffused itself among all classes of men, that we are chiefly
indebted for the propagation of the genuine principles of reli-
gious freedom, and the consequent melioration of the govern-
ment, with the peace and happiness of society. Henry VII.
died in the year 1509.
From the foregoing events, the reader will behold, as in the
light of day, the principles of spiritual usurpation, together
with the intolerant and antichristian spirit which they invari-
ably betray. Ignorance, uncharitableness, bigotry, and per-
secution have constantly been the baneful effects of those
principles. The Romish, as well as other clergy, when di-
vested of power, can with great ease assume appearances of
charity and moderation; but these appearances deserve no
regard. We are constrained to make our appeal to a more
just and righteous tribunal, by an examination of the anti-
christian principle on which all spiritual dominion is founded,
and of the practice invariably flowing from it; and, by this
most just process, it appears to be an incontrovertible fact,
grounded on the most clear and satisfactory evidence, that
whenever the church has possessed a sufficient degree of
power, its charity and moderation have been overbalanced by
、a flaming zeal for its own superstitious inventions, its corrupt
impositions, and the extirpation of what it is pleased to call
error or heresy. To accomplish these pious frauds, the ca-
tholic church has seldom scrupled to employ the axe and the
wheel, the gibbet and the stake.
J
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
121
We also clearly see from the foregoing pages, what a long
and dreary night overspread and almost destroyed the church
of God. But amidst the general apostacy, the great Head of
the Church, who takes care of the fowls of heaven and the
lilies of the field, took care of his own cause, and reigned in
his own kingdom. He raised up and richly endowed his own
servants, from one generation to another; and sent them forth
with something like apostolic zeal, maintaining the rights of
God and of conscience. These holy men, with the book of
life in their hands, and the grace of God in their hearts, at-
tempted to illuminate the country overspread with darkness,
to convince the people of their innumerable superstitions, and
to deliver the nation from its long and intolerable slavery.
God was pleased to honour and bless their labours. Although
they went "as sheep among wolves," and were treated with
the worst kind of inhumanity and barbarity, especially by
those who ought to have known better; yet God supported
and comforted them in the mighty conflict, and increased
daily the number of true converts to Christ. Notwithstand-
ing the severe and continued persecutions of these dark ages,
the seed was sown that could not die, but was kept alive
through a long and dreary winter; yea, the doctrines of
Christian freedom were, in numerous instances, even in these
gloomy and oppressive times, wonderfully triumphant over
the grossest superstition and most barbarous cruelty. The
early Reformers were much better acquainted with the only
grounds of religious liberty and the rights of conscience, than
could have been expected; for they invariably maintained,
that every man was bound to think and judge for himself on
all religious subjects, and that the Word of God was the only
test of Christian doctrine and practice, to the exclusion of hu-
man control.
The whole system of popery is founded on the arrogant
usurpation of man; and persecution and the suppression of
the rights of conscience, were the only weapons by which
its interested supporters were able to defend this system of
corruption and imposture. Every avenue by which truth
might enter was guarded as carefully as possible, by the bi-
shops and the inferior clergy. Learning was branded as the
parent of heresy. The most frightful pictures were drawn of
122
HISTORY OF
those who separated from the Romish church, and held up
before the eyes of the people, to deter them from imitating
their example. If any person, who had attained a degree of
illumination amidst the general darkness, began towards the
close of this period to make known his dissatisfaction with ex-
isting corruptions, and to propose the correction of abuses, he
was immediately stigmatized as a heretic; and, unless he se-
cured his safety by flight, was immured in a dungeon, or
committed to the flames.
The state of religion at this time was truly deplorable.
The functions of the ministry were generally neglected, and
gross ignorance prevailed. All ranks of men were extremely
depraved in their morals, and the pope's penitentiary had
published the price of every crime, as it was rated in the tax-
book of the Roman chancery. Marriages, which reason and
scripture allowed, the pope prohibited, and for money dispens-
ed with those which both forbade. Church benefices were
sold to children and to laymen, who then let them to under-
tenants, none of whom performed the duty for which the pro-
fits were paid; but having obtained them by simony, they
spent their lives in fleecing the flock to repay themselves.
The Roman pontiff claimed an infallibility of knowledge,
and an omnipotence of strength, forbidding the world to exa-
mine his arrogant claims. He was addressed by titles of blas-
phemy, and though he owned no jurisdiction over himself; yet
he affected to extend his authority over heaven and hell, as
well as over a middle place called purgatory, of all which
places, he said he kept the keys. This irregular church
polity was attended with quarrels, intrigues, schisms, and
wars. The pillars, that supported this edifice, were immense
riches, arising, by imposts, from the sins of mankind; idle
distinctions between supreme and subordinate adoration;
senseless axioms, called the divinity of the schools; cruel
casuistry, consisting of a body of dangerous and scandalous
morality; false miracles and midnight visions; spurious
books, and paltry relics; oaths, dungeons, inquisitions, and
crusades. The whole was styled, THE HOLY, CATHOLIC, AND
APOSTOLIC CHURCH, and laid to the charge of Jesus Christ.
From this sketch of the deplorable state of religion and reli-
gious freedom, we may see how false is the representation
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
123
which some persons would impose upon us; as if popery were
a system, erroneous indeed, but purely speculative; supersti-
tious, but harmless; provided it had not been accidentally
accompanied with intolerance and cruelty. The very reverse
is the truth. It may be safely affirmed, that there is not one
of its erroneous tenets, or of its superstitious practices, which
was not either originally contrived, or afterwards accommo-
dated, to advance and support some practical abuse; to ag-
grandize the ecclesiastical order, secure to them immunity
from civil jurisdiction, sanctify their encroachments upon se-
cular authorities, vindicate their usurpations upon the con-
sciences of men, cherish implicit obedience to the decisions
of the church, and extinguish free inquiry and liberal
science.
All these evils were brought into active operation. Super-
stition was become triumphant. Power was in the hands
of oppressors.
Abuses were grown inveterate by ages of
prescription. The clergy were corrupt beyond conception.
Ignorance maintained its throne with sacred jealousy. Learn-
ing itself was not allowed to pry into the mysteries of iniquity
established by law and custom. A feeble band, however
scattered and distressed, struggled for life, through these
gloomy generations, and, preserved by a divine and gracious
Providence, kept alive the vital spark of religion. The fire
long smothered, was now ready to burst into a flame; and
being destined to consume the wood, hay, stubble, of super-
stition and intolerance, it will continue to "shine brighter
and brighter unto the perfect day.”
}
124
HISTORY OF
.]
CHAPTER II.
THE REIGN OF KING HENRY VIII.
SECTION I.
The Diffusion of Liberal Principles opposed by Henry and his
Bishops.
On the accession of king Henry VIII., son of Henry VII.,
religious liberty may be considered as totally suppressed,
and pure religion itself as deplorably obscured or nearly anni-
hilated. The reign of this prince was the era whence the intro-
duction of classical taste into England, may properly be dated.
Henry himself received a liberal education, and favoured and
promoted men of literary acquirements. This, with the in-
vention of printing, was productive of the best effects; and,
as light and knowledge increased, sentiments much more
liberal began to be diffused through the nation. The pro-
gress was extremely slow, but certain; and required much
time, accompanied with many painful struggles, to release the
nation in any degree from its mental slavery. This was too
much to be expected in one king's reign.
The bishops and clergy were of all persons, the most hos-
tile to Christian toleration. Sunk in superstition, covetous-
ness, and debauchery, and living in the neglect of their
cures, they were, with very few exceptions, constantly op-
posed to every alteration or deviation from the established
order.* These vices and iniquities, constituting the leading
traits of the principal ecclesiastics, were freely laid open, and
justly censured, by the excellent dean Colet, in his celebrated
sermon before the convocation. Though the suppression of
free inquiry and liberal principles was manifestly the great
object of the throne, and of the convocation, the glorious light
of truth and righteousness, through an overruling Providence,
broke forth on the right hand and on the left.
*Fox, vol. ii. p. 230.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
125
Henry was a prince of mixed character, possessing some of
those excellent qualities which adorn the character of man,
but accompanied with almost innumerable foibles, and dis-
graced by the most cruel practices. He was a great wit, a
considerable scholar, and well read in scholastic divinity;*
but he was a tyrant both in church and state, and extremely
passionate, inconsistent, and unstable in all his ways. In
more instances than one, he raised persons to the highest
pinnacle of honour, grandeur, and wealth; and then, with
unexampled vengeance, hurled them down the precipice of
destruction. His reign was one continued commotion; in
which, however, many events transpired which served greatly
to open the eyes of the nation, and to generate better princi-
ples in the minds of the people.
It will not be necessary to detail the numerous instances of
cruelty and torture inflicted upon the persecuted Lollards,
but to give a correct and lucid statement of the situation of
Christian liberty under this despotic monarch. Through the
various stages of his reign, he imitated or outstripped his -
predecessors in almost every act of arrogance and barbarity,
making himself inquisitor-general and grand judge of heretics.
When they were condemned to die, he descended to the office
of sitting in judgment upon them; and when they were burn-
ing at a stake, it has been said that he feasted his brutal eyes
with the shocking spectacle.
The pope and the king were of one heart and one mind,
while the nation groaned under oppressive exactions to supply
the rapine, luxury, and ambitious projects of the Roman pre-
lates. Unmoved and tranquil, the omnipotent pontiff looked
down from his high and lofty throne, treating the murmurs
of the people with disdain, and their requests for a reforma-
tion with contempt. He was sufficiently armed to punish the
refractory, and furnished with every engine of preferment
and wealth, to gain the mercenary, to silence the troublesome,
and to increase the number of his zealous partisans. Canon
law, long prescription, and the universal reverence paid to
Christ's vicegerent upon earth, surrounded the papacy with
an apparently impenetrable barrier. The mighty pontiff sat
'Burnet, vol. i. p. 10, 11.
126
HISTORY OF
secure in the exercise of unlimited power, and knew that all
redress must come through his hands, be courted as a signal
favour, and granted under such conditions as he was pleased
to dictate.
The miserable people bound in chains of ignorance and su-
perstition, submitted to the vilest priestcraft, with exemplary
patience. Whilst they were amused with the pompous show of
the mass, the processions, and the mysteries, they even glo-
ried in the purity of the catholic faith, and indulged a kind
of sacred horror at the idea of any alteration in the church.
The clergy carefully fostered the people in ignorance, so fa-
vourable to their empire, and watched against every attempt
to enlighten the minds of the people by the Gospel, or to cor-
rect their depraved manners by divine principles. The more
profligate the deluded people were, the more they needed ab-
solution, and must apply to their ghostly guides for peace and
pardon.
King Henry being one of the most obedient sons of the
church, displayed for some years, the most furious zeal in
support of its lofty claims, and its gross absurdities. The
imperious monarch, indignant at the spread of the reformed
doctrines, caused a book to be published against Luther,
which he employed others to write, but to which he affixed
his own name. For this act of zeal for the catholic church,
whoever was the writer, his majesty had the thanks and the
reward. Henry's book was presented to pope Leo, with great
court ceremony; the English legate took care to panegyrize
the royal author as a prodigy of learning, and the pope, to
show his high sense of the important service which the king
had rendered to the church, conferred upon him the swelling
title of "Defender of the faith." Henry's fool beholding his
master so overjoyed on this occasion, asked the reason, and
being told that it was because his holiness had conferred upon
him this new title, he replied, " my good Harry, let thee and
me defend each other, and let the faith alone to defend it-
self."* Harry's jester had read the New Testament, and
understood its true character. He was a fool only by profes-
sion. Had he been in holy orders, he would have been one
* Fuller, b. v. p. 168.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
127
of the most celebrated preachers of religious liberty, and
would probably have exchanged his holy profession for a dun-
geon and a martyr's crown.
We learn from good authority, that king Henry, before
his contest with Luther, had been soliciting the pope to be-
stow on him some honourable title; and it is even said, that
the title of MOST CHRISTIAN MAJESTY had been intended for
him, but that the design was prevented by political considera-
tions.* Henry's book, as might have been expected, was
magnified by the clergy, "as the most learned work the sun
ever saw ;" and they compared Henry to king Solomon, and
the greatest of Christian emperors. The pompous and flattering
reward from his holiness was conferred upon the royal author
in the year 1521. Henry afterwards got this bauble united to
the crown, by act of parliament; he was weak enough to con-
sider it as one of its brightest jewels; and, curious and incon-
sistent as it may appear, it is retained to the present time.†
No event could have transpired more gratifying to the
baser passions of the king, than when this jewel was thus
immutably fixed in his crown. The vanity of his mind was
overwhelmed with joy; and the haughty monarch did not
fail to testify to the world, the truth and importance of this
new title by his own practice. He immediately addressed his
letters to his bishops, whom he authorized and urged to em-
ploy the most barbarous cruelties against heretics, command-
ing all his loyal subjects, as they would answer the contrary
at their peril, to afford them all the assistance in their power.
Henry was a king exactly suited to their wishes. His pur-
poses and their own perfectly accorded. The prince and the
prelates, with many of the clergy, were resolved on the exter-
mination of heresy.
Those, therefore, who could not measure their religion by
the Romish standard, nor yet by the additions and improve-
ments made in England, had no other prospect than abjura-
tion, or imprisonment and death. The numerous spectacles
are too shocking to relate. The bishop of London secretly
murdered Richard Hunn, a pious citizen, in prison, but could
not be brought to justice; even children were constrained to
* Milner, vol. iv. p. 596. + Fox, vol. ii. p. 57.-Burnet, vol. i. p. 19, 31.
128
HISTORY OF
↑
:
light the fires for the burning of their parents, a species of
inhumanity and barbarity never heard of among the most
blind and savage pagans. * These unexampled proceedings
failed to accomplish the end proposed; and, instead of giving
general satisfaction, rendered the lofty claims of churchmen
contemptible, inspiring most persons with such detestation of
their conduct, as disposed the public to favour the alterations
which afterwards followed, especially those which tended to
reduce the arrogance and power of the clergy.
Another important event now occurred, which, on the one
hand, gave new life to the Reformers, and on the other, called
down the vengeance of those in power. Luther's publications
having spread through the country, diffusing light and know-
ledge in every direction; the necessary measures of court
were presently adopted to crush the damnable errors and he-
resies. The king issued his royal proclamation, declaring,
"That by the corruption and malice of indiscreet preachers,
favourers of erroneous sects, and by certain heretical and blas-
phemous books privily sent into this realm by the disciples of
Martin Luther and other heretics, the king's subjects are
likely to be corrupted; unless his highness, as defender of
the faith, afford his most gracious help and authority, to ac-
complish a speedy reformation. His highness, therefore, as a
most gracious prince, of his blessed and virtuous disposition,
for the incomparable zeal which he hath to Christ's religion,
and for the singular love he beareth to all his good subjects,
especially to the salvation of their souls, according to his of
fice and duty, intendeth to provide with all convenient expe-
dition, that this his noble realm may be preserved from the
said pestiferous, cursed, and seditious errors.
"Forasmuch as his highness is credibly informed, that
some of the said errors are already sown and spread within his
realm, partly by the corruption of indiscreet preachers, and
partly by erroneous books, replete with most venomous heresies,
blasphemies and slanders, intolerable to any Christian man;
his highness, therefore, as a most gracious and Christian prince,
intending the safeguard of his realm, the preservation of his
subjects, and the salvation of their souls, willeth now to put
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 9, 24—40.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
129
in execution, with all diligence possible, all good laws, sta-
tutes and ordinances, made and ordained by his most noble
progenitors, kings of England, for that end and purpose.
Which laws and statutes by our sovereign lord and his most
honourable council, by long and deliberate advice for the ex-
tirpation, suppressing and withstanding of the said heresies,
have been seen, examined, and by them in every part thought
good, and necessary to be put in execution."
His majesty then expressly prohibits all persons from
preaching publicly or privately, and from writing any book
or holding any conventicle or assembly, contrary to the ca-
tholic church; and from presuming to preach in any case
whatever, without a license from the bishop. He commands
that all persons defamed or suspected of being guilty of these
crimes, should by the bishops be arrested and cast into prison,
where they should remain till they proved their innocence, or
abjured their errors. He then adds: "If any person, by the
law of holy church, be convicted before the bishop or his com-
missary, that the said bishop may keep in prison the said per-
son so convicted, so long as it shall seem best to his discretion ;
and may set a fine to be paid to the king, by the person con-
victed, as it shall be thought convenient to the said bishop, the
said fine to be levied for the king's use.
And if any person
within the realm of England be convicted of the aforesaid
errors and heresies, he shall be committed to the secular ju-
risdiction, and shall suffer execution according to the laws
of this realm."*
The bishops, who procured this terrible proclamation, were
no doubt exceedingly gratified with it. Hereby they were
authorized by the supreme power to imprison all whom they
or vile informers suspected, to detain them as long as they
pleased, to make them pay what fines they thought proper,
and, if they were obstinate heretics, to deliver them to be
burnt at a stake; and my author adds, "neither did they
lack any study unapplied, any stone unremoved, any corner
unsearched, for the diligent execution of the same: upon
which, followed a grievous persecution and slaughter of the
faithful." It cannot be supposed, therefore, that the clergy
VOL. I.
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 236, 237.
K
→
130
HISTORY OF
1
would countenance any reformation which at all abridged
their wealth or power; and what was done towards this great
work during the present reign, was in direct opposition to far
the greatest part of them.
The representative body in the house of commons, were
not unmindful of the rights and privileges of the people,
which at this time were so shamefully invaded by the clergy;
therefore they introduced several bills into parliament, as reme-
dies against the disgraceful enormities committed by ecclesi-
astical persons. These bills were against excessive fines for
probates of wills; extortions for marriages; priests renting
farms, and following trades; their nonresidence; and the in-
sufficiency of some who held several benefices, while learned
and able men starved. The committee ordered to bring in
these bills was composed of the most learned lawyers. The
bill against excessive fines having passed the commons, was
carried up to the lords; where it met with violent opposition
from the prelates. But because it touched the interest of
churchmen, the archbishop of Canterbury and the other bi-
shops began to frown and groan; insomuch that one of them
standing in the parliament chamber, openly protested, “That
such bills were sent up from the commons' house as tended
only to the destruction of the church; which church being
down, the glory of the kingdom must needs fall." He then
desired the lords, for God's sake, to take example from the
kingdom of Bohemia; for, as it was with the people there, so
now what say the commons here, but Down with the Church!
And all this seems only to be for lack of faith.
These slanderous words being reported to the commons,
occasioned a long debate, at the close of which it was resolved,
that the speaker, accompanied by thirty principal members of
the house, should present an address to the king, complaining
how his lordship had dishonoured his majesty and the nation,
by saying, that the members who were elected by the coun-
ties, cities and boroughs, as the wisest men among them,
should be accused, in so august an assembly, of the lack of
faith, which was as much as to say they were infidels, or as
bad as Turks. Thus would all the pains they take for the
good of the commonwealth, have no more regard from the
people than if done by Pagans. Wherefore they humbly
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
131
P.
prayed his majesty, that the bishop might be obliged to make
reparation for the injustice he had done them.*
During the debate in the commons, a celebrated member of
the house vindicated the liberty of private judgment as the
universal birthright of Christians, and proved, at considerable
length, that every man had an undeniable right given him by
his Creator to embrace the religion of his own choice, exclud-
ing all human control. "Because every man," said he, "is
created by God a free citizen of the world, and obliged to no-
thing so much as to inquire by what means he may attain to
everlasting happiness, it will be proper to examine to whose
tuition and conduct he ought to commit himself. For, as
several teachers present themselves, differing not only in lan-
guage, habit, and ceremony, but also in doctrine, much cir-
cumspection must be used. He will find these guides direct-
ing him different ways; and the terrors of everlasting damna-
tion denounced upon him by the different hierarchies and vi-
sible churches, if he believe not their doctrines. Shall he then
believe that God hath inspired one church and religion only,
and deserted the rest? Shall each person, without examina-
tion, believe his priest, and then call his doctrine his faith?
But, on the other hand, if he must argue controversies before
he can be satisfied, how much leisure must he have? How
many languages must he learn? How many authors must he
read? How many ages must he examine? How many faiths
must he scrutinize? How many expositions must he consult?
How many contradictions must he reconcile? How many
countries must he wander into? And how many dangers must
he risk? Would not our life, on these terms, be a continued
peregrination, while every man posted into other countries to
learn the way to heaven, without, at last, being able to say he
had found it? What remains then to be done? Must he take
all that each priest would inculcate as the true doctrine, or
must he leave all? Certainly, on the one hand, it is impossible
to embrace all religions, according to their repugnant rights,
tenets, traditions, and faiths; so, on the other, to reject all
religions would be impious. It is, therefore, necessary to
distinguish. Not that every man must compare all the reli-
Burnet, vol. i. p. 82.-Hist. of Stuarts, vol. i. p. 63, 64
K 2
132
HISTORY OF
gions in the world; but that every man must, in his religion,
examine and sever the essential parts from the rest, without
being moved by the threats or promises of others, who would
make him obnoxious, and force him to depart from this way.
This is the only ordinary, intelligible, and compendious me-
thod of conducting man to his desired end.”*
The two houses with grief beheld the exorbitant power
with which the bishops and other churchmen were invested,
and the shocking abuse they made of it in the punishment of
heresy; therefore the temporal lords and the house of com-
mons concurred in petitioning the king to suppress the growing
insolence of the clergy. Upon this, a hearing was appointed
before the king, with all the judges and his temporal council.
And on this occasion, one of his majesty's council opposed the
immunities of the church with so much sound reason and
strength of argument, as completely refuted the sentiments of
the opposite party, and from which all the laity present de-
rived the most perfect satisfaction. The parliament did not
stop here; but introduced a bill to repeal, or rather to alter,
the cruel statute of Henry IV. against heretics, which passed
both houses, and obtained the royal assent. Though this
new statute did not exempt heretics from the sentence of
burning, it entirely disabled the prelates from being sole
judges in causes of heresy; which, in future, were appointed
to be tried and sentence pronounced by the laws of the land.
It may be easily conceived how acceptable this act was to the
nation, since it proved an effectual limitation of the ecclesiasti-
cal power in one of its most uneasy and oppressive parts.
This seasonable regulation of the arbitrary proceedings of the
spiritual courts, afforded considerable relief to all the friends
of truth and liberty, to which those courts were inveterate and
powerful enemies.+
The character and conduct of the ecclesiastical rulers, were,
in another view, peculiarly oppressive and hateful to the peo-
ple. Their scandalous exactions and insatiable rapacity were
unexampled; and the complaint now addressed to the king,
declares, that they had gotten into their hands more than the
* Kennet, vol. ii. p. 137.
+ Fox, vol. ii. p. 207.-Hist. of Stuarts, vol. i. p. 83.
}
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
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1
third part of all his majesty's realm. In this spirited ad-
dress, the complainants describe the existing abuses in the
following language:
"Oh the grievous and painful exaction, from which the
people of your noble predecessors, the kings of the ancient
Britons, ever stood free! All this will they have, or they will
procure him who will not give it them, to be taken as a here-
tic. What tyrant ever oppressed the people, like this cruel
and revengeful generation? What subjects will be able to
help their prince, who are polled after this fashion every
year? What good Christian people can be able to succour us
poor lepers, blind, sore, and lame, who are thus yearly op-
pressed? Is it any marvel that your people so complain of
poverty? Is it any marvel that the taxes and subsidies, which
your grace of most tender compassion hath taken among your
people, to defend them from the threatened ruin of their com-
monwealth, have been so slothfully, yea, painfully levied,
seeing almost the uttermost penny hath been already gathered
by this ravenous, insatiable generation?
"And what do all these greedy, idle, holy thieves, do with
these yearly exactions which they take of the people? Truly
nothing, but exempt themselves from the obedience of your
grace. Nothing but translate all rule, power, lordship, autho-
rity, obedience and dignity, from your grace to themselves.
Nothing but that all your subjects should fall into disobedi-
ence and rebellion against your grace, and be under them, as
they did to your noble predecessor king John; who, because
he would have punished certain traitors that conspired, with
the French king, to have deposed him from his crown and
dignity, interdicted his land. For which matter your most
noble realm hath wrongfully, alas! stood tributary not to any
temporal prince, but to a cruel, devilish blood-sucker, drunken
ever since with the blood of the saints and martyrs of Christ.
"What remedy is there? Will you make laws against them ?
It is doubtful whether you are able. Are they not stronger
in your own parliament-house than yourself? What a number
of bishops, abbots, and priors, are lords of your parliament?
Are not all the learned men of your realm in fee with them,
to speak in your parliament for them, against your crown,
dignity, and realm, a few of your own learned council only
1.34
HISTORY OF
excepted? What law can be made against them that will be
available? Who is he, though he be sorely grieved, that, for
murder, ravishment, robbery, debt, or any other offence, dare
lay it to their charge by way of action? If any one do, he is
by and by accused of heresy; yea, they will so handle him,
that except he bear a fagot, for their pleasure, he must be
excommunicated, and then all his actions will be quashed."*
This was a bold and pointed exposure of prevailing abuses.
The nation felt its heavy burdens, and groaned for deliverance.
The celebrated Hugh Latimer, bishop of Worcester, became a
firm and zealous advocate of the cause of religious emancipation.
He was at first a zealous papist, but afterwards a zealous
protestant. He had nothing of the neutral coolness in his
temper; but was active in supporting and propagating the
Reformed doctrines. His eloquence was at this time every
where famous. Upon the opening of the convocation, arch-
bishop Cranmer appointed him to deliver the address to the
clergy; and perhaps no man was so well qualified as Latimer
to lay before them the corruptions and oppressions of their
order, and to rouse them to a better temper. With strong
language did the good old bishop endeavour to work upon the
assembly, and move his brethren to a right spirit, in order
that they might employ their combined energies to deliver
the people from the darkness and servitude of existing super-
stitions. But the venerable prelate harangued in vain. His
address only showed the goodness of his own intentions, and
the great objects he wished to accomplish. Eloquence may
have influence in questions of sudden determination; but it
is not sufficient to overcome old and deep-rooted prejudices.
Hugh Latimer, with grief, clearly beheld this on the present
occasion.
ness.
The forms of the convocation were scarcely settled, when
the two parties began to attack each other with great bitter-
The catholics were the aggressors. In the lower house
a bill was drawn up, the result of much secret caballing,
which contained a catalogue of sixty-seven heretical opinions.
Many of these were the tenets of Wickliffe; the rest were
the opinions of more modern Reformers. This bill was sent
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 229.
+ Gilpin, vol. i. p. 393.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
135
to the upper house, where it met with many zealous advo-
cates. It was there agitated with great animosity on both
sides; each party resolving in the first contest to make the
other acquainted with all its strength.
In the midst of these discussions, which had lasted many
days, each day growing warmer than the preceding, lord
Cromwell entered the house, and, addressing himself to the
popish bishops, required them in the king's name, to put an
end to their opposition. This message instantly extinguished
the flame, and gave the Reformers the first intimation of the
king's good intentions towards them.* From this moment
they were inspired with fresh courage; and they began to
declare more openly their sentiments of existing corruptions
and oppressions. This they did by the publication of “ The
Bishops' Book," in which are contained the following bold
sentiments:
"It is out of all doubt, that there is no mention made in
Scripture, or in the writings of any authentic doctor of the
church within the time of the apostles, that Christ did ever
make or institute any distinction or difference in the pre-emi-
nence of power, order, or jurisdiction among the apostles
themselves, or among bishops themselves; but that they were
all equal in power, order, authority, and jurisdiction. That
there is now, and since the time of the apostles, any such
diversity or difference among the bishops, it was devised by
the ancient fathers, for the conservation of good order and
unity of the catholic church; and by the consent and autho-
rity, or at least by the permission and sufferance of princes
and civil powers.
"We think it convenient, that all bishops and preachers
shall instruct and teach the people committed to their spiri-
tual charge; that Christ did by express words prohibit his
apostles and all their successors, under pretence of authority
given them by Christ, from taking upon them the authority
of the sword: that is to say, the authority of kings, or any
civil power in this world. For the kingdom of Christ in
his church is a spiritual, and not a carnal kingdom of the
world. The very kingdom that Christ by himself, or by
*
Gilpin, vol. i. p. 399.
136
HISTORY OF
his apostles and disciples sought here in this world, was to
bring all nations from the carnal kingdom of the prince of
darkness, to the light of his spiritual kingdom; and so him-
self to reign in the hearts of the people, by grace, faith, hope,
and charity. Therefore Christ did never seek nor exercise
any worldly dominion in this world; but rather, refusing and
fleeing from it, did leave the said worldly government of
kingdoms, realms, and nations, to princes and potentates, and
commanded also his apostles and disciples to do the same.
Whatsoever priest or bishop will arrogate or presume to take
upon him any such authority, and will pretend the authority
of the Gospel for his defence, he crowneth Christ again with
a crown of thorns, and traduceth and bringeth him forth,
with his purple robe, to be mocked and scorned by the
world."*
The bishops' book was subscribed by the two archbishops,
nineteen bishops, and a great number of other dignitaries.
Notwithstanding this public renunciation of persecution and
all spiritual domination, no fact can be more evident, than
that, while the prelates thus rejected and opposed the pope,
they burnt protestants for rejecting popery. Archbishop
Cranmer himself was not guiltless. Previous to his exalta-
tion, and during his abode at the university, Cranmer derived
signal advantage from the writings of Erasmus, which all
persons of distinction read with great avidity. To the general
scholar, they opened a new idea-that of every man thinking
for himself; and to the student in divinity, they pointed
out the Scriptures as the only source of religious truth.
The study of the naked text of Scripture, was followed
by a freedom of inquiry to which men in general had
been unaccustomed; and those scholars who directed their
studies in this new channel were commonly called Scriptur-
ists.†
Cranmer afterwards went abroad, and derived the most
He
valuable instruction from the continental Reformers.
began to think favourably of the reformation before he left
England; but, during his abode on the continent, he became
That freedom, with which men discussed
an entire convert.
† Gilpin, vol. ii. p. 6.
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 288.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
137
religious opinions in Germany, was very agreeable to a man
of his liberal mind; and he felt himself every day sitting
looser to those prejudices, in which he had hitherto been in-
volved. Osiander, whom he found at Nuremburgh, contri-
buted among others, very much to enlighten his mind. The
unrestrained conversation of this foreign Reformer appeared
to him, at first, as a kind of libertinism. It sounded with
great harshness in his ear; and he usually asked, if such an
opinion were false, how it could possibly possess the minds of
the greatest and most learned men of all ages, through so long
a period? Osiander boldly directed him to still higher anti-
quity. "Tell me not," said he," what Austin and Jerome
say; but what Peter and Paul say. Read your Bible; and
say honestly, whether such and such doctrines are not plainly
repugnant to the language and doctrines of Scripture.”*
Notwithstanding the invaluable lessons which Cranmer re-
ceived from this liberal and enlightened foreigner, he certainly
failed of making a good use of them; as appears from the
representation of one, who could not be disposed to record
any thing to his disadvantage, if unsupported by sufficient
evidence. "Cranmer is accused," says he, "of having a
hand in the condemnation and execution of Lambert, Frith,
and other godly martyrs." It is much to be regretted that
this charge cannot be denied.†
An event transpired in this reign which tended more than
any other to disseminate divine knowledge and produce Chris-
tian toleration. The diffusion of Wickliffe's translations and
other pieces, with the numerous transcript copies, had for se-
veral generations kept alive the spark of Christian knowledge
and generous principles; but this method of promoting the
great work was extremely slow; and, through the violent op-
position of the ecclesiastics, and their vigorous efforts to sup-
press all light and knowledge, it was extremely difficult after
so many years to obtain copies of his writings. But, after the
invention of printing, God honoured the reign of Henry
VIII. with the first printed translation of the Holy Scrip-
tures into the English language; by means of which, they
obtained more extensive circulation, and were read by persons.
Gilpin, vol. ii. p. 18.
+ Fuller, b. v. p. 186.
138
HISTORY OF
of every class in society. The word of God being in the
hands of the people, the effect soon became manifest; the
impression made on their minds was favourable to truth and
liberty; and a fire was kindled in England which all the
bishops and clergy could never extinguish.
This curious invention was at first admired and encouraged
on account of its novelty and ingenuity. Princes were its pa-
trons, and men of superior learning and abilities were inspired
with generous emulation of excelling each other; they had
new motives to the diligent prosecution of their studies, from
the prospect of more extensive usefulness, and of transmitting
useful knowledge to future generations; and were thus ani-
mated by the hope of acquiring, not only present and preca-
rious fame, but lasting honour and a kind of immortality by
their writings. Science revived; darkness and superstition
fled before it; an inquisitive spirit was promoted; error was
detected, and stripped of its venerable disguise. The art of
printing was, by an overruling Providence, at that import-
ant juncture when it was most wanted; when it was instru-
mental in breaking the most galling yoke of oppression under
which the church of God ever groaned, and in the wide dis-
semination of Christian truth and liberty.
William Tindal and Miles Coverdale were the principal
persons whom God employed in the great work of publishing
translations of his holy word. Tindal, deservedly styled
“The apostle of England," first published an English trans-
lation of the New Testament at Antwerp; when Bishop
Tonstal called them in throughout his diocese; and finding
this did not succeed, he purchased the whole of the impres-
sion, and committed them to the flames at Paul's cross. The
sale of this impression enabled the merchant to make an early
remittance to the translator, by which he soon printed a
larger, and a more correct edition. Tindal himself was re-
served, however, to share the same fate as his new Testa-
ments; for in the year 1536, while he and Coverdale were
printing the second edition of the Bible, he was apprehended
by his countrymen, and burnt as a heretic at Wilford, near
Brussels, crying at the stake, "Lord, open the king of En-
gland's eyes.
"* Tindal was a man of indefatigable study, ex-
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 301-305.-Strype's Cranmer, p. 81.
1
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
139
:
traordinary learning, and seraphic piety. His zeal, modesty,
and disinterestedness, were so great, that he declared, before
he went abroad, "that he should be content to live in any
part of England, on an allowance of ten pounds a-year,
and bind himself to receive no more, if he might only be al-
lowed to instruct children and preach the Gospel." But this
liberty his country would not allow.
When Tindal's Testament was first sent into England, it
is said, "Oh! how were the popish clergy cut to the heart!
How did their blear eyes smart with the shining of the Gos-
pel in the vulgar tongue! Down must their Dagon fall, if this
Ark be set up: down with their Diana, if Paul be permitted
to preach to the people. Some said, the Bible ought not to
be translated; some, that it could not be translated; and
others, that the translation of it would make men rebel against
the king!!"* This opposition against the publication of the
book of God prevailed among all who were of a popish and
persecuting spirit. The university of Cambridge was not
exempt; for that which should have been the seat of learn-
ing, was now the seat of ignorance, bigotry, and superstition.
There every new opinion was watched with the utmost jea-
lousy; and the translation of the Scriptures was violently
opposed; but the pious Latimer disseminated better princi-
ples in that university, for which he was soon noticed and
stigmatized as an enemy to the established church.†
The first remarkable opposition this zealous Reformer met
with from the popish party, was occasioned by a course of
sermons which he preached before the university. In these
sermons he showed the impiety of indulgences, the uncertainty
of tradition, and the vanity of works of supererogation; but
he directed his greatest force against the multiplicity of cere-
monies with which religion was encumbered; the pride and
usurpation of the hierarchy; exposing the great abuse of
locking up the Scriptures in an unknown tongue, and show-
ing, at large, that they ought to have been put into the hands
of all the people.
Great was the outcry occasioned by these sermons. Latimer
was then a preacher of great eminence; and, adapting his new
* Fuller, b. v. p. 224.
+ Gilpin, vol. i. p. 342.
140
HISTORY OF
doctrine and style of preaching to the capacities of the people,
he was much followed by all sober Christians. The dominant
clergy seeing this, concluded it was high time to oppose him
openly. This task was undertaken by Dr. Buckenham, prior
of the black friers, who appeared in the pulpit soon after; and
with great pomp and prolixity, endeavoured to show the dan-
gerous tendency of Latimer's opinions. He particularly in-
veighed against the heretical notion of having the Scriptures
in English, laying open the ill effects of such wanton innova-
tion. "If that heresy," said he, " should prevail, we shall
soon see an end of every thing useful among us. The plough-
man reading, that if he put his hand to the plough, and should
happen to look back, he would be unfit for the kingdom of
heaven, would soon lay aside his labour: the baker reading,
that a little leaven will corrupt his lump, would give us very
insipid bread: the simple man also finding himself command-
ed to pluck out his eyes, in a few years we should have the
nation full of blind beggars."
Latimer could not help listening with secret pleasure to
this ingenious reasoning. The vivacity of his mind, and his
zeal in the good cause, would not suffer him to conclude that
the prior's arguments were unanswerable; but he was resolv-
ed to expose the solemn trifler. Accordingly, the whole uni-
versity assembled together on the Lord's day, when it was
known Latimer would preach. With becoming gravity, he
recapitulated the doctor's arguments, placed them in the
strongest light, and then rallied them with such a flow of wit
and good humour, that, without the appearance of ill-nature,
he made his adversary appear in the highest degree ridicu-
lous. He then, with great address, appealed to the people,
descanted upon the low esteem in which their holy guides had
always held their understandings, expressed the utmost offence
at their contemptuous treatment, and wished his honest coun-
trymen might have the use of the Scriptures, only till they
showed themselves such absurd interpreters; and then con-
cluded with a few observations on the use of scripture me-
taphors. His humourous and animated harangue did not
fail to accomplish the end proposed; for while it shut up
the prior in his monastery, it opened the eyes of the people
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
141
and increased the reputation of the Reformers in the uni-
versity.*
Latimer, the moment of his emancipation from the vassal-
lage of popery, became exceedingly zealous in the propaga-
tion of his new opinions. Among the instances of his zeal
and resolution in this good cause, he gave one which was
indeed very remarkable. The king having issued his procla-
mation, forbidding the use of the Bible in English, and other
books on religious subjects, this pious prelate had the courage
to oppose it by addressing a bold letter to his majesty. It
will be proper to give a particular account of this affair.
For some years great care had been taken by the friends of
truth and liberty, in the circulation of religious tracts, some
on points of controversy, and others on the corruptions and
oppressions of the clergy. Among other publications that were
dispersed, was the translation of the New Testament. These
books were printed abroad, and sent in great quantities into
this country. Loud were the clamours of the beneficed and
bigoted ecclesiastics against these malignant and pestiferous
writings, as they called them. But, as the government did
not interfere, the bishops could only use the authority of the
laws then in force, in guarding against these daring invasions
of heresy. Episcopal injunctions were published, and every
possible care taken to suppress the dangerous innovation. But
the laws then in existence did not reach the case: printing
and publishing books were new occurrences; and none of the
statutes were directly pointed against the seeds of heresy sown
in this way. It was, therefore, deemed necessary to obtain
something more pointed and explicit from the government.
Among the tracts then dispersed were "The Parable of
Wicked Mammon ;"-" The Obedience of the Christian
Man ;"-" The Primer;"-"The Sum of the Scripture;"
-and, "The Supplication of the Beggars." The last of
these pieces contained a sharp invective against the established
clergy, who, by their unprecedented exactions were represent-
ed as the chief occasion of all the poverty in the nation. These
exposures roused nearly the whole body of the clergy, who
made a successful application to the king. His majesty im-
Gilpin, vol. i. p. 342-346.
142
HISTORY OF
mediately issued a severe proclamation against heretical books,
commanding that all such books should be delivered up with-
in fifteen days; and impowering the bishops to imprison
at pleasure all persons suspected of having them, till they
had purged themselves, or abjured. It impowered the bishops
to set an arbitrary fine on all persons convicted. It forbade
all appeals from ecclesiastical courts; and obliged all civil offi-
cers, on oath, to assist the bishops with their utmost endea-
vours in the extirpation of heresy. Justices were ordered to
inquire, at their quarter sessions, into the state of religion
through all the counties; and sheriffs were commanded to
arrest all suspected persons, and deliver them to the bishops.
The sword thus put into the hands of the bishops was pre-
sently unsheathed. The effects of this proclamation were
dreadful. It would surprise the good people of England at
this day to hear, that many of their forefathers were then
burnt for reading the Bible, and teaching their children the
ten Commandments and the Lord's prayer in English. These
things were then called heresy!
On this occasion Hugh Latimer undertook to address a let-
ter to the king. He had already preached before Henry, and
had been noticed by him in a more affable manner than that
monarch usually indulged towards his subjects. But what-
ever evidence the prelate had of the favour of his prince, he
was willing to hazard all, rather than omit what appeared to
him an indispensable duty. He was generally considered as
one of the most eminent among the protestants; therefore he
thought it incumbent upon him to be one of the most forward in
opposing the oppressions and iniquities of popery.* His letter
is the picture of a honest, sincere heart, and is a firm resist-
ance of the encroachments of ecclesiastical despotism; while it
contains an eloquent and conclusive defence of Christian li-
berty, as the universal birthright of man.
It will be proper,
therefore, to insert the substance of it, as nearly as possible in
his own words:
"What is it to be a traitor to the truth, but to be a traitor
and a Judas to Christ? Whosoever denieth him before men,
him will he deny before his Father in heaven. This denying
*
Gilpin, vol. 1. p. 363.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
143
}
ought more to be dreaded, than the loss of all temporal goods,
honour, and promotion, with all manner of torments and cruel-
ties, and death itself, be it ever so shameful and painful.
But, alas! how little do men fear the terrible judgment of
Almighty God? especially they who boast themselves to be
guides and captains to others, and challenge to themselves the
knowledge of holy Scripture, yet will neither show the truth
themselves, nor suffer them that would. So that may be said
of them, which our Saviour Christ said to the Pharisees :
"Woe unto you Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye
shut up the kingdom of heaven against men for ye neither
go in yourselves, nor suffer ye them that would to enter in.'
As much as in them lieth, they debar, not only the word of
God, but also by their subtle wiliness they instruct, move,
and in a manner provoke all the kings in Christendom to aid
and succour them in their mischief; and especially in this
your realm, they have so blinded your liege subjects, with
their laws, customs, ceremonies, and glosses, and punished
them with cursings and other corruptions; and now at last
when they see that they cannot prevail against the open truth
(which the more it is persecuted, the more it increaseth) they
have by their tyranny made it treason against your noble ma-
jesty to have the Scripture in English.
E
"Your high majesty are to me and all your subjects, in
God's stead, to defend and succour us in our right; and so I-
tremble and quake to speak to your grace. But, as you are
a mortal man, in danger of sin, having in you the corrupt na-
ture of Adam, in which we are all both conceived and born;
so have you no less need of the merits of Christ's passion for
your salvation, than I and other of your subjects, who are all
members of the mystical body of Christ. Though you be a
higher member, yet you must not disdain the lesser. St.
Paul says, 'Those members of the body which we think to be
less honourable, upon these we bestow more abundant honour;'
and they are as necessary as the others, for the preservation of
the body. This, most gracious king, when I considered, as
also your favourable and gentle nature, I was bold to write
this rude and simple letter to your grace, trusting you will
accept my true and faithful mind.
“I will first exhort your grace to make your own, the life
144
HISTORY OF
and actions of our Saviour and his apostles, in preaching and
setting forth the Gospel; and to note also the words of our
Master Christ, which he said to his disciples when he sent
them forth to preach the Gospel, and to these have constantly
in your mind the golden rule of Christ: The tree is known
by its fruits.' By the diligent marking of these, your grace
will clearly perceive who are the true followers of Christ and
teachers of his Gospel, and who are not.
6
"When Christ sent his disciples to preach the Gospel, he
said to them-Ye shall be brought before governors and
kings, and ye shall be hated of all men, for my name's sake."
But he exhorted them by his own example, to take patiently
such persecution, saying, 'The disciple is not above his mas-
ter, nor the servant above his lord. If they have called the
Master of the house Beelzebub, how much more shall they
call them of his household ? In the world ye shall have tri-
bulation, and the world shall hate you; but in me ye shall
have peace.' And he said, 'Lo, I send you forth as sheep
among wolves.' So that the true preachers of God's word,
go like harmless sheep, and are persecuted; yet they revenge
not their wrong, but remit all to God: so far are they from
persecuting any others, except with the word of God, which
is their only weapon. This is the most evident token by
which our Saviour would have his Gospel and the preachers
of it known, that it is despised by worldly wisemen, that they
repute it to be foolishness and deceivable doctrine, and that
the true preachers should be persecuted, and driven from city
to city, and suffer the loss of goods and life. The holy apostle
says, 'They that will live godly in Christ Jesus, shall suffer
persecution. For unto you it is given, not only to believe
on Christ, but also to suffer for his sake.'
6
66
May it, therefore, please your highness to return to the
golden rule of Christ: By their fruits shall ye know them.'
For where you see persecution, there is the Gospel, and there
is the truth; and they who persecute are void of and without
all truth; not caring for the clear light, which is come into
the world, and which showeth every man's works. They
whose works are corrupt dare not come to this light, but en-
deavour to stop it and hinder it, preventing to the uttermost
the holy Scriptures from being read in our mother tongue,
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
145
saying, that it would cause heresy and insurrection; and so
they persuade, or would fain persuade, your grace to keep
them back. But, mark their shameless boldness, who are not
ashamed, contrary to Christ's doctrine, to gather grapes of
thorns and figs of thistles, to call light darkness and dark-
ness light, good evil and evil good; and to affirm, that that
which teacheth all obedience, will cause strife and dissention;
but such is their worldly wisdom, by which they judge and
measure every thing, that they may hold and keep their
wicked mammon, which is their god, and hath so blinded
their hearts, that they cannot see the light of the sacred
Scripture, though they babble ever so much about it.
"As to this matter, other men have showed your grace
their minds, how necessary it is to have the Scriptures in
English. This also your grace hath promised by your last
proclamation; which promise, I pray God that your gracious
highness may shortly perform, even this very day. Let not
the wickedness of these worldly men detain you from your
godly purpose. Therefore, most worthy king, seeing Christ
hath sent his servants, his true preachers, and his own word,
to comfort our weak and sickly souls, let not these worldly
men make your grace believe that they will cause insurrec-
tions and heresies, and such mischiefs as they imagine; lest
that be avenged upon you and your realm, as David was
upon the Ammonites, and as God hath ever avenged upon
them who have obstinately withstood and contradicted his
word. Your grace knoweth, that there is no man living,
especially that loveth worldly promotion, who is so foolish
to set forth, promote, and enhance his enemies, whereby he
would be hindered of his worldly pleasures and fleshly de-
sires; but he will, on the contrary, seek in all possible ways
utterly to confound, destroy, and put them out of the way.
And as to your last proclamation, prohibiting such books,
the true cause of it, and the chief counsellors, were they
whose evil living and cloaked hypocrisy these books uttered
and disclosed.
"Though your grace may by other books, and by the
Scripture itself, perceive the hypocritical wolves in sheep's
clothing, I think myself bound in conscience to utter such
things as God hath put into my mind. This I do, God
VOL. I.
I
-
146
HISTORY OF
being my judge! not of hatred to any person living, nor
because I think the word of God would go forth without
persecution, if your grace had commanded that every man
within your realm should have it in his mother tongue; for
the Gospel must needs have persecution until it be preached
throughout all the world; which, as Christ showed his disci-
ples, is the last sign before the day of judgment; so that if
your grace had commanded that the Scripture should have
been put forth, Satan would have set forth some wile or other
to persecute the truth.
66
My purpose is, for the love that I have to God and the
glory of his name, and for the true allegiance that I owe to
your grace, not to hide in the ground the talent which God
has given me; but to employ it for the benefit of others, that
it may increase the pleasure of God; and to exhort your
grace to avoid and beware of these mischievous flatterers,
and their abominable ways and counsels. Take heed then
whose counsels you follow. For there are some, who, through
fear of losing their worldly honour and worship, will not re-
linquish their opinion, which they have rashly defended, to
please men by whom they have been promoted; so that now
they think that all their felicity confined to this life, would be
spoiled, and their wisdom not so greatly regarded, if that
which they have so slanderously oppressed should now be set
forth and allowed. Alas! let these men remember St. Paul,
how fervent he was against the truth; but afterwards he
thought it no shame to suffer punishment, and great perse-
cution, for that which he before despised and called heresy.
"Wherefore they are sorely drowned in worldly wisdom,
who think it against their worship to acknowledge their igno-
rance. I pray to God that your grace may espy and take
heed of their worldly wisdom, which is foolishness with God;
that you may do what God commandeth, and not what seemeth
good in your own sight; that your grace may be found accept-
able in the sight of God, and one of the members of his
church; and that, according to the office to which he hath
called you, you may be found a faithful minister of his gifts,
and not a defender of his faith. For he will not have it
defended by man or man's power, but by his word only,
by which he hath evermore defended it, and in a way far
་
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
147
above man's power or reason, as all the stories of the Bible
show.
"Most gracious majesty, remember yourself. Have pity
upon your own soul; and think that the day is even at hand
when you shall give account of your office, and of the blood
that hath been shed with your sword. In which day, that
your grace may stand steadfast, and not be ashamed, but
be clear and ready in your reckoning, and have your peace
sealed with the blood of Christ, which alone can serve on
that day, is my daily prayer to him who suffered death for
our sins, and who also prayeth to his Father to bestow his
grace upon us continually. To whom be all honour and
praise for ever, amen. The Spirit of God preserve you.
""*
With such openness did this true minister of Christ advo-
cate the cause of religious freedom and the rights of Chris-
tians; showing his good conscience towards God, his good
will to the king, his steadfastness in the truth, his concern for
the welfare of the commonwealth, and his tender care of the
church of Christ. Though the predominance of the popish
party had greater influence than his letter, the king was no
way displeased, but received it with great temper and conde-
scension, and was graciously pleased to thank him for his
well-intended advice.
The interested and obstinate support, however, which
Henry gave to the old system of error and oppression, and
his cruel persecution of those who favoured the new opinions,
drove his subjects to inquire into the just limits of authority
and obedience. Their judgments once informed as to the
rights to which they were entitled, and their consciences satis-
fied respecting the proper means by which they might be ac-
quired, the immense importance of the immediate object in
view, even their emancipation from spiritual bondage, toge-
ther with the salvation of their own souls and the souls of
their posterity, impelled them to make the attempt with an
enthusiasm and a perseverance which any other object of
inferior moment could not have inspired.
*
Fox, vol. iii. p. 403.
L 2
148
HISTORY OF
SECTION II.
The Rejection of the Papal Yoke, and its Influence on
Christian Freedom.
THE pope had no where a son more dutiful, or a vassal more
devoted, than the king of England. His imperious and savage
dispositions carried him to the greatest lengths in cruelty and
blood. Even his own family was not exempt. No less than
six wives were chained to this barbarous monarch, three of
whom he divorced, and two he beheaded. These cruel pro-
ceedings were, nevertheless, wisely overruled by divine Provi-
dence for much good. Upon an impartial view of these events,
we are forcibly reminded, that in the most important changes
which have taken place in society, the worst of men have not
unfrequently been the unconscious instruments of accomplish-
ing the holy and gracious designs of God. In no instance has
this been more conspicuous than in England's open rejection
of the papal yoke; wherein so much cruelty was turned to
such happy consequences, when king Henry quarrelled with
the pope.
The protestant doctrines, spreading with rapidity in Ger-
many and other parts of Europe, had hitherto met with no
public countenance in England. The regular clergy, still
encroaching more and more, had engrossed one third of the
wealth of the nation. The consequence of this immense ag-
grandizement was the possession of a large share of temporal
power; and the gross ignorance of the times established them
equally in their spiritual dominion. From the days of Wick-
liffe, many distinguished persons thought and spoke with a
degree of freedom on the prevailing abuses and corruptions in
the church: but severe laws, purchased of needy kings, and
executed by cruel priests, held these Reformers in constant
awe. The inclinations of the people ran strong against the
clergy; so that as soon as the opinions of the Reformers were
openly announced, they were warmly espoused; and the pro-
testants in many places began to form parties. But in those
oppressive times, when kings thought for their subjects, the
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
149
private opinions and dispositions of the people were very little
consulted, reasons of state prevailed; and Henry still had his
motives for holding fair with the court of Rome. But as the
darkest moments of the night precede the dawn of day, so
when the church appeared in the most desperate situation,
her deliverance from worse than Babylonish captivity was
approaching. Though the inquisition, with all its terrors,
and the slavish submission of the monarchs of Christendom,
upheld the pillars of the Romish see, the utter rottenness of
the foundation awaited only a bold and resolute hand to make
the magnificent fabric totter.
We have already adverted to the extensive diffusion of
Wickliffe's excellent principles, through the various nations
on the continent of Europe. The immortal seed took deep
root in the earth, and watered with the dews of heaven, it
could never be destroyed. The malice of Rome and hell were
combined in its extinction, but without success. The cele-
brated John Huss and Jerome of Prague, made a bold and
vigorous stand against ecclesiastical usurpation, and in favour
of religious emancipation; and though they fell a sacrifice to
Romish treachery and domination, the great cause in which
they bled, survived their ashes. God raised up others, fur-
nished with equal piety and magnanimity, to defend the rights
of conscience, and promote the Redeemer's kingdom; and at
length the cause of spiritual melioration gained fresh acces-
sions of strength, and even triumphed over the policy and
power of Rome.
The contemplation of the ways of Providence is never more
instructive than when we can trace the gradual progress of di-
vine light, as it breaks in upon the minds of honest and assi-
duous inquirers after truth. The pious Christian will adore
the wisdom and goodness of God, in directing the celebrated
Martin Luther into the light and liberty of the Gospel, and
fitting him for the work to which he was called. He was en-
dowed with a greatness of soul far beyond the common lot
of men; and, through divine grace, was enabled to persevere
in a conduct the most consistent, uncorrupt, and disinterested.
His bold and adventurous spirit never appears to have made
the smallest encroachment on the most perfect integrity; and
it is an undoubted fact, that the Saxon Reformer was not in-
150
HISTORY OF
$
duced to act the part, which has given so great a celebrity to
his name, from motives of personal malice, or of avarice, or of
ambition, but purely from the fear of God, from a conscien-
tious regard to evangelical truth, from a zeal for the divine
glory, and from a concern to benefit the souls of his fellow-
creatures.*
Luther engaged in open war with the pope, his cardinals,
and his bishops; but, on his part, it was entirely a war of
reason and argument. From all his numerous or most acri-
monious publications, not a single line has been produced
where he recommends force or violence, in the smallest de-
gree, to be used against his enemies. He insisted with the
utmost precision on this grand distinction" that errors in
articles of faith were not to be suppressed or extirpated by
fire and sword, but confuted by the word of God and that
recourse ought never to be had to capital penalties, except in
cases of actual sedition and tumult." No wonder, therefore,
that the pope considered this heretic as designing "to destroy
all authority and order, under the sanction of Christian li-
berty."+
By nobly daring to claim and exercise, in some degree, the
right of free inquiry, when all the powers on earth were com-
bined in its suppression, did Luther and his coadjutors accom-
plish that reformation in Germany, which eventually drew
forth primitive Christianity, long hidden and concealed under
innumerable abuses, to the view of an awakened and astonish-
ed world. While the king of England was murdering his
wisest and best subjects, these servants of the living God,
roused by the errors and iniquities of the papacy, began to
preach and write publicly against the despotism and blasphe-
mies of the man of sin. Their vigorous efforts made a power-
ful impression on the minds of the people; and so consonant
were the Reformers' principles to truth and soberness, as well
as to the just rights and liberties of mankind, that they were
eagerly embraced by multitudes, and spread with surprising
rapidity through the various nations of Europe. Indeed, so
great was the force of truth when it once gained attention,
even in those superstitious times, that all the arts, and policy,
*Milner, vol. iv. p. 307, 310.
+ Ibid. 661, 678, 1098.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
151
and power of Rome, aided throughout Europe by the venera-
tion of antiquity, the prejudices of the vulgar, and the cruelty
of princes, were fairly baffled and confounded by the opposi
tion of a few solitary Reformers. These celebrated heroes,
among whom, in addition to Luther, we ought to mention
Zuinglius, Bullinger, Bucer, Martyr, Gualter, Calvin, and
Melancthon, being furnished with a power which seemed al-
most omnipotent, attacked and shook the throne of antichrist
to its very base, and emancipated several of the continental
nations from the vassallage of the popedom. England itself
eventually shared in these glorious triumphs.
Cardinal Wolsey indeed, though a haughty prelate, first
broke the ice, and greatly contributed to the overthrow of the
papal power in this country. In the plenitude of his autho-
rity, he seized many of the smaller monasteries to build the
splendid college of Christ Church, Oxford. Holy church
having thus led the way, how could it be expected that the
state would hesitate to follow, and lay its profane hands on
treasures so tempting? Mortified, too, at missing St. Peter's
chair, the cardinal sought to wreak his vengeance on the em-
peror Charles, to whom he attributed his disappointment.
The great cause which now held the attentive nation in sus-
pense, was the king's divorce-a suit the most famous in his-
tory. Wolsey exercised great policy, and helped the king's
confessor to fill the royal conscience with scruples concerning
the legality of his marriage with Catharine of Spain, the em-
peror's aunt, with whom he had lived almost twenty years.
Henry made the most humble and respectful application to
the pope to nullify the marriage; but, as the sovereign pontiff
was afraid of disobliging the emperor, he artfully contrived
delays, which proved extremely uncongenial to the king's
viclent passions.
This important affair being held in suspense by his holiness,
Henry convened the parliament, which passed several laws for
the reformation of the intolerable abuses of the clergy, whose
iniquitous measures were treated with great freedom and open
censure in the debates of the two houses. As might be ex-
pected, the clergy loudly complained of these liberties, and
clamorously said, that such defamatory proceedings were the
usual preludes of the most dangerous heresics. But their
*
152
HISTORY OF
bigoted opposition to the liberties and privileges of the church,
only increased the popular ardour of the two houses, to accom-
plish that which all rational men beheld so essential to the
honour of their country, the true interest of the church, and
the credit of religion. The king, by these prompt measures,
was desirous to show the pope what he could and would do,
if he continued to trifle with him in the matter of his di-
vorce.*
One of the most wily prelates now held the see of Rome.
He had his own interest to secure with the emperor, who was
opposed to the divorce; and with the king of England, who
impatiently waited for it. These cross circumstances demanded
all his subtlety; and he showed himself the master of address.
He amused each in his turn, and involved the business in per-
plexity and delay, that he might have time thoroughly to deli-
berate before he chose his party. The king fully expected an
end of the business in a regular way, which he greatly desired,
and was particularly careful in observing all the forms of
civility with the pope. The poor protestants in numerous
instances felt the effects of his complaisance. He even went
so far as to employ his own princely pen against them; and
his courtiers used to say he wrote incomparably well. No new
laws, indeed, were enacted; but the old penal statutes were
revived, and the bishops, in various parts of the kingdom,
took an active part in the disgraceful scenes of persecution.†
At this particular juncture, Cranmer was introduced to the
court, as a man who could cut the knot, which Rome sought
to entangle rather than untie. He, without hesitation, de-
clared to Henry's satisfaction, that the marriage was null by
the word of God, and gave advice to consult the most learned
universities of Europe, which generally concurred in answer-
ing his majesty agreeably to his wishes. Henry having re-
ceived these favourable and gratifying decisions, immediately
rejected Catharine, and married Anne Boleyn. But as soon
as the news of his divorce arrived at Rome, the declared
pope
all the proceedings null and void, and threatened the king
with excommunication, unless he, within a limited time, re-
turned to his former wife. Henry upon this sent a courier to
* Custance, p. 122.
+ Gilpin, vol. i. p.352.
}
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
153
Rome, with his submission in due form to the pope; but the
consistory pronounced against him the censures of the church,
which they appointed the emperor to execute. This so en-
raged king Henry, that he resolved to revenge and enrich
himself, by renouncing all connexion with Rome, and, in fact,
making himself pope of England. During the whole session
of the parliament, a bishop was appointed to preach at Paul's
cross, and to declare openly to the people, "that the pope
had no authority in England." An act was also passed dis-
charging all the people of the land from every kind of de-
pendence upon his holiness. This act was an unspeakable
benefit to the nation. It not only delivered our forefathers
from the most degrading and intolerable vassallage, under
which they had groaned for many centuries; but also cut off
completely the detestable trade of Indulgences, by which the
nation had been drained of its wealth, and the delusions and
iniquities of the people had every where multiplied.* This
was a dreadful blow against the unbounded usurpation and
despotism of the court of Rome, and an important step to-
wards England's emancipation from spiritual slavery.
The conduct of Henry naturally awakened the wrath of the
sovereign pontiff, who styled him a despiser, a scorner, a he-
retic, a schismatic, a shameless adulterer, a public homicide,
a murderer, a church-robber, a rebel, a felon, a criminal, and,
therefore, justly to be deposed and expelled from his throne.+
The king was not, however intimidated, but proceeded imme-
diately to the adoption of a new and effectual measure, by
which he made the clergy feel the power of his supremacy,
and convinced them how little regard he meant to pay in fu-
ture to the authority of the pope. An indictment was, there-
fore, brought into the king's bench against the whole clerical
body, for breaking the statutes made in different reigns against
provisions or provisors; and all the clergy were declared out
of the king's protection, and liable to all the pains and penal-
ties of a premunire. Though they attempted in vain to justify
their conduct, Henry expressed his readiness to pardon them
on their making an unreserved submission to his authority in
spiritual matters, and paying an adequate compensation in
* Custance, p. 130.
+ Biog. Britan. vol. ii. p. 39.
t
154
HISTORY OF
money. The clergy, dreading the consequences of ineffectual
resistance, drew up a petition in convocation, which they pre-
sented to the king, whom they styled, THE SUPREME HEAD
OF THE CHURCH AND CLERGY OF ENGLAND; and being ac-
companied with the sum of one hundred and twenty thousand
pounds, Henry was graciously pleased to pardon_them all !*
By the exercise of his policy, he also procured this pompous
and flattering title to be permanently settled by act of parlia-
ment: so that king Henry, by assuming the title of defender
of the faith, and supreme head of the church, seized the two
most brilliant jewels from the triple crown, and placed them
in the English crown. He was a man of violent passions, the
most arbitrary principles, and, on account of the power and
spirit with which he ruled, was justly characterized " the pope
of England.”+
-
66
The clause in the memorable act, giving the king the par-
liamentary supremacy in all ecclesiastical causes, is thus ex-
pressed :—" Albeit the king's majesty justly and rightly is
and ought to be the supreme head of the church of England,
and so is recognized by the clergy of this realm in their con-
vocation; nevertheless for corroboration and confirmation
thereof, and increase of virtue in Christ's religion within this
realm of England, and to repress and extirpate all errors, he-
resies, and other enormities and abuses; be it enacted by
authority of this present parliament, that the king our sove-
reign lord, his heirs and successors, kings of this realm, shall
be taken, accepted, and reputed the only supreme head on earth
of the Church of England, and shall have and enjoy annexed
and united to the imperial crown of this realm, as well the
title and style thereof, as all honours, dignities, pre-eminences,
jurisdictions, privileges, authorities, immunities, profits, and
commodities, to the said dignity belonging. And that our
sovereign lord, his heirs and successors, kings of this realm,
shall have full power and authority from time to time, to visit,
repress, redress, reform, order, correct, restrain, and amend
all such errors, abuses, offences, contempts, and enormities,
which by any manner of spiritual authority or jurisdiction
may lawfully be reformed, repressed, ordered, redressed, cor-
+ Burnet, vol. i. p. 112, 136, 157.
*Custance, p. 124.
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rected, restrained, or amended, most to the pleasure of
Almighty God, the increase of virtue in Christ's religion,
and for the conservation of the peace, unity, and tranquillity
of this realm; and usage, custom, foreign laws, foreign
authority, prescription, or any thing or things, to the con-
trary notwithstanding.”*
The clergy, by this memorable act, became equally de-
pendent on the crown, as they had formerly been on the
pope. They were completely crippled and disabled, as they
are at this day, from doing any thing publicly in religion,
until they receive power, and authority, and instructions from
the king as their supreme head. By this act, the king or
queen of these realms was constituted the very life and soul,
yea, even the author and preserver of the church of England.
Bishop Gardiner, a strenuous advocate for this new title, de-
clared, "that the realm and the church consist of the same
persons; and, as the king is the head of the realm, he must,
therefore, be the head of the church."+ His lordship lived,
however, to change his opinion, when he changed his circum-
stances.
This famous act formed a new era in the annals of religi-
ous emancipation; and England having cast off her allegiance
and subjection to his holiness, all the people of the land,
clergy and laity, were commanded, under the heaviest penal-
ties, to measure their religious faith and practice by royal
proclamations and acts of parliament! The act of supremacy
no sooner obtained the royal assent, than the king issued his
proclamation for the entire abolition of the pope's usurped
power and authority in this country. The bishops and clergy,
notwithstanding their past firm adherence to the pope, testified
their high esteem of his majesty's new character, by taking all
the oaths prescribed for that purpose: yea, they were so re-
markably enamoured with Henry's official character, formerly
political, but now metamorphosed and become spiritual, that
they swore to maintain it even before there was any law to
require them!!
Among the persons who made their court to the king, at
the expense of the pontiff, by transferring the spiritual supre-
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 275–280.
+ Gilpin, vol. ii. p. 29.
156
HISTORY OF
ĭ
macy from his holiness to his majesty, the most forward were
bishops Gardiner, Stokesley, Tonstal, and Bonner, soon after
made bishop of London; who, not content with arguing and
preaching against their old master, wrote with great zeal
against the shocking usurpations of the man of sin.* Bonner
was at first a zealous favourer of Luther's doctrine, and now
a great promoter of king Henry's proceedings. He discovered
his zeal for the publication of the Bible in English; and, after
his promotion to the see of London, he caused six copies to be
set up in St. Paul's cathedral. He, at the same time, took an
oath, "
never to consent that the bishop of Rome should ex-
ercise or have any manner of authority, jurisdiction or power,
within this realm, or any other the king's dominions, but that he
would resist the same at all times to the utmost of his power;
and that from thenceforth he should accept and repute the king's
majesty to be the only supreme Head on earth of the church
of England; and that to the utmost of his power, he would
observe all acts and statutes, made and to be made, for the
extirpation of the bishop of Rome and his authority, and for
the corroboration of the king's supremacy, against all persons
whatsoever." These right reverend gentlemen, assured that
it was conducive to their worldly interest, could, without a
single scruple of conscience, engage themselves to be the spi-
ritual and faithful servants of the pope of Rome, or of the
pope of England. The university of Oxford followed their
example, and unanimously agreed, "that the pope had no
more power in England, than any other foreign bishop."S
Fisher, bishop of Rochester, however, refused the oath,
and, with great zeal, opposed the act of supremacy, remaining
firm in his allegiance to his original master. For these active
and important services, the pope sent him a cardinal's hat;
and when lord Cromwell asked him whether he would accept
it, and being answered in the affirmative, he carried the infor-
mation to the king; who in a violent gust of passion, said,
"Yea, is he yet so lusty? Well, let the pope send him a hat
when he will: mother of God, he shall then wear it on his
shoulders; for I will leave him never a head to set it on.”
+
+
*Fox, vol. ii. p. 289–293.
+ Burnet, vol. i. p. 181,
+ Biog. Britan. vol. ii. p. 403.
§ Echard, p. 284.
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157
Henry was as good as his word; for he soon after caused
the venerable prelate's head to be severed from his body on
the scaffold.*
The bishop was not the only sufferer on this occasion. Sir
Thomas More, high chancellor of England, suffered on a
similar account. This person is extolled for his patience,
humility, meekness, piety, and charity ; but, surely these
amiable Christian qualities did not appear in his conduct to
Mr. Bainham, whom he caused to be tied to a tree in his gar-
den, and to be barbarously whipped, then racked on the
wheel, and burnt at the stake. Though he was supersti-
tiously devoted to the interests and passions of the popish
clergy, and even assisted them in many of their cruelties; he
had formerly cultivated more generous principles, as appears
from his "Utopia," in which he borrows the disguise of a
romance to declare his mind with unreserved freedom on
religion: "The Utopians," says he, "allow liberty of con-
science, and force their religion on no body. They hinder
none from a sober inquiry into truth, nor use any violence on
the score of a different belief.Ӥ
King Henry having totally rejected the authority of Rome,
his holiness published his fulminations, asserting his authority
over all the kings of the world; and having enumerated
Henry's crimes, he commanded him to appear within ninety
days at Rome; and upon his refusal, he declared him to have
forfeited his crown. The sovereign pontiff put the whole
kingdom under an interdict; and absolved all his majesty's
subjects from their allegiance, declaring the king and his ac-
complices infamous. He commanded all the clergy to quit
England within a specified time, except so many as would be
requisite for baptizing the children, and giving the sacrament
to such as died in penitence. He charged all his majesty's
subjects to rise in arms against him, and forbade all to assist
him. He absolved all other princes from their treaties with
him, and prohibited them from having any intercourse with
him. He required all Christians to make war against him ;
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 294.
+ Wood's Athenæ, vol. i. p. 32.
Fox, vol. ii. p. 245.
§ Burnet, vol. i. 355.-Hist. of Stuarts, vol. i. p. 88.
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HISTORY OF
and to seize the property and persons of all his subjects, and
make slaves of them !!*
The thunders of the vatican, however, had now lost their
force. But to prevent the least inconvenience, the king pro-
cured all the bishops and clergy to sign a declaration against
all ecclesiastical persons who pretended to the power of the
sword, or to claim authority over kings; and that all who as-
sumed such power, were subverters of the kingdom of Christ.
The prelates signed another declaration, affirming a limitation.
of the regal, as well as ecclesiastical power; that one was for
civil, the other for ecclesiastical purposes; and that princes
were subject to the word of God, and bishops ought to be
obedient to them.†
It has been already observed, that Henry sought by every
means in his power, to suppress the English translations of
the Scriptures; notwithstanding this, several editions were
printed abroad, and being sent over, were eagerly read by the
people. Upon the publication of Coverdale's translation of
the Bible in 1537, the bishops were extremely clamorous,
and complained to the king, that it contained many faults.
Henry asked them whether it contained any heresies; and
their lordships having signified that they had not discovered
any, the king replied, "Then, in the name of God, let it go
abroad among the people."
The sacred volume was soon after commanded by another
royal proclamation, to be set up in all the churches through-
out the kingdom, "to the only intent, that all his majesty's
loving subjects, minding to read it, might not only consider
and perceive the ineffable omnipotent power, promise, justice,
mercy, and goodness of Almighty God, but also to learn
thereby to observe God's commandments, to obey their sove-
reign lord, to exercise godly charity, and to use themselves
according to their vocations, in a pure and sincere Christian
life, without murmuring." His majesty intended that all his
loving subjects should humbly, meekly, and reverently read
the Bible for their own edification and amendment of life, ac-
cording to God's word.‡
This public measure proved a great national benefit. For
* Echard, p. 290.
Burnet, vol. i. Rec. p. 250.
+ Ibid.
++
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
159
multitudes flocked to the churches to read, and to hear the
word of God in their native tongue; the happy result of which
was soon extremely apparent, by a detection of the frauds, and
errors, and superstitions of popery. The people being excited
to think and examine for themselves, many of whom having
obtained a true knowledge of the mind and will of God, met
with great opposition from the contrary party. They raised
their clamour and outcry against this use of the sacred volume,
and sought to have it suppressed. No event could have trans-
pired more galling to the catholics, which they clearly saw
would effectually destroy their projects; and, as it was pro-
moted by the highest authority, they dare not openly declare
their opposition.*
The king, however, did not stop here; but adopted another
most prompt measure. Not long after the foregoing grant of
liberty to read the Bible in the churches, Henry issued another
proclamation, allowing all his subjects to procure and read the
holy Scriptures in their own houses. This instrument sets
forth, that the king was desirous of his subjects' improvement
in the knowledge of their duty to God and the king. That
the most likely means of attaining this end, was to allow them
the free use of the Bible in their mother tongue. And that
because different translations might occasion dispute and error,
especially among people of obstinate and presuming tempers;
therefore lord Cromwell was ordered to take care that no
person, without his authority, should print any Bible in the
English tongue, during the space of five years.†
This was a memorable epocha in the history of religious
freedom. It was in the year 1539, when the key of know-
ledge was for the first time unreservedly committed into the
hands of the people; and when the Magna Charta of the
church of God, was first allowed to be published in a language
which they understood. On this occasion the only standard
of religious truth, and of the rights of conscience, was entrust-
ed to those to whom it unalienably belonged, and for whose
use and improvement it was given by their Creator. This
was a tremendous blow against the Romish superstitions and
usurpations, and opened a wide door for investigation and free
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 303, 314.
+ Collier, vol. ii. p. 150, 174.
160
HISTORY OF
}
inquiry. Men, taught by the Bible, now ventured to think
and judge for themselves, and to harbour doubts and suspicions
of existing ecclesiastical impositions. It was now deemed con-
sistent with man's rational nature to bring the lofty claims of
the church, with all its doctrines and dogmas, to the test of
examination, and to reject those which were unsupported by
truth, or hostile to the word of God.
We have already remarked, that the seeds of the reforma-
tion had been plentifully sown by the zeal and boldness of
Wickliffe; and that, notwithstanding all the attempts to sup-
press his opinions for several successive generations, they
spread and prevailed among all ranks of people. Many of the
clergy embraced them, and were generally known by their
open disparagement of existing superstitions. Wickliffe, in
the preface to his translation of the Bible, had so exposed the
corruptions of the clergy; condemned the worship of saints
and images; denied the corporeal presence of Christ in the
sacrament; and recommended the study of the holy Scriptures
to the people, that they began to think and examine for them-
selves. In proportion as the popish clergy resisted this laud-
able propensity, they rendered themselves the objects of
popular jealousy and contempt. The primitive church knew
nothing of capital punishment for the sin of heresy; and the
sacred Scriptures are totally repugnant to such unprofitable
and barbarous proceedings.
Others of the clergy were greatly alarmed at the progress of
the new doctrines, as they were called by those who rested in
outward ceremonies and formalities of religion. They who
have not experienced its power, by changing the disposition
and habits of the mind, have in every age raised a clamorous
outcry against those who have been truly zealous for vital and
personal godliness. Strange as it may appear now, all who
then taught the people the Lord's prayer, the creed, and the
ten commandments in the vulgar tongue, were considered as
fanatics, and enthusiasts, and even heretics, deserving no
mercy! But the writings of Wickliffe had existed a hundred
and fifty years; whilst the cruel proceedings of the higher
orders of clergy convinced the people of the weakness and
wickedness of their cause, and attached them more firmly to
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
161
those principles which bring glory to God, and peace and
good-will to men.
*
The pope, after some time, renewed his attempt to prevail
on king Henry to be reconciled to the holy see; but his
majesty was so exceedingly pleased with his new ecclesiastical
powers and titles, that he effected the total extinction of the
papal authority in England.† Though he had already re-
nounced, in the most public and explicit manner, all subjection
and obedience to the Roman pontiff; yet an event now trans-
pired which put Henry to a second trial. The pope behold-
ing his usurped empire invaded, and his tyrannical authority
rejected, by several European princes, thought it high time to
bestir himself; therefore his holiness, to recover as far as pos-
sible what he had lost, and to provide a remedy against future
dangers, appointed a general council at Mantua in Italy,
requiring all the princes in Christendom to attend or send
their ambassadors, with a view "to suppress heresies, to
restore the church, and to make war against the Turk." The
king had on this occasion the best opportunity of displaying
what he called his protestant principles, and of showing his
determined hostility against the supremacy and usurpations of
Rome; which he did not fail to embrace, by publishing a most
noble protestation "in the name of the king, the council and
clergy of England," containing an intrepid refusal to observe
the orders of his holiness. The substance of it is here recited.
"We have been so long acquainted with Romish subtleties
and popish deceits, that we easily judged the bishop of Rome
to intend an assembly of his adherents, and men sworn to think
all his lusts to be laws; and we were not deceived. What
king is not summoned by a proud minister and servant of
kings, to bolster up errors, frauds, deceits and untruths, and
to set forth this feigned general council? For, who will not
think that Paul the bishop of Rome attempts to make men.
believe that he pretends a general council, rather than that he
desires one indeed? Who can less desire it, than they who
despair of their cause, except they be judges, and give sentence
themselves against their adversaries? We, who very sorely
against our will at any time leave off the procurement of the
*Custance, p. 98, 100.
+ Ibid. p. 155.
VOL. I.
M
162
HISTORY OF
realm, neither need to come ourselves, nor to send procurators,
nor yet to make our excuse for the omission of both. For,
who can accuse us, when we come not at his call, who hath no
authority to call us?
"Let it be granted, however, that he may call us, and that
he has authority so to do; yet cannot all men see, what it will
avail to come to this council where we shall have no place, ex-
cept we be known to oppress truth, and to establish errors?
Do not all men perceive as well as we, with what integrity,
fidelity and religion, these men discuss matters in controversy ?
Is it not plain what fruit the commonwealths of Christendom
may look for at Mantua, the place chosen to keep this council?
Is there any prince not being of Italy; yea, is there any prince
of Italy, dissenting from the pope, who dares come to this
assembly? If there come none who dare speak for oppressed
truth, none who will venture his life for it, while the bishop of
Rome is sole judge, the defenders of papacy will again set up
the popish authority, which is now quaking and ready to fall.
"Is this the way to help things afflicted? to redress trou-
bled religion? to raise up oppressed truth? Shall men thus
know, whether the Roman bishops ought to be pastors in their
own dioceses, and so to use no other power; or that they may
make laws not only to other bishops, but also to kings and
emperors? Oh boldness! meet to be beaten down by force,
and not to be refuted by arguments! Can either Paul that now
lordeth, or any of his servants, earnestly attempt to heal the
sicknesses, to take away the errors, and to pluck down the
abuses now in the church, by such councils as that now pro-
posed?
"Is it very likely, that those who prowl for nothing but
profit, will right gladly pull down all such things as their fore-
fathers set up, only for the increase of money? As their fore-
fathers, when their honour, power and primacy were called in
question, would, in despite of God's law, maintain their dig-
nity, or rather their intolerable pride; is it likely that they will
not tread in their steps, and make new corrupt canons, whereby
they may defend old evil decrees? Howbeit, what need we to
care, either what they have done, or what they intend to do,
for as much as England hath taken her leave of popish crafts
for ever, never more to be deluded with them? Roman bishops
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
163
1
have nothing to do with English people: the one doth not
traffic with the other; at least, though they will have to do
with us, we will have none of their merchandise-none of their
stuff. We will receive them of our council no more. We
have sought our hurt, and bought our loss a great while too
long. Their decrees, touching things set up or put down,
shall have none other place with us, than have the decrees of
all other bishops: if we like them, we admit them; if we do
not, we refuse them.
"But, lest men should think us to follow our senses too
much, and that we, from no just causes, forsake the authority,
decrees, censures and councils of popery, we thought it best
here to show our mind to the whole world. Wherefore we
protest before God and all men, that we embrace, profess, and
ever will so do, the right and holy doctrine of Christ. All the
articles of his faith, are so dear to us, that we should much
sooner stand in jeopardy of our realm, than to see any point
of Christ's religion in jeopardy with us. We protest that we
never went from the unity of his faith, neither will we depart
from it: no, we will much sooner lose our lives, than any
article of our belief shall decay in England.
"We would have a council; we desire it; yea, we crave
nothing so oft of God, as that we may have one: yet we will
that it be such as Christian men ought to have; frank and
free, where every man without fear may speak his mind. We
desire it may be a holy council, where every man may endea
vour to set up godliness, and not apply all their study in
oppressing the truth. We will that it be kept at such time
and in such place, that every man seeking the glory of God
may be present, and frankly declare his mind. For when a
council is general no man dissenting from the bishop of Rome
is compelled to be from it; and they who are present are not
hindered from boldly speaking what they think. Who would
not gladly come to such a council, except the pope, his car-
dinals and bishops? On the other hand, who would be so
foolish as to allow the pope to be president, and judge, and to
reign in such council, when the chief point to be handled is
the pope's own cause, power, and primacy?
you
“The world is not now under some slight suspicion, that
intend no reformation of errors; but every man sees before
M 2
164
HISTORY OF
1
}
his eyes your deceits, your wicked minds, your immortal
hatred against the truth. Every man sees how many miser-
able tragedies your pretence of unity and concord hath brought
into Christendom. They see your fair face of peace hath
served sedition, and troubled almost all Christian realms.
They see you never oppose religion more, than when you
would seem most to defend it. They are sorry to see that you
have a long season spent all your strength in defence of de-
ceits; have employed your whole power in promoting pride
and ungodliness; made virtue to serve vices; holiness to be a
slave to hypocrisy; prudence to subtlety; justice to tyranny.
They are glad that the Scripture now fighteth for itself, and
not against itself. They are glad that God is not compelled
to be against God: Christ against Christ. They are glad that
subtlety hath at this time done no more hurt to religion, than
constancy now doth good to the truth. They see the marks
that you have shot at in all your past councils, to be lucre and
gain. They see you sought your profit, though it were joined
with the slaughter of the truth. They see you would sooner
have injury done to the Gospel, than that your authority, or
rather your arrogant impudency, should in any point be di-
minished.
“We will now turn our oration to such things as privately
touch both us king Henry the Eighth, and all Englishmen. Is
it unknown to any man what mind Paul the bishop of Rome
beareth to us, king Henry the Eighth, to us his nobility, to us
his grace's bishops, and to us all his grace's subjects, for pull-
ing down his usurped power, and proud primacy; for expell-
ing his usurped jurisdiction; and for the deliverance of our
realm from his grievous bondage and plunder? Who seeth
him not inflamed with hatred against us, and the flame to be
much greater than he can now keep in? He is an open enemy;
he dissembleth no longer, provoking all men, by all the means.
that he can, to endanger us and our country. These three
years he hath been occupied in no one thing so much, as how
he might stir up the commons of England, corrupting some
with money, and some with dignities. We let pass the letters
he hath written to Christian princes, and with how much fer-
vent study he hath exhorted them to set upon us.
The good
vicar of Christ showeth by his works, how he understandeth
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
165
the words of Christ. He thinks he plays Christ's part well,
when he can say as Christ did: 'I am not come to send peace
on earth, but a sword.' Not such a sword as Christ would
have his cause armed with; but such as cruel man-killers
abuse in the slaughter of their neighbours.
"C
They are afraid, because we justly rejected their primacy,
that other princes will do the same; and so shake from off
their shoulders the heavy burdens they have so long borne,
contrary to the Scriptures, all reason and justice. They are
sorry to see the way stopped, that now their tyranny, avarice
and pride, can have no passage to England, which were wont
to walk, triumph, and trouble all men. They can scarcely
suffer the licenses to spoil our citizens, given them by our fore-
fathers, to be taken from them. They think it unlawful, that
we require things lawful of them who would be under no laws.
They think we do them wrong, because we will not suffer them
any longer to do us wrong. They see their merchandise is
banished and forbidden. They see we will buy no longer
chalk for cheese. They see they have lost a fair fleece, and
are exceedingly sorry that they can despatch no more pardons,
dispensations, totquots, with the rest of their trumpery: En-
gland is no more a babe.
(6
Surely, except God take away our right wits, not only
shall his authority be driven out for ever, but his name shall
soon be forgotten in England. We will from henceforth ask
counsel of him and his, when we wish to be deceived; when
we covet to be in an error; when we desire to offend God,
truth, and honesty. If a man may guess of the whole work
by the foundation, where deceit begins the work, can any
other than deceit be built upon this foundation? What can
you look for in this Mantua council, except the oppression of
truth and religion? The bishops of Rome can, when they
please, yield some part of their pretended right. They are
content that some of their decrees, some of their errors and
abuses may be reprehended; but they are never more to be
feared, than when they show themselves most gentle. For if
they grant a few, they ask many; if they leave a little, they
will secure a great deal. A man can scarcely tell how to con-
duct himself, so as to receive no hurt from them, even when
they bless him they seldom do good, but with an intent to do
166
HISTORY OF
evil. Certainly whosoever may come to their shops of deceit
and fraud, we will lose no part of our right by coming at his
call who ought to be called, and not to call. We will neither
come to Mantua, nor send thither upon this business."*
This interesting document exhibits the most intrepid resist-
ance and renunciation of the papal usurpation, and stands on
record as one of the noblest efforts of man, claiming absolute
exemption from papal despotism. If Henry had displayed
similar magnanimity in the cause of universal emancipation, by
the guarantee of unrestricted religious liberty to all his loving
subjects, his principles and his practice would have been ad-
mired and applauded to the end of the world. His conduct,
however, on this occasion and some others, inspired the Re-
formers, at home and abroad, with the liveliest hope, and the
strongest confidence. The king wrote a letter with his own
hand to dean Basnet, and the rest of the privy council; "show-
ing them the necessity of providing good and faithful pastors
to instruct the people in the duties of religion, and in obedience
to those new laws which every day restored to them more and
more of their Christian liberty, and promoted trade and indus-
try through the whole kingdom.”+t
The assembly of the first reformed convocation could not
fail of making the most favourable impressions. On this im-
portant occasion, lord Cromwell, his majesty's secretary, sat in
state above the bishops, as the king's vicegerent in all spiritual
matters; and, by order of the king, declared, That it was his
majesty's pleasure, that the rites and ceremonies of the church
should be reformed by the rules of Scripture, and that nothing
should be maintained which did not rest on that authority;
for, he added, that it was absurd, since the Scriptures were
acknowledged to contain the laws of religion, that recourse
should be had to the glosses or decrees of popes, rather than to
them.§ The better part of the nation rejoiced to see the word
of God professedly made the only criterion of faith and wor-
ship, totally excluding the authority of human traditions.
Had the Reformers of the church of England constantly
adhered to this divine principle, their generous efforts would
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 310–312.
Fuller, h. v. p. 207.
+ Biog. Britan. vol. i. p. 673.
§ Burnet, vol. i. p. 214.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
167
have gained the greater esteem of posterity, while the English
reformation would have rested on its only proper and secure
foundation. By strictly adhering to the holy Scriptures, as
the only unadulterated and all-sufficient standard in things
sacred, to the exclusion of the traditions and impositions of
men, almost innumerable evils would have been prevented;
and the rights of conscience would have been placed on their
only secure basis; while the church itself would have present-
ed a less distorted picture, and a greater resemblance to those
churches, whose constitution and government are delineated in
the New Testament.
The foregoing detail contains a very honourable testimony
of king Henry's professed regard for the inspired writings,
and of his concern for his subjects to make a suitable use and
improvement of them for their individual benefit. Though
most of the bishops and clergy were outwardly submissive to
his majesty's will, in the various alterations now adopted; yet
they used every artifice in their power to prevent them extend-
ing so far as to render the breach with Rome irreparable.
With these views, even after they had been brought to own
the royal supremacy, they still endeavoured to cherish in the
king a regard for the most absurd doctrines of the papal
church. And lest the few steps which the king had taken
towards a reformation, should encourage the followers of
Luther to be more open in promulgating their opinions, they
used their crafty policy to make the king discourage them;
therefore persecution never raged with greater violence and
injustice, than under this reforming monarch. So that what-
ever merit was due to the reformation of this period, the clergy
as a body had no pretence to any part of it; and those who
actually laboured to bring it about, of whom Cranmer was at
the head, were a very inconsiderable number in comparison of
the whole body.
Henry, however, had new thoughts on religion, which he
presently ventured, without hesitation, to make known to his
subjects. It very soon appeared, that no great dependence
was to be placed on the political maxims, the religious opinions,
or the spiritual supremacy, of this imperious monarch; for,
notwithstanding his most open and determined rejection of the
papal power, he made himself equally despotic over the pro-
168
HISTORY OF
perty and the souls of his subjects. Henry presented the
world with a very striking instance, that the authority of man,
which is always fallible, ever variable, and oftentimes sick of
its own exertions, is totally unable to establish the unchange-
able religion of the Bible; and that when that religion is at all
established in the hearts of men, it is established on the ground
of its own evidence, and not by any human interference or
authority whatever.
The first measures pursued by his majesty, were the sup-
pression of the English translation of the Scriptures, and the
appointment of a new standard of faith for all the nation.
Archbishop Cranmer had for a long time endeavoured to per-
suade the king, that, since he had rejected the pope's authority,
it was extremely improper to allow the popish doctrines to
be taught, which were founded only on the decrees of popes,
when the learned primate offered to prove what he recom-
mended; therefore he pressed the king to a free and impartial
examination of the received doctrines, that, upon a just expo-
sure of their untruth, the people might not be compelled to
believe them. But Henry's infatuation knew no bounds. He
not only suppressed the translation of the Bible, as highly pre-
judicial to his subjects, and set aside such of the popish doc-
trines as he thought proper; but he "took much pains to pro-
mote a union among all his subjects in matters of religion, for
preventing the further progress of heresy, and appointed many
of the bishops and learned divines to declare the principal
articles of the Christian's belief, together with the ceremonies,
and the way of God's service to be observed."* Upon the
consultation of the king's ecclesiastical counsellors, his majesty
framed his ten articles of faith into an act of parliament, com-
manding all his loving subjects to believe them.
This act set forth "That many ignorant and seditious peo-
ple had abused the liberty granted them for reading the Bible;
and that great diversity of opinions, animosities, tumults, and
schisms had been occasioned by perverting the sense of Scrip-
ture." To reclaim the people, therefore, from these enormi-
ties, it was enacted, "That a certain form of orthodox doc-
trine, consonant to the inspired writings, and the doctrine of
Burnet, vol. i. p. 173, 282.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
169
the catholic and apostolic church, shall be set forth as the
standard of belief; and that Tindal's false translations of the
Old and New Testament, and all other books touching religion
in the English tongue, contrary to these articles of faith, shall
be suppressed, and forbidden to be read in any of the king's
dominions." All printers and booksellers were prohibited print-
ing or vending any of the said books. The exposure of the
doctrine established, in plays or ballads, was forbidden under
heavy forfeitures and imprisonment. All books impugning
the holy sacrament of the altar, or maintaining the damnable
opinions of the anabaptists, were prohibited under forfeitures
and fines. The reading of the Bible was prohibited to all
under the degree of gentlemen. It was then enacted, “That
it shall be lawful for all persons to read or teach all such doc-
trine, as is or shall be set forth by his majesty. But if any
spiritual person shall preach or maintain any thing contrary to
these doctrines, he shall recant for his first offence, abjure and
bear a fagot for the second, and, upon a further relapse, he
shall be adjudged a heretic, forfeit all his goods and chattels,
and suffer the pains of burning !"*
This antichristian enactment was as glaringly absurd, as it
was tyrannically oppressive. Had all king Henry's subjects,
under those whom he styled gentlemen, no souls to be saved?
or had they and their families no need of religious instruction?
Were lords and gentlemen the only persons in the nation ca-
pable of reading and understanding the Bible, or of enjoying
the blessings which it contains? But this was not the most
glaring and hateful of this monarch's absurdities. For, while
he opposed, to the utmost of his power, the ecclesiastical do-
mination and pretended infallibility of Rome, he arrogantly
assumed to himself the sovereign power of controlling the
understandings and consciences of his people, and of setting up
a standard of Christian faith for all the subjects in the land,
requiring their belief of his new creed, under the penalties of
heavy fines, imprisonment, or death!! His majesty thus indi-
rectly put out the eyes of all the people, and compelled them,
or attempted to compel them, to use the royal vision in all
their attempts to distinguish truth and error, and in believing
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 369.—Collier, vol. ii. p. 188.
170
HISTORY OF
the will of God. Though the new head of the church con-
stantly expressed his wishes, and published his commands for
uniformity of religion, he unfortunately thought it far from
necessary to establish any such uniformity in his own mind;
but whilst he demanded, under the severest penalties, the
implicit faith of all his subjects, he was constantly changing
his own opinions in religion.
It may not be improper to inquire, what was the result of
these despotic and absurd proceedings? It would have been
very remarkable, if all king Henry's subjects, including bi-
shops, clergy and common people, had possessed understand-
ings of exactly the same dimensions with their prince, and
believed on all points of religion exactly as he believed, and
practised whatsoever he enjoined. This, however, was not
the case.
There were some honest men, bishops and others,
even in the dark and superstitious reign of Henry VIII.;
who, constrained to think and believe for themselves, could
not be compelled to measure their faith by his majesty's
standard, or "fall down and worship the image which the
king had set up." The conduct of these persons, was ex-
tremely offensive to the infatuated monarch; and, in a gust
of passion, he commanded them to be suppressed. This is
manifest from his letter to his bishops, in which he repri-
mands them severely for not reading the articles, and for
speaking against some of the ecclesiastical ceremonies, sternly
requiring them and all others to be more obedient in future.*
King Henry made, indeed, as little use of his own judg-
ment, as any man ever did. He had no fixed principles;
and he wished to make all his subjects like himself. The
whole of his reign was one continued rotation of violent pas-
sions. He was a mere machine in the hands of his ministers;
and his passions were borne away by him who had the most
artful address.
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, returned about this time
from Germany, having successfully negociated certain com-
missions, about which the king was greatly concerned. This
raised his reputation at court; where, with his usual sagacity,
he observed the temper and situation of men and things; and
* Collier, vol. ii. Rec. p. 31.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
171
finding that there was room to infuse new counsels by the death
of the queen, who exceedingly favoured the protestant interest,
he employed all the art and subtlety he could collect, and
besetting the unsuspicious king, he infused his designs under
the semblance of state policy. The crafty prelate had entered
into a secret treaty with the pope, and, for expected favours,
engaged to introduce popery again into England.
With this great object in view, he took frequent occasions
of alarming the king with apprehensions of foreign and do-
mestic danger. He insinuated, that something should be done
to counteract these threatening dangers; and, for this pur-
pose, he recommended his majesty to renew his zeal for the
old religion. As to his throwing off the papal yoke, he
said, it was a noble display of his magnanimity, and was
thus esteemed by all men of sober reflection; since the ty-
ranny of the court of Rome had become intolerable. The
suppression of monasteries was likewise, in his opinion, per-
fectly justifiable; and his majesty well knew, that none of his
counsellors had been more active in that affair, than himself;
but then he thought, that these things ought to be considered
only in a political view; and that he apprehended many ill
consequences of making any alterations in the established reli-
gion. So he advised his majesty to stop where he was, and,
by some vigorous act, to show to all the world, that he was not
the patron of novel opinions, as he was generally represented.
By such a step he would make those only his enemies, who
were blind devotees to the papal power, and who did not
amount to a fourth part of Christendom.
He could easily calculate what effect these representations
would have on the mind of Henry. By these plausible infu-
sions; and by showing how the interests of courts and factions
coincided entirely with his scheme, the crafty prelate so wrought
upon the vanity and ambition of the king, that by degrees he
drew attention; and, at length, made such an impression, as
he thought would serve his purpose. Having proceeded thus
far, he next proposed expedients; and, as the king was about
to call a parliament, he persuaded him to embrace this oppor-
tunity of doing something in the business he had recommend-
ed. These designs remained undiscovered by the opposite
party; for of all the wicked ministers that have infested the
172
HISTORY OF
councils of princes, perhaps none was ever more deep and
secret than the bishop of Winchester.
The parliament having assembled, Gardiner, now lord
chancellor, informed the upper house, that his majesty had,
with extreme uneasiness, observed the distracted condition of
his subjects in matters of religion; that he had nothing so
much at heart, as to establish a uniformity of opinion; and
that, therefore, he desired the lords immediately to appoint a
committee to examine the several prevailing opinions, and to
fix upon certain articles for general agreement. It was the
custom of those times, to use no ceremony in fixing a standard
for men's thoughts and opinions; and to vary that standard
with as little ceremony, as new modes of thinking and new
opinions prevailed.
In the conclusion, the memorable act of Six Articles passed
the two houses, and obtained the royal assent. By this sta-
tute the whole body of popery was restored, and incorporated
with the civil constitution, as briefly expressed in the following
particulars :-"That in the sacrament of the altar, after the
consecration, there remaineth no substance of bread and wine,
but the natural body and blood of Christ.-That communion
in both kinds is not necessary.-That priests, according to the
law of God, may not marry.-That vows of chastity ought to
be observed.—That private masses ought to be continued.-
That auricular confession is expedient and necessary, and
ought to be retained in the church.”
The pains and penalties of this new statute were tremen-
dous. It enacted that if any person should speak or write
against the first article, he should be judged a heretic, and
be burnt without abjuration, and forfeit his real and personal
estates to the king. If any one preached or disputed against
the other articles, he should suffer death as a felon, without
benefit of clergy. And if any person spoke or wrote against
them, he should suffer imprisonment during the king's plea-
sure, and forfeit all his goods and chattels to his majesty ;
but if he offended a second time, he should suffer death as a
felon.*
Upon the introduction of this act, the protestants saw plainly
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 259.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
173
enough a concerted scheme, and could trace it, without much
difficulty, to its true source. During its progress through the
two houses, they resolved to collect all their strength, and, at
least make one vigorous struggle. Every one, therefore,
employed his utmost energies; but the noble stand made by
archbishop Cranmer deserves particularly to be remembered.
This learned prelate, to use a military phrase, disputed every
inch of ground, and this he did with such force of reason, that
if reason had been the weapon of his adversaries, he had car-
ried his point. But all his eloquence and arguments were
ineffectual: the affair had been resolved in the cabinet; and
the parliament was only consulted for the sake of form. The
act, therefore, passed without much opposition; and was guard-
ed with those penalties, which made it dreadful to the better
part of the nation.
This act was no sooner published, than it created universal
alarm to all the friends of liberty and reformation. The pro-
testants every where exclaimed," that their prospect of hap-
piness was now over !!" They could not now expect a tolera-
tion. They clearly saw, that a sword was put into the hands
of their enemies to destroy them. Both papists and protestants
joined in exclaiming, "that it was difficult to understand what
the king intended; for it was not safe to be the one or the
other; seeing the act of supremacy condemned papists, and
the act of six articles destroyed protestants."*
Good bishop Latimer was among those whose holy indigna-
tion was first awakened by these proceedings; and, as he could
not give his vote for the act, he thought it wrong to hold any
office in a church, where these terms of communion were re-
quired. He, therefore, resigned his bishopric, and retired into
the country. It is further related, that when he returned
from the parliament-house to his lodgings, the day on which
the act passed, he threw off his robes, and, leaping up, ex-
claimed to those about him," that he thought himself lighter
than ever he was before."
As might be expected, vigilant emissaries were sent in every
direction; articles of accusation were collected from all quar-
ters; and in London alone, more than five hundred persons
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 370–372.—Gilpin, vol. i. p. 406–415.
174
HISTORY OF
were in a very short time cast into prison. Papists and pro-
testants were alternately burnt at the same stake: and, in
some instances, the former were hanging and the latter burn-
ing at the same time and place, as we find recorded in the
annals of Smithfield.*
Lord Cromwell, and archbishop Cranmer, beheld with
awful concern the miseries of the nation, but could not
prevent them. They stood nearly alone, in opposing these
arbitrary measures; while they had enough to do in stem-
ming a torrent, which ran so strong against themselves.
Cromwell was afterwards borne down by his enemies; and
more than one attempt was made at the life of Cranmer;
but the favour of his sovereign sheltered him. Indeed, king
Henry's care for this learned prelate to the end of his reign,
is almost the only striking instance we have, either of his
steadiness, or his good nature.
These barbarous persecutions were accompanied, as might
be expected, with contention and discord in every corner of
the land. The king himself complained to the parliament,
saying, “charity and concord are not among my subjects,
but discord and dissension beareth rule in every place. Be-
hold! the one calleth the other heretic and anabaptist; and
he calleth him again papist, hypocrite and pharisee. I see
and hear daily, that the clergy preach one against another;
teach one contrary to another; inveigh one against another,
without charity or discretion. Some are too stiff in their old
mumpsimus; others are too busy and curious in their new
sumpsimus."+
Henry's disgraceful intolerance was a source of unbounded
grief to all his worthy subjects, and produced similar impres-
sions on the minds of the learned Reformers abroad. Luther,
Melancthon, and several of the foreign Princes could not help
feeling greatly disgusted with the conduct of the infatuated
monarch. He for some time, held a friendly correspondence
with Melancthon, whom he invited to England; and who, at
the solicitation of the Landgrave of Hesse, wrote him a long
letter in a most magnanimous spirit, a portion of which de-
serves quotation.
*Fox, vol. ii. p. 445.-Fuller, b. v. p. 235. + Fox, vol. ii. p. 482.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
175
"Many pious and learned men in Germany," says he,
"have indulged the hope that your majesty's authority
would have produced a considerable alteration in the con-
duct of other kings, and that the German princes in par-
ticular might have been influenced to relinquish the un-
worthy cruelty of their proceedings, and deliberate on the
correction of abuses. You were hailed as the promoter and
leader of this most holy and illustrious design. Now, alas!
your prejudices have wounded our minds most deeply; the
animosity of other princes is confirmed; the vexatious obsti-
nacy of the impious is increased; and the ancient errors are
strengthened. The bishops no doubt contend that they do
not maintain errors, but true doctrines and a divine right;
and though by no means ignorant that they are in fact op-
posed to the divine authority and the apostolical constitution
of the church; yet men will find out very fine interpretations,
or artful poisons, as Euripides calls them, when policy re-
quires it, in order to furnish a specious pretext for their
errors. Sophisms of this description may not be so much
admired in England; but they are very much in repute at
Rome, where the cardinals, Contaranus, Sadolet, and Pole,
are applying a new paint and varnish to old abuses. In
Germany these sophisms have depraved the minds of many
persons of distinction, and I am not surprised that multitudes
are deluded by these fallacies; and though you are neither
deficient in erudition nor in judgment, yet even wise men are
sometimes diverted from the truth by specious arguments.
"It cannot be denied that the church of Christ was for a
long period veiled in tremendous darkness. Human tradi-
tions, the torment of pious minds, were most shamefully
introduced to the utter corruption of divine worship. Vows,
gifts, vestments, meats, and drinks; a vain repetition of
prayers, indulgences, and the worship of images, with every
species of manifest idolatry being instituted for the true ser-
vice of God, exhibited a striking resemblance between the
religion of heathens and of Rome. The real doctrines of
repentance and forgiveness of sin through faith in Jesus.
Christ, justification by faith, the distinction of law and Gos-
pel, and the use of the sacraments, were unknown. The keys
of authority were given into the hands of the pope, to support
his tyranny both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs.
176
HISTORY OF
"The Spirit of God has predicted that in the last times a
violent contention would arise between the saints and anti-
christ, and that antichrist supported by bishops, deceivers,
and princes, would oppose the truth and slay the pious.
These very things are at this moment transacted. We re-
joiced in the separation of your majesty, and hoped that the
English church would again flourish; but, alas! your bishops
still adhere to antichrist in all his idolatries and errors.
"It is no light offence to set up new kinds of worship and
service of God without his Word, and even to defend it.
Such presumption God horribly detests, who will be known
in his word only. He will have none other religion invented
by man's device; otherwise all sorts of religions might be
approved and allowed. 'Lean not,' saith God, to thine
own wisdom.' He sent Christ, and commands us to hear
Him, and not the inventions of subtle and politic men, who
apply religion to their own lucre and commodity."*
<
The contentions and cruelties at home, and the instructions
of the learned abroad, made no impression on the callous
heart of king Henry, who now indulged the court prelates.
in all their cruel purposes. Upon the meeting of parliament
soon after, his majesty's vicegerent, in a speech to the two
houses, declared, "That the king had appointed commis-
sioners to examine the disputed points in religion; that the
articles of faith might be without respect of parties grounded
on the word of God; and that he was very desirous the peo-
ple should have the knowledge of the truth; but his majesty
was resolved to punish without mercy, such as should presume
to prefer their own private opinions to those which were or
should be established."+ No honest man possessed of Chris-
tian principles, could tamely submit to this absurd, but most
profane despotism; and it was impossible for any man to be
obedient, without setting up his majesty's creed, already
made, or even to be made, as the only standard of truth,
and thus refusing to exercise his own intellectual powers.
The sentiments of the two houses, if indeed they had any
sentiments, exactly accorded, on this occasion, with those of
• Fox, vol. ii. p. 413-417.-Cox's Melancthon, p. 413–416.
+ Hist. of Stuarts, vol. i. p. 117.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
177
the imperious monarch. They passed certain acts which
clearly showed, that two branches of the legislature were not
only abandoned to a slavish subjection to the third, but that
they gave up their judgments and consciences to his majesty's
tyrannical pleasure; that they swallowed his absurdities and
contradictions as he directed; and that they gave their fullest
sanction to all this by a public statute. A great, and wise,
and generous prince would have scorned to drive his subjects
into such scandalous extremities, contrary to the law of nature
and common sense. Thus all Englishmen were required to
believe and practise in all religious matters, according to the
sovereign will of their prince, even without knowing what
creeds or forms of worship he would prescribe. This act,
therefore, confirmed in Henry that pretended infallibility
which he had so recently wrested from the pope.
Towards the close of this reign, another law was made,
which enacted, "That recourse must be had to the catholic
church for the decision of controversies; and therefore all
books of the Old and New Testament in English, of Tindal's
translation, or comprising any matter pertaining to the Chris-
tian religion, contrary to the doctrine set forth by the king in
the Six Articles, shall be abolished; no person shall sing or
rhyme contrary to the said doctrine; and no person shall
retain any books or writings contrary to the blessed sacra-
ment of the altar, or other books abolished by the king's pro-
elamation. The Bible shall not be read in English in any
church. No women, or artificers, apprentices, journeymen,
husbandmen, or labourers, shall read the New Testament."*
Had these common people then no souls to save? or, was
the salvation of their souls of little or no moment? Were
such persons likely to defile the Bible, or in danger of being
defiled by the sacred volume? Must princes, then, gravely
determine by law, the qualities of the people whose souls they
are pleased to destroy, by depriving them altogether of the use
of the Scriptures? Such is the glaring nonsense and absurdity,
when princes interfere with the religion and salvation of their
subjects.
Henry having made himself absolute, did not fail to exer-
VOL. I.
* Hist. of Stuarts, vol. i. p. 148.
N
*
"
178
HISTORY OF
cise his high prerogative. He destroyed multitudes of his
most faithful subjects, among whom the names of Mr. Tho-
mas Bilney, Mr. John Frith, Dr. Robert Barnes, and lord
Cromwell, will be revered and honoured to the end of time.
No prince ever acted more hostile to the rights and liberties
of human nature; or more violently persecuted those who
could not go to the same lengths of absurdity with himself,
and believe all those dogmas which he called religion. This
inhuman monarch, who, in cruelty and oppression, outstrip-
ped most of his predecessors, was summoned before the tri-
bunal of God, on January 28, 1546, in the fifty-sixth year of
his age, and the thirty-eighth of his reign. The pope, during
the reign of Henry, lost his authority in England, but popery
and spiritual slavery reigned in their most obnoxious forms.
Petulance and lust were manifestly at the bottom of his quar-
rel with the pontiff, and ambition placed him at the head of
the church. In this lofty station, he assumed all the airs of a
tyrant, while he possessed the cruelty of a savage, and the
zeal of an inquisitor, and poured the utmost contempt on
those who refused to be the tools of his prerogative. Though
he lived in defiance of every law, human and divine, yet the
prospect of death brought his crimes to his remembrance, and
he bequeathed six hundred pounds a-year to the priests, to
say daily mass for his soul !*
In the latter part of this monarch's reign, he became callous
to all impressions of tenderness, mercy, and humanity; and
he showed himself to be an implacable, vindictive, imperious
tyrant, under the pretence and affectation of mighty zeal for
religion. The poor Reformers drank so deep of the bitter cup
of his cruel bigotry, that it would be difficult, as well as pain-
ful, to exhibit to the full view of the reader, all those bloody
characters which so much stained his reign. Notwithstand-
ing all the faults and foibles of Henry, and that his own de-
sign at first savoured of nothing less than of religion; yet it
pleased God to make him the instrument of letting in the
light and liberty of the Gospel upon the nation, and of paving
the way to the work of reformation which afterwards followed.
The ways of God, as in the instance before us, are a mighty
* Custance, p. 188.
+ Warner, vol. ii. p. 231.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
179
deep, not to be fathomed by any created mind; and, on this
occasion, his wisdom and power were marvellously displayed,
by raising up to all appearance the most unlikely instrument
to accomplish the wonderful designs of providence: "That
God might stain the pride of man, and that such as glory,
might glory in the Lord."
The hope with which king Henry inspired the protestants
ended in painful disappointment. He separated from the
pope, but not from popery. Though Cranmer enjoyed his
favour, and he defended him to the last against the malice of
all his enemies, the cause of truth and undefiled religion dared
not lift up its head. The iron rod of power, held down every
bold spirit, which presumed to dispute the king's supremacy,
as it had formerly done those who had disputed the pope's
infallibility. It is painful to record the tragedies of Gardiner,
Bonner, and others, whose compliance with Henry's caprice,
gave them power to persecute unto death, those whose religion
was their only crime. The authority of the clergy was, how-
ever, greatly reduced; and the translation and circulation of
the Bible, contributed in no small degree to open the eyes of
the people.
The number of ministers and people who embraced the
evangelical doctrines was far from inconsiderable; and their
fervent zeal was far superior to that of professed Christians in
later times. They spent whole nights in reading and hearing
the word of God; and set so high a value on the sacred vo-
lume, that before it was allowed to be published, some of these
good people would give even a load of hay for a few chapters
of the apostolic epistles in English. Our author adds: “To
see their travails, their earnest seeking, their burning zeal,
their readings, their watchings, their sweet assemblies, their
love and concord, their godly living, their faithful marrying
with the faithful, may make us now in these our days to blush
for shame."* England, however, could not be said to have
embraced the protestant religion, or to have enjoyed the least
degree of religious freedom, since the despotic will of the ca-
pricious monarch made whatever alterations he pleased, and
sent to the flames, or to the scaffold, those pious Christians.
who dared openly to controvert his theological decisions.
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 23.
++
N 2
180
HISTORY OF
*
CHAPTER III.
THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD VI.
SECTION I.
The Basis of the Reformation, with its Influence on
Religious Emancipation.
DOMINION over conscience was the sin of Christendom.
It left no territory in which the principle of freedom
might operate. The human mind placed under the yoke of
spiritual captivity, unconsciously submitted to its fêtters as an
act of homage to Jesus Christ. That faith which had over-
come the world was enslaved by the man of sin, and a thou-
sand years rolled away before the imposture was generally
suspected and openly resisted. England, as the foregoing
pages will amply show, was equally debased as other nations.
Though during the late reign, many vigorous efforts were
made to release the people from the degrading servitude, and
to procure deliverance from spiritual captivity; yet, properly
speaking, no emancipation from this intolerable slavery was ac-
complished: all that could be done was a transfer of the eccle-
siastical usurpation from one species of despotism to another,
being equally repulsive to the light of divine truth, and
equally dangerous to the best interests of mankind.
There is no way of accounting for this state of intellectual
debasement, but by ascribing it to the extinction of civil and
religious liberty, consequent upon the establishment of Chris-
tianity by the secular power. The advancement of knowledge
is not more closely connected with political liberty, than the
spread of the Gospel of Christ is with religious knowledge
and religious freedom. The period was now arrived when
the bonds of ecclesiastical tyranny were to be loosened; so
that literature, and freedom, and religion revived tegether.
It was not without strong reason that the apostle Paul em-
phatically urged it upon the Corinthians: "Ye are bought
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
181
with a price; be not ye the servants" or slaves " of men." A
spirit of slavish subjection to the power of man is so incompa-
tible with the doctrine and spirit of Christianity, that religion
must be first perverted, before it can possibly be made the
instrument of oppression. "Christianity," remarks bishop
Warburton, "naturally inspires the love both of civil and
religious liberty; it raises the desire of being governed by
laws of our own making, and by the conscience which is of
God's own giving. Either the foul spirit of tyranny will
defile the purity of religion, and introduce the blind submis-
sion of the understanding, and slavish compliance of the will
in the church; or else the Spirit of the Lord will overturn
the usurpation of an unjust despotic power, and bring into
the state, as well as the church, a free and reasonable ser-
vice."*
The truth and importance of these observations was clearly
verified in the history of the Reformation and succeeding
events. On the death of Henry VIII., his only son EDWARD
VI. succeeded to the English crown.
This amiable young
prince, only nine years and four months old when he ascended
the throne, was, on account of his piety and learning, his
acquaintance with the world, and his application to business,
justly considered as the wonder of the age. The mind of
Edward was not fettered with bigotry and superstition, the
great fault of his predecessors; and was always ready to
follow the dictates of truth, in the promotion of sound reli-
gion. Under the instructions of archbishop Cranmer and
the duke of Somerset, he set himself to promote the reforma-
tion and the happiness of his subjects.
Cranmer had willingly done no ill, and privately many
good offices for the protestants; yet, our author adds, "his
cowardly compliance hitherto with popery, against his con-
science, cannot be excused."+ Being now released from
the severe restraint under which he had been held by his
tyrannical and capricious master, he exerted himself with
commendable zeal in the advancement of the reformation.
In this great work, he was most cordially supported by a
majority of those who governed the kingdom during the
+ Fuller, b. vii. p. 371.
* Conder, p. 603.
182
HISTORY OF
KOBA
minority of Edward. The undertaking was, indeed, as exten-
sive, as it was difficult; and in the progress of the work, there
was found a great deficiency of ecclesiastical coadjutors. Al-
though most of the bishops externally complied with the
alterations introduced by those in authority, they remained
attached to the old religion, and not only refused to aid, but
even secretly thwarted the endeavours of the primate and his
colleagues.
Civil and ecclesiastical tyranny, had been the common
faults of Henry and his courtiers. The two evils were so
combined, that, at this early period, it was thought difficult
or impossible to obtain emancipation from the latter, without
throwing off the former; and from arguments which estab-
lished the people's religious rights, they were erroneously,
but almost unavoidably led to disquisitions about their civil
privileges. In those kingdoms in which the rulers threw off
the Romish yoke, and introduced the reformation by their
own authority, the influence was more slow and imperceptible;
and in some of them, as in England, the ecclesiastical power
was thrown into the regal scale, and thus incorporated with
the civil constitution, which proved not the most favourable
to Christian liberty. In this country, the papal supremacy
was by law actually transferred to the prince; the ecclesiasti-
cal establishment was subjected to the civil power, and by
that power suffered to remain; and after removing the grosser
superstitions, the principal forms of the ancient worship were
appointed by those in authority to be retained.
The ccclesiastical affairs of the whole nation being placed
in the hands of the civil power, the protector Somerset proceed-
ed without delay to the reformation of the church. He was
unwilling that the people should continue in their ignorance
and errors, till a parliament could with convenience assemble;
therefore, in the meantime, by his own regal power and au-
thority, with the advice of the council, he chose commissioners,
and sent them with injunctions into various parts of the king-
dom, to root out existing superstitions and corruptions.*
About nine months after his majesty's accession, a parlia-
ment was called; when the leaders of the protestant interest
* Fuller, b. vii. p. 372.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
183
hoped that it would accomplish many important alterations,
especially in the state of religion. The nation having for a
long time groaned under the oppressions of Henry, was now
strongly biassed in favour of such alterations. So great a
change appeared in the opinions of men since the last parlia-
ment of the late king, that no one could have imagined the
two assemblies had been composed of the same persons. In
every debate the protestants took the lead and obtained a
majority; but not without much opposition, particularly from
bishops Gardiner, Tonstal, and Bonner. Their lordships plac-
ed themselves at the head of the popish party, and opposed
the attempts of the court as much as they dared; not indeed
directly and openly; for they soon observed the turning of
the wind, and, with great dexterity, shifted their sails. They
thwarted the means rather than the measures, and conducted
their opposition with that plausible dissimulation, which some
men can easily assume. Their common language was,
ever necessary these alterations might be, they were certainly
at this time highly improper-that a minority was not a sea-
son for innovations-that it was enough to keep things quiet,
till the king came of age-and that abuses might then be
inquired into, and remedies applied, with all that authority
which the full regal power could give.”*
"How-
This crafty opposition had very little effect. The prote-
stants now placed on the highest ground, carried for some
time every thing their own way. In that age of ignorance
and slavish subjection to man, when the general principles of
the people were unfixed, it was no difficult matter to persuade
those who were incapable of rational inquiry. The convoca-
tion, animated by the archbishop, showed the same spirit,
while it was digesting matters for the parliament. Many
changes in religion were projected, and some carried into exe-
cution. The act of the six articles was repealed;-communion
in both kinds was allowed:-images were ordered to be re-
moved out of the churches:-the marriage of priests was
made legal :-tradition was discredited :-lent was considered
as a political institution :-the liturgy was appointed to be new
modelled: :—an easy catechism to be framed; and the canon law
to be reformed.
* Gilpin, vol. i. p. 421.
ܐ ܐ ܢ ܚ ܐ ܕ
184
HISTORY OF
The ecclesiastical supremacy, formerly wrested from the
pope and given to king Henry, was now by the same autho-
rity placed upon the head of his son.* All ecclesiastical
jurisdiction was accordingly given to the king, with many
of the church lands which had not been seized by his royal
father. The civil power, therefore, assumed the sovereign
direction in all matters of religion, and the sole power and
authority in things ecclesiastical: insomuch that the majority
of the king's council had the same sovereign power and con-
trol in all affairs pertaining to religion and the church of God,
as the sovereign impostor of Rome had formerly possessed.
:
This ecclesiastical supremacy was the same thing when en-
joyed by the supreme authority at Rome, that it was after-
wards when enjoyed by the supreme authority at Westmin-
ster it was forcibly wrested from the head of the one, and
with all the formality of an act of parliament, fixed on the
head of the other. While this mighty power remained the
sole prerogative of the man of sin, and even after it was rebel-
liously claimed by Henry, its sole object was to promote po-
pery; but now, under Edward, it was employed to establish
protestantism. The highest civil authority, thus invested
with ecclesiastical supremacy, directed its proceedings to re-
gulate and new-model the established church. This was the
true ground and basis of the English reformation.
By virtue of the royal prerogative, a committee of divines
was appointed to draw up a new service book, which after-
wards underwent certain alterations. Upon his majesty's
appointment of these learned divines to this great work, he
issued his royal proclamation; in which he "inhibited all
preachers already licensed, and all manner of persons whatso-
ever, from preaching in open audience or otherwise, to the
intent that the whole clergy in the meantime might apply
themselves to prayer unto Almighty God, for the better
achieving of the same most godly intent and purpose, not
doubting that all his loving subjects in the meantime would
occupy themselves to God's honour, with due prayer in the
church, and patient hearing of the godly homilies, heretofore
set forth by his highness' injunctions; and so endeavour
Rapin, vol. ii. p. 10.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
185
themselves, that they might be the more ready with thankful
obedience to receive a most quiet, godly, and uniform order,
to be had throughout all his said realms and dominions. He,
therefore, willed all his loving officers and ministers, as well
justices of peace, as mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, constables, or
any other his officers, of what state, degree, or condition
soever they were, to be attendant upon this proclamation and
commandment, and to see the infringers or breakers thereof
imprisoned; and his highness or the lord protector's grace,
or his majesty's council, to be certified thereof immediately,
as they should tender his majesty's pleasure, and answer to
the contrary at their peril.”*
Unless all the inhabitants of the land had been asleep, some
persons, upon the perusal of this proclamation, would unques-
tionably have complained of persecution, and have concluded
it to have been the highest point of authority, thus to con-
demn the righteous with the wicked, and thus to stop the
mouths of all the preachers in England. If the head of the
English church had actually possessed infallibility, as well as
supremacy, he would certainly have been ashamed of assum-
ing so unrighteous and oppressive a power. All this, how-
ever, was in perfect consistency with the high claims of the
civil authority.
The commissioners having finished their task, and having,
it was said, " by the aid of the Holy Ghost," compiled the
new liturgy or book of Common Prayer, his majesty present-
ed it to the inspection and approbation of his two houses of
parliament; upon which an act was passed for its permanent
establishment, as the form of public service of the church of
England. This was the first edition of the book of Common
Prayer; and, though it received several alterations at different
times, it was much the same as that which is now used in the
established church.
The new statute enforced the most rigorous observance of
the book, upon all who should officiate in the church, and
denounced tremendous penalties against every instance of
delinquency. It enacted, "That all ministers in any cathe-
dral or parish churches or other places within his majesty's
*Fuller, b. vii. p. 389, 390.
+ Burnet, vol. ii. p. 94.
186
HISTORY OF
dominions, shall from and after the day of Pentecost next
coming, be bound and use the matins, even song, celebration
of the sacraments, and all other common and open prayer, in
such order and form as is mentioned in the said book. And
it is ordained and enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if
any manner of parson, vicar, or any other minister who should
say or sing Common Prayer, or minister the sacraments, shall
after the said feast of Pentecost next coming, refuse to use the
said Common Prayer, or to minister the sacraments in such
order and form as they are mentioned and set forth in the
said Book; or shall use wilfully and obstinately any other
rite, ceremony, order, form, or manner of mass, openly or
privily, or matins, even song, administration of the sacra-
ments, or other open prayer than is mentioned or set forth in
the said book; or shall preach, declare, or speak any thing in
the derogation or depraving of the said Book, or any thing
therein contained, and shall be thereof lawfully convicted
according to the laws of this realm by a verdict of twelve
men, or by his own confession, or by the notorious evidence
of the fact, he shall lose and forfeit to the king's highness, his
heirs, and successors, for the first offence one whole year's
profit of such one of his benefices as it shall please his majesty
to assign and appoint; and also for the same offence, he shall
suffer imprisonment for the space of six months, without bail
or mainprise. But if any such person, after his first convic-
tion, shall offend again, and be thereof lawfully convicted,
then he shall for his second offence suffer imprisonment for
the space of one whole year, and shall be deprived, ipso facto,
for ever of all his spiritual promotions. And if any person
shall a third time offend, and be thereof lawfully convicted,
then he shall for the said third offence suffer imprisonment
during his life! If any such person so offending have not
any benefice or spiritual promotion, that then he shall for his
first offence suffer imprisonment for six months, without bail
or mainprise; and for the second offence, imprisonment dur-
ing his life !”*
This was the first time that the legislative Prayer-book was
established by act of parliament; but, surely, no great degree
* Fox, vol. ii. b. ix. p. 9, 10.
•
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
187
of honour is due to such unhallowed and severe enactment.
The prayers, forms of worship, ceremonies, and all the con-
tents of the Book, were derived from the old superstitious,
popish service, and part of the committee of divines appointed
to draw it up, were zealous and determined catholics; on which
accounts it was liable to many imperfections, and it was next
to impossible that it should not have been deeply tainted: yet,
had it been undoubtedly compiled "by the aid of the Holy
Ghost," and even given by divine inspiration, such human
enforcements and penalties, would have been highly unjusti-
fiable on every principle of reason, Scripture, and humanity.
In this legislative process, we hear nothing of argument, per-
suasion, toleration, or even conciliation; but all the weapons.
are the old, persecuting impositions, compulsions, and tem-
poral penalties, without at all allowing the people to think or
judge for themselves. Had the liturgy been more perfect than
even its most zealous advocates pretended, it could hardly have
been supposed that all the people in the land, or even all the
clergy, were, in so short a time, so far removed from all the
superstitions and errors of popery, or so well instructed in the
protestant religion, as to believe, and receive, and practise all
and every thing contained in the new Prayer-book: but to
force religious opinions and forms of worship upon people
against the evidence of their understandings, the convictions of
their consciences, or the bias of their prejudices, was the cer-
tain way to make them hypocrites. By thus affecting an exact
uniformity of religion throughout the nation, and thus employ-
ing the power of the civil magistrate and terrific penal statutes
to promote it, the zealous Reformers split upon the same rock
as their predecessors: they founded religion upon the wisdom
and policy of man, not on the truth and power of God.
Had the apostles left either creeds or prayers upon record,
those who are so fond of saying every thing in the words of
their forefathers, would not have been without excuse; any
antiquity short of this is insecure, and ought not to be trusted.
Corruptions appeared very early in the church, and it is cer-
tain that a liturgy formed no part of its primitive glory: both
God and nature teach us to pray in the language of our neces-
sities. If a formulary had been either necessary or expedient,
there can be no doubt that the Head of the church would
188
HISTORY OF
have provided one-he would not have made antichrist the
author of a liturgy, by means of which his church should ad-
dress him through all generations.* The Bible is always a
glorious rallying point for all classes of protestants; but the
imposition of human formularies has invariably engendered the
most bitter disputings, revilings, and illiberal recriminations.
By the foregoing memorable statute, the legislative autho-
rity not only undertook to provide and prescribe prayers for
the whole of the nation, and enforce them with the penalties
mentioned; but instructed and commanded, under similar
penalties, what rites and ceremonies they should use in the
public worship of Almighty God. Had these rites and cere-
monies constituted an essential part of divine worship, and been
thus prescribed in the word of God, it would certainly have
been highly commendable in the legislature to have instructed
and persuaded both the clergy and the people to the most care-
ful observance of them: but, as they were acknowledged by
all parties to be mere human devices, and only indifferent,
why were they made indispensably necessary to the ministerial
function, and the worship of Almighty God? Why were they
made thus necessary by such heavy pains and penalties? Who
authorized the civil power thus to compel all the officiating
clergy in England, and consequently all the people in the land
who attended upon divine worship, to approve and observe the
traditions of men, in the public worship of God? While this
discovers the only basis on which the English reformation was
founded, and ascribes the whole to the civil power, we need not
inquire whether the reformed church of England was, to all
intents and purposes, a parliamentary church, resting wholly,
for its original existence and its future continuance, upon the
acts of legislature; but we are constrained to acknowledge,
that the foregoing proceedings were unsupported by the Gos-
pel, hostile to Christian freedom, and violently opposed to the
rights of conscience.
It will not be deemed a sufficient answer to these represen-
tations, to affirm, that the ruling powers intended and endea-
voured by these proceedings, to destroy the pretended Romish
infallibility, her superstitions, errors and heresies, within the
* Legend, p. 285.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
189
British dominions. The good intention of the legislature, and
the worthy object proposed, will perhaps never be questioned :
but who will thence venture to infer, that the one or the other
was a sufficient justification of the means adopted, or the mea-
sures pursued? In every age the foulest reflections have, with
too much truth and justice, been cast upon protestantism, on
account of the unhallowed measures adopted to promote the
protestant cause. "The violence of intolerant protestantism,
had a most ill look after that of persecuting popery."
you
What did the event prove, in the case now stated? Was it
found upon trial, that the understandings of all the people in
the land, or even all the clergy, approved of these court pro-
ceedings? This will appear from the famous speech of the lord
chancellor Rich, addressed to the council, in which he said—
"We are informed that many of you are so negligent and
slack herein, that you look through your fingers, rather than
diligently see to the execution of the laws and proclamations.
If you would, according to your duties, give your diligence
and care towards the execution of the same most godly statutes
and injunctions, no disobedience, or disorder, or evil would
arise in any part of the realm, but it would presently be
repressed and reformed. But it is feared, that divers of
not only do not set forth, but rather hinder, so much as lieth
in you, his majesty's proceedings, and are content that disobe-
dience should arise, and that men should repine at the godly
orders of his majesty: so that in some shires the people have
never heard of divers of his majesty's proclamations; or, if
they have heard, you are content so to wink at it, and neglect
it, that it is all one as though it were never commanded. But
if you consider and remember your duties, first to Almighty
God, then to the king's majesty, the wealth of the realm, and
the safeguard of yourselves, you must needs see, that except
such orders as his majesty hath set forth, and shall hereafter
appoint, be kept, the realm cannot be defended, nor the peace
of it be preserved; but, upon the contempt of good and whole-
some laws, all disorders and inconveniences will arise, the peo-
ple will be wild and savage, and no man secure of his own.
His majesty, therefore, by the advice of the council address-
99*
* Fox, vol. ii. b. ix. p. 11.
*N
190
HISTORY OF
ed letters to all the bishops of the realm, " for the speedy and
diligent redress of these grievances; willing and commanding
them, that they should themselves have a special regard to the
due execution of the premises; also that all others within their
jurisdictions should by their good instructions and willing ex-
ample be the oftener, and with better devotion, moved to use
and frequent the same."*
These zealous efforts proved insufficient to convince catho-
lics of the errors of popery, and to make them approve the new
conformity. They could not be persuaded by such arguments
to renounce the religion of their ancestors; in which they had
been trained from the earliest infancy, and to embrace all the
alterations and innovations which the protestants now endea-
voured to force upon them. This was particularly the case
with bishop Bonner and bishop Gardiner; and because they
could not bring themselves within the pale of the new ecclesi-
astical establishment, they were both apprehended and cast
into prison. This violent measure may properly be reckoned
among the errors of those times. This intolerance, which
issued from the crown, was now invested in the council. But
in every view, political or religious, it was a harsh, discordant
measure; and extremely unworthy of the liberal cause, which
it was intended to serve.
The peculiar state of the reformation, at home and abroad,
put archbishop Cranmer on a scheme of uniting all the pro-
testant churches of Europe. They were all united already
against the antichristian claims and pretensions of the papacy;
but in no other point were they perfectly harmonious. Their
widest differences, however, concerned the sacraments, and the
government of the church. On these heads they held their
diversified peculiarities with sufficient firmness on all sides.
66
From these differences of opinion among protestants, and
their dissensions upon these great points, the catholic party
took great advantage. "Let the protestants alone," was the
clamorous cry;
they will soon quarrel with the same acri-.
mony among themselves, as that which they have already
shown towards us: and it will presently appear, that there can
be no criterion of religion, or peace in Christendom, but in the
bosom of the mother-church."
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 11.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
191
These sarcastic reproaches awakened the tenderest concern
in the breast of the archbishop, and urged him to use his utmost
efforts to bring the various discordant branches of protestants
into a closer union. "How noble would be the coalition," said
he, “if all the members of protestantism should unite in one
common mode of church government, and in one confession of
faith!” The learned primate does not seem to have inquired
whether his object was practicable; and he appears never to
have questioned whether it was desirable. The history of the
church, and the experience of ages, have reflected much light
on this subject.
In the south of France, in Holland, and in Germany, the
reformation flourished principally under Calvin, Bullinger, and
Melancthon. To these celebrated Reformers Cranmer appli-
ed with great importunity; entreating their friendly and zea-
lous co-operation in forwarding the favourite scheme, and pro-
posed their consultations to be holden in England, as a place
the most convenient and secure. The good prelate wanted the
experience of later times to convince him, that he attempted
to accomplish an impossibility. Men were not created with
exactly similar intellectual faculties, or with exactly similar
powers of thinking. But the archbishop seems to have been
unconscious, that when private judgment is allowed to operate,
it will of course show itself in different creeds, in different
modes of worship, and in different forms of church govern-
ment; the last of which, when under the direction of the civil
power, will invariably take its complexion from the state.
That very little advantage could be expected from the pro
posed interview, or from the scheme itself, Melancthon's answer
ought to have fully convinced him. The learned foreigner
applauded, in strong language, the primate's good intentions,
and most heartily wished him success: "But," he added,
"the model you ought to go upon, is certainly that confession
of faith which we signed at Augsburgh." Whatever liberal
principles that confession might discover, there was certainly
no large share of liberality in the imposition of it.
Calvin expected no better success from the archbishop's
scheme. He discovered an excellent spirit, but answered in
general terms. He professed that he would with cheerfulness
cross ten seas to promote the welfare of Christendom, or of the
192
HISTORY OF
J
church of England alone; but, in the present case, he pleaded
his inability; and committed the whole business into the hands
of God.—This Reformer saw deeper into the affair than the
archbishop. He not only discovered that it was impractica-
ble; but most probably thought, with many other learned
men, that, if practicable, it was by no means advisable: as
different parties would naturally be a check on each other, and
would happily tend, by that means, to preserve the church of
Christ from that lukewarmness, intolerance, and corruption
which the tyranny of the Roman hierarchy had unquestionably
introduced, and which another oppressive hierarchy might
again introduce. The projected union of protestants was,
therefore, relinquished.*
Though the archbishop completely failed to accomplish a
universal agreement among protestants, the civil power was
resolved to establish an agreement throughout England. Upon
the release of the church from the papal servitude, the people
began to think for themselves, and ventured to propagate their
religious opinions in every direction. This excited considera-
ble jealousy and alarm; and it was feared that the nation
would soon not only be divided into sects and parties, but de-
stroyed by inbred contentions, if some effectual remedy was
not speedily applied! By the deplorable ignorance and fan-
tastic reasoning of those in power, it was concluded, that the
peace of society could not be preserved without the imposition
of church government and forms of worship upon all the people
in the land!
The first step, therefore, that was taken to suppress existing
evils, and to promote universal peace, was the adoption of a
new religious creed, when the council appointed the archbishop
to draw up a confession of faith, and arrange the different sub-
jects under their respective heads. The affair, at this junc-
ture, was extremely delicate. The liberty and right of private
judgment was the substantial ground and reason of the late
separation from the church of Rome; so every restraint upon
this fundamental article was a direct attack upon the leading
principle of the reformation, and an attempt, however uninten-
tional, to overturn both the foundation and the superstructure.
Gilpin, vol. ii. p. 114.
}
?
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
193
Placed in this critical situation, Cranmer had a very difficult
task before him; and he ought to have possessed the wisdom
of Solomon, or even the intelligence of Gabriel, to have given
satisfaction to all parties, or to have avoided undermining the
very basis of the reformation, and destroying the rights and
liberties of the people, by prescribing and coercing them to
believe the proposed national creed.
The primate, according to the high trust reposed in him, at
length finished the work, having drawn up the articles in
forty-two distinct heads. This new standard of national faith
was afterwards published, with this title: "Articles agreed
upon by the Bishops and other learned and godly Men, in the
last Convocation at London, in the year of our Lord, 1552:
to root out the discord of Opinions, and establish the Agree-
ment of true Religion." Though they are said, in the title,
to have been agreed upon in the convocation, the fact is, they
were never so much as laid before that learned assembly.
The king would not trust the convocation with a power to
meddle with matters of religion, from the jealousy which he
had of the major part of them. It was, therefore, judged
more safe for his majesty to rely on the ability and fidelity of
a few select confidents, known to be his cordial friends, than to
adventure a cause of so much importance to be discussed and
decided by a suspicious convocation.*
This was,
The articles were never laid before the parliament, any more
than before the convocation; but Cranmer having finished
them, presented them to the council, where they received the
royal sanction, and derived the force of law.
unquestionably, a high act of the supremacy. As soon as
this summary of Christian faith was published, subscription
was required of all ecclesiastical persons, bishops and others,
who officiated, or should hereafter officiate, or enjoy any bene-
fice, in the established church. Such as scrupled to subscribe,
for want of a right knowledge of any of the articles, were to be
instructed and conferred with by the bishop, allowing them
six weeks for deliberation; and all who finally refused, were
to be expelled from the church and all ecclesiastical preferment.
This seems to have been the first time that subscription to arti-
cles of religion was required by public authority.†
* Fuller, b. vii. p. 421.
VOL. I.
+ Strype's Eccl. Mem. vol. ii. p. 420.
0
į
194
HISTORY OF
In the reign of Henry VIII., the legislature claimed and
exercised the right of separation from the church of Rome;
and on the accession of Edward, his son, it claimed and exer-
cised the same right, by rejecting many of the Romish cor-
ruptions obtruded upon the worship of God: but, upon the
publication of the articles of religion, one branch of the legis-
lative body, without even consulting the two others, imposed
their doctrines of faith, and required the new subscription,
under the foregoing penalties, upon all the bishops and clergy
in the nation! This was certainly a very high stretch of the
prerogative. In the dawn of the reformation, when the
liberty of private judgment and the rights of conscience were
very little understood, such unconstitutional and oppressive
measures might easily pass; but in later times, when the
constitution and the rights of Christians began to be appre-
ciated, they would have been deemed insufferable.
A question of great magnitude will here necessarily arise:
What effect had these proceedings on the rights and liberties
of the people? In answering this question, fact shall speak
for itself. If those by whom the new subscription was devised
and imposed, actually possessed authority to require such
subscription, and thus to constrain men to believe as they
believed, and practise what they enjoined, in all matters of
religion, the subjects of whom this subscription was required
had no right to refuse ooedience, or to hesitate a moment
about it: they were bound in this case to believe the doctrines
which the civil power commanded, even though ever so con-
trary to truth, and to practise what they enjoined, though
directly contrary to their judgments. There could not possi-
bly exist two contradictory rights, the one destroying the
other; a right on the part of the civil power to impose and
command, and a right in the subjects to scruple and refuse
obedience. But, on the contrary, if the political magistrate
possessed no power or authority whatever to require subscrip-
tion, the subjects on whom this subscription was imposed
might, with justice and propriety, have refused obedience
they were not bound, in this case, to believe what the civil
power commanded, or to practise what it enjoined. This
statement is unexceptionable.
:
All true protestants will undoubtedly admit, that the peo-
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
195
ple were endowed by their Creator with the powers of think-
ing and believing for themselves, on all subjects pertaining to
faith and salvation; that they were placed under indispensable
obligation to employ their intellectual powers on all such sub-
jects; and that, on this grand and fundamental principle, their
separation from the popish church was founded. None but
ignorant and intolerant Roman catholics will ever refuse to
acknowledge this concession. But mark the consequence of ac-
knowledging this first principle of protestantism. Seeing the
people were endowed by their Creator with the power of
thinking and believing for themselves on all religious subjects,
and were under indispensable obligation thus to exercise their
noblest faculties; the consequence is inevitable, that the im-
position of the forty-two articles was a most glaring infringe-
ment on those intellectual rights and powers which were given
them from above, and a most flagrant subversion of those
obligations which they owed to God. If their Creator endow-
ed them with rational powers, and made them responsible at
his awful tribunal, for the use of those powers in attending
for themselves to all the concerns of faith and salvation; all
imposition and coercion on the part of man, tended, according
to the degree of its operation, to set aside the use of their
rational faculties, and, at the same time, to annihilate their
obligation to God. Thus, by this ecclesiastical subscription,
the people were made mere machines, under the direction and
control of the civil power. There is, therefore, a manifest
discordance in all human attempts to impose articles of faith,
with the rights and obligations of Christians; yea, all such
attempts are acts of flagrant injustice, committed against the
dearest interests and obligations of men, against those inte-
rests and obligations which are sacred and inviolable in the
sight of God.
It has, indeed, been objected, that as subscription to the
articles was a restraint on the clergy only, it was no violation
of the rights and liberties of the people; because every church
claimed the power of imposing articles upon its own ministers.
-This, we conceive, is a dangerous assumption, unsupported
by evidence. In order that the objection might contain some-
thing like an argument, or the shadow of truth, it ought to
have been proved, first, that the clergy were not a part of the
0 2
196
HISTORY OF
people; that they did not belong to the community; or that
they were not human beings, but belonged to some inferior
race. This being accomplished, it ought next to have been
shown by some incontrovertible process, that every church
might justly impose articles upon its own ministers. These
are the two great points involved in the objection, the proof
of each of which is absolutely necessary to make the objection
of the least force; and till they are both established on the
most substantial evidence, the objection will be considered as
a mere subterfuge-a mere assumption of the point in ques-
tion.
It will, indeed, be necessary to pay some attention to the
two branches of this objection, especially as they are the only
two points of any moment opposed to the foregoing represen-
tations. A very near and important relation has always been
considered as subsisting between officiating ministers and their
people. As the former occupy the responsible situation of
instructers, guides, examples, shepherds, stewards; so the
latter are placed in circumstances exactly correspondent: and,
as the objection admits, that, in the imposition of king Ed-
ward's articles, there was some restraint upon the clergy, and
consequently some violation of their rights and liberties; so,
on account of the existing relation, the imposition of those
articles, with the penalties annexed, had certainly no very
remote bearing on the faith, edification, and best interests of
the people; consequently they had some just cause of com-
plaint. Any infringement on the religious rights and liberties
of the ministers of Christ, or any attack upon their faith and
religious practice, is manifestly an indirect attack upon the
rights and benefits of their people. If you rob the shepherd,
his flock must suffer.
With respect to every church claiming the right of imposing
articles upon its own ministers, it ought to be observed, that
such lofty claims gain no authority from the words of divine
inspiration; they obtain no strength from the plainest dictates
of reason and common sense. Why should the understand-
ings and consciences of the ministers of Christ, be tied and
bound with these fetters-these mere human devices; espe-
cially when they had free access to the holy Scriptures, the
only standard of faith and holiness? Had this subscription
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
197
been required of all the people in the land, it would certainly
have been a violation of their rights and liberties, and this
seems to be implied in the objection; therefore it must neces-
sarily have been a similar violation of those sacred rights,
when it was required of an important branch of the commu-
nity.
We do not mean, however, to insinuate by these remarks,
that the civil magistrate beheld the natural and inevitable
tendency of these intolerant measures, much less that he in-
tentionally committed these disgraceful enormities. His de-
sign no doubt was good and commendable; and perhaps as
great progress was made in the reformation, all circumstances
considered, as could have been rationally expected at this
early period. The nation had just emerged from the mid-
night darkness of popery, and was just emancipated from the
galling yoke of antichrist. Religious liberty, or even a tole-
ration, as might be expected, was very little known in those
early times. The minds of the people in general were still
overspread with the melancholy gloom of papal ignorance,
and the country was actually deluged with Romish supersti-
tions and abominations. To these wide-spreading evils, may
be added, that the worthy Reformers, in all their generous
attempts, were constantly opposed by a very potent popish
party, as well in the cabinet and parliament, as among the
higher orders of ecclesiastics and the regular clergy. When
the whole of the proceedings are carefully and impartially
considered, it appears more wonderful that the work of refor-
mation proceeded so far, than that it was not completed; and
this view of the subject undoubtedly affords some extenuation
to that antichristian intolerance, and those popish corruptions,
which were retained in the church of England.
SECTION II.
A more perfect Reformation intended, but followed by Measures
hostile to Christian Liberty.
THE foregoing ecclesiastical requisitions discover the true
grounds on which the reformation rested, and clearly show
what degree of influence they had in subverting the sacred
rights and obligations of Christians. To expose the common
I
198
HISTORY OF
error of those times, however painful, was indispensably ne-
cessary. A more comely and gratifying prospect is now be-
fore us; and a pleasing view of these great national transac-
tions is highly deserving of careful examination. The morn-
ing of the reformation certainly began to dawn upon the na-
tion; and Christianity once more expected to breathe her
native air.
The reformation of king Edward was not deemed perfect,
even in the estimation of its most zealous friends and promot-
ers. They used their vigorous efforts to advance the great
work, and never intended that it should make a stand in its
present unfinished state. Many relics of idolatry and other
impurities were banished from the church, and a platform of
Christian worship more correspondent to the mind of God was.
erected. The altars in most of the churches were removed, and
convenient tables set up in their places. And, as the form of
a table was more likely to turn the people from the supersti-
tion of the popish mass, and bring them to the right use of
the Lord's supper, bishop Ridley, in his primary visitation,
exhorted the curates and churchwardens in his diocese, to
have it in the form of a table, decently covered.*
This was
extremely congenial to the principles and wishes of the pious
Reformers; who, at this early period, avowed publicly their
objections against the new-modelled establishment, and who, al-
most to a man, vigorously sought a more perfect reformation.
The nation being emancipated from the tyranny and caprice
of Henry, men ventured to employ their thoughts on religious
subjects, and to make known their opinions to the world.
This excited much controversy among the various parties.
The disputes upon the state of the reformation, and confor-
mity to the legislative church, were carried into the pulpits.
One party declaimed with great warmth against all innova-
tions, while the other preached as warmly against all the
superstitions and corruptions derived from the old Romish
church; until the court interposed, and put a stop to these
public discussions.†
If the Reformers had been left to their own choice, and
had not been held back and retarded by a large mass of
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 158.
+ Ibid. vol. iii. p. 195.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
199
popishly affected bishops and clergy, they would most cer-
tainly have brought the government and worship of the
church of England to a nearer resemblance of the primitive
model. For the mass of evidence, in confirmation of this
statement, we are in part indebted to the judicious researches
of an excellent author, who is deserving of the grateful ac-
knowledgments of all true Christians.* It will be necessary
here to favour the reader with a specimen of this accumulated
evidence, with some additional particulars, as nearly as possi-
ble in the Reformers' own words.
Bishop Hooper informed Bullinger, that "the archbishop
of Canterbury, the bishops of Rochester, Ely, St. David's,
Lincoln, and Bath, were sincerely bent on advancing the
purity of doctrine, agreeing in all things with the Helvetic
churches." Cranmer expressed his disapprobation of the
vain-glorious pomp and titles, which were introduced into
the church through the working of the spirit of Diotrephes,
and declared his readiness to lay them aside. The title of
bishop was, indeed, very generally disused, during this reign,
and that of superintendent substituted in its place. This
change of language was vindicated by bishop Poynet, in
answer to a popish writer. Cranmer further declared his
opinion formally in writing, that "bishops and priests were
at one time, and were not two things, but both one office in
the beginning of Christ's religion;" with whom several others
exactly agreed. The primate said, "In the New Testament
he that is appointed a bishop or a priest needeth not conse-
cration by the Scripture, for election or appointment thereto
is sufficient." This was the sentiment of the bishop of St.
David's; while Latimer and Hooper maintained the identity
of bishops and presbyters, by divine institution. And thir-
teen bishops, with a great number of other dignitaries, sub-
scribed this proposition: "That in the New Testament there
is no mention made of any degrees or distinctions in orders,
but only deacons or ministers, and priests or bishops."
Cranmer unequivocally declared, "That in the apostles'
time, when there were no Christian princes, by whose autho-
rity ministers of God's word might be appointed, or sins by
*M'Crie's Life of Knox
200
HISTORY OF
to d
1
the sword be corrected; there was then no remedy for the
correction of vice, or appointing of ministers, but only the
uniform consent of the Christian brethren themselves, to
follow the advice and persuasion of such persons whom God
had most endowed with the spirit of counsel and wisdom.
And, forasmuch as the Christian people had no sword, nor
governor amongst them, they were of necessity constrained to
take such priests, as either they knew themselves to be meet,
or as were commended to them by others, who were so replete
with the Spirit of God, with such knowledge in the profession
of Christ, such wisdom, such conversation and counsel, that
they ought even of conscience to give credit unto them, and
to accept such as by them were presented: so sometimes the
apostles and others, to whom God had given abundantly of his
Spirit, sent or appointed ministers of God's word; sometimes
the people chose such as they thought meet. When any were
sent or appointed by the apostles or others, the people of their
own voluntary will with thanks accepted them; not for the
supremacy, empire, or dominion, that the apostles had over
them, to command as their princes and masters, but as good
people ready to obey the advice of good counsellors, and to
accept of that which was necessary to their edification and
benefit."*
The primate most ardently recommended the suppression
of prebendaries, and among many other things, he said they
were "an estate which St. Paul, reckoning up the degrees
and estates allowed in his time, could not find in the church
of Christ." All the protestant bishops and divines in the
reign of king Edward, were anxious for the introduction of
ecclesiastical discipline. Dr. Cox complained bitterly of the
opposition to this measure from the courtiers, and added, that
if it was not adopted, "the kingdom of God would be taken
away from them." Latimer, speaking of the reformation in
his facetious style, adds-" It is yet but a mingle-mangle,
and a hotch-potch. I cannot tell what; partly popery, and
partly true religion mingled together. They make mingle-
mangle of the Gospel. They can chatter and prate of it; but
when all cometh to all, they joined popery so with it, that they
* Burnet, vol. i. Rec. p. 221, 223, 228.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
201
marred all together."* This venerable prelate complained very
much of the stop put to the reformation, and warmly recom-
mended the necessity of reviving the primitive discipline.†
When the house of commons presented an address to the pro-
tector, earnestly requesting him to restore Hugh Latimer to
the bishopric of Worcester, the good old man absolutely re-
fused, "preferring the honourable employment of an itinerant
preacher."+
Cranmer and his colleagues were far from being satisfied with
the purity of the last Common-prayer Book of king Edward,
and he had drawn up one which is said to have been " a hun-
dred times more perfect; but he was matched with such wick-
ed clergy and convocation," it could not take place.§ He and
Ridley intended to procure an act for abolishing the sacer-
dotal habits; "for they only defended their lawfulness, not
their fitness." Cox, writing to Bullinger, said-" I think all
things in the church ought to be pure and simple, removed at
the greatest distance from the pomps and elements of the
world. But in this our church, what can I do in so low a
condition ?"
From these facts, the reader will clearly discover the spirit,
the principles, and the intentions of the learned Reformers,
and how very different were their sentiments from those of
their successors. Those who had the direction of ecclesias-
tical affairs in the reign of Edward, thought it most prudent
to proceed gradually and slowly, in removing the abuses, and
correcting the evils, which had overspread the church; and to
indulge the people for a season with many of those external
forms to which they had been habituated, that they might
draw them more easily from their superstitious notions and
practices, and in due time perfect the reformation to the satis-
faction of all. The plan was plausible: but the event was
very different from what was intended by those who proposed
it. This, indeed, was not unforeseen by many of those who
wished well to the church of England.
Cranmer, having signified to John Calvin, that he "could
do nothing more profitable to the church than to write often
*
Gilpin, vol. i. p. 436.
Custance, p. 197.
+ Burnet, vol. ii. p. 152.
§ Troubles at Frankeford, p. 43.
202
HISTORY OF
to the king," the Geneva Reformer wrote to the learned pri-
mate, lamenting greatly the procrastination used in England,
and expressing his fears, that " a long winter would succeed
so many harvests spent in deliberation." Calvin, by the soli-
citation of the archbishop, also addressed the protector, en-
couraging him, notwithstanding present obstacles, to press
forwards like Hezekiah in the good work of reformation.
He recommended a more thorough purgation of impurities,
and that the whole ought to rest on the foundation of Scrip-
ture. And having understood that their reason for not pro-
ceeding further was, because the times would not bear it, he
signified that this was "doing the work of God by political
maxims; which, though they ought to be followed in political
matters, yet they ought not in matters which concern the
salvation of souls."*
Peter Martyr found the clerical habits extremely offensive,
and refused to wear them. "When I was at Oxford," says
he, “ I would never use those white garments in the choir;
and I was perfectly satisfied in what I did." He styled them
mere relics of popery. He, moreover, declared it as his opi-
nion, that “the innumerable corruptions, infinite abuses, and
immense superstitions," retained in the church, “could be
reformed only by a simple recurrence to the pure fountain,
and unadulterated original principles." The prudential ad-
vice, as it was styled, that as few changes as possible should
be made, he called, " a device of Satan to render the regress
of popery more easy." Gualter said, that such advices,
though "according to a carnal judgment full of modesty,
and apparently conducive to the maintenance of concord,"
were to be ascribed to "the public enemy of man's salvation."
He then prophetically warned those who suffered abuses to
remain and be strengthened in England, that "afterwards
they would scarcely be able to eradicate them by all their
efforts and struggles." Fuller the historian says, that the
English Reformers "permitted ignorant people to retain
some fond and foolish customs, that they might remove the
most dangerous and destructive superstitions; as mothers, to
get children to part with knives, are content to let them play
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 88.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
203
with rattles."* But if mothers suffer their children to play
too long with rattles, they will be in danger of not parting
with them afterwards, and so continue children all their days.
Martin Bucer, recommending a purer reformation, said,
that "as the clerical garments had been abused to supersti-
tion, and were likely to become the subject of contention,
they ought to have been taken away by law; and ecclesias-
tical discipline, and a more thorough reformation, set up."
He disapproved of godfathers answering in the child's name
in baptism, and other corruptions in the liturgy. "It cannot
be expressed, how bitterly he bewailed, that when the Gospel
began to spread in England, a greater regard was not had
to discipline and purity of rites, in constituting the churches.”
He could never be prevailed upon to wear the surplice; and
when he was asked, why he did not wear the square cap? he
replied, “Because my head is not square."+ He recommend-
ed that pluralities and nonresidences might be abolished; and
that bishops might not be concerned in secular affairs, but take
care of their dioceses, and govern them by the advice of pres-
byters. The pious king Edward was so exceedingly pleased
with Bucer's advice upon these and multiplied other particu-
lars, that he set himself to write upon a further reformation,
and the necessity of church discipline: a plan of his intended
improvements in the English church, which he drew up with
his own hand, is still on record. The king was desirous of
seeing the reformation brought to a greater degree of purity,
and he exceedingly laments in his diary, that he could not
restore the primitive ecclesiastical discipline according to his
heart's desire, on account of the insufficiency or opposition of
the bishops. "Some for papistry," says he, " some for igno-
rance, some for their ill name, some for all these, are men
unable to execute discipline."§
+
+
Omitting other proofs of king Edward's good intentions,
and of the liberal and honourable principles on which he
acted, we need only mention his conduct towards the foreign
reformed churches, settled in London under the care of John
* Church Hist. b. vii. p. 375.
+ Heylin's Refor. p. 65.—
Strype's Parker, Appen. p. 41. Strype's Eccl. Mem. vol. ii. p. 341–343.
§ Edward's Remains, in Burnet, vol. ii. p. 69.
4
204
HISTORY OF
هر
น
A. Lasco. A. Lasco was a Polish nobleman, who had forsaken
his native country, from love to the reformed religion. In
early life, he enjoyed the friendship of Erasmus, who had a
very high opinion of him. He was offered two bishoprics,
one in his native country, and another in Hungary; but he
rejected both, and retiring into Friesland, he became pastor
of a protestant congregation at Embden.
The protestant
churches in Lower Germany being scattered, in consequence
of the unhappy troubles produced by the Interim, he came to
England at the pressing invitation of archbishop Cranmer,
and was chosen superintendent of the German, French, and
Italian congregations erected in London.*
A. Lasco afterwards published an account of the form of
government and worship used in these congregations; whence
it appears, that the affairs of each congregation were managed
by a minister, ruling elders and deacons; and each of these
was considered as divinely appointed. A superintendent
had the inspection of the different congregations, "who was
greater only in respect of his greater trouble and care, not
having more authority than the other elders, either as to the
ministry of the word and sacraments, or as to the exercise of
ecclesiastical discipline, to which he was subject equally with
the rest." Imposition of hands was used in the ordination of
their ecclesiastical officers. The communicants sat at the
Lord's table, and A. Lasco proves that this posture is prefera-
ble to kneeling. In fine, he says, "We have laid aside all
the relics of popery, with its mummeries, and we have stu-
died the greatest possible simplicity in ceremonies."
-
Notwithstanding these principles and practices, and their
disconformity to the church of England, A. Lasco addressed
a petition to Sir William Cicel, humbly requesting that these
foreign protestants might be favoured with a warrant from his
majesty's council, not to be interrupted for withdrawing from
the worship of the parish churches, but be allowed to assem-
ble themselves in separate congregations.† The excellent
petitioner was held in the highest esteem, and warmly patron-
ized not only by Cranmer, but also by his majesty, who
listened to his petition, and granted him letters patent,
Strype's Cranmer, p. 234-241.
+ Lansdowne's MSS. vol. ii. no. 94.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
205
forming him and the other ministers of the foreign congre-
gations into a body corporate. The patent is expressed in
these words:" Edward, &c. We being especially induced,
by great and weighty considerations, and particularly consi-
dering how much it becomes Christian princes to be animated
with love and care of the sacred Gospel of God, and apos-
tolical religion, begun, instituted, and delivered by Christ
himself, without which, policy and civil government can
neither subsist long, nor maintain their reputation, unless
princes and illustrious persons whom God hath appointed
for the government of kingdoms, do first of all take care,
that pure and uncorrupted religion be diffused through the
whole body of the commonwealth, and that a church insti-
tuted in truly Christian, and apostolical doctrines and rites,
be preserved with this intent and purpose, that there may
be an uncorrupted interpretation of the holy Gospel, and
administration of the sacraments, according to the word of
God, and apostolical observance, by the ministers of the
church of the Germans. We command and strictly charge
the mayor, &c. that they permit the said superintendent and
ministers, freely and quietly, to enjoy, use and exercise
their own peculiar ecclesiastical discipline, notwithstanding
they do not agree with the rites and ceremonies used in
our kingdom."*
But his majesty's ulterior design, by the incorporation of
these churches, ought to be particularly noticed. This is
explicitly stated by A. Lasco, in the dedication of one of his
books, addressed to the king of Poland, in which he says-
“When I was called by that king (Edward VI.) and when
certain laws of the country stood in the way, so that the pub-
lic rites of divine worship used under popery could not imme-
diately be purged out, which the king himself desired; and
when I was earnest for the foreign churches, it was at length his
pleasure that the public rites of the English churches should be
reformed by degrees, as far as could be got down by the laws of
the country: but that strangers, who were not strictly bound to
these laws in this matter, should have churches granted them,
in which they should freely regulate all things wholly accord-
'Burnet, vol. ii. Rec. p. 202-205.
"
206
HISTORY OF
ing to apostolical doctrine and practice, without any regard to
the rites of the country; that by this means the English
churches also might be excited to embrace the apostolical pu-
rity, by the unanimous consent of all the estates of the king-
dom. Of this project, the king himself, from his great piety,
was both the chief author and the defender. For, although it
was almost universally acceptable to the king's council, and
the archbishop of Canterbury promoted it with all his might,
there were not wanting some who took it ill, and would have
opposed it, had not his majesty checked them by his authority
and by the reasons which he adduced for the design.” In the
appendix to the same book, he adds: “The care of our
church was committed to us chiefly with this view, that in the
ministration thereof, we should follow the rule of the divine
word and apostolical observance, rather than any rites of other
churches. And in fine, we were admonished both by the king
himself, and his chief nobility, to use this great liberty grant-
ed to us in our ministry, rightly and faithfully; not to please
men, but for the glory of God, by promoting the reformation
of his worship."*
This contains the clearest proof of his majesty's excellent
principles and worthy intentions. But to reflect some addi-
tional light on this interesting subject, and to demonstrate
that the persons thus tolerated, as well as the prince, were
concerned to see a more pure reformation; A. Lasco in one of
his dedications to king Edward, addressed his majesty in
these words:" If it please your excellent majesty, you are
one of these nursing fathers of the church of God, therefore,
blessed be his name; and in this high calling, you have, by
God's providence, rescued the ministry of the sacraments out
of the popish brothels, and brought it into your own care and
keeping. Here then be pleased to set before your eyes the
example of a good father, in those things which yet remain to
be performed; that is, in providing for the credit of this your
reduced daughter" the church," and so of your whole family,
not only in this your flourishing kingdom, but also in the ca-
tholic church of Christ whereof you are a citizen, to whom a
principal part thereof as an honourable family is committed in
trust."
* M'Crie, vol. i. p. 391-395.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
207
!
The learned Reformer then adds-" This is that which all
the godly throughout the Christian world expect from your
hand; and that the more earnestly, because they know that
God hath enriched you with such excellent gifts, and fixed
you in so high a place, almost above all others: even to this
very end, that you might remove from the ministry of the
sacraments all those popish trinkets, wherewith they have
been fearfully profaned; and restore to them again that vir-
gin-like attire, wherewith it was formerly adorned by the
King of kings and lawgiver, Christ the Lord in his holy in-
stitution. So shall your faith and fidelity be famous through-
out the Christian world, and the church of England grow
more honourable under your government.
99*
7
From this long and circumstantial detail of evidence,
though a collection much more ample might have been made,
the real principles and intentions of the leading Reformers,
are unquestionable. No fact can be more obvious, than that
the chief Reformers, with the king at their head, anxiously
desired and sought a purer reformation, and consequently
more extensive liberty to the church of God. With respect
to the king, no fact can be more decisive, than that, in addi-
tion to his other rare qualities, he had an unfeigned reverence
for the word of God, and a prevailing disposition to comply
with its precepts, in preference to custom and established
usages; and who showed himself uniformly inclined to give
relief to his conscientious subjects, and was sincerely bent on
promoting an agreement among all protestants, at home and
abroad, by directing their attention to the Christian's only
model in ecclesiastical matters. Of his majesty's views and
intentions on this head, the reader has beheld the most satis-
factory proof. Had his life been protracted, there is every
reason to believe that he would have accomplished the correc-
tion or removal of those evils in the church of England, which
the most steady and enlightened protestants down to the pre-
sent time have continually lamented. This amiable prince
discovered, on this occasion, that excellent Christian spirit,
and those liberal and most worthy principles, which reflected
signal honour upon his character; and it is extremely mani
·
* Fresh Suit, Pref.
208
HISTORY OF
fest, from his actual design in the foregoing royal indulgence
and toleration, that, if his life had been prolonged, he would
have procured a larger share of liberty for the church of God.
These early Reformers took their stand on the ground of
Scripture alone, and by appealing to the simple and unerring
WORD, as the only and all-sufficient standard of religious truth,
they were enabled to demolish the pretended infallibility of
the pope, and the senseless dogmas of the schoolmen, which
for many generations had been received as oracular; and, in
spite of so many prejudices, they gradually prepared the
minds of men for receiving correct views of the right of pri-
vate judgment. The people now began to learn, that the
inspired volume, so long locked up by superstitious and inte-
rested priests, ought to be open to all; that this volume con-
tained the only rule of faith and worship; and that every
attempt to control conscience, was a usurpation of the prero-
gative of God, and an invasion of the unalienable rights of
mankind.
Thus religious liberty, one of the most valuable gifts of
God, which ecclesiastical power has always been so eager to
restrain or withhold, was asserted, and partially enjoyed. The
protestant Reformers, it must be admitted and deplored, did
not always understand this principle, and act under its influ-
ence; it is nevertheless, the vital principle of the reformation.
It was the solemn and distinct admission of this claim, that
terminated the contest between the protestants and their op-
pressors;—that released them from the galling jurisdiction of
the sovereign pontiff, and the authority of the hosts of his eccle-
siastics;—that established their right to determine for them-
selves what doctrine, worship, and discipline, appeared most
agreeable to the word of God;-and that led them to declare,
that all those who persecuted or injured any person, under
pretence of religion, were enemies to mankind, invaders of the
rights of conscience, and disturbers of the peace of society.
The claim of religious liberty, therefore, was the grand
principle upon which the reformation was built, and upon
which its patrons and advocates proceeded. It must, indeed,
be owned, that they had but partial and indistinct views of the
independence of opinion; and while they shook off the haughty
pretensions of Rome, they did not reject, as equally anti-scrip-
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
209
મે
tural in principle, ALL HUMAN AUTHORITY in religion. Still,
however, they gave that mighty impulse to the intellectual and
moral world, which is designed to obtain unrestricted freedom
from all impositions upon conscience. If the Reformers in the
fifteenth century did not act upon this generous principle, they
did not go to the fountain head of divine truth, but drank of
the stream after it was mixed and polluted with the filth of
the world. If this was not the ground of their proceedings,
in resisting the usurpations and corruptions of the church of
Rome, there is no other principle upon which their conduct
can be defended, or their example held up to the applause
and imitation of succeeding generations. If implicit obedience
to ecclesiastical power, and non-resistance to corrupt, and un-
scriptural impositions in religion, be the duty of all men, then
were the Reformers disobedient and rebellious in resisting the
existing authority, and in unmasking the enormities, of the
Romish church. As members of her body, and priests of her
altars, upon what principle, except that of judging and acting
exclusively for themselves, could they lift up against her the
arm of hostility, unveil her hypocrisy, and expose her defor-
mity in the face of an indignant, abused, and oppressed world?
If the church had a right to decree one article of faith, or to
impose one rule or order of worship, it had the same right to
impose ten thousand: and of the nature of these articles, as
well as the tendency of these orders, she alone was declared to
be sole and sovereign judge. It was of no importance how
corrupt, or how unscriptural were her commands and injunc-
tions; for they were upon her declaration alone to be received
and obeyed as pure, as holy, as catholic! If, therefore, we
give up the uncontrolled right of private judgment in matters
of religion, if we deny the necessity of a recurrence to the
Scriptures, as the sole rule and authority of Christians, we
must consider the reformation as a schism, and must brand
the Reformers as mistaken, designing, and factious men. We
know from history, that this is the light in which this glorious
event, and these benefactors of mankind, are held by all the
adherents to the see of St. Peter. Every hierarchy, whether
papal or protestant, which usurps to itself spiritual dominion
and dictation; and by anathemas and penalties, vainly seeks to
promote uniformity and obedience, must condemn the princi-
VOL. I.
P
210
HISTORY OF
:
ples of the reformation, must stigmatize, as sectarians and
schismatics, those men who lived and died in the great cause of
religious truth and liberty. But, thanks be to God, the prin-
ciple of the reformation is that of the Gospel-the right of
inquiry-the duty of examination—what the Lord of Chris-
tians bequeathed to his followers, and what, from the sacred
word of prophecy, shall in the end triumphantly prevail.
While the Reformers were offended with the absurdities
and impieties to which, as members of the Romish church,
they were called to afford their sanction, they had no occasion,
when awakened to the duty of examination and resistance, to
call the attention of mankind to any new or dangerous opinion,
to any course which before was unknown and untried, or to
any principle of human contrivance and invention; it was only
necessary for them to proclaim the indubitable rights of na-
ture, to publish the positive commands of Christ, and to unfold
to the eager attention of their fellow-creatures the volume of
divine inspiration. For many ages those sacred records had
been prohibited from the examination, and carefully concealed
from the knowledge of mankind, which in the primitive church
were constantly read, and offered to the perusal of all who
were desirous to know what was written for their faith, and
for their salvation. From the holy magnanimity of the Re-
formers in renouncing the theological doctrines of popery, as
being repugnant to Scripture, to reason, and to the knowledge
and practice of the primitive church, with the immediate causes
which roused them into action, and the consideration of the
extensive consequences of their separation from the church of
Rome, we clearly perceive the great principle upon which they
acted, upon which their conduct is approved, and upon which
they are justly held up to the imitation of succeeding genera-
tions.
The blessings derived from the reformation, are incalcula-
ble in number, and inestimable in value. From that period,
science has unrolled its ample page-sound philosophy has
succeeded the jargon of the schools; and instead of the mum-
meries of monks, or the dreams of superstition, we have the
Gospel in its original simplicity, luminous in its discoveries,
spiritual in its worship, holy in its principles, heavenly in its
consolations, and, in its hopes, blissful and divine. The
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211
melioration of government, and a higher tone of morals in the
people ;-freedom of inquiry, a pure Christianity, the unfet-
tered circulation of the holy Scriptures, and a spirit of ex-
panded and active benevolence, are the glorious results of the
reformation since which, the human mind has made higher
advances in one century, than in the ten preceding.
:
This is one of the most brilliant events recorded in history,
in which protestants of every class are deeply interested. How
high and urgent are its claims to our grateful remembrance!
The deliverance of the people of Israel from Egypt, the giving
of the law at Mount Sinai, the entrance of the people into the
promised land, the recovery of the sacred books in the reign
of Josiah, the reformation which followed, and the restoration
from Babylonish captivity, were events which the Jews che-
rished in devout remembrance, and the memorials of which
they handed down to their posterity. The event before us
cannot be considered of much less interest than any of these ;
and is unquestionably the most signal and blessed era since the
first promulgation of Christianity by the apostles-the second
dawn of Gospel light-the restoration of pure and undefiled
religion; and it should never be forgotten, that, without that
lamp which was rekindled by the reformation, we should at
this hour have been sitting in darkness and the shadow of
death-the debased and enslaved victims of a sordid and op-
pressive priesthood, with our understandings hood-winked,
and our tongues chained-destitute of those liberties and
hopes, which alone give happiness to existence, dignity to life,
and glory in the prospect of eternity.
How much are we indebted, under God, to those illustrious
men whom he raised up and employed in that great work-
a work which entitles them to a celebrity far surpassing the
fame of philosophers and statesmen! How much do we owe
to the pious king Edward, who, uniting the fervours of an
enlightened saint, with the loveliness of youth, put his shoul-
ders to the work, but was cut off in the bloom of life-to
our immortal Wickliffe ;-to the martyred Tyndale ;-to the
learned Cranmer and Ridley;-to the intrepid Latimer and
Hooper-men, who, in circumstances the most trying, labour-
ed with unremitting assiduity to release and circulate the word
of God; men who bled and died in the sacred cause. The
į
P 2
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HISTORY OF
4
same principles have been transmitted to us; and we are
bound, by obligations which we can never make void, to
extend and perpetuate them ;-they are identified with the
Gospel, with the Redeemer's glory, with the progress of his
kingdom, and essentially involve the best interests of future
generations.
What has now been related must be peculiarly gratifying
to every person of a liberal and a pious mind, but especially
to all who wish to see the Christian church released from
secularity and corruption. In commending the Reformers to
the grateful admiration of protestants, we do not mean to pass
encomiums upon every part of their conduct, or to applaud
their temper and spirit on every occasion. They were men,
under the strong influence of party zeal, confident in their
own integrity and the goodness of their cause, bold and daring
in all their undertakings; and, owing to the rude and unpo-
lished state of society in the fifteenth century, frequently con-
ducted their controversies with a degree of harshness and
incivility, disallowed in the present age of knowledge and
refinement. From the foregoing relation of auspicious cir-
cumstances, we might naturally have expected to have seen
the most favourable results and consequences in the church of
God; the clergy recommending religion by the soundness of
their doctrines, by the gentleness of their manners, and by a
behaviour forming a perfect contrast with that which was so
much complained of under popish domination. But, alas!
upon impartial inquiry, our pleasing hopes and anticipations
are disappointed. In the foregoing account, so gratifying to
every person accustomed to pious reflection, we have not no-
ticed all the characters of the reformation: others, less amia-
ble and less worthy of the admiration of posterity, deserve
the clearest investigation. In order, therefore, to present a
correct view of this great work, and a full character of those
who promoted it, the whole picture must be exhibited, without
one concealed or distorted feature.
We have already seen the erroneous principles on which
the Reformers set out, and the dangerous rock on which they
split. Their encroachment on the rights and obligations of
man, was not merely an error in speculation, but, in numerous
instances, unhappily blended with their practice. This disco-
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
213
vered the uncomely features in several leading characters of
the age. For it is an indubitable fact, that although they
professedly rejected the superstitions, usurpations, and oppres-
sions of the papacy, they still retained in their own breasts,
one of the worst characters of antichrist—an intolerant and a
persecuting spirit. It is not easy to ascertain how far they
might have been influenced by the example of their predeces-
sors, or hurried headlong by their erroneous and anticatho-
lic principles, and yet remain unconscious of the aggravated
wrongs which they committed. We are willing to make every
allowance for the prejudices and superstitions of those early
times, as affording some extenuation; yet persecution, who-
ever are the persecutors, deserves to appear in its own true
character, as a useful lesson to mankind.
In this reign, many of the Reformers exceedingly disap-
proved of the Romish corruptions retained in the English
church, and became zealous advocates of nonconformity. They
excepted against the clerical vestments, kneeling at the Lord's
supper, sponsors and their promises and vows in baptism, the
superstitious observance of lent, the oath of canonical obedi-
ence, pluralities, and nonresidences, with many other similar
impurities. At this early period, there was a powerful and a
very considerable party disaffected to the established liturgy.*
Their views and designs appear from those obvious facts
already stated; and many of them were particularly desirous
of enjoying a larger portion of liberty, as well as purity, in
the church of God; for which they experienced not the most
friendly usage from some of their reforming brethren. It will
be proper to remind the reader of a few instances, the first of
which relates to the celebrated John Knox. Towards the
close of king Edward's reign, archbishop Cranmer was direct-
ed by the council to present this learned divine to the vacant
living of All-hallows in the city of London.† This proposal,
which originated in the personal favour of the king, was ex-
tremely disagreeable to the duke of Northumberland, who,
being hostile to the reformation, exerted himself privately to
hinder his preferment. The interference of this personage,
however, was unnecessary; for Knox declined the living when
*Fuller, b. vii. p. 426.
+ Strype's Cranmer, p. 292.
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HISTORY OF
it was offered him; and, on being questioned as to his reasons,
he readily acknowledged, that he had not freedom in his mind
to accept of a fixed charge, in the present state of the church
of England. His refusal, with the reason which he assigned,
gave offence, and he was accordingly convened before the
privy council, when he underwent an examination. There
were present the archbishop of Canterbury, Goodrick, bishop
of Ely, and the lord Chancellor, the earls of Bedford, North-
ampton, and Shrewsbury, the lords Treasurer and Chamber-
lain, and the two Secretaries. They asked him, Why he had
refused the benefice provided for him in London? He answer-
ed that he was fully satisfied that he could be more useful in
another situation. Being interrogated, If it was his opinion,
that no person could lawfully serve in ecclesiastical ministra-
tions, according to the present laws of the realm? He frankly
replied, that there were many things in the English church
which needed reformation; and, that without this reformation,
ministers could not, in his opinion, discharge their office con-
scientiously in the sight of God: for no minister had autho-
rity, according to existing laws, to prevent the unworthy from
participating of the sacraments, which was "a chief point of
his office." He was then asked, Whether kneeling at the
Lord's table was not a matter of indifference? He replied,
that Christ's action at the communion was most perfect, and
in it no such posture was used; that it was most safe to follow
his example; and that kneeling was an addition and invention
of men. On this article, a smart dispute arose between him
and some of the council. After long reasoning and much
altercation, he was told, that they had not sent for him with
any bad design, but were sorry to understand that he was
of a judgment contrary to the common order. He said, he
was sorry that the common order was contrary to Christ's
institution. They, however, dismissed him with soft words,
advising him to use all means for removing the dislike which
he had conceived to some of the forms of the church, and to
reconcile his mind, if possible, to the idea of communicating
according to the established worship.
Scruples which have resisted the force of authority and
argument, have often been found to yield to the more powerful
influence of lucrative and honourable situations. But whether,
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215
as some have represented, we consider Knox's conduct on this
occasion as indicating the poverty of his spirit, or regard it as
a proof of true independence of mind, even the prospect of
elevation to the episcopal bench could not overcome the re-
pugnance which he felt at a closer connexion with the English
church. King Edward, with the concurrence of his council,
offered him a bishopric; but he rejected it; and in the rea-
sons which he gave for his refusal, he declared the episcopal
office to be in itself destitute of divine authority, and the
exercise of it in the church of England to be inconsistent with
the ecclesiastical canons. The fact rests on the attestation of
a contemporary author of great respectability: Knox himself
speaks, in one of his treatises, of the "high promotions” offered
him by Edward; and afterwards affirms, that he had refused
a bishopric.
*
Knox, notwithstanding his conscientious scruples, came off
pretty well; and the offered preferment was not forced upon
him, on the rigorous terms of ecclesiastical conformity: but
the celebrated Hooper, under similar circumstances, was not
equally successful. John Rogers and bishop Hooper are re-
presented as the very "ringleaders" of the nonconformists to
king Edward's political church, and are said to have "re-
nounced all ceremonies practised by the papists, conceiving,
that such ought not only to be clipt with shears, but shaven
with a razor; yea, all the stumps thereof pluckt out.” Hooper
was a divine eminently distinguished for piety, zeal, and learn-
ing, particularly in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues.
He had been driven from his native country, and forced to
seek an asylum in a foreign land, by the cruel persecutions of
king Henry; but, upon his return, was made chaplain to the
duke of Somerset, and became a famous preacher in the city
of London. His sound learning and great worth recom-
mended him to the court; and, notwithstanding his well
known conscientious scruples in matters of conformity, he
received the royal nomination to the bishopric of Gloucester.
Hooper had very powerful objections against accepting the
offered promotion, on the rigorous terms and conditions now
* M'Crie's Knox, vol. i. p.
p. 98-101.
+ Fuller, b. vii. p. 402.-Strype's Cranmer, p. 211.
1
216
HISTORY OF
.....
ļ
established; and these objections being made known to the
king, the earl of Warwick, now rising in power, was appointed
to write to archbishop Cranmer, recommending the exercise of
lenity and forbearance at his consecration. He addressed the
learned primate in these words:-" These are to desire, that
in such reasonable things, wherein this bearer, my lord elect
of Gloucester, craveth to be borne with at your hands, you
would vouchsafe to show him your grace's favour: the rather
at this my instance, which thing I have taken in hand partly
by the king's majesty's own motion. The matter is weighed
by his highness, that your grace may easily condescend there-
unto. The principal cause is, that you would not charge this
said bearer with an oath burdensome to his conscience."
Notwithstanding the interposition of the highest authority,
and the amiable and tolerant advice of the king, Cranmer
having “no inclination to gratify such singularities, refused to
comply."* Although the reformation had made considerable
progress in England, besides other ceremonies more ambitious
than profitable or tending to edification, the protestant bishops
used to wear similar garments and apparel as the popish bi-
shops: as, "first, a chymere, and under that a white rocket,
then a mathematical cap with four angles, dividing the world
into four parts. As these trifles, tending more to superstition
than otherwise, Hooper could never abide; so in no wise could
he be persuaded to wear them."+ He, therefore, presented
his most humble petition to the king, either to be discharged
of the bishopric, or to have these ceremonies dispensed with.
This awakened the sympathy and attention of the pious and
discerning prince; a dispensation was immediately granted;
and Edward himself addressed the following letter to the
archbishop:
"Whereas we, by the advice of our council, have called
and chosen our right well-beloved and well-worthy Mr. John
Hooper, professor of divinity, to be our bishop of Gloucester;
as well for his great learning, deep judgment, and long study,
both in the Scriptures, and profane learning; as also for his
good discretion, ready utterance, and honest life for that kind
of vocation to the intent all our loving subjects, which are
Collier, vol. ii. p. 292.
+ Fox, vol. iii. p. 120.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
217
in his charge and elsewhere, might by his sound and true doc-
trine learn better their duty towards God, their obedience to-
wards us, and love towards their neighbours: from the conse-
crating of whom, we understand you to stay, because he would
have you omit and let pass certain rites and ceremonies offen-
sive to his conscience, whereby you think you should fall into
premunire of laws: We have thought good, by the advice
aforesaid, to dispense and discharge you of all manner of dan-
gers, penalties, and forfeitures, you should run into, and be
in any manner of way, by omitting any of the same. And
these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant and dis-
charge."*
Notwithstanding these applications from the prince and the
council, the venerable primate stood firm in his defence of the
old ecclesiastical ceremonies and usages, saying, "It was but
a small matter, and that the fault consisted in the abuse of
things, not in the things themselves: adding, that Hooper
ought not to be so stubborn in so light a matter, and that his
wilfulness therein was not to be suffered !"+ This was strange
language in the mouth of a protestant archbishop!
Hooper declined the offered preferment on two grounds ;-
First, because of the form of the oath, which he considered as
foul and impious. Secondly, because of the popish habits to
be used in consecration. The oath required him to swear by
the saints, as well as by the name of God; which Hooper con-
sidered as impious, because the Searcher of hearts alone ought,
in his opinion, to be appealed to in an oath. The young king,
convinced of the propriety of this, struck out the words with
his own pen. But the scruples about the habits were not so
easily got over. The king and his council were perfectly
willing to dispense with them, as the foregoing documents
bear ample testimony; but archbishop Cranmer and bishop
Ridley were of another mind, and absolutely refused their
allowance. "Since there was no coming at the episcopal
character, without going through the customary forms," at-
tempts were made to satisfy Hooper's conscience.§ Ridley
was, therefore, nominated to a disputation with him, in order
+
+
Fox, vol. iii. p. 120.
Burnet, vol. iii. p. 203.
+ Ibid.
§ Collier, vol. ii. p. 292.
218
HISTORY OF
if possible to bring him to a compliance; but this proved alto-
gether ineffectual.
Hooper, indeed, used every means in his power to obtain
the resolution of his objections, and the removal of his scru-
ples; and, to this end, he addressed letters to Peter Martyr
and Martin Bucer, desiring their sentiments on the present
controversy. These learned divines gave their opinions against
the habits, as inventions of antichrist, and wished them remov-
ed out of the church; but thought, since the bishops were so
resolute, that he might use them for a time, till they should
be taken away by law; especially, as the reformation was in
its infancy, and, to see the Reformers at variance among them-
selves, would give occasion of triumph to the common enemy.
After all, he still remained unconvinced; he, therefore, prayed
to be excused from the old symbolizing popish garments, the
use of which, in the service of God, was contrary to the dic-
tates of his conscience. These garments, he observed, had no
countenance in Scripture or primitive antiquity: they were
the inventions of antichrist, and introduced into the church in
the most corrupt ages: they had been abused to idolatry,
particularly in the pompous celebration of the mass and to
continue the use of them was, in his opinion, to symbolize with
antichrist, to mislead the people, and inconsistent with the
simplicity of the Gospel. He could, therefore, appeal to the
Searcher of hearts, that it was not obstinacy, but the convic-
tions of his conscience alone, which constrained him to this con-
tinued refusal.*
Ridley's efforts proving unsuccessful, Hooper was commit-
ted to the management of Cranmer; who, unable to remove
his convictions and bring him to a compliance, laid the affair
before the council, and he was committed to the Fleet. Hav-
ing remained in prison from August till March, the matter
was brought to a compromise, when he was released and con-
secrated. He consented to put on the vestments at his con-
secration, when he preached before the king, and in his own
cathedral but was suffered to dispense with them on other
occasions. This theological quarrel occasioned true Christians
:
+
+
* Fuller, b. vii. p. 404.
+
+ Strype's Cranmer, p. 211-215.
-
Burnet, vol. ii. p. 166.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
219
to lament, and the adversaries to rejoice; and the bishops
having the upper-hand, Hooper was fain to agree sometimes
to show himself appareled as the other bishops were. Where-
fore, appointed to preach before the king, he came forth in a
strange apparel as a new player on the stage. His upper gar-
ment was a long scarlet chymere down to the foot, and under
that a white linen rocket that covered his shoulders; and upon
his head was a geometrical or four-square cap, although his
head was round. "What cause of shame,” adds our venera-
ble author," was this to that good preacher, every man may
easily judge; but this private reproach, for the public benefit
of the church, which he only sought, he bore and suffered pa-
tiently. And I would to God, that they, who took upon
them the other part of that tragedy, had yielded their private
cause, whatsover it was, to the public concord and edifying of
the church; for no man in all the city was one hair the better
for their hot contention."*
How this business was adjusted, and with what degree of
unchristian severity Hooper was persecuted, is related by Mr.
Fox, in the Latin edition of his "Acts and Monuments of
the Martyrs." The passage, which he has left out of all his
English editions, from too great tenderness to the party, is
expressed in these words;-" Thus," says he, "ended this
theological quarrel in the victory of the bishops, Hooper being
forced to recant; or, to say the least, being constrained to ap-
pear once in public, attired after the manner of the bishops.
Which, unless he had done, there are those who think the
bishops would have endeavoured to take away his life: for his
servant told me, that the duke of Suffolk sent such word to
Hooper, who was not himself ignorant what they were doing.”+
Horrid barbarity! Who, before Hooper, was ever thrown into
prison, and in danger of his life, merely because he refused a
bishopric? He thought, as he well might, that this usage was
somewhat severe. To miss his promotion was no disappoint-
ment; but to be punished because he would not be a bishop,
to be persecuted about garments, and to lose his liberty and
be in danger of his life, for refusing the vestments of the pa-
pists, was possibly more than he could understand. It is cer-
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 121.
+ Peirce, part i. p. 30.
220
HISTORY OF
tainly some kind of excuse, that the bishops would not conse-
crate him contrary to law, though they, indeed, obtained the
royal dispensation; but there can be no excuse for his impri-
sonment, and their conspiring to take away his life. When
Hooper, with a most noble and disinterested spirit, declined
the lucrative promotion, and wished to be exempt from the
offered preferment on the conditions required; was there any
law to constrain him to be a bishop, contrary to the convictions
of his conscience? Such are the disgraceful hostilities against
the rights of consciencc and the just liberties of man, when
one part of the community attempts to provide and impose
ecclesiastical ceremonies, upon their fellow-creatures. Ridley,
who was by far the most severe against Hooper, lived to change
his opinions, as we shall find in the next reign.
While Hooper was barbarously persecuted about clothes
and ceremonies, others were treated with wanton cruelty on
account of their obnoxious doctrines. The eyes of the famous
Reformers were so much dazzled with the present establish-
ment, that they could not properly discern the true nature
and influence of Christianity. They discovered the horrors of
popish bigotry, when they themselves were the sufferers; but
they perceived not the hideousness of protestant intolerance,
when they were persecuting their fellow-protestants. The
doctrine of unrestricted toleration was unknown. The Re-
formers, indeed, claimed it for themselves, but it was on the
ground that their opinions were scriptural and true; and they
denied it to others, whose dogmas they accounted false and full
of blasphemy; not considering, that, under the same charges,"
they themselves were persecuted by the papists. It was evi-
dently their general opinion, that heresy ought not only to be
restrained, but punished by the magistrate. A pernicious
sentiment!
We have sometimes heard of Cranmer's burning principles:
on more occasions than one he acted on those principles, even
in the reign of king Edward, though surely not much to the
honour of his character. In this reign there were certain per-
sons, not conformable to the religion of the state, who propa-
gated their opinions in various parts of the country; but, to
suppress them and their opinions, archbishop Cranmer and
several of his brethren received a commission, "to examine
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
221
·
and search after all anabaptists, heretics, or contemners of the
Common-prayer." As the commissioners were able to disco-
ver such dangerous persons, they were required, if possible,
to reclaim them, and, after penance, to give them absolution;
but all who continued obstinate, were to be excommunicated,
cast into prison, and delivered over to the secular power. Se-
veral tradesmen in London being convened before these reve-
rend commissioners, abjured; but Joan Bocher was made a
public example. She steadfastly maintained, "That Christ
was not truly inearnate of the virgin, whose flesh being sinful,
he could not partake of it; but the Word, by the consent of
the inward man of the virgin, was made flesh."* These were
her own words; not capable of doing much mischief, and
surely, undeserving any severe punishment. The poor woman
could not reconcile the spotless purity of Christ, with his re-
ceiving flesh from a sinful creature; for which she was de-
clared an obstinate heretic, and delivered over to the secular
power to be burnt. If this female, whose practice is highly
commended,+ believed the most flagrant nonsense, must she,
therefore, be burnt to death? Do the principles of orthodoxy
eradicate and destroy the principles of humanity? Are persons
able to believe whatsoever others command them? And will
they burn them for not doing that which to them is impossi-
ble? Had the apostles and first preachers of the Gospel deli-
vered such doctrine, when the Saviour commanded them to
"teach all nations," they would not have greatly promoted
the cause so manifestly founded in cruelty and injustice.
It is, indeed, of little consequence what this woman's opinions
were, since, in suffering for them, she became as much a mar-
tyr as the archbishop himself. The compassionate young
king was persuaded, that burning persons for their religious
opinions was that for which they censured the papists, and op-
posed to the spirit and doctrines of Christianity: therefore,
when he could not in conscience sign the warrant for her exe-
cution, Cranmer's sophistry and superior learning were em-
ployed to persuade him. "Your majesty must distinguish,”
said the primate, “between common opinions, and such as are
essential articles of faith. These latter, we must, on no occa-
+ Strype's Eccl. Mem. vol. ii. p. 214.
* Burnet, vol. ii. Rec. p. 167.
222
HISTORY OF
sion suffer to be opposed.”* "A prince being God's deputy
ought to punish impieties against God." It was indeed mar-
vellous, that a man of Cranmer's understanding and good tem-
per could thus impose upon himself such barbarous delusions,
in direct opposition to the doctrine and spirit of the Gospel.
Edward, however, still remained unconvinced, and looked
upon it as most flagrant inhumanity and barbarity; and
when at length he yielded reluctantly to the primate's impor-
tunity, he told him, with tears in his eyes, "That if he did
wrong, since it was in submission to his authority, he should
answer for it to God." This "struck the archbishop with
much horror;" who, nevertheless, suffered the sentence to be
executed. The Christian sentiments of a youth only eleven
years old, would have been no disgrace to the archbishop of
+
+
threescore !
The persecution and burning of heretics did not stop here.
We have another instance, equally shocking to all the sympa-
thies of human nature, and equally disgraceful to the page of
English history. The commission given to the primate and
his colleagues, was little better than a protestant Inquisition;
the proceedings of which afford the clearest proof that men
have sometimes turned their power and policy, into despotism
and cruelty. Cranmer did not renounce this worst kind of
intolerance so long as he remained in power; for about two
years after the murder of Bocher, his hands were again em-
ployed in the same bloody work. George Van Paris, a Dutch-
man, was convicted of the imaginary crime of heresy. Being
urged to abjure, but remaining steadfast, he was condemned
as an obstinate heretic, and burnt in Smithfield, April 25,
1551.§ No part of the archbishop's life was more deserving
of censure than this; but he never discovered the absurdity
and wickedness of his persecuting principles, till they were
turned against himself. This, the papists called a just reta-
liation of Providence, and frequently cited the cruelties of the
protestants in this reign, as a justification of their own barba-
rities in the next: nor could the infernal logic be well refuted.
The foregoing executions, so contrary to the clemency of the
*
Gilpin, vol. ii. p. 99.
‡ Burnet, vol. ii. p. 112.
† Burnet, vol. i. p. 111.
§ Ibid.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
223
Gospel and every principle of humanity, brought just reproach
upon the Reformers; who, it is plain, were only against burn-
ing when they were in danger of it themselves. Whatever
were Cranmer's motives for this antichristian violence, though
cruelty was not his natural temper, he is justly denominated
<<
a bigoted persecutor.”* Some writers, adds the primate's
biographer, have undertaken a vindication of him; but I
spare their indiscretion. “Let the horrid act be universally
disclaimed. To palliate, is to participate. With indignation
let it be recorded, as that which above all other things has dis-
graced that Religious Liberty, which our ancestors so nobly
purchased. Indeed, the two acts of blood stand upon record,
as a shameful and indelible stain upon the annals of the re-
formation."+
Great numbers there were in this reign, who, claiming the
right of private judgment, discovered many things extremely
objectionable in the new establishment, and scrupled that ri-
gorous conformity which the civil power required, but attend-
ed upon divine worship and administered the sacraments in a
manner different from that prescribed in the Book of Common-
prayer. To prevent the number of these nonconformists
from increasing, and to crush all who had already imbibed
their sentiments, other commissions were issued, empowering
Cranmer and his colleagues to correct and punish them.‡ At
this time a new sect of nonconformists sprung up in Kent;
and, though their peculiar sentiments do not appear, they were
shamefully harassed by the primate and his brethren. Mr.
Fox, in the Latin edition of his "Martyrs," has transmitted
to us, that Humphrey Middleton, with some others, had been
kept prisoners in the last year of king Edward by the archbi-
shop, and had been dreadfully teazed by him and the rest in
commission, and were just upon the point of being condemned:
when Middleton in open court said: "Well, reverend Sir,
pass what sentence you think fit upon us; but that you may
not say you were not forewarned, I testify that your own turn
will be next." And it came to pass accordingly; for a little
while after king Edward died, when the prisoners were set at
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 278.-Gilpin, vol. ii. p. 98. Ibid. p. 98-100. i. 422.
+ Strype's Cranmer, p. 291.-Parker, p. 27.
224
HISTORY OF
J
liberty, and the archbishop and bishops cast into prison.*
Such was the folly and madness of persecuting men, on the
ground of their religious opinions!
The legislature has in later times thought proper to pare
the talons of the prelates; yet in some of the succeeding
reigns, when our princes have, through weakness or bad
po-
licy, countenanced their usurped power, it has been employed
with no less severity than formerly, against all who have dis-
approved of their intolerance. They could not, indeed, ex-
tend their cruelties to actual martyrdom; yet they have sought
to rob them of their liberty, their characters, and their fortunes.
The pious young king died at Greenwich, July 6, 1553, in
the seventeenth year of his age, having reigned a little more
than six years and five months.
The state of religion and of morals, during this reign, was
deplorable. The principal courtiers gave proofs, too unequi-
vocal to be mistaken, of their indifference to all religion, and
of their readiness to acquiesce, and even to assist, in the re-
establishment of all the ancient superstitions, whenever a change
of rulers should render that measure expedient and practicable.
The court, and even the whole government, was in a state of
the greatest disorder. The example of the young king was a
noble and instructive exception; and would in time, no doubt,
have had its influence; but, as he was yet only a boy, and in
the hands of others, his principles and practice had little weight.
A minority was deemed the proper season for every one to make
his claim; and such claims were made by all who had any pre-
tensions to court-favours, as equally surprised and scandalized
all persons of sober reflection. There was scarcely an ecclesi-
astical benefice in the nation of any considerable value, on which
some greedy courtier was not pensioned. To this insatiable
avarice, was added a licentiousness of manners, not exceeded
in former times.
A court thus corrupt, produced its necessary consequence,
corruption in every order of the state. Never was justice worse
administered: never were the dispensers of it more mercenary.
The public offices were equally corrupt, especially those of the
revenue, where the most scandalous depredations were com-
* Peirce, part i. p. 35.
1
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
225
mitted. The country itself was not innocent. There the gen-
try practised those arts of avarice and rapine, which they had
learned at court, and taught the people all the vices and abomi-
nations of human nature. And the generality of the clergy,
instead of attempting to lessen the mass of corruption and ini-
quity, by a mixture of piety and devotion, incorporated with
it, and even increased the malignity by the addition of as bad
or worse abominations.*
The bishops and clergy in general were in a state of the ut-
most degradation. The character of the former is thus de-
scribed by Hooper :-" For the space of four hundred years
after Christ, the bishops applied all their wit only to their own
vocation, to the glory of God, and the honour of the realms.
Though they had not so much upon their heads, as our bishops
have; yet had they more within their heads, as the Scripture
and histories testify. For they applied all the wit they had,
to the vocation and ministry of the church to which they were
called. But our bishops have so much wit, that they can rule
and serve in both the church and the civil policy, when one of
them is more than any man is able to satisfy. If he be so neces-
sary at court, that in civil causes he cannot be spared, let him
use that vocation, and spare the other: it is impossible he should
do both well. It is a great oversight in princes thus charging
them with two burdens: the primitive church had no such bi-
shops." And good old Latimer, in his facetious sermon on the
Plough," presents the following picture of their avarice,
ambition and indolence :-" Since lording and loitering came
up, preaching hath gone down, contrary to the apostles' times.
For they preached and lorded not; and now they lord and
preach not. They that be lords will not go to the plough. It
is no meet office for them: it is not seeming for their estate.
Thus came up lording loiterers. Thus crept in unpreaching
prelates. How many unlearned prelates have we at this day?
And no marvel; for if the ploughmen that now be, were made
lords, they would clean give over ploughing: they would leave
their labour, and fall to lording outright, and the plough would
stand, and the commonwealth be filled with hunger. For ever
since the prelates were made lords and nobles, their plough
<<
VOL. I.
* Gilpin, vol. i. p. 428, 429.
Q
226
HISTORY OF
1
standeth; there is no work done; the people starve: they hawk,
they hunt, they card, they dice, they pass their time in their
palaces with gallant gentlemen; so that ploughing is set aside.
By their lording and loitering, preaching and ploughing is clean
gone."*
The inferior clergy were, in general, as unable as they were
unwilling to instruct the people, whose ignorance, supersti-
tions, and debaucheries overspread the land. This evil, which
had prevailed universally under popery, instead of being cor-
rected, was considerably augmented, by a ruinous measure at
the commencement of the reformation. When Henry sup-
pressed the monasteries, and seized their revenues, he allotted
pensions to the monks during life; but to relieve the royal
treasury of this burden, small benefices in the gift of the crown
were afterwards substituted in the place of pensions. The
example of the king was imitated by the nobles, who had pro-
cured monastic lands. By this means a great part of the infe-
rior livings were held by ignorant and superstitious monks,
who were a dead weight upon the church of England, con-
stantly opposing all attempts to release the nation from the
papal yoke. The suppression of the chantries and the remain-
ing monasteries, in the reign of king Edward, was followed by
similar unhappy consequences, and a principal cause of the
nation's sudden relapse to popery, upon the subsequent acces-
sion of queen Mary.†
As to the service of the church, says the famous Martin
Bucer, who lived in these times, it was performed in so cold,
lame, and unintelligible a manner, that the people were but lit-
tle better edified, than if the office had been said in the Indian
language. The people could hardly distinguish between the
mass, and the Lord's supper, excepting that the latter was in
English. The pastoral duties were so lamentably neglected,
that there were no catechetical instructions, no private admoni-
tions, no public censures of disorder; and the discipline of the
church was so far out of use, that its spiritual authority was
nearly disregarded, and the people were promiscuously ad-
mitted to the communion, without any proof of their qualifica-
Huntley's Prelates, p. 32-35.
+ Burnet, vol. ii. p. 24.-Strype's Eccl. Mem. vol. ii. p. 446.
>
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
227
tions either in faith or practice. The pastors made a very in-
significant and empty appearance before the Lord, and took
little care of the
very
of their flocks. The churches were
poor
made places of commerce and diversion.
"Alas!" he adds,
"the meaning of the church, the communion of saints, and the
kingdom of Christ, is but little understood: the want of dis-
cipline is the occasion of this unhappy ignorance. Thus, the
fear of God, and the notion of religion, makes a very faint
impression; and hence it is, that lying, cheating, theft, per-
jury and whoredom, are so much the complaint of the times."*
It is lamentable to behold the prelates, who to this day are
most renowned as martyrs for the reformation, busily employ-
ed, during this most favourable period, in persecuting those
whom they called their reforming brethren, about habits, cere-
monies, and other trifles, which they owned to be popish, and
occupied with a political conversion of the country, by royal
mandates and episcopal visitations; when, as they might have
foreseen the shortness of life, they ought to have filled the
kingdom with the preaching of the pure Gospel, which might
have rescued many immortal souls from guilty superstitions,
and perhaps have prevented the melancholy changes which pre-
sently followed. These were not the times of promoting reli-
gion by affectionate persuasion, and on the ground of its hea-
venly attractions; but, such was the common delusion, that
even the generality of the bishops, elated with supreme power,
seemed to think, that religion wholly consisted in external ob-
servances, and that men were to be made Christians by episco-
pal injunctions and acts of parliament.
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 294.
t
Q 2
228
HISTORY OF
CHAPTER IV.
THE REIGN OF QUEEN MARY.
...
SECTION I.
England's Subjection to the Papal Yoke followed by Antichristian
Oppressions.
THE great work of reformation, begun under such favour-
able circumstances, and advanced with so much success,
as stated in the foregoing chapter, was suddenly blasted on the
accession of queen MARY. She succeeded to many of the bad
qualities of her father Henry, but to none of the good ones of
her brother Edward. Having been trained a bigoted papist,
she felt no remorse at spilling human blood, when religion was
her pretence.* On all occasions, she discovered a mind haunt-
ed by gloomy superstition, and a will entirely under the con-
trol of her popish clergy. A sad reverse of events, therefore,
now opens to our view.
Mary exercised great policy till she got the power into her
own hands. For previous to her final settlement on the throne,
being on her progress to the metropolis, she gave the most
plausible assurances, that religion should continue as already
by law established. These assurances greatly contributed to
multiply the number of her friends, who signified their readi-
ness to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in her cause, especially
in the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk. Having made the
fairest promises, particularly to the Suffolkmen, that no alter-
ation should be made in the state of religion, but that all things
should remain in the same state as she found them, and that
she would be perfectly satisfied with the liberty of professing
her own religion, or at most in securing liberty of conscience to
her own party; they flattered themselves in the continuance of
their present protestant privileges. These promises and assur-
* Rapin, vol. ii. p. 48.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
229
!
ances were Mary's "court holy-water, which she sprinkled
upon the people."*
On the third of August, the queen made her entry into the
city of London with much solemn pomp, accompanied by the
princess Elizabeth, who had raised a thousand horse for her
service, during her contest for the crown. Having entered the
tower, after releasing several prisoners, she sent for the lord-
mayor and aldermen, and told them, "That though she was
herself fixed in her religion, she would not compel others."
These honourable assurances could not fail to make a favoura-
ble impression on the minds of the people; but her majesty's
soft words were soon forgotten, as appears from the severities
which presently followed. The day on which the funeral of
king Edward was solemnized, the queen declared in council,
“That though her own conscience was settled in matters of
religion, she was resolved not to compel others, only as God
should put into their hearts a persuasion of that truth which
she believed; and this she hoped would be done by opening
his word to them by godly, virtuous, and learned preachers.Ӡ
Great care was taken to disperse this declaration, and to mag-
nify it everywhere as a remarkable instance of her majesty's
clemency and goodness.
The queen, who was a violent papist, could not long conceal
her design. Not many days after her arrival in London, she
began to prevaricate, and further declared, "That she would
not compel her subjects to be of her religion, till public order
should be taken." This was a plain signal of her majesty's
intention. Without much penetration, the protestants now
clearly foresaw, that the queen, in violation of all her declara-
tions and promises, intended to overthrow the reformation, and
restore the superstitions and corruptions of popery; and the
catholics were so confident of it, that they not only made it
their public boast, but immediately treated the protestants as
heretics, contrary to the existing laws.
At this juncture, the queen issued her royal proclamation,
the design of which was too clear to be misunderstood. The
terms were, indeed, so artfully managed, that they implied
much more than they seemed to express. As is usually the
+ Burnet, vol. ii. p. 245.
+ Ibid.
* Fuller, b. viii. p. 6.
230
HISTORY OF
case with ecclesiastical tyrants, who are total strangers to the
spirit and principles of the Gospel, she signified that great in-
conveniences and dangers had formerly arisen from a diversity
of religious opinions, and that contentions were again revived
within her dominions; she would have all her loving subjects
to understand, that she was of that religion which God and
the world knew she had professed from her infancy, and to
which she intended to adhere during life; she passionately
wished all her subjects would quietly and charitably receive it:
but said, "of her most gracious disposition and clemency, that
she minded not to compel them, until further order should by
common consent be taken." This plainly discovered her inten-
tion to change religion by act of parliament, and that then she
should be discharged from her promises of not compelling the
consciences of her people. She then forbade her subjects call-
ing one another by the odious names of "papist and heretic."
The protestants considered this prohibition as levelled entirely
against themselves; because they clearly understood, that dis-
obedience in this case would be punished in them, but not in
the opposite party. She afterwards prohibited "all public
assemblies," and threatened to inflict the most severe punish-
ment upon those who should be found promoting them. This
article had the same construction as the foregoing.
By another clause in her majesty's proclamation, she said ;
"For as much as it is well known, that by the subtlety and
malice of certain evil disposed persons, who take upon them
without sufficient authority to preach and to interpret the word
of God after their own brain, and also by playing of inter-
ludes, and printing of false books, ballads, rhymes, and other
lewd treatises in the English tongue, touching the doctrines
and mysteries of the Christian religion; which books and trea-
tises are sold to her majesty's subjects of evil zeal, for lucre and
covetousness; her highness, therefore, straitly chargeth and
commandeth all her subjects, of whatsoever state or degree, not
to presume to preach, interpret, or teach any Scripture or point
of doctrine, nor print any book or treatise, without her majes-
ty's special license for the same, upon pain of incurring her
indignation and displeasure." The proclamation closed by de-
claring, that the queen was resolved to punish rigorously all
who should be found fomenting pernicious designs; but she
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
231
hoped there would be no cause to execute the severity of the
law. This clause naturally inspired the protestants with ter-
ror; for it was easy to foresee, that religion and the laws were
about to be changed, and that those who should refuse to
submit blindly to the new statutes, would be considered as
rebels.*
It was, indeed, impossible not to see from this proclamation,
the first thing published in the queen's name after her acces-
sion, that she intended to restore popery, the religion of her
infancy, as soon as the concurrence of parliament could be ob-
tained. As a preparatory step, all the pulpits in England,
that were in the hands of the protestants, were at once laid un-
der the severest interdict; for they could not have the most dis-
tant prospect of obtaining a license. To put the matter, how-
ever, from the possibility of doubt, if any doubt still remained,
by what spirit the queen intended to rule, more convincing
proofs at this time transpired. The protestant inhabitants of
Suffolk, who had assisted her majesty against a potent party
in obtaining her crown, presuming on her royal promise, took
a little more liberty than others, and, finding themselves in
some difficulty, sent deputies to put the queen in mind of her
royal promise. Their petition was rejected with great haugh-
tiness, and considered the more offensive, as it justly suspected
the failure of her majesty's word. One of them in particular,
who ventured to speak on this occasion, was severely punished
by being placed three times in the pillory; and she told the
rest," that they being only members wished to rule her that
was their head; but they should one day perceive, that mem-
bers ought to obey their head, and not think to bear rule over
her." Others having supplicated the throne for the permanent
continuance of the established doctrine, were immediately ap-
prehended and cast into prison !+ A man must, therefore,
have been wilfully blind not to have seen with what spirit the
queen-intended to govern; when her subjects were treated
thus only for reminding her of her own promises, and request-
ing that the doctrines of religion might remain unaltered.
**
Upon the queen's intention to bring the nation into subjec-
tion to the papal yoke, her thoughts were much divided about
*Fox, vol. iii. p. 14.
† Ibid. p. 13.—Burnet, vol. ii. p. 246.
232
HISTORY OF
-、་“་
two schemes which her friends offered to her attention. On
the one hand she was recommended, now she had the power,
to keep no measures, but to force the nation to return imme-
diately" to the union of the catholic church;" and to this
rash measure she was of her own inclination strongly disposed,
having already determined to send for cardinal Pole as legate
to reconcile England to the pope. On the other hand, bishop
Gardiner, who was certainly the ablest man of his party, per-
suaded that the reformation ought to be pulled down in the
same way in which it had been set up, proposed only to bring
religion back at first to the state in which it was left at the
death of king Henry; and then to raise it afterwards by de-
grees to its former splendour previous to that monarch's revolt
from Rome. The advice of this crafty prelate, which was
certainly more politic, as well as more conducive to his own
personal interest, was not much relished by the queen, whose
bigotry could not be so well appeased by it, and who suppos-
ed that the papal authority was necessary to remove her ille-
gitimation. The bishop answered this objection, by assuring
her majesty, that all the acts and sentences which had passed
against her might be annulled in parliament, without the as-
sistance of the pope. Finding, however, that his counsel was
not of sufficient weight, and dreading the arrival of Pole, his
enemy, who would certainly take the lead in public affairs, if
not bring ruin upon him, the sagacious bishop sent a messen-
ger to the emperor of Germany, with assurance that, if he
would persuade the queen to make him chancellor and first
minister, he would in time bring about every thing she desir-
ed: but that if Pole was to come to England at so early a
period as the queen desired, the cardinal's zeal for the see of
Rome would undo all; because, as he further observed, the
English were now averse to submit again to the papacy, not
only from their dread of its power, which had been considered
as the most tyrannical cruelty, but also because they had pur-
chased the church lands from the crown on very easy terms,
with which they were not disposed to part. It was therefore
necessary, in his opinion, to give the people time to wear out
their prejudices; but by precipitation, the whole cause would
be in danger, if not ruined, with even the queen herself.
herself. To
this advice, which was certainly the most politic, the bishop
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
233
did not forget to add his assurance of promoting the particular
interests of the emperor, if he should be intrusted by the queen
with the chief direction of public affairs: and he might also
suggest the project of a marriage between the emperor's son
Philip and the queen. The emperor saw the advice to be
good, and he closed with it immediately. He wrote several
letters with his own hand to the queen, persuading her to mo-
derate her zeal about religion, not to make too much haste in
her return to Rome, nor to be too much led by Italian coun-
sels. The queen held the emperor in great esteem; and,
though she considered Gardiner as a crafty temporizer, she
accepted the bishop's scheme, gave him the great seal, and
committed to him the direction of national affairs.*
In conformity to her majesty's proclamation, and to the
deep-laid project of the crafty prelate, a commission was pre-
sently given to his lordship, empowering him to grant licenses
under the great seal, to such grave, discreet, and learned per-
sons as he should think meet and able to preach the word of
God. The clergy, who had the legislative authority to preach
in their respective parishes, could not be legally silenced, un-
less they had violated some existing law; therefore if they
had continued to preach in their own parishes only, without
taking the least notice of the proclamation, they could not
have been legally punished. To have inflicted punishment
upon them, would have been flagrant injustice, and robbing
them of their rights. There was no breach of duty in preach-
ing in the churches prior to the proclamation; therefore there
could be none after it. This proclamation was not authorized
by act of parliament, and a sovereign could not by his procla
mation create any offence which was not an offence before; for
then he might in very important cases alter the law of the land
by his proclamation. The council, however, being informed
that many of the clergy continued preaching without the new
license, Hooper and Coverdale, who had given them counte-
nance, were convened before them; when the former was com-
mitted to the Fleet, the latter confined in his own house, and
the obnoxious clergy sent to different prisons. Thus, the Re-
formers having in the last reign been guilty of the illegal ex-
• Burnet, vol. ii. p. 242.
234
HISTORY OF
ercise of power, by putting the popish bishops out of their
way; the opposite party now returned the compliment, and
inflicted similar illegal punishment upon their brethren.
The common people were equally forward in changing reli-
gion, by setting up images and introducing the Latin service,
with all the old ceremonies, without the warrant of law. This
was extremely gratifying to the queen, who encouraged their
forwardness to the utmost of her power. But as these pro-
ceedings were evidently contrary to the laws still in force,
judge Hales made it a part of his charge to all the justices in
his circuit, to put the acts of parliament relating to religion in
execution; for which good service and important duty he was
sent to the Marshalsea, then removed to the Compter, and
thence to the Fleet. The queen, in this stretch of her prero-
gative, showed not only that she had lost all sense of justice,
in punishing a judge thus illegally, and, by her wanton power,
for discharging his duty; but also that she was destitute of
sympathy or gratitude, when they came in competition with
her zeal for popery. The reader must remember, what her
majesty could not have forgotten, that Hales was the only
judge upon the bench who refused to sign the instrument to
exclude her succession to the crown. Any person would have
supposed, that, had he been guilty of some offence, this cir-
cumstance alone would have made atonement in the estimation
of her majesty; but especially that she would have refrained
from acts of violence, by punishing him for doing that which
the laws required him to do. But she was a woman without
bowels of compassion, or any ties of justice or of honour,
when her religion was at all concerned. The terms may be
strong, but the fact is obvious; as will appear with too much
evidence in the progress of her reign.
Her majesty discovered similar unfeeling rigour and base
ingratitude to the lord chief justice Montague; who, though
he withstood to the utmost the alteration of the succes-
sion, and most openly declared for the queen at the death of
Edward; yet, since he was zealous for the reformation, he
was expelled from his office, cast into prison, and fined a
thousand pounds and part of his estate: while Bromley, who
had without reluctance concurred in the queen's exclusion,
but a known papist, was placed in his office. These effects
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
235
of the queen's furious and unrelenting bigotry, were only tri-
fles when compared with numberless other instances of which
she was guilty.”*
The queen had already given so many evident proofs of her
intention against the patrons of the reformation, that archbi-
shop Cranmer could not expect the least clemency; and his
friends foreseeing this, advised him to withdraw in time, and
escape out of the kingdom. But his grace replied to this ad-
vice, with a greatness of mind becoming his high station, and
worthy of a Christian bishop, that though he would not dis-
suade others from avoiding persecution; yet, considering the
post he held, and the principal part he had taken in all the
changes relating to religion, he thought it indecent for him to
flee from the storm; so no entreaties could prevail upon him.
He had already been convened before the council, and was
confined prisoner in his own house, when slanderous reports
were propagated by bishop Bonner and others about his in-
tended submission. To silence these calumnies, he published
a declaration, in which he expressed his abhorrence of the
mass as a species of idolatry, and declared his entire approba-
tion of all the changes during the late reign. He also offered,
with her majesty's leave, to defend the Book of Common-
prayer, and the whole order and doctrine of religion set forth
by the late king, as more pure and more agreeable to the word
of God, than any sort of religion that had been in England
for above a thousand years; provided all things might be
judged and determined by the Scriptures, and that the rea-
sonings on both sides might be faithfully written down.†
This paper was considered by some as a noble instance of
Christian magnanimity, well becoming the primate of England,
and by others as a piece of indiscreet and intemperate zeal.
The queen was much incensed, and the council not a little
displeased at his resolute spirit; but they could not suddenly
determine what to do with him. The moderate part of the
council, perhaps out of regard to his official character, or ap-
prehending the ill consequences of proceeding to extremities, as
he was exceedingly beloved, wished only to have him deprived,
and a pension allowed him, on condition that he intermeddled
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 223, 247, 248.-Warner, vol. ii. p. 326. † Ibid. p. 328.
+
236
HISTORY OF
not with religion. But others, of warmer spirits and more
fiery zeal, or who perhaps thought to make their court to the
queen, objected to this clemency: they declared that Cranmer
had been the author of all the heresy in the kingdom: and, if
he should be treated with tenderness, others would take en-
couragement to be more obstinate. It was, therefore, at length
determined," that he should be committed to the tower, to
be dealt with according to her majesty's pleasure."
The gloomy temper of the government now became very
apparent; and so much violence attended all its proceedings,
in which religion was concerned, that it was easy to foresee
that no measures of charity or of decency were to be expected.
The queen delighted in being called a virgin sent from heaven
to revenge the cause of God. Under such a government, and
such a princess, what could be expected but bigotry and su-
perstition, with all their direful effects ?* The archbishops and
most of the bishops were, accordingly, deprived of their sees.
The most famous preachers in London were cast into prison,
and many thousands of the clergy, for having entered the
marriage state, were turned out of their livings; some of
whom were deprived without conviction; some were never
cited to appear; and many, being confined in prison, and un-
able to appear, were cited and deprived for non-appearance.
Upon these unnatural and cruel proceedings, above a thou-
sand persons left the country and sought an asylum in a fo-
reign land; among whom were five bishops, five deans, four
archdeacons, and a great number of doctors in divinity and
celebrated preachers. The council, however, obtaining in-
formation of the numerous emigrations, sent special orders to
all the ports in England that no persons should in future leave
the country without a certificate from those in authority. The
also issued another proclamation, in which she com-
queen
manded, “all persons being foreigners, whether preachers,
printers, booksellers, artificers, or of whatsoever calling, to de-
part the kingdom within twenty-four days, upon pain of most
grievous imprisonment, and forfeiture of all their goods." By
this cruel mandate Peter Martyr, John A. Lasco, and nume-
+
*
Gilpin, vol. ii. p. 135.
{
+ Burnet, vol. ii. p. 276.
+ Fox, vol. iii. p. 32.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
237
rous other foreign protestants, were driven from their honour-
able and useful stations.*
About ten days after her majesty's coronation, the parlia
ment assembled; and the session was opened by a solemn
mass according to the old popish custom, though that custom
was abolished by law. The queen and her ministry discover-
ed, on this occasion, their preposterous haste, by openly vio-
lating what was already established. The reader will no
doubt be surprised to find, that the members of the upper
house, who only a few months before, seven or eight excepted,
were all professed protestants, and promoted the reformation
of king Edward, should now almost to a man turn zealous ca-
tholics. It will be difficult to ascertain in which reign they
dissembled their principles, if they had any principles; but it
is easy to discover, that in both reigns they were guilty of
scandalous prevarication. But how was it in the house of
commons? The number of protestants in the kingdom are
represented as much greater than that of catholics; and of
course a free election could not be very favourable to the
queen's design of restoring popery, which must be done by
the aid of parliament. In addition, therefore, to the ordinary
methods of princes to procure a parliament on their own side,
every artifice, and fraud, and even violence was practised, to
carry the elections in favour of the crown. Thus, the first
parliament of this reign, was a parliament filled in the com-
mons house with creatures of the court, and in the lords, a
few excepted, with men who, through ambition, avarice or
fear, dissembled their religious sentiments, or were indifferent
to all religion.†
A bill was, accordingly, introduced into the two houses to
establish her majesty's legitimacy and the legality of her suc-
cession to the crown. Henry's divorce was, therefore, repealed
in fewer days, than he and his ministers had employed years in
effecting it. Gardiner certainly performed his promise; but it
is not possible that he could have any sense of shame, when he
procured the repeal of a sentence, and upon allegations so no-
toriously false, which he himself had chiefly promoted in the
most servile manner before Cranmer was known at court: yea,
Burnet, vol. ii. p. 250.
+ Warner, vol. ii. p. 331.
238
HISTORY OF
which he approved, recommended, and assisted to accomplish
as judge when it was pronounced! This scandalous instabi-
lity, or rather total want of principle, was awfully characteristic
of the times.
Another bill was introduced to the commons, and passed
without a division, for repealing all the laws about religion
made in the late reign. This bill enacted, that there should be
no other form of divine service than that which had been used
towards the close of the reign of Henry VIII.; and thus was
religion, which king Edward had so much at heart, and which
the Reformers, with so much zeal and assiduity laboured to
establish, brought by a single act of parliament into the errors
and superstitions in which the old king had left it: which was
properly the religion of no one but himself.*
The bigoted queen, resolved upon the total extinction of the
reformation, availed herself of the supremacy of the crown, an
authority hostile to her feelings and principles, to carry on her
favourite project, which was opposed to the laws and liberties
of the kingdom. She took the affairs of the church into her
own hands, and authorized her chancellor to give all the ne-
cessary instructions to all the bishops and others who had ec-
clesiastical jurisdiction, for the restoration and constant prac-
tice of the old popish observances. This royal lady did not
stop here.
A committee from the convocation and the two
universities, consisting of fourteen divines, was appointed to
the examination and judgment of Cranmer, Ridley, and Lati-
mer; when they were all adjudged to be obstinate heretics,
degraded, excommunicated, and delivered to the secular power
to be burnt.
The reader will here pause a moment, to observe the ille-
gality, as well as the inconsistency of these measures. There
was nothing which the queen so much desired, as the restora-
tion of the ecclesiastical authority and jurisdiction to the high-
est point to which it had ever arrived: yet, in the instance
last mentioned, as well as in many others, she counteracted
this authority and jurisdiction, by as flagrant an exertion of
her supremacy in the church, as her father or brother ever
exercised, who avowed this supremacy. Thus, contrary to all
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 333.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
239
precedents, and to all ecclesiastical privileges, she, of her own
sovereign will and pleasure, empowered a committee of priests,
without a single bishop or temporal judge among them, to
try and determine a cause of the highest nature; to examine
the faith of three bishops, to convict them of heresy, to cast
them out of the church, and to commit them into the hands
of temporal men to be punished. Notwithstanding this absur-
dity and wickedness, her flaming zeal for the old religion aton-
ed for all; and she stuck at nothing that would enable her to
crush the reformation.
From this detail of facts, it is extremely manifest, that an
absolute supremacy over men's understandings and consciences,
might be extremely prejudicial to religion. For, as king
Henry and his son Edward reformed by their supremacy some
enormities in the church, against the majority of the people;
so queen Mary by the same power turned things into the old
channel: whatever this power enabled them to do, it enabled
her to undo. By her royal proclamations and orders of coun-
cil, she destroyed the reformation; and, having at length
procured the consent of parliament, she restored the whole
body and soul of popery. Such is the folly and absurdity of
allowing the title and power of supreme head of the church,
to any one excepting Jesus Christ; who is the only king, the
only lawgiver, the only judge, the only saviour in his church.
The prospect of the queen's marriage with Philip of Spain,
gave general discontent; and all who had espoused the refor-
mation with grief anticipated, not only a change of religion,
but the erection of a Spanish government and inquisition.
Those who valued the civil liberty of their country, without
any concern for religion, concluded that England would be-
come a province of Spain; and they beheld how the Spaniards
ruled in the Netherlands, in Milan, Naples, and Sicily: but,
above all, they heard of their unexampled inhumanities in the
West Indies.*
The queen's marriage being consummated, the court re-
newed and greatly increased its oppressions. Orders were
given to imprison all who did not attend upon divine service.
as now appointed; and many persons lost their ears, and were
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 268.
240
HISTORY OF
put in the pillory, for speaking too freely of these tyrannical
proceedings. Bonner was commanded to reduce the people to
the old religion, in which reduction he knew of no other me-
thod than severity. The articles of inquiry in his visitation
related generally to the suppression of heresy, the marriage of
the clergy, and the restoration and observance of the old su-
perstitious ceremonies. His grace was violently passionate,
and he proceeded in some instances to swearing, abusing, and
even striking, the clergy; insomuch that the dean of St.
Paul's, who accompanied him, found it necessary to apologize,
that the bishop's long imprisonment had made him passionate:
to which a gentleman shrewdly answered, that now he was
taken out of prison, he ought to be sent to Bedlam.*
The two former parliaments had restored all ecclesiastical
matters to the state in which they were left at the death of
Henry; and this was all the queen at first pretended. But
now that the royal marriage was consummated, and the go-
vernment had all things at command, her majesty's bigotry
broke loose; and her unrighteous spirit could not be satisfied
without a total reconciliation with Rome. To this purpose
she summoned another parliament; in the writs of which, her
title, as supreme head of the church, was omitted, though it
was still by law united to the crown, the power of which she
had till this time in the highest degree assumed. Her majesty
had never been more solicitous about any thing, than to pro-
cure this parliament to her mind; and by using her utmost
efforts, her wishes were realized.
3
The queen wrote to the pope assuring him of her submis-
sion, with that of her dominions, to the holy see; and nothing
could exceed the joy manifested at Rome, as soon as her ma-
jesty's intentions were known. Public rejoicings were observ-
ed for three successive days; when even his holiness offici
ated at mass, and distributed" a profusion of indulgences."+
Cardinal Pole, as the pope's legate, was accordingly sent to
England. Being invested with all-sufficient power from his
holiness, he had upon his arrival first a private audience of the
king and queen, and, after two days, went to the parliament
house. Their majesties sitting under a canopy, and the lords
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 290.
+ Custance, p. 221.
į
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
241
and commons being present, the lord chancellor Gardiner, ac-
quainted them with the character and business of the cardinal,
and hoped they would follow the good example of the king
and queen, by a similar reception of him according to his high
official character. After this introduction, Pole himself stood
up, and made a long speech to both houses; acquainting them
with his commission from his holiness, to restore the nation,
which had strayed from the sacred inclosure, to its ancient and
true nobility, and to a reconciliation with holy church. In the
conclusion, the two houses, without the least sense of religion,
or else blinded with Spanish gold, approved and agreed to the
offered reconciliation. Their address was presented to the
king and queen by the lords and commons on their knees;
beseeching their majesties, who had not been defiled by their
schism, to be intercessors with the legate of the holy see, that
he would grant them and the kingdom an absolution from the
sins of schism and heresy into which they had fallen, and re-
ceive them again into the bosom of the church. If an English
parliament could so degrade its spirit and understanding, as
to make this mean and weak submission to an ideal power, we
may be sure the request was not made in vain; for Pole, after
a pompous harangue on the danger of separation from the
holy communion of mother church, gave them on their bended
knees a full absolution, for themselves and the whole nation,
and England was restored again to the unity of holy catholic
church. The solemn farce being performed, and the absolu-
tion pronounced, they went to the royal chapel in pompous
procession, where they sung Te Deum; and the whole day
was spent in rejoicing. This is an event in English history
which rouses our indignation at the little share of sense, or
courage, or integrity, which our ancestors possessed; and it
cannot be read without concluding, that the majority of the
lords and commons, turning at the pleasure of a female bigot,
were absolutely void of judgment and religion.* Thus Eo-
gland was dragged in royal chains again to the religion of
Rome.
The cardinal having restored the kingdom to its ancient
relations, the parliament sent to the pope to confirm what his
VOL. I.
Fox, vol. iii. p. 89-92.-Warner, vol. ii. p. 356–359.
R
53
A
242
HISTORY OF
I
~
legate had done; and in the meantime an act was passed, re-
pealing all the statutes against the see of Rome, made in the
last two reigns. In this act was inserted and ratified the legate's
agreement; also that the title of supreme head never legally be-
longed to the crown; yet that all those writings in which it had
been used should continue still in force, as well as all those in
which it had been or should be omitted. This act being finish-
ed, a bill was passed to revive all the statutes against heretics;
and a report having been made, that some heretical person had
prayed, "that God would turn the queen's heart from idola-
try, or else shorten her days," another act was sent to the lords,
who read it three times and passed it, on the day on which the
parliament was dissolved, adjudging those who prayed thus to
be condemned as traitors; yet in case they showed themselves
penitent, they were not to be punished with death, but in some
other way at the discretion of the judge.*
The terrific hierarchy being erected, the queen and her mi-
nisters next deliberated on the fittest means to be adopted for
the extirpation of heresy. The protestants were supposed to
be much more numerous than the catholics; but they were des-
titute of all support, while their adversaries had the govern-
ment, with all its destructive engines, in their hands. Cardinal
Pole had been formerly suspected of showing too much favour
to protestants; and though he took care to avoid all occasions
of censure on that ground in future, yet, being a man of a ge-
nerous disposition, he delivered his sentiments in the council
without hesitation on the side of moderation. The bishops,
he said, who were fathers, should look on those who erred as
their sick children, and, on that account, show them tender-
ness and compassion, and not destroy them; and that violence
was not only inconsistent with their character, but commonly
inflamed and propagated the distemper, instead of curing it.
In the conclusion, he added, that as the ignorance and scan-
dals of ecclesiastics had given rise to heresy in every nation of
Christendom, they should begin with a reformation of the
clergy, by reviving the rules of the primitive church; then the
people might be won without force. This was the Christian
and tolerant advice of the popish cardinal, the observance
.
Burnet, vol. ii. p. 296.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
243
of which would have been no disgrace to protestants in later
times.
In opposition to this prudent and salutary counsel, bishop
Gardiner, who, not being remarkable for candour and hones-
ty,* had no deep sense of the affairs of religion, only as they
were subservient to the intrigues of the state, and being him-
self of an abject vindictive temper, proposed reviving the sta-
tutes against lollardy, which carried all the terrors of fire and
fagot, as the best expedients of restoring popery. Judging of
others no doubt by himself, he was confident, he said, that if
the preachers then in prison found they must of necessity re-
cant or burn, they would certainly choose the former in pre-
ference to the latter: or if any of them were so obstinate as to
suffer, the whole nation would soon be terrified into submission,
and return to the bosom of the church. He reminded the court
how the Lollards increased, upon Wolsey's slackening the ri-
gour
of the laws; and that if the statute of Henry IV. had
been executed with firmness, he was sure there would not have
been a single heretic now in the kingdom.
If the sober advice of Pole was becoming a man of candour
and clemency, the opinion of Gardiner was as much in charac-
ter: not indeed of a Christian prelate, but of a man of cruelty
-a servile courtier, whose only concern was an outward sub-
mission to the religion of the state. It is easy enough to con-
clude, which of these sage counsels the peevish temper of the
queen would most admire. She, indeed, encouraged Polé in
the design of reforming the manners of the clergy, in which she
promised her royal assistance; but she pressed Gardiner to
proceed with all imaginable severity against heretics.†
This prelate stood in no need of goading to pursue those
measures which his own temper and resentment dictated. In
conformity, therefore, to the views and wishes of the queen, he
cheerfully undertook to put the penal laws in execution, when
above fourscore heretics, who had been imprisoned nearly
eighteen months till an act could be conveniently passed against
them, were convened before him : not to answer for any crimes,
because they were not guilty of any, but to be wrought upon
by promises and threatenings to renounce their faith. The
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 267.
+ Ibid. 299.
R 2
244
HISTORY OF
A.
prelate tried in vain, except in two solitary instances; and the
experiment proving ineffectual, the rest were returned to pri-
son. The council, finding the good people unmoved, proceed-
ed to much greater lengths of severity, and wreaked their ven-
geance on several of the most popular and obnoxious preachers,
according to the plan which Gardiner had recommended.
This old, cunning prelate was, however, mistaken in his po-
litics. He expected, as he had declared, that the execution of
a few, would strike terror into all the rest; but, to his great
mortification and disappointment, the wretched experiment
being tried, the event was found to be perfectly the reverse.
The fire and the fagot were found to be no fit weapons to con-
vert heretics to popery. Those who fell a sacrifice rejoiced
and triumphed in the flames, and the faith and confidence of
the rest were not lessened, but greatly increased. Gardiner,
therefore, under extreme vexation, resolved to be no more
concerned in these trials, but committed the bloody work to
Bonner, whose savage temper delighted in it. These shock-
ing proceedings excited universal sympathy for the sufferers,
and disgust at the barbarous prelates. The bishops at length,
indeed, became ashamed of their own disgraceful transactions,
and endeavoured to purge themselves in open court, by charg-
ing their proceedings upon the queen. Her majesty had de-
clared at her accession, as we have already stated, that she
would not force her religion upon her subjects; therefore, as
it was thought indecent to charge the severities upon her, it
was said the fires were kindled by the peevish and bigoted
king. The king was unwilling to bear the slanderous impu-
tation, and resolved not to be the dupe of the bishops, who
attempted to clear themselves at the expense of his reputation;
so that, through the medium of his confessor, he publicly
charged the bishops with the barbarous cruelties complained
of by the people: which, he said, they had not learned from
the Scriptures; where bishops were taught to instruct in the
spirit of meekness those who opposed them, and not to burn
them for their conscientious scruples. Thus the bishops were
again vexed and confounded, and forced to bear the blame of
spilling the blood of the saints.*
This is a faint, but a true picture of the treachery and into-
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 305.-Warner, vol. ii, p. 363–370.
S
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY,
245
lerance of Mary's bloody reign. Through the various pro-
gressive stages, the reader will clearly behold the nation retrac-
ing her ancient slavery, till the whole was consummated by
England's total subjection to the papal despotism. The popish
hierarchy was now re-erected, with all its former terrors, and
a perfect reconciliation and alliance formed with the man of
sin. The rights of private judgment and of conscience, though
sacred and unalienable, were banished from the shores of Bri-
tain; and Englishmen were not permitted to think and believe
for themselves, in any of those concerns pertaining to the wor-
ship of God and the salvation of their souls. All the inhabi-
tants of the land, but especially the clergy, were bound, under
the most shocking penalties, to receive the religion of the state;
and a most extraordinary tribunal, partly civil and partly eccle-
siastical, was erected, to destroy the lives and souls of all who
could not in conscience conform to the national faith and wor-
ship. These are glaring facts, detailed at length on the page
of history; but it is not intended to conduct the reader through
rivers of blood, shed by the merciless prelates, who so awfully
disgraced the reign of queen Mary.
SECTION IL
The noble Defence of Christian Truth and Liberty.
THE patience and constancy of the saints, formed a very con-
spicuous feature in the character of these melancholy times.
These excellent Christian qualities shone with resplendent bril-
liancy, in almost numberless instances of extreme torture, and
raised in the highest degree the reputation of the sufferers;
while the tortures inflicted upon the innocent, stamped indeli
ble infamy on the name and character of the opposite party.
Logical arguments are not the only weapons employed in the
Christian warfare. By humble piety and religious practice,
men reflect the greatest honour on the Redeemer, and best
promote the prosperity of his kingdom: so the honourable
army of martyrs, in their defences before the tribunals of their
enemies, and by their wonderful piety and magnanimity at the
:
246
HISTORY OF
1
stake, made the noblest stand against the encroachment of arbi-
trary power, and the most glorious defence of the truth and
liberty of the Gospel-a defence which will never be forgotten
by persons of humane and Christian feelings. They obtained
the conquest when they fell; though they lost their lives, they
gained the victory when they breathed their last.
The protestant bishops and divines having lain a long time
in their respective prisons, subscribed a declaration of their
faith, that all might know their religious opinions. They also
presented their humble supplication to the king and queen,
and the two houses of parliament, for liberty to prove their
innocence, in the presence of such impartial judges as their ma-
jesties should appoint.* Their equitable suit and generous
proposals, however, were rejected. Their cause was not allow-
ed to appear in the light of day; but they must be condemned
without trial before an unbiassed tribunal. It will be neces-
sary, therefore, to record a few instances of the pious intre-
pidity with which, in their dying moments, they withstood the
tyrannizing ecclesiastics, defended the rights of conscience, and
outbraved the dreadful storm.
We shall begin with the celebrated John Rogers, the proto-
martyr-a zealous and learned preacher. Being convened be-
fore the council, he was asked whether he would unite himself
to the catholic church, and acknowledge the pope to be su-
preme head; he replied, that he knew of no other head of the
church besides Jesus Christ, and that, from Scripture or anti-
quity, the pope had no more authority than any other bishop.
When his unshaken firmness was stigmatized vain glory, he
protested against it, and declared, it was conscience only, which
kept him from uniting with the antichristian church.
In his defence, Mr. Rogers declares-" That all the laws of
men may not and cannot rule the word of God, but they must
all be discussed and judged thereby neither my conscience,
nor any Christian's conscience, can be satisfied with such laws
as disagree with that Word. That which we affirmed and
preached as the true doctrine in king Edward's days, you now
cry against as most abominable heresy. This fault, I trust,
you shall never find at our hands.
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 82, 97.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
247
"It is not only lawful for a man, who bringeth the autho-
rity of God's word and the antiquity of the primitive church,
to speak and write against such unlawful things; but it is his
duty, and he is bound in very conscience to do it. This I prove
by what is written in the Acts, where the high-priests, elders,
scribes and pharisees, decreed in their council, and commanded
the apostles, that they should not preach in the name of Christ,
as you have forbidden us: notwithstanding they answered, We
ought to obey God rather than men. Even so we may and do
answer you. God is more to be obeyed than men
and your
wicked laws cannot tie our tongues, but we will speak the truth.
"The apostles were beaten for their boldness; and they
rejoiced that they suffered for the cause of Christ. You have
provided rods and whips for us: yet when you have done what
God's hand and counsel hath determined to be done, be it life
or death, I trust that God will so assist us by his Holy Spirit
and grace, that we shall patiently suffer it, and bless God for it.
Whatsoever may become of me and others, who now suffer for
speaking and professing the truth, be ye assured, that God's
word will prevail, when your bloody laws and wicked decrees,
for want of foundation, shall fall in the dust. The same may
be said of the general councils within these five hundred years,
where the Roman antichrist, by reason of his usurped autho-
rity, has decreed such things as made for his gain, not regard-
ing the glory of God. They are, therefore, to be spoken, writ-
ten, and cried aloud against, by all such as fear God and love
his truth."
On the morning of Mr. Rogers' execution, being asked by
the sheriff whether he would revoke his abominable doctrine,
he said, “That which I have preached I will seal with my
blood." "Then," said the sheriff, "thou art a heretic."
“That shall be known,” replied he, " at the day of judgment."
"Well, I will never pray for thee," said the sheriff.
"But I
will pray for you," said Mr. Rogers; and then he was convey-
ed from Newgate to Smithfield. When fastened to the stake,
a pardon was offered him if he would recant; but he absolutely
refused, preferring a short suffering with a good conscience, to
the risk of everlasting torments by falling into wilful apostacy.
He therefore exhorted the people to continue steadfast in that
faith which he was about to seal with his blood; and, with won-
248
HISTORY OF
derful constancy and triumph, he was burnt to ashes, in the
presence of an immense concourse of spectators.
<
Lawrence Sanders, an excellent preacher at Coventry, hav-
ing been a long time in prison, addressed a letter to bishop
Gardiner, in which he said-" As to my religion, I say with
St. Paul: That after the way which they call heresy, so wor-
ship I the God of my fathers, believing all things which are
written in the law and the prophets; and have hope towards
God. And herein do I exercise myself, to have always a con-
science void of offence towards God and towards men.' So
that I call God to witness that I have a conscience; and this
my conscience is not grounded upon vain fancy, but upon the
infallible truth of God's word, with the witness of his chosen
church agreeable to it.
"The Romish religion robs God of his due honour. It
takes away the true comfort of conscience, by obscuring or
rather burying Christ and his office of salvation. It spoils God
of his true worship in spirit and truth, appointed in his pre-
script commandments; and drives men to that inconvenience,
against which Christ and the prophets speak with sharpness:
<
This people honoureth me with their lips, but their hearts are
far from me.' 'In vain ye do worship me, teaching the doc-
trines and commandments of men.' Ye have made the com-
mandment of God of none effect by your tradition.' Where-
fore, by conscientiously weighing and indifferently discussing
the Romish religion, I find the foundation unstable, and the
building upon it only vain. On the other hand, having my
conscience framed by a right and uncorrupt religion, fully rati-
fied and established by the word of God, and the consent of
his true church, I neither may, nor do intend, by God's gra-
cious assistance, to be pulled one jot from it, though an angel
from heaven should preach another Gospel than that which I
have received of the Lord."
Mr. Sanders being under examination before his judges,
said-" One of these two extreme perils are likely to fall upon
me: the losing of a good conscience, or the losing of my life.
I tell you the truth, I love both life and liberty, if I could
enjoy them without the hurt of my conscience."
"Con-
Fox, vol. iii. p. 104, 108.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
249
science!” replied bishop Gardiner, "you have none, but pride
and arrogance, dividing yourselves by singularity from the
church." "The Lord knows all men's consciences," answered
Sanders; " and wherein your lordship charges me with divid-
ing myself from the church, I do assure you, that I live in the
faith in which I have been brought up ever since I was four-
teen years old; being taught that the power of the bishop of
Rome was usurped, with many other evils springing from it.
Yea, this I have received from you who are here present, as
a thing agreed upon by the catholic church and public autho-
rity. A man may live though he lack an arm, hand, or joint;
but he cannot live without his head: but you, and the whole
of you, have agreed to cut off the supremacy of the bishop of
Rome, whom now you will have to be again the head of the
church." The bishop said, "You are obstinate, and refuse
your liberty." "My lord,” replied Sanders, "I may not
purchase liberty at such a price; but I beseech your honours
to be a means to the queen's majesty for such a pardon of us,
that we may live and keep our consciences unclogged, and we
shall live as most obedient subjects: otherwise, I will by God's
grace abide the worst extremity against me, rather than do
any thing against my conscience." His firmness and his com-
fort remained unshaken to the last; and when he was carried
to the place of execution, he fell on the ground, and prayed;
and rising from his knees, he clasped the stake in his arms,
and kissed it, exclaiming: "Welcome the cross of Christ;
welcome everlasting life," and was presently consumed to
ashes.*
The celebrated bishop Hooper comes next in the noble army
of martyrs; who, when he was importuned to recant and save
his life, said—"True it is, that death is bitter, and life is
sweet; but, alas! the death to come is more bitter, and the life
to come is more sweet. For the desire and love I have to the
one, and the terror and fear of the other, therefore, I do not
much regard this death, nor esteem this life, but have settled
myself, through the strength of God's Holy Spirit, patiently
to endure the torments and extremities of the fire now prepar-
ed for me, rather than deny the truth of his word."
Fox, vol. iii. p. 110-115.
250
HISTORY OF
In one of his letters directed to Bullinger, not long before
his death, he says" With us, the wound that antichrist has
received is healed; and he is declared head of the church, who
is not a member of it. We are still in the utmost peril, as we
have been for a year and a half: we are kept asunder in prison,
and treated with all kinds of inhumanity and scorn. They
threaten us every day with death, which we do not value. We
resolutely despise fire and sword, for the cause of Christ. We
know in whom we have believed, and are sure that we have
committed our souls to him in well-doing. In the meantime,
help us with your prayers, that he that has begun the good
work in us, will perform it to the end. We are the Lord's,
let him do with us as seemeth good in his sight.”
Hooper being led to the place of execution, the queen's par-
don was showed him, if he would recant; but he desired them
to take it away. Having no leave to speak otherwise than in
his devotion, he declared his faith in the form of a prayer, and
earnestly cried to the Lord for strength to bear patiently the
torments of the fire. His extreme anguish in the fire lasted
about three quarters of an hour; during which, he prayed:
"O, Jesus, thou Son of David, have mercy upon me, and
receive my soul," desiring to have more fire. At length he
cried more audibly, "Lord Jesus, have mercy upon me!
Lord Jesus, have mercy upon me! Lord Jesus, receive my
spirit ;" and then with heroic triumph breathed his last.*
2)
Ridley and Latimer were burnt at the same stake. They
were carried from their prisons to a mock disputation at Ox-
ford; on which occasion, Ridley delivered his protestation in
these words:" I have determined to declare openly my mind,
and to confess plainly in those things which you demand. I
have in times past thought otherwise than I now do; yet, I call
God to record to my soul that I lie not, I have not altered my
judgment, either by constraint of man, or through the dread
of any danger, or in hope of any commodity; but only for the
love of the truth revealed to me by the grace of God. I will
not wittingly speak in any point against the word of God, or
dissent in any one jot from it, or from the rules of faith; which
rules that same most sacred word prescribeth to the church of
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 126, 127.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
251
Christ, to which I now and for ever submit myself, and all my
doings.
99
Old father Latimer was introduced to this ridiculous dispu-
tation, like a primitive martyr, in his prison attire. He had a
cap upon his head, buttoned under his chin, a pair of spectacles
hanging at his breast, a New Testament under his arm, and a
staff in his hand. The arrangements of the disputation being
announced to him, he signified that he was very old and very
infirm; and shaking his palsied head, he smiled and said-
"Indeed, gentlemen, I am just as well qualified to be made
governor of Calais, as engage in a public dispute." He told
them, that he had the use of no other book besides that under
his arm; which he had read over deliberately seven times,
without finding the least mention of the mass; and then added,
in his humorous style, that he could find neither "the marrow-
bones, nor the sinews of the mass in the New Testament."*
When the two prisoners were carried to the stake, they em-
braced each other with much affection; and Ridley, with an
air of pleasure, said to Latimer, "Be of good heart brother,
for God will either assuage the fury of the flame, or else enable
us to abide it." Being chained to the stake, and the fagots
being lighted, Latimer said to his companion, "Be of good
comfort and play the man: we shall by the grace of God this
day light a candle in England, which I trust will never be put
out." As the fire approached, Ridley cried-" Into thy hand,
Lord, I commit my spirit: Lord, receive my spirit:" and
Latimer cried, "Oh, Father of heaven, receive my soul."
The two triumphant heroes then entered into the joy of their
Lord.†
Archbishop Cranmer having received the sentence of con-
demnation, drew up in writing an appeal from the sentence of
the pope, to the next general council. "Although the bishop
of Rome," said he, "whom they call Pope, standeth in the
room of Christ, and hath authority of God; yet by that power
or authority he is not become sinless, neither hath he received
that power to destroy, but to edify the congregation. There-
fore if he shall command any thing that is not right, he ought
to take it patiently, and in good part, in case he be not obey
Gilpin, vol. i. p. 484.
1
+ Fox, vol. iii. p. 51, 429, 430.
:
252
HISTORY OF
·
ed. And he must not be obeyed, if he command any thing
against the precepts of God: no, he may be lawfully resisted,
even as Paul withstood Peter." These are honourable and
heroic sentiments, though directly opposed to Cranmer's own
practice in the late reign: but it was a great mercy that he
became conscious of his former errors; that he renounced his
persecuting principles; and that he imbibed the tolerant and
amiable spirit of the Gospel.
The primate addressed a letter to queen Mary, not long
before his death, in which he assigned his reasons for refus-
ing submission to the pope's authority. "Forasmuch," said
he," as in the time of king Henry VIII., your grace's most
royal father, I was sworn never to consent, that the bishop of
Rome should have or exercise any authority or jurisdiction in
this realm of England; therefore lest I should allow his autho-
rity contrary to my own oath, and so be guilty of perjury, I
refused to answer the bishop of Gloucester, sitting in judg-
ment by the pope's authority. Another cause of refusing his
authority, is, that the authority which he claimeth is repug-
nant to the laws and imperial crown of this realm; which
every true subject is bound to defend. The laws and impe-
rial crown of this realm, the king in his coronation, and all
justices when they receive their offices, are sworn, and the
whole realm is bound to maintain and defend. But contrary
to this, the pope by his authority maketh void, and com-
mandeth us to blot out of our books, all laws and customs
that are repugnant to his laws; and he declareth cursed all
rulers and governors, and all makers and executors of all such
laws or customs. If the bishop of Rome's authority, which he
claims from God, be lawful, all your grace's laws and customs
in your realm, being contrary to the pope's laws, are naught;
and, as well your majesty, as your judges, justices, and all
executioners of the laws, stand accursed among heretics:
which God forbid. Yet, if the pope have the power which
he claims, this curse cannot be avoided, until the laws and
customs of this realm which are contrary to his laws, be taken
away and blotted out of the statute book.”*
Cranmer's letter to the queen was of no more avail than his
J
*Fox, vol. iii. p. 556, 563.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
253
appeal from the pope; and by the terrors of his enemies he
was frightened into a recantation, but by the terrors of his
conscience he was presently frightened to repentance. The
archbishop appearing before the public congregation at Ox-
ford, just before his execution, and being permitted to speak,
he addressed them in these words:" It is now, my brethren,
no time to dissemble. I stand upon the verge of life: a vast
eternity is before me. What are my fears, or what my hopes,
it matters not here to unfold. For one action of
my
life at
least I am accountable to the world ;-my late shameful sub-
scription to opinions, which are wholly opposite to my real
sentiments. Before this congregation I solemnly declare, that
the fear of death alone induced me to this ignominious action;
that it hath cost me many bitter tears; and that in my heart
I totally reject the pope, and the doctrines of the church of
Rome."* Upon this, the venerable primate was immediately
dragged into the street, and barbarously hurried to the stake.
When the fire began to burn, as he had declared in the pre-
sence of his enemies, he stretched out his right hand into the
flame, by which he had subscribed his recantation. He often-
times said, "this unworthy hand,” till it was burnt off; and
then gave up the ghost, saying, "Lord Jesus, receive my
spirit."+
These great Reformers carried their principles with them
to the stake, and displayed the greatest constancy and magna-
nimity in resisting the cruel encroachments and oppressions of
popery. They fell in the great struggle; but they vanquish-
ed their enemies, and, by their invincible courage and piety,
aided by the grace of God, they have transmitted to posterity
the noblest defence of the doctrines and liberties of Christians
-a defence written in characters of blood. These heroic
saints, with all the other martyrs, were conscious of their
rights and obligations in the sight of God, in all things per-
taining to Christian worship and the salvation of their souls;
therefore they cheerfully sacrificed their lives, rather than
tamely surrender the rights of conscience to ecclesiastical
usurpers, or renounce their allegiance to their Creator, in
slavish subjection to the despotic power of any creature. As
+ Fox, vol. iii. p. 561-563.
*
Gilpin, vol. ii. p. 161.
254
HISTORY OF
they were, by the help of heaven, the most valiant champions
for the claims of conscience, and the prerogative of God; so
their principles and practice will be admired and revered, by
all persons of real worth, to the end of the world. These va-
liant soldiers of Jesus Christ appreciated and claimed religion
as matter of individual right. They concluded, that, if every
one must give an account of himself to God, religion is a con-
cern between God and the soul; and that men are amenable
to his authority alone, for the sentiments which they hold, and
for the modes of worship which they adopt. He has not em-
powered any single person, or any collective body, to be an
infallible interpreter of his will. The revelation he has given
addresses itself to the reason and conscience of every indivi-
dual; and "to his own Master," who is in heaven," he
standeth or falleth."
We see, from the foregoing events, that chains cannot fet-
ter the thoughts of man, or force detain them. The conscience
is wholly uncontrolled by the tortures which may agonize and
consume the body. The flames of martyrdom form only the
chariot to the triumphing spirit. The utmost intolerance of
man only places his victim absolutely and eternally beyond his
jurisdiction: it can have no effect upon that imperishable prin-
ciple which He alone who created can control; which none
but itself could make miserable-none but God can make
happy. The truth of these important maxims was displayed
by the most indubitable evidence derived from almost innu-
merable facts, known to all who lived in this reign; yet those
who inflicted these barbarities, and even their immediate pos-
terity, seemed to derive very little instruction from them.
The right of individual judgment and practice, in concerns
of a religious character, was for ages denied to the unhappy
subjects of the Roman polity. Infallibility was claimed for
the decisions of the church; and whoever ventured to contro-
vert positions which were thus sanctioned and promulgated,
was declared unfit to live, and incapable of salvation. The
domineering church, alas! was "drunken with the blood of
the saints, and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus." Who
can think of the persecutions which have been instigated by
this antichristian community, without feelings of the greatest
horror? Who can call to recollection the fires of Smithfield
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
255
without shuddering? And why were those fires kindled? Be-
cause these heroic Christians dared "to obey God rather than
men:"--because they exercised the unalienable right which
their Creator and Redeemer had given them :-because they
yielded to the directions of Scripture, and the suggestions of
their consciences, on subjects of everlasting importance.
In this great conflict, even the princess Elizabeth had no
inconsiderable share, and very narrowly escaped the fire. She
was conducted from prison to prison, and at length lodged in
the tower, when the warrant signed by the council was sent
for her execution; but the diabolical attempt was overruled,
and her life spared.*
;
Intolerance is equally inconsistent and ridiculous, as it is
opposed to Christianity and the rights of human nature. This
was manifest in the case of Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius.
These two German divines, celebrated for literature and piety,
had been invited in the reign of king Edward to assist the
reformation in this country, and had now been dead several
years; but, marvellous as it may seem, they were both cited
before the ecclesiastical judges to give an account of their faith
and the dead men not rising from their graves to answer the
interrogatories of the court, the sentence of condemnation was
pronounced upon them as obstinate heretics!! To complete
the ridiculous solemnity, the bones of the deceased offenders
were dug out of their peaceful graves, delivered to the secular
power to be punished, and conveyed, under a strong guard,
to the place of execution; when the coffins were fast chained
to two stakes, and their contents consumed to ashes!! At
the same time, these reverend gentlemen dug up the body of
Peter Martyr's wife, who had been a celebrated matron of
piety and charity, and who was supposed to have been of the
same religion as her husband. Witnesses were produced and
sworn to answer such questions as they should propose con-
cerning the dead woman; but, since she was a foreigner, no
one knew what was her religion, they could not proceed against
her for the sin of heresy; therefore, her body was cast out of
the church with scorn, and buried in a dunghill. There it re-
mained in its peaceful abode till after the accession of Eliza-
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 797.
256
HISTORY OF
beth; when, by the appointment of archbishop Parker, bishop
Grindal and others, it was taken up, and laid in the grave of
St. Frideswide, and mixed with his relics, that in case any one
hereafter should be so mad as to remove her bones, they might
not be able to distinguish them from those of the popish saint.*
The infatuated queen and her ministers, enraged to hear
from all quarters that the number of protestants continually
increased, not only encouraged the magistrates in the persecu-
tion of heretics, but resolved to erect an inquisition in England,
similar to that in Spain. To this end, a commission was grant-
ed to a certain number of favourites of the court, investing
them with an unlimited power in the trial of heretics; so
that they were authorized to proceed according to their own
discretion, no person whatever being exempt from their juris-
diction. This iniquitous measure was followed by renewed
persecution, in which multitudes of protestants were sacrificed
to popish barbarity.†
Since the sacred light of the reformation had, in the late
reign, been more diffusive in the counties of Norfolk and Suf-
folk, than in most parts of the kingdom, the queen sent her
commissioners into those parts to reclaim the people from their
apostacy, and bring them back to the mother church. The
inhabitants of these counties, who had greatly assisted her
majesty's accession, and being firmly established in the truth
and liberty of the Gospel, presented the following humble sup-
plication to the queen and her commissioners :
"We most humbly pray and beseech the queen's gracious
majesty, to have mercy and pity upon us her poor and faith-
ful subjects, and not to compel us to do that which is against
our consciences, and will so incurably wound our hearts, by
bringing into the church the Latin mass and service that edi-
fies us not, and casting out Christ's holy communion and En-
glish service, so causing us to sin against our redemption.
For such as do this wittingly against their consciences, are in
a miserable state, until the mercy of God turn them; and if
he do not, we certainly believe they will be eternally damned:
and, as in this world they deny Christ's holy word and com-
munion before men, so will Christ deny them before his hea-
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 645, 653.—Burnet, vol. ii. p. 346. + Ibid. p. 347.
CREATE AN ES
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
257
venly Father and his holy angels. God be merciful unto us,
and move the queen's majesty's heart, and the hearts of her
honourable council, and your hearts, right honourable com-
missioners, to weigh these dangers in due time; and to call
God's word into your council, then you will see how it agrees
with this bishop-like commandment; and to be as wary to
avoid the contempt and dangers of the eternal God, as you
are prudent and wise in matters of this world; lest, if the Al-
mighty be contemned, he stretch forth his arm which no man
can turn, and kindle his wrath which no man can quench.
"We have humbly opened to your consciences, no doubt
sorely wounded and grieved by this commandment; and we
meekly pray and beseech the queen's majesty, for the precious
death and blood-shedding of Jesus Christ our Saviour, to have
mercy and pity upon us her grace's poor commons, faithful
and true subjects, members of the same body politic, of which
her grace is supreme head. All our bodies, goods, lands, and
lives, are ready to do her grace faithful obedience, and true
service in all things that are not against God and his word:
but in things that import a denial of Christ, and refusal of his
word and holy communion, we cannot give our consent or
agreement. For we have bound ourselves in baptism to be
Christ's disciples, and to keep his holy word and ordinances.
If we deny him before men, he will deny us before God's tri-
bunal in the day of judgment: this, we trust, her benign
grace will not require of us. And we humbly beseech her
majesty, that we may not be enforced to it; but, as we serve
her grace with body and goods, and due obedience, according
to God's commandment; so we may be permitted freely to
serve God and Christ our Saviour, and devote unto him our
souls, which he hath redeemed with his precious blood; that,
as Christ teaches we may render to Cæsar that which is Cæ-
sar's, and to God that which is God's !"*
From this admirable petition we clearly perceive, that not-
withstanding all the barbarous persecution of this reign, the
light of the reformation could not be totally extinguished, or
the heroic defence of the rights of conscience, be entirely de-
stroyed. Great numbers, indeed, were driven to seek their
VOL. I.
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 578–582.
ទ
258
HISTORY OF
bread in foreign lands, and multitudes were committed to the
flames; yet many, who loved the doctrines and blessings of
the Gospel more than their lives, withstood the cruel oppres-
sions, and endured the dreadful storm. These excellent Chris-
tians withdrew from the national church, and formed them-
selves, after the primitive model, into separate congregations
in various parts of the kingdom. A considerable congregation
was formed at Stoke in Suffolk; where the word and ordinan-
ces of Christ were statedly ministered, and their peace and
prosperity greatly promoted. The watchful eyes of the pre-
lates were upon them; but, on account of their number and
unanimity, their lordships were for some time afraid to inter-
fere. They constantly attended their meetings for divine wor-
ship, and conscientiously scrupled the worship of the parish
churches.
This pious and zealous congregation having assembled for
several years, an order was at length sent to the whole society,
requiring them to receive the popish mass within sixteen days
after Easter, or abide the perilous consequences that would
follow. The good people, upon this, assembled for the pur-
pose of consultation, and they firmly resolved not to comply.
In about six months, the bishop of Norwich sent his officers,
strictly commanding them to attend the public service of the
church on the following Lord's day; and, in case of refusal,
requiring them to appear before the commissary, to give an
account of their conduct: but having notice of this, they kept
out of the way to avoid the summons. When they neither
went to church, nor appeared before the commissary, the an-
gry prelate suspended and excommunicated the whole of the
congregation. And when officers were appointed to appre-
hend them, they, being resolved to maintain their liberty, left
the town; and so escaped all the days of queen Mary.*
There were at least two of these congregations which met in
and about the city of London; but owing to the vigilance of
their enemies, they were obliged to use the utmost secrecy
when they assembled. One of these religious societies had
Mr. Thomas Rose for its minister. He was a famous preacher
early in the reign of king Henry, when he endured much se-
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 773.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
259
O
vere persecution; and on the death of king Edward, he was
driven from his charge, and again in danger of his life. He
now united himself to one of the congregations of separatists
in London, and was chosen to the pastoral office. To pre-
serve themselves against the unceasing watchfulness of the bi-
shops, they assembled in the most secret places, and in the
dead of the night. Mr. Rose was generously entertained by
lady Vane, during his pastoral care of these good people; and
though he oftentimes narrowly escaped the discovery of his
enemies, he was at length betrayed by an unworthy brother,
when he and upwards of thirty of his congregation were ap-
prehended in the act of receiving the Lord's supper, at a
house in Bow-church yard, and the same night committed to
prison.
Mr. Rose being carried before bishop Gardiner, his lordship
said, "I have long looked for thee, and at length have caught
thee. I will know who are thy maintainers, or else I will make
thee a foot longer." "My lord," said Mr. Rose, "you shall
do as much as pleaseth God, and no more; yet the law is in
your hand: I have God for my maintainer, and none other."
The examination being closed, he was sent to the tower; and
having remained some time, he was conveyed to Norwich,
where he underwent several examinations in the presence of
the bishop and his officers. The bishop said, "You are sent
to me to be examined: will you submit yourself to the order
of the church of England ?" "My lord,” replied he, “I trust
I am not out of the order of Christ's church in England, nei-
ther do I know myself an offender against it." His lordship
said, "If you will be accounted an Englishman, you must
submit yourself." "My lord," replied Mr. Rose, "I am an
Englishman born, and do most humbly require of the Chris-
tian congregation of England, to be counted a particular mem-
ber of it and with all due reverence submit myself as in the
form and manner following: That whatsoever laws shall be
set forth in the church for the establishment of Christ's true
religion, I will not only hold and believe them, but also most
reverently obey them." "Ah, Sirrah,” said the bishop, “you
will admit nothing but Scripture." "No truly, my lord,
replied the other, "I admit nothing but Scripture in the go-
vernment of the soul. For faith cometh by hearing, and hear-
""
s 2
260
HISTORY OF
:
ing by the word of God: and where the word of God is not,
there ought to be no belief." Mr. Rose having made this he-
roic defence of his principles and practice, against the senti-
ments and oppressions of his adversaries, was released from
bondage; and, to escape the outrage of those who still thirst-
ed for his blood, he went into exile, where he continued till
the death of queen Mary. On the accession of Elizabeth, he
returned to his native country, and lived many years at Luton
in Bedfordshire.*
We have not been able to learn what became of his congre-
gation; but it was most probably broken up and dispersed.
There was also another congregation of separatists, which se-
cretly assembled in the metropolis and its vicinity; and though
it appears to have been more numerous than the former, hav-
ing about two hundred members, it remained for a considera-
ble time undiscovered. The meetings of these good people
were held alternately in Aldgate, Blackfriers, Pudding-lane,
Thames-street, and in ships on the river. Sometimes they as-
sembled in the villages about London, especially at Islington,
that they might the more effectually elude the bishops' officers.
To screen themselves from persecution, they commonly met in
the night, and experienced many wonderful providential deli-
verances.+ Their public devotions were conducted by the
following ministers: Edmund Scambler, afterwards succes-
sively bishop of Peterborough and Norwich, Mr. Fowler, Mr.
John Rough, Mr. Augustine Bernher, Thomas Bentham, af-
terwards bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, and Mr. John
Pullain, afterwards an excellent puritan.
It was during the ministry of Mr. Rough that this eongre-
gation was first discovered; when he was apprehended, with
Mr. Cuthbert Sympson and some others, at a house in Isling-
ton, where the church was about to assemble for prayer and
preaching the word; and being taken before the council, after
several examinations, he was sent to Newgate, and his case
committed to the management of Bonner. In the hands of
this prelate, Mr. Rough endured the most relentless cruelty.
Not content with degrading him, and delivering him over to
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 783—787.
+ Clark's Martyr. p. 515, 516.-Fox, vol. iii. p. 726.
2
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
261
the secular power, the furious prelate flew upon him, and
plucked the beard from his face. And, after much barbarous
usage, he was committed to the flames in Smithfield, having
Margaret Mearing, a member of the congregation, for his fel-
low sufferer. He died strong in faith, and in joyful assurance
of life eternal.* Mr. Sympson, the excellent deacon, having
suffered the most shocking cruelties at the hands of Bonner,
suffered in Smithfield, with Mr. Fox and Mr. Davenish, two
others of the church taken at Islington. Seven more of this
church were burnt in Smithfield, six at Brentford, and others
died in prison.+
These were arduous and painful struggles against existing
oppressions, and for the liberty of worshipping God according
to the light of conscience. The pious and heroic sufferers, con-
scious of their unalienable rights, and their obligations to God,
were willing to part with all their earthly possessions, and even
with their lives, rather than renounce their allegiance to Jesus
Christ. They took joyfully, not only the spoiling of their
goods, but also the destruction of their lives, to preserve their
consciences, knowing in themselves that they had in heaven
“a better and an enduring substance."
These tragic proceedings were not, however, without their
use on the public mind. For when the people beheld the infu-
riated malice with which the popish rulers and bishops put so
many conscientious persons to death, and the calm magnanimi-
ty with which the triumphant martyrs died for the public pro-
fession of their faith; they were constrained to an abhorrence
of the old superstitions, and to view the reformed doctrines
as more agreeable to humanity, reason, and revelation. At
length, queen Mary terminated her inglorious reign of five
years and four months, November 17, 1558, in the forty-third
age. But in such horror and detestation were the
popish clergy generally held, on account of their enormities,
that they were obliged to conceal their grief for the demise of
their royal mistress, lest the populace should have been rous-
ed to avenge the innocent blood which they had shed.‡
year
of her
It will be necessary, before we dismiss this reign, to take
*Fox, vol. iii. p. 722-726.
+ Ibid. p. 726, 729, 732, 734
Custance, p. 253.
KE
262
HISTORY OF
1
་
some notice of the numerous refugees, divines and others,
who, having fled from the Marian persecution, preferred their
religion to their country, and voluntarily encountered all the
hardships of exile for the profession of their faith. These per-
secuted protestants retired to Frankfort, Strasburg, Zurich,
Basil, Geneva, and other places; but they were most numerous
at Frankfort. Their liberal sentiments on the sacramental
controversy are said to have disgusted certain Lutheran Re-
formers, from whom they received some unkind treatment.
This, however, was far from being general: and Melancthon,
who was a man of great candour and moderation, brought
these discontents to a better temper; by persuading them,
that although the English exiles might differ from them in a
few points, they were embarked with them in the same com-
mon cause of religious liberty, and ought certainly to be treat-
ed as brethren.*
-
The foreign reformed churches in general exhibited, on this
occasion, an amiable proof of the spirit of their religion, and
amply recompensed the kindness which many foreigners had
experienced in England, during the reign of king Edward.
They are said to have emulated one another in exertions to
accommodate the unfortunate refugees, and endeavoured with
the most affectionate solicitude to supply their wants and alle-
viate their sufferings. The English exiles were the most hap-
pily settled at Frankfort, a rich imperial city in Germany,
which, at an early period, had embraced the reformation, and
befriended protestant refugees from all other countries, as far
as this could be done without an open breach with the empe-
ror, by whom their conduct was watched with a jealous eye.
There was already a church of French protestants in that city.
On July 14, 1554, the English exiles obtained of the ma-
gistrates the joint use of the place of worship allotted to the
French, with liberty to perform religious worship in their own
language. This was granted on condition, of their conform-
ing as nearly as possible to the doctrine and worship of the
French church, to prevent all occasion of dissension. The
offer was gratefully accepted by the English, who came to an
unanimous agreement, that they would omit the use of the
* Gilpin, vol. ii. p. 147.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
263
surplice, the litany, the audible responses, and some other
ceremonies prescribed by the English liturgy; which "in
those reformed churches would seem more than strange," and
were deemed superstitious and superfluous." Having set-
tled these points in the most harmonious manner, and elected
a temporary pastor and deacons, and agreed upon certain re-
gulations for discipline, they addressed letters to their brethren
who had fled to other places, informing them of the agree-
able settlement which they had obtained, and inviting them
to participate with them in their happy accommodations at
Frankfort.
“
The members of the new congregation having taken these.
prudential steps, by mutual agreement among themselves, as
well as in exact conformity to the grant of the magistrates,
their agreement was soon after violated, and the peace of the
congregation broken, in the most wanton and scandalous man-
ner, by Dr. Richard Cox and some other exiles, who now
arrived from England. The first day that they attended pub-
lic worship after their arrival, they broke through the estab-
lished order, and interrupted the public service, by answer-
ing aloud after the minister. Being admonished by some of
the elders to refrain from that practice, they insolently replied,
"That they would do as they had done in England, and that
they would have the face of an English church !” On the fol-
lowing Sabbath, one of their number having obtruded himself
into the pulpit, without the consent of the congregation, read
the litany, while Cox and his accomplices echoed the responses.
This behaviour was considered so great an insult upon the
whole body, and so manifest an outrage upon all order and
decency, as could not be passed over in silence; therefore, it
being Mr. Knox's turn to preach in the afternoon of the same
Lord's day, he accused the disorderly brethren of a flagrant
violation of their solemn and unanimous agreement; which, he
said, was extremely unbecoming any of them to have attempt-
ed. Nothing which was destitute of a divine warrant ought
to be obtruded upon any Christian church; but in the En-
glish book, for which some entertained so much fondness, there
were things, he said, "imperfect, impure, and superstitious."
He adverted to the persecution of Hooper, to the want of
ecclesiastical discipline, and to the well-known fact that three,
264
HISTORY OF
four, or five benefices had been occupied by one man, to the
slander of the Gospel, and the depriving of the flock of Christ
of their necessary food.
This free reprimand was highly resented by those to whom
it was directed, especially by such as had held pluralities in
England, who insisted that the preacher should be called to an
account for having slandered the mother church. A special
meeting being held for the consideration of this business, the
advocates of the liturgy, instead of prosecuting their complaints
against Mr. Knox, began by earnestly requesting that Dr.
Cox and his friends might be admitted to vote. This was
resisted by a great majority; because they had not yet sub-
scribed the discipline of the church, nor given satisfaction for
their late disorderly conduct, nor for their sinful popish com-
pliances in England. Knox's behaviour, on this occasion, was
more remarkable for magnanimity than for prudence. Al-
though aware of their hostility against himself, and that they
sought admission chiefly to overpower him by numbers, he
was so confident of the justice of his cause, and so anxious to
remove the prejudice of his enemies, that he entreated and
prevailed with the meeting to grant this unreasonable request,
and to admit them presently to vote. "I know," said he,
"that your earnest desire to be received at this instant within
the number of the congregation, is, that by the multitude of
your voices, you may overthrow my cause. Howbeit, the
matter is so evident, that you shall not be able to do it. I
fear not your judgment; and therefore do require that you
may be admitted."* This generous and disinterested conduct
was, however, entirely lost upon the opposite party. For no
sooner were they admitted, than Dr. Cox, who had no autho-
rity in the church, discharged Mr. Knox from preaching, and
from all interference in the affairs of the congregation.
The great body of the congregation were indignant at these
unreasonable proceedings; and there was some fear that the
animosity would break out into a disgraceful tumult. To pre-
vent this, a representation of the case was laid before the senate
of Frankfort; who, having in vain recommended a private ac-
commodation, issued an order that the congregation, accord-
* M'Crie, vol. i. p. 151.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
265
ing to its original agreement, should conform exactly to the
worship used by the French church; and if this was not ob-
served, they threatened to shut up their church. To this
peremptory injunction the Coxian faction pretended a cheer-
ful submission, while they clandestinely concerted measures for
obtaining its revocation, and enforcing their favourite liturgy
upon their brethren.
Perceiving Knox's influence in the congregation, and de-
spairing of their object while he was among them, they deter-
mined, as their next step, to get rid of him. To accomplish
this, they had recourse to one of the basest and most unchris-
tian arts ever employed to ruin an adversary. They privately
waited upon the magistrates, and accused Mr. Knox of high
treason against the emperor of Germany, and the king and
queen of England; as founded on the following passage in his
“Admonition to England,” which had been published two or
three years :-"O England, England, if thou obstinately wilt
return into Egypt; that is, if thou contract marriage, confede-
racy or league with such princes as maintain and advance ido-
latry; such as the emperor (who is no less enemy to Christ
than ever was Nero :) if for the pleasure of such princes thou
return to thy old abominations before used under papistry,
then assuredly, O England, thou shalt be plagued and brought
into desolation, by the means of those whose favour thou seek-
est!" The magistrates having received this malicious and un-
natural accusation of one whom they found to be " a learned,
grave, and godly man," were extremely perplexed. On the
one hand, they were satisfied of the malice of Knox's accusers;
on the other, they were afraid of the information coming to
the emperor's council; so they privately recommended him to
retire of his own accord from Frankfort. Nor did they dis-
semble their detestation of this "cruel, outrageous and bloody
attempt" of his accusers; who, having waited upon them for
the result of their deliberations, were dismissed with "most
evident signs of disliking their unnatural suit.”*
No sooner was Knox gone, than Dr. Cox, who had privately
concerted the plan with a civilian of Frankfort, procured an
order from the magistrates for the unlimited use of the English
* Troubles of Frankfort, p. 22-38.
266
HISTORY OF
liturgy. The next step was the abrogation of the discipline,
and the appointment of new ecclesiastical officers, without tak-
ing the least notice of those already chosen. Having accom-
plished these important improvements, they could boast that
they had "the face of an English church!" But it may be
asked, what was the price by which it was purchased? It was
obtained at the expense of charity, justice, and unanimity, and
by the exercise of malice and cruelty!
Let it not be forgotten, however, that the men of whom
these things are related were at this time suffering as pro-
testant exiles, and that they professedly detested the body of
popery, though childishly and superstitiously fond of its attire
and its intolerance! The original members of the congrega-
tion, to whom the place of worship had been granted, and who
made all the desired arrangements of the society by mutual
agreement, were dislodged from their happy station, and, in
effect, driven from the place. When the Coxian plot was
perfected and announced, Mr. Whittingham, one of the origi-
nal
congregation, said," he would willingly obey, not doubt-
ing that it might be lawful for him and others, to join them-
selves to some other church." Upon the mention of this, Dr.
Cox sought "that it might not be suffered;" to which Mr.
Whittingham replied, "That it would be too great cruelty to
force men, contrary to their consciences, to obey their disor-
dered doings.”
66
The conduct of the dominant party was considered as cruel
and more than tyrannical;" while the deportment of the others
was throughout friendly, charitable, and affectionate; and the
liberties which they claimed were natural, unassumed, and the
birthright of man. Since both parties had fled from the ty-
rannizing oppressions and cruelties of their native country,
what a shame and scandal it was to indulge such unhallowed
tempers and unchristian practice one towards another, among
strangers in a foreign land, instead of leaving all such intole
rance as the birthright of papists. After the injurious treat-
ment of Mr. Knox and his brethren, a considerable number of
the members removed from Frankfort. Some of them, among
whom was John Fox, the celebrated Martyrologist, repaired
to Basil, and others went to other places. The greater part
retired to Geneva, where they obtained a place of worship, and
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
267
lived in great harmony and affection, until the storm of perse-
cution in England subsided, by the death of queen Mary.*
The disgraceful proceedings at Frankfort deeply involved
the cause of Christian freedom, and formed a new epocha in
the history of religious liberty. Here, on the one hand, we
behold English protestants contending and quarrelling with
their brethren, about the use of English forms and ceremonies
in the worship of God in a foreign land; and, on the other,
we see the pious advocates of peace, and charity, and modera-
tion, whose religious rights were torn from them by treachery
and violence; and who, having settled among the best reform-
ed churches in Europe, derived invaluable instruction. Placed
in these propitious circumstances, their friendly and familiar
intercourse with the most learned Reformers abroad, assisted
in no small degree to expand their views, and to liberalize their
minds. They now began to study and to appreciate more fully
the grand protestant doctrine—of every man embracing the re-
ligion of his own choice; on which they conducted their affairs
during their abode in a foreign land. In this school of Chris-
tian charity, they were placed for several years; and, far from
neglecting the advantages which they enjoyed, their minds be-
came richly stored with the most salutary wisdom and know-
ledge; which, on their return to their native land, they laid
out to the greatest possible advantage, to promote the welfare
of society, and the prosperity of the church of God, as we shall
learn from the following reign.
* Troubles of Frankfort, p. 38-47.
268
HISTORY OF
1
CHAPTER V.
THE REIGN OF QUEEN ELIZABETH.
SECTION I.
Legislative Attempts to Establish Uniformity in Religion
unfavourable to Religious Freedom.
THE death of queen Mary, which was a great blow to the
popish party, gave new life to the better part of the nation.
Her sister ELIZABETH, who had complied outwardly with the
changes in the late reign, yet with difficulty preserved her life,
was known to favour the reformation. Never did princess
ascend a throne under greater disadvantages; yet such was her
wisdom and policy, that she eventually overcame every diffi-
culty, and raised the nation to a pitch of glory that command-
ed the admiration and respect of all other countries.* All this
is due to Elizabeth, whose praises have resounded by so many
historians, and whose government was conducted by the most
consummate policy. Her character, however, in relation to
the important questions of civil and religious liberty, will ad-
mit of very considerable abatement.
The news of her majesty's accession had no sooner reached
the continent, than most of the worthy exiles with joy return-
ed home; and those who had concealed themselves, during the
Marian persecution, came forth as men restored from the dead.
Her majesty was received in the metropolis with all the joy
that could be expressed by people delivered from the terrors
of slavery and of fire; and she returned their acclamations
with an affability which had never been witnessed from persons
in her situation. As she passed through the city of London,
upon her arrival at the upper end of Cheapside, she was pre-
sented with a Bible, having this inscription upon it: "The
* Welwood, p. 17.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
269
Word of Truth." As soon as her majesty had received it, she
kissed it, held it up with both her hands, then laid it upon
her breast, thanking the city for the present; and added,
"That she would often read over that Book."*
:
The queen immediately upon her accession, issued her royal
proclamation commanding all her loving subjects, "That they
should make no innovation in the state of religion, and that all
persons should conform themselves for the present, to the prac-
tice of her majesty's chapel, till otherwise appointed."+ Her
highness also issued another proclamation, commanding all her
subjects, "That they forbear to preach, or to give audience to
any manner of doctrine or preaching, other than to the gos-
pels and epistles of the day, and to the ten commandments in
the vulgar tongue, without exposition or addition; or to use
any other manner of public prayer, rite or ceremony in the
church, than that which is already used and by law received,
or the common litany, and the Lord's prayer and the creed in
English until consultation may be had by her majesty and
her three estates of the realm, for the better conciliation in
matters of religion: the true advancement of which, to the
due honour of Almighty God, the increase of virtue and god-
liness, with universal charity and concord, her majesty most
desireth and meaneth effectually to procure and restore to this
her realm. As her majesty instantly requireth all her good,
faithful, and loving subjects to render due obedience; so if
any shall use themselves to the breach hereof, her majesty
must and will see them duly punished according to the quality
of their offence, and for an example to all others." The
queen, therefore, commenced the great work of the reforma-
tion by forbidding her subjects to be reformed sooner, and
closed it, as we shall find in the sequel, by prohibiting them
from reforming farther, than she thought proper.
The established religion continued for a time in the same
condition in which the late queen had left it. Elizabeth had
been trained from her infancy in the hatred of popery, and
her title to the crown was founded on a marriage made in de-
fiance of the pope; yet her first impressions in her father's
*
Strype, vol. i. p. 30.
+ Heylin's Pres. p. 245.
Strype, vol. i. Appen. p. 3, 4.
270
HISTORY OF
reign were in favour of the old superstitious rites which she
was pleased to retain; and she was naturally inclined to out-
ward magnificence in the devotions of the church, as well as
in the proceedings of the state. As she thought that, in her
brother's reign, religion had been stripped too much of its for-
mer external ornaments; so it was her intention, that images
should be still preserved in the churches, and that the sacra-
ment should be explained in such general terms, that those
who believed the corporeal presence of Christ, might not be
driven from the church by too nice an interpretation. Her
principal desire was to make the changes which she deemed
necessary, in such a way as might, if possible, include all her
subjects, or at least prevent all division and animosity. And,
as in the alterations formerly made, particularly in renouncing
the papacy, and rejecting the old ceremonies, the whole of the
clergy had concurred, she apprehended it best to follow these
alterations by slow and easy steps.*
Her majesty, accordingly, appointed a committee of divines
to review king Edward's liturgy, when she commanded them
carefully to strike out all passages that were at all offensive to
the pope, and to make the people as easy as possible about the
corporeal presence. In obedience to these authoratative in-
structions, the liturgy was exceedingly well fitted to the ap-
probation of the papists. The queen also commanded, that
the Lord's table should be placed in the form of an altar; that
reverence should be made at the name of Jesus; that instru-
mental music should be retained in the churches; that all the
ridiculous festivals should be observed as in times of popery.
She retained the old hierarchy, together with nearly all its
useless and burdensome officers; only she abolished the mo-
nastic institutions; and transferred the lofty pretensions of the
pope to her own person. It cannot, therefore, be too well
understood, that the reformation of king Edward, instead of
being carried forwards and perfccted, was removed consider-
ably backwards; partly, says a learned prelate, from the
queen's love of outward magnificence in religion, and partly
in compliance with the papists !‡
+
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 408. + Burnet, vol. ii. p. 392.-Heylin's Pres. p. 259.
Heylin's Refor. p. 283.-Burnet, vol. iii. p. 305,
-+-
**
#
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
271
Upon the meeting of the two houses of parliament, their
first object was to rescind all the laws relating to religion, that
had been made in the late reign; and they were repealed by
her majesty's two houses with as much facility as they had
enacted them.* This pliability in two branches of the legisla-
tive body, chosen to be the guardians of the public welfare, is
truly marvellous; but the charge of versatility falls most hea-
vily on the peers, who held a permanent rank in the constitu-
tion. From the facility with which they complied with all the
changes in the last three reigns, it may be strongly suspected,
not only that they were most accomplished courtiers, but that
they would not have deserted Elizabeth's religion had she de-
clared herself high-priestess of the Sun. ·
With the foregoing alterations, the queen's ideas of a church
were turned into an act of parliament, which passed both houses,
June 24, 1559, entitled, "An Act for the Uniformity of Com-
mon-prayer, and service in the church, and administration of the
Sacraments." This act of queen Elizabeth, which was framed
and carried in direct opposition to her bishops, decided that the
people of England should be protestants, and that the laws of
the land should make them protestants. By this law, all her
majesty's subjects were required, under heavy penalties, to mea-
sure their religion by act of parliament; and, though it was in-
tended to establish a perfect uniformity in public worship, that
uniformity could never be accomplished. Many of the learned
Reformers were dissatisfied with the popish impurities contain-
ed in the Book of Common-prayer, and with the rigorous impo-
sition of them in the worship of God. When, therefore, it was
disputed, “Whether it was most proper to retain the outward
appearance of things, as nearly as possible to what had been
practised in times of popery," they recommended, that every
thing might be removed as far as possible from the corruptions
of the church of Rome. Those who claimed liberty of con-
science from these ecclesiastical impositions, were stigmatized
with the odious name of PURITANS. This was a term of re-
proach given them by the opposite party, because they wished
to serve and worship God with greater purity than was allowed
*
Burnet, vol. ii. p. 385.
ተ
+ Strype, vol. i. p. 71.
Burnet, vol. iii. p. 302.
1
272
HISTORY OF
and established in the new legislative church. All persons
were stigmatized by this reproachful name, who defended the
rights of conscience, who distinguished themselves in the cause
of religious freedom, or who could not in all points conform to
the religion provided by the queen and parliament.
The act of uniformity under Elizabeth has always been con-
sidered as a principal bulwark of the English reformation, and
as the grand basis on which the English legislative church was
founded; on these accounts it demands our most attentive and
impartial examination. That the reader may have a correct
and luminous view of this important subject, it will be neces-
sary to recite several of the principal clauses contained in this
memorable statute, and make certain remarks upon this extra-
ordinary enactment. After the usual preamble, this act com-
mands as follows:
"That all and singular ministers within her majesty's do-
minions, shall from and after the feast of the nativity of John
the Baptist next coming, be bound to say and use the matins,
even-song, celebration of the Lord's supper, and administra-
tion of each of the sacraments, and all the common and open
prayer, in such order and form as is mentioned in the said
Book, so authorized by parliament.
"And that if any parson, vicar, or other minister, that
ought to sing or say Common-prayer mentioned in the said
Book, or minister the sacraments, shall refuse to use the said
Common-prayer, or to minister the sacraments, in such order
or form as they are mentioned and set forth in the said Book,
or shall wilfully and obstinately use any other rite, ceremony,
order, form, or manner of celebrating the Lord's supper,
openly or privily, or matins, even-song, administration of the
sacraments, or other open prayers than is mentioned in the
said Book; or shall preach, declare, or speak any thing in the
derogation of the said Book, or any thing therein contained or
any part thereof, and shall be thereof lawfully convicted, he
shall lose and forfeit to the queen's majesty, for his first of
fence the profit of all his spiritual benefices or promotions
arising in one whole year next after his conviction: also the
person so convicted shall for the same offence suffer imprison-
ment for the space of six months without bail or mainprise.
"And if any such person once convicted of any offence
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
273
concerning the premises, shall after his first conviction again
offend, and be thereof lawfully convicted, that then the said
person shall for his second offence suffer imprisonment by the
space of one whole year, and be deprived, ipso facto, of all
his spiritual promotions; and it shall be lawful for the patrons
of all such promotions to dispose of them as though the person
so offending were dead.
A
"And that if any such person, after he shall be twice con-
victed as aforesaid, shall offend against any of the premises
the third time, and shall be thereof lawfully convicted; that
then the person so offending, and convicted the third time,
shall be deprived, ipso facto, of all his spiritual promotions,
and also shall suffer imprisonment during his life.”
These clauses had a special relation to the clergy; but, to
stop the mouths of all the people in the land, it was further
enacted-"That if any person or persons whatsoever, after
the said feast of John the Baptist next coming, shall in any
interludes, plays, songs, rhymes, or any other words, declare
or speak any thing in the derogation, depraving, or despising
of the said Book, or any thing therein contained; or shall by
open fact, deed, or threatening, compel or cause, procure or
maintain any parson, vicar, or other minister, to sing or say
any common or other prayer, or to minister any sacrament, in
any manner and form than is mentioned in the said Book:
;
that then every such person being thereof lawfully convicted
shall forfeit to the queen our sovereign lady for the first of-
fence one hundred marks.-For the second offence, he shall
forfeit four hundred marks.-And for the third offence, he
shall forfeit all his goods and chattels, and shall suffer impri-
sonment during his life!!"*
In our comments on this memorable statute, it is perfectly
unnecessary to inquire whether the great Author of Christia-
nity, the Head and Lawgiver of the church, ever issued so ex-
traordinary an enactment; neither is it necessary to detain the
reader by proving, that the statute book of God stood in no
need of such political appendages: these are points upon which
there will at the present day be only one opinion, excepting
from persons strongly addicted to the ignorance and intole-
VOL. I.
*
Sparrow, p. 111-113.
T
274
HISTORY OF
1
rance of the dark ages. Nor is it requisite to inquire how far
queen Elizabeth's church was composed of precisely similar
materials as the Christian churches in apostolic times; since
the reader will clearly perceive that she compelled, by heavy
temporal penalties, all the people in the land to become mem-
bers, and that the primitive churches were perfectly voluntary
societies, whose members were "beloved of God"-" sancti-
fied in Christ Jesus"-" called to be saints." It is equally
unnecessary to examine the numerous popish superstitions and
corruptions retained in the Book of Common-prayer, and in
the forms and ceremonies here imposed upon the nation ;
though these were burdens too grievous to be borne at any
period, unless it were in the early days of queen Elizabeth,
and till they could have been removed out of the church. We
shall not particularly advert to the dreadful penalties contain-
ed in this extraordinary statute; nor enlarge upon the trivial
circumstances which by this act are transformed into crimes
of enormous magnitude. All these particulars, with many
others, will obviously appear from the recital now laid before
the reader.
But on supposition that every word and syllable in the
Prayer-book, with every appended rite and ceremony, had in
all respects been equally infallible as the lofty pretensions of
the mother church whence they were derived, the flagrant in-
justice of this act, and its tyrannical encroachment on the in-
dubitable right of every man to choose his own religion, would
nevertheless have been glaringly manifest to all the world.
Could the legislative body persuade themselves, that, upon
Elizabeth's emerging from the tower, and receiving the crown
at Westminster, all British subjects had emerged from the
corruptions and abominations of popery, which during the
late reign had deluged the kingdom, and, in conformity to
their new princess, embraced the protestant doctrines and
worship? If they were sure this was not the case, and they
had the strongest evidence of it before their eyes, then they
must have clearly seen, that the measure which they adopted
when they formed this act, would compel all scrupulous dis-
senters from the legislative church to become hypocrites, by
forcing them to act in direct opposition to the light and con-
victions of their own minds, or would inflict upon them most
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
275
WA
disgraceful and barbarous punishment, for not believing that
which they could not believe, and not practising in religion
that which appeared to them odious in the sight of God.
Thus, we see, that the power of imposing and punishing in
matters of religion, which was certainly the worst part of po-
pery, was retained in the protestant church as modelled by
queen Elizabeth.
One great design of this statute was to make persons con-
formable churchmen. It will, however, be found a poor ex-
cuse for cruelty, that it helped to fill the church with nominal
professors, and to promote the unity of forms of worship in
the bond of ignorance, fear, and hypocrisy. Men may compel
others, though not to think with them, for that is impossible,
but to say they do; upon which they obtain full leave, not to
think or reason at all, and this is called unity or uniformity;
which is somewhat like the behaviour of the Romans, as it is
described by our brave countryman ;-" Where they impose
silence, they secure peace." Conviction and persuasion can
never be effected by the imperious menaces of princes, or of
legislative bodies. You can no more subdue the understand-
ing with blows, than you can beat down a castle with syllo-
gisms. When a man suffers, and sees his friends suffer, for
conscience' sake, he perceives the beauty of that sacred rule,
"Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye
even so unto them:" but when they or their own party use
the coarse weapons of temporal penalties, to compel the belief
and practice of Christianity, they forsooth can see no great
harm in it!*
Elizabeth's famous act of uniformity was a direct subversion
of this grand protestant principle-that religion is matter of
individual choice. It flagrantly encroached upon man's dear-
est rights; imperiously demanded obedience where no obedi-
ence was due; denounced tremendous penalties where there
was no crime. Indeed, as religion is wholly a concern of the
heart, as its principles are all divine, and all contained in one
volume, and that volume, as well as the interpretation of it,
is common property, and the common claim of all true pro-
testants, it will inevitably follow, that all acts and edicts, re-
* Jortin's Remarks, Pref. p. 12–14.
T 2
276
HISTORY OF
Byla t
quiring obedience in matters of religion, are nullified; and, as
in the case before us, nothing short of a new revelation from
heaven, sanctioning these new claims, could render them bind-
ing on the churches of Jesus Christ. This principle must be
fully and inflexibly maintained in all its bearings: otherwise
we again plunge ourselves into the darkness and slavery of the
middle ages, and place our consciences in the most cruel and
degrading bondage.
It is very commonly, but very jesuitically, insinuated and
affirmed, that Christ and his apostles taught the duty of sub-
mitting universally to civil governors, and that since the civil
governors in the time of queen Elizabeth legalized and estab-
lished a definite form of Christianity, the people were bound
by divine authority, as well as by apostolic example, to obey.
-So far were the apostles from owing any thing to established
forms of worship, or paying any deference to the will of man
in such matters, though in all civil concerns they were punc-
tiliously obedient, we find them everywhere teaching the con-
trary;-setting up a new religion without even consulting
princes;-enforcing the commands of God in violation of the
commands of civil rulers, in all cases when they stepped out
of their province to establish religion ;-and preparing the
minds of their converts to expect and endure the most painful
sufferings, rather than admit the interference of civil governors
in any such matters.
If, indeed, such authority exist in civil governors, it must
be derived from divine revelation, granting the holy charter, or
from the very nature of the social compact. The evidence
that it is derived from revelation has never yet been adduced,
and very rarely pretended. And the slightest reference to
the origin and nature of society, will demonstrate that such
authority never could be delegated to civil rulers without a
violation of the claims of God, and the rights of conscience—
without an entire sacrifice of our judgments and feelings at
the shrine of civil power-without the complete prostration
of every thing that ennobles and characterizes rational man.
All human authority is necessarily supported by corporal pu-
nishments, and without coercion such authority cannot exist :
but the Gospel of Christ most peremptorily prohibits all coer-
cion in religion, and consequently excludes all human autho-
蕾
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277
rity to the efficiency of which such coercion is indispensably
necessary.
If all the foregoing proceedings of queen Elizabeth and her
parliament had been just and good, how and by whom was the
British legislature invested with power and authority to make
so extraordinary a law, or even any other law, for the religious
government of the church of God? Sufficient evidence has
never been produced, that any man or body of men on earth,
actually possesses power and authority to make new laws for
the government of Christianity, and for imposing religion, by
temporal penalties, upon the community. Unless the lofty
claim be accompanied by omniscience and infallibility, it is the
grossest arrogance and presumption; since these qualifications
are indispensably necessary to making and enforcing laws for
that kingdom which is not of this world. The government of
the Redeemer's kingdom is spiritual and religious, not civil
or political; and has a special relation to men's intellectual
powers, which are manifestly incapable of government by sta-
tute laws, or by any human devices whatsoever. As all the
ruling powers on earth, unless possessed of omniscience and
infallibility, are absolutely unable to inspect and rule the hu-
man heart; so are they equally unable to enforce and establish
the great doctrines and duties of Christianity, which immedi-
ately and principally concern the heart. This is the sovereign
and righteous prerogative of God alone. By what means, or
on what grounds, then, will the highest ruling powers on
earth attempt to enforce and establish in the church of Christ,
the laws and devices of men? "Howbeit," saith the Son of
God," in vain do they worship me, teaching for doctrines the
commandments of men."
Human authority and temporal penalties may, indeed, con-
strain men to profess and practise almost any thing, whether
they believe it or disbelieve it; but its strongest arguments
are manifestly too weak to convince the understanding and
the conscience, and to influence man's affections and propensi-
ties towards his Maker. These intellectual powers, which are
particularly concerned in all matters of religious faith and
practice, are wholly subject to the authority and government
of God. No human power or authority, and consequently no
human laws, can possibly be employed or be of any use in this
•
278
HISTORY OF
}
intellectual government. The laws of religion have always
the noblest objects in view-objects which are invariably far
beyond the power and cognizance of man; so that all human
attempts to control, impose, or establish religion, except by
affectionate entreaty and sound persuasion, are always feeble,
ineffectual, and antichristian. No church on earth can, with
justice, claim the character of being a pure, apostolic church,
that makes new laws, enacts new penalties, and inflicts tempo-
ral punishments for supposed spiritual delinquency: no church
has any right to this high claim whose constitution, govern-
ment, and formularies are unauthorized by the canon of the
New Testament.
By the foregoing parliamentary enactment, all scrupulous
persons, catholics or protestants, were placed in very peculiar
circumstances. How could they act, so as not to offend the
state, or their own consciences? how could they preserve both
the reverence due to legislative authority, and that which they
indispensably owed to the King of heaven? To have testified
their obedience to this law, they must have renounced their
fidelity to God and to conscience: but to have avowed their
unalterable allegiance to the latter, they must have been con-
sidered and punished as felons by the former! This statute,
therefore, placed all such persons in a singular dilemma! The
records of antiquity, and the authority of the legislature, as-
suredly enforced religious obedience in the reign of queen
Elizabeth: but the records of much greater antiquity, and an
authority far superior to that of any legislature, demanded
the exercise of Christian liberality, and enforced obedience to
the Christian code. This remarkable enactment could boast
of considerable alterations and additions to the religion con-
tained in the New Testament; but the good people of those
times were satisfied with the unadorned and unimproved ori-
ginal, in hope of its eternal rewards.
It may however be asked, what would have been the advan-
tage of granting the assumption of human power to govern or
establish religion? Would it have been of any real advantage
to the legislative body, or even to those whom they governed?
Legislative authorities would certainly in this case appear
more lofty and magnificent, because extending to things reli-
gious, as well as civil-to the kingdoms of this world, and to
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
279
that "kingdom which is not of this world ;" but it would be
so only in appearance, and not in reality. The allowance of
legislative authority in matters of religion, even to the largest
possible extent, could be of no real benefit to any civil govern-
ment, since it is absolutely impossible for them to possess it:
civil governors can only possess the name, or the appearance
of such authority; the authority itself cannot possibly be en-
joyed by mortals. God, the only infallible judge between re-
ligious truth and error, and to whom all religious obedience
belongs, has the sovereign and exclusive authority to command
in matters of faith and worship, and he will never delegate this
authority to any other. So that when we deny religious au-
thority to be any part of the prerogative of princes and legis-
lative bodies, we do not attempt to deprive them of any part
of their prerogatives, or of any qualification with which it is
possible for men to be endowed. We wish to see princes
firmly and happily fixed on their thrones, distributing justice
to the utmost possible extent among all their subjects; but we
dare not—we cannot deny, that all power, and authority, and
judgment, in things pertaining to religion and the salvation of
our souls, belongs to the great Governor of the universe—
to his tribunal alone are we accountable in all such matters.
We feel therefore bound, on the strongest grounds that can
possibly exist, and to the greatest possible extent, "To ren-
der unto God the things that are God's."
As the allowance of the assumption would be of no advan-
tage to any legislative body; so it would be of no real benefit
whatever to those who are governed. With the Bible in their
hands, they could not propose any advantage to themselves
by allowing the ruling powers to prescribe to their consciences,
what articles of faith they should believe, what forms of wor-
ship they should observe, what rites and ceremonies they
should use, and what prayers they should offer to Almighty
God. But to allow all this under the heaviest penalties, as in
queen Elizabeth's act of uniformity, a man must surrender the
rights of conscience, and yield his soul a slave to the policy of
the state; and, after all his pretended devotion, his obedience
will be only civil or political. Obedience to the decrees and
laws of men, however high their authority, cannot be called
religious obedience, nor the services thus performed be called
280
HISTORY OF
religious services; for, as all the laws and appointments of
religion must necessarily come from God; so all religious
obedience must be presented to him, and no part of it can be
presented to a creature. We rejoice that we are bound to
observe all the duties of civil obedience, and to render in all
things that which is due to the ruling powers of this world,
which we do from principle, from conscience, and from choice;
but we cannot favour them with the service of our souls, by
offering them obedience in matters of faith and worship. Our
souls and the duties of religious faith and Christian worship,
we must present to a higher court, before they can be "holy,
acceptable, and well-pleasing to God."
Would there be any degree of equity in a law which at-
tached pravity or degradation to every person living in any
particular district of the country? Such a law would be deem-
ed by all as monstrous and absurd: it would punish where no
offence existed. Queen Elizabeth's act of uniformity, not only
infringed on the indubitable rights and sacred obligations of
her subjects, but inflicted tremendous temporal punishments
upon them, when their religion was their only crime. Was
this act then according to the New Testament of Jesus Christ,
which teaches men to "serve God acceptably with reverence
and godly fear?”
The act of uniformity prescribed, under the heaviest tem-
poral penalties, what particular forms of worship the people
should observe, what rites and ceremonies they should use,
and what public prayers they should offer to the Almighty;
no appeal, complaint, or scruple of conscience to the contrary,
being admitted. For if any person should at any time" de-
clare or speak any thing in the derogation of the Book of
Common-prayer or any thing therein contained," the thunder-
ing judgments of this act were to be inflicted upon him. All
denominations of protestants have been moved, and their holy
indignation roused, at the cruel barbarities of Henry VIII.,
in burning men who could not conform in all points to the
standard of religion which he was pleased to set up for all his
subjects; and why should they admire and applaud the con-
duct of Elizabeth, in robbing her subjects of "all their goods
and chattels,” and causing them to pine to death in prison, for
precisely the same offence? Had all Elizabeth's subjects, like
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
281
those of Henry, been considered as unconscious beings, desti-
tute of all obligation to God, and mere machines, the terrors
of this memorable statute would not have been quite so appa-
rent: but, since they were rational and accountable creatures;
since they were capable of thinking and deciding for them-
selves; and since they were under the most awful responsibi-
lity to God for the exercise of their faith and piety, its despo-
tism, its cruelty, its outrage, are flagrantly manifest to all.
This statute, rigidly enforced, kept the church of England
in a state of convulsion for nearly a century, and defiled her
with some of the foulest stains which can disgrace a religious
body. On this famous act, with several others of less note,
were the English reformation and the established church ori-
ginally founded. This legislative enactment was the grand
pillar which supported the superb fabric, or the foundation on
which the magnificent superstructure was erected. In the
adoption of this celebrated statute, with one or two more,
queen Elizabeth and her two houses of parliament refused
obedience to the papal power, and absolutely rejected the
highest ecclesiastical authority ever claimed by man; yea, by
the tremendous pains and penalties of this act, they compelled
all her majesty's subjects, clergy and laity, to imitate their ex-
ample. We often find that men, in passing from one extreme,
are in danger of sliding into another. Thus it was in the case
before us. While the legislative Reformers rejected the spiri-
tual authority of Rome, they set up their own spiritual autho-
rity as the basis of the reformation, and their own proceedings
as the only standard of true religion: in other words, they
cast off the popish antichrist of Rome, and set up the prote-
stant antichrist of England.
It will be necessary to inquire, how far this statute affected
the rights of conscience, and the undeniable liberties of man-
kind? All these were swept away in one common wreck. Ac-
cording to this act, conscience had no rights to claim, and
human nature had no liberties to enjoy; therefore none were
appreciated, none allowed: all such rights and liberties were
overthrown and destroyed. The only rights and liberties
supposed by this act to exist, were direction and compulsion
on the part of the legislature, and devout subjection, without
thinking and judging for themselves, on the part of all the
282
HISTORY OF
people. The ruling powers having assumed this high autho-
rity, allowed all the people in the land the right and liberty
to observe those forms of worship which they had prescribed,
to use those rites and ceremonies which they had enjoined, and
to offer those prayers to Almighty God which they had com-
manded; but in every failure to observe these things, or "to
speak any thing" against them, they incurred the terrific
judgments contained in the act. Thus the rights of conscience
and the unalienable liberties of man's rational nature, so far as
related to religion, were overwhelmed and lost.
One important point in the act of uniformity has not been
noticed, but which is worthy of some consideration. The
clause enacts-"That every person inhabiting within her
majesty's dominions, shall diligently and faithfully, having no
lawful or reasonable excuse to be absent, endeavour themselves
to resort to their parish church or chapel, or to some usual
place where Common-prayer and such service of God shall be
used, upon every Sunday and other days ordained and used
as holy-days; and then and there to abide orderly and sober-
ly, during the time of the Common-prayer, preaching or other
service of God, there to be used and ministered, upon pain of
punishment by the censures of the church: also upon pain
that every person offending, shall forfeit for such offence twelve
pence, to be levied by the church-wardens of the parish where
such offence shall be done, by way of distress. And for due
execution hereof, the queen's most excellent majesty, the lords
spiritual, and all the commons in this present parliament, do
in God's name earnestly require and charge all the archbishops,
bishops, and other ordinaries, that they shall endeavour to the
uttermost of their knowledges that the due and true execution
hereof may be had throughout their dioceses and charges, as
they will answer before God, for such evils and plagues where-
with Almighty God may justly punish his people, for neglect-
ing this good and wholesome law.”*
This clause requires very little comment. It discovers pre-
cisely the same intolerant principles, and breathes precisely
the same persecuting spirit, as the clauses already recited-
with this additional circumstance, that in the former peculi-
Sparrow, p. 114, 115.
*
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
283
arities of the statute, the mouths of all the people in the land
were effectually stopped from objecting against any thing con-
tained in the forms, ceremonies and prayers of the church;
but in this, all the people in England, unless some lawful ex-
cuse prevented, were bound to a constant attendance on the
established worship, upon the scandalous forfeiture of twelve
pence, and the unlimited censures of the church, for every
omission: and remarkable as it will appear to all professed
protestants, this law received the high appellation of a good
and wholesome law !! Upon the passing, therefore, of this
act, all who conscientiously scrupled the political religion now
set up, or who disapproved of the legislative prayers, ceremo-
nies, or forms of worship, had the most melancholy prospects,
daily expecting to be impoverished and ruined, for the sake of
a good conscience and their firm allegiance to Jesus Christ.
The effects of this statute did not remain long concealed, to
the lasting disgrace of the reformation. Many of the learned
exiles in the late reign, who had settled for several years among
the best reformed churches in Europe, examined with becom-
ing zeal and attention the grand principles of the reformation,
and returned home richly fraught with wisdom, knowledge,
and experience. They wished to have the church purged of
all its antichristian impurities, and to have its discipline, its
government, and its worship, as well as its doctrine, regulated
by the standard of holy Scripture. Most of the dignified
clergy were exceedingly hostile to their views, though certainly
not much to the reputation of their character. For, notwith-
standing their conformity to the present ecclesiastical establish-
ment, they wished to keep as near as possible to the church
of Rome, in hopes of a counter-revolution in favour of popery.
The pious exiles in general imbibed more correct views of
a Christian church and the worship of God, than those which
were adopted; yet, because they did not comport with the
views of the state, they were totally rejected, and those who
had imbibed them were refused even a toleration. Under
these painful circumstances, the foreign Reformers, from the
tenderest sympathy and compassion, made intercession to the
queen for indulgence to these her good and faithful subjects;
but Elizabeth, unwilling to allow the least variety in the pub-
lic worship of God, resolutely answered, "That it was not
284
HISTORY OF
consistent with her safety, honour, and credit, to permit di-
versity of opinions in a kingdom where none but she and her
council governed !”*
During this long reign, several other laws were passed,
though of minor importance, yet equally hostile to Christian-
ity and the natural rights of her majesty's subjects; to which
it will be necessary to direct the reader's unbiassed attention.
We wish to present a correct view of the principal legislative
attempts to impose uniformity in religion; that it may appear
from the most convincing evidence, how far the undeniable
rights of Christians were invaded and destroyed.
Early in this reign, the lord-keeper, addressing the two
houses of parliament, signified, that the ecclesiastical discipline
had not been good, and that the clergy had been slothful,
which had occasioned two enormities: One was, that every
man lived as he pleased, and without fear: the other, that
many ceremonies had been agreed upon, but the right orna-
ments had been neglected or forgotten. He then added, that
it was for want of discipline that so few attended the public
service of the church, notwithstanding the parliament had al-
ready made a law to promote the good order to be observed in
it: but if this be too easy, let it be made sharper. The want
of discipline causeth obstinacy, contempt, and heresy.†
Every consistent protestant will no doubt conclude, that the
edge of the foregoing act was keen enough already, without
being made sharper. It was found, however, too easy; upon
which the legislative body made several additions and amend-
ments. The puritans having endured great sufferings for
about twenty years, several satirical pamphlets were published
exposing the severe proceedings of the bishops, and the bar-
barity of the penal laws in religion. These publications not
only awakened an equal degree of satire in the opposite party,
but also roused the zeal and attention of the legislative body.
The government, by the exercise of its wisdom and policy,
interpreted writing against the ecclesiastical corruptions, the
penal laws, the episcopal oppressions, and the Book of Com-
mon-prayer, as actual conspiracy, against her majesty's person
and government !! On this fatal rock her government split,
+ D'Ewes, p. 6.
Strype, vol. i. p. 87.
!
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
285
←
doing inconceivable mischief to multitudes of her majesty's
loyal subjects; and on this destructive principle were several
public statutes founded. This egregious and baneful error
was, not only incorporated with the laws of the realm, but
also constituted a fundamental point in the queen's govern-
ment of her people. On this barbarous principle great num-
bers of her majesty's subjects were harassed and persecuted,
in a manner too shocking to be here particularly related.
Among the sufferers under these oppressive statutes were
Messrs. John Udal, Henry Barrow, John Greenwood, and
John Penry. They all received the sentence of death for
books which they were supposed, but not proved, to have pub-
lished only against the existing corruptions of the church, and
the flagrant intolerance of the bishops. Udal, after long and
miserable confinement, languished and died in prison; Barrow
and Greenwood were hanged at Tyburn, and Penry at St.
Thomas Waterings.
To uphold and secure the prosperity of the ecclesiastical
establishment, it was deemed necessary, not only to cut off
supposed excrescences, but also to force persons of all descrip-
tions within the walls of the church, and compel them to at-
tend upon its public service; for which purpose an act was
passed, entitled, "An act to retain the Queen's Subjects in
their due Obedience." This extraordinary statute proclaiming
destruction to all who scrupled obedience, enacted—“ That
every person above the age of sixteen, who does not repair to
some church, chapel, or usual place of Common-prayer, ac-
cording to the act of uniformity, shall forfeit twenty pounds
per month to the queen, and suffer imprisonment till paid!
Those who are absent for twelve months, shall, besides their
former fine, be bound with two sufficient sureties in a bond of
two hundred pounds, until they conform! And every school-
master who does not come to Common-prayer, shall forfeit ten
pounds a month, be disabled from teaching school, and suffer
one year's imprisonment!"* It is the character of the Whore
of Babylon, says a learned churchman, that she made mer-
chandise of souls; and he adds: "This was little better."+
Upon the publication of this act, the common people, who
*Burn's Eccl. Law, vol. ii. p. 146.-Strype's Whitgift, p. 95.
+ Fuller, b. ix. p. 131.
286
HISTORY OF
could not conscientiously attend statedly on the national wor-
ship, and were unable to pay the enormous fines, had nothing
to expect but to rot in jails, where, indeed, multitudes lan-
guished and died. But the legislature, by these violent mea-
sures, overshot the mark; and instead of crushing those whose
consciences scrupled these oppressions, or reconciling them to
the church, they drove them farther from it. Men of integrity
and conscience, will not be beaten from their principles by
fines, imprisonment, or death; much less will they esteem the
church that fights them with such weapons, or is upheld by
such policy. Multitudes were by these methods driven to a
total separation; many of whom became so far dissatisfied
with the persecuting church of England, that they did not
allow it to be a true church, or its ministers to be true mini-
sters. They renounced all communion with it, not only in
the prayers and ceremonies, but in hearing the word and the
sacraments; concluding that it was altogether an antichristian.
communion. These were called BROWNISTS, from Robert
Brown, the first open advocate of their principles. They en-
dured almost innumerable sufferings from the foregoing bar-
barous statute, and from that which is next to be enumerated.
In the year 1592, one of the most unjust and inhuman acts
for oppression and cruelty was passed, that was ever known in
a protestant country. It is entitled, "An Act for the Punish-
ment of Persons obstinately refusing to come to church ;" and
enacts," that all persons above the age of sixteen years, re-
fusing to come to church; or persuading others to deny her
majesty's authority in causes ecclesiastical; or dissuading them
from coming to church; or being found present at any con-
venticle or meeting under pretence of religion; shall upon
conviction be committed to prison, without bail, till they shall
conform and come to church," making the following recanta-
tion: "I do humbly confess and acknowledge, that I have
grievously offended God, in contemning her majesty's godly
and lawful government and authority, by absenting myself
from church, and from hearing divine service, contrary to the
godly laws and statutes of this realm, and in frequenting un-
lawful assemblies, under pretence of religion:-And I do pro-
mise and protest, without any dissimulation, or any colour of
dispensation, that from henceforth I will from time to time
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
287
obey and perform her majesty's laws in repairing to the church,
and hearing divine service, and do my uttermost to maintain
and defend the same."" But in case such offenders refused
to subscribe this degrading recantation, it was further enacted,
"that within three months, they shall abjure the realm, and
go into perpetual banishment : and if they do not depart with-
in the time appointed; or if they ever return without the
queen's license, they shall suffer death without benefit of
clergy!!"*
This is one of the severest acts of oppression and cruelty,
that was ever made by the representatives of a protestant
country. The case of the suffering puritans was by this act
worse than that of felons; and herein Elizabeth far exceeded
the tyranny of her father Henry. For, absolute and despotic
as that monarch was, he contented himself with punishing
those who opposed the established religion by some overt act;
but, by this extraordinary law, the subjects were compelled,
under the heaviest penalties, to make an open profession of the
religion of the state, by a constant attendance on its public
service.
These terrible proceedings fell principally upon the Brown-
ists, who were now become very numerous. In the passage of
this law through the house of commons, Sir Walter Raleigh
said, "It is to be feared that men not guilty will be included
in it; and that law is hard which taketh life and sendeth into
banishment, where men's intentions are to be judged by a jury,
and they are to be judges what another means. I am afraid
there are nearly twenty thousand Brownists in England; and
when they are gone, who shall maintain their wives and chil-
dren?" Another member said, "The clause of speaking against
the law is very dangerous; and who can be safe from it? For
if a man speak against nonresidents, excommunication, or any
other abuse in the church, he will incur the danger of the law."+
The Brownists felt the terror and the vengeance of these
legislative enactments. Their London congregation being
obliged to assemble secretly in different places, to escape the
notice of the watchful prelates, was at length discovered on a
* Burn's Eccl. Law, vol. ii. p. 247, 248.-Collier, vol. ii. p. 637.
+ Warner, vol. ii. p. 465.
D'Ewes, p. 517.
+
288
HISTORY OF
ļ
Lord's day at Islington, in the very place in which the protes-
tant congregation had assembled in the reign of queen Mary;
when about fifty-six were apprehended, and sent to the diffe-
rent prisons in and about London, where many others had been
long confined. There they were crammed into close and filthy
dungeons, under which barbarous usage many of them died in
prison. Newgate, Bridewell, the Fleet, the Gatehouse, and
other dreary regions, bore witness to their doleful cries and
groans. Mr. Roger Rippon is said to have been the last of
sixteen or seventeen who were murdered in Newgate !!*
These tragic measures differed very far from those which
were used in the apostolic churches; they had not the remot-
est tendency to promote undefiled Christianity; neither were
they likely to make many converts to the church of England.
Who then violated "the unity of the spirit and the bond of
peace?" If we take our estimate of the policy of queen Eli-
zabeth, says a zealous churchman, by comparing it with that
of modern times, and especially with the public measures since
the revolution, she must certainly be condemned as a very ar-
bitrary, if not a persecuting sovereign. In this age, however,
when a religious toleration is enjoyed, and its reasonableness
and policy are admitted by all wise and good men, the suffer-
ings of so many truly pious persons on account of religion,
during this period, will not be defended or palliated by any,
but acknowledged and lamented by all. The great mistake,
he adds, which was acted upon up to the period of the Revo-
lution, was that of endeavouring to reduce all men to a uni-
formity of religious worship, by acts of parliament; a thing
just as reasonable and practicable, as trying by the same means
to force all men to be of the same complexion or stature. And
to punish men for their religious opinions and practices, as
such, is as unjust as it would be to inflict penalties on all per-
sons speaking the same common language, who could not pro-
nounce with a certain accent, or should use any provincial dia-
lect.+
It was impossible for men of liberal and Christian principles,
who exercised their intellectual powers, to receive favourable
impressions from the proceedings of queen Elizabeth, or to
* Strype, vol. iv. p. 93, 133.
+ Custance, p. 263, 266,
}
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY..
289
think highly of the church whose interests were promoted by
such intolerant measures. Persons claiming the right of pri-
vate judgment could not become proselytes to a communion
upheld by such means. On the contrary, while these violent
proceedings destroyed some by close and miserable imprison-
ment, and others were put to death on the gallows, great num-
bers were banished from their country, and forced to spend
the rest of their days in a state of exile. Rejected by the
church of England, they were received and allowed a tolera-
tion in Holland; where, with the leave of the states, they en-
joyed liberty of conscience, and formed Christian churches ac-
cording to their own views of the Gospel, at Amsterdam, Arn-
heim, Middleburgh, and Leyden. It is, therefore, a very
pitiful triumph of a reverend author, who says, that the above
"round dealings a little terrified the rest, and gave a check to
the wiser sort."*
The Brownists, upon their settlement in Holland, published
their confession of faith in 1596; and, in the preface, stated
the grounds of their separation from the church of England,
accompanied with some account of the unchristian and inhu-
man treatment which they and their brethren endured.
66
To these churches, ministers, and service," say they,
"must all the people come every Lord's day, though they
have a preacher in the next parish, and in their own a dumb
unlearned priest; yet are they all tied to their own church,
and minister, and must receive the sacrament at least twice a
year at his hands. If they refuse this, or do not ordinarily
come to their parish church, then they are summoned, excom-
municated, and imprisoned, till they become obedient. In
this bondage are our countrymen held, under their priests and
prelates; and such as by the word of God bear witness against
and condemn these abominations, they hate, put to death, or
persecute out of the land.
"Thou seest, good Christian reader, to all these things, if
we were among them, should we have to submit our bodies
and souls, or else suffer violence at the hands of the prelates,
and end our days by violent death, or most miserable impri-
sonment, as many of our brethren already have done. For so
VOL. I.
+ Foulis' Plots, p. 61.
U
290
HISTORY OF
T
great is the power and malice of those Romish priests, that
they persecute unto death such as speak against them; and
such poor Christians as they cast into their noisome prisons,
can seldom or never get out, except with shipwreck of con-
science, until they are carried to their graves. Nor is there
any care taken for their relief; but being confined in prison,
they are detained without any allowance of meat or money, be
their wants and poverty ever so great. If they have any thing
of their own, they are forced to spend it: if they have nothing,
they are left by the prelates to feed on the air.
“That they may be the more readily starved, or weakened
in the truth, they are commonly shut up in close prison, their
friends and acquaintance not being suffered to come near them:
nay, even their wives and children are debarred from them,
by the tyranny of these bloody prelates and their instruments;
whose hard hearts and unnatural cruelty, if thou didst under-
stand, gentle reader, as many of us have felt, and to this day
still feel, it would make thy heart bleed, on account of their
unmerciful and barbarous cruelty. How many souls have
perished through miserable usage in their prisons, how many
have been put to death, and how many banished, though we
could relate to their eternal infamy, yet will we not blaze
abroad their acts; for we take no delight in exposing their
shame, but mourn for them in secret, committing our cause to
God who judgeth righteously: knowing that 'When he mak-
eth inquisition for blood, he will remember them, and will
not forget the cry of the poor.' There are others, for whom
we pray, who are still in bonds and prison for the testimony
of Jesus, enduring a great fight of afflictions; and having the
sentence of death in themselves, are likely there to end their
days, if the Lord send not unexpected deliverance.”*—Some
further account of the persecuted Brownists will be found in
the subsequent pages of this history.
The foregoing inhumanities were inflicted upon the queen's
best protestant subjects: other rigours and severities were
directed against Roman catholics. By one public statute, all
Jesuits and priests, ordained by the authority of holy see,
were commanded to depart the realm within forty days; and
*Confession, Pref.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
291
that no such person should hereafter be suffered to come into,
or remain within, any of her majesty's dominions, under the pe-
nalties of high treason! Those who received, relieved, comfort-
ed, or aided any such ecclesiastical persons were adjudged fe-
lons, and appointed to suffer death, without benefit of clergy!
And those who knew of any such priests being in the realm, and
who did not make the discovery to some justice of the peace
within twelve days, should be fined and imprisoned according
to the queen's pleasure; and the justice not certifying the dis-
covery to the privy-council within twenty-eight days, should
forfeit two hundred marks. Also any other of her majesty's
subjects, who shall be brought up in any foreign popish semi-
nary, and who, within six months after proclamation, does not
return into the realm, and within two days submit himself to
the laws and take the oath of the first of the queen, shall be
adjudged a traitor! Any persons, directly or indirectly, con-
tributing to the maintenance of Romish ecclesiastics, or popish
seminaries beyond sea, or of any individual therein, incurred
the penalties of the statute of premunire. And further to
guard against the evils apprehended from a popish education,
this statute enacted, that no one during her majesty's life,
should send his child or other person under his obedience, be-
yond sea, without special license under the hand and seal of
her majesty, or the lords of the privy-council, under forfeiture
of one hundred pounds for every offence.*
One statute enacted," that if any priest or Jesuit should
seduce any of her majesty's subjects from the church of En-
gland, to that of Rome; or if any should reconcile themselves
to the Romish communion, they should suffer death, as in the
case of high treason! And that whosoever should say or sing
mass, should forfeit two hundred marks, and be committed to
prison one whole year; and that every person who should
willingly hear mass, should forfeit one hundred marks!"+
Another statute denounced against those who professed the
popish religion, that all lands, tenements, and hereditaments
granted since the beginning of the queen's reign, or hereafter
to be granted by a popish recusant, whereby he and his family
were maintained, should be utterly void as against the queen's
Brown's Laws, p. 42.
+ Strype's Whitgift, p. 95.
:
U 2
292
HISTORY OF
17
majesty! And every such offender, without further indict-
ment or conviction, should pay into the exchequer twenty
pounds for every month since his conviction, or in default
thereof the queen may take all his goods, and two-thirds of
his lands, "leaving the third part only of the same lands, te-
nements, hereditaments, and farms for the maintenance and
relief of the offender, his wife, children, and family !!"*
The queen also issued a proclamation, in which she ex-
pressed her determination to root out the catholic religion by
any means, however violent; and her infatuation carried her
so far beyond all rational bounds, that she ordered the execu-
tion of martial law on all who imported any prohibited popish
books from abroad! Not less than seventy priests were ba-
nished at one time; and Camden, though a warm apologist
of the errors of Elizabeth, admits that within ten years fifty
priests were executed and fifty-five banished! These execu-
tions, under the sanction of legal process, were attended with
circumstances of barbarity disgraceful to human nature. It
has been affirmed by the party, that two hundred catholics
were hanged, drawn, and quartered, during this reign, for the
mere profession or exercise of their religion! The catholics
therefore complained, as in justice they might complain, that
the reformation "by violence, by slaughter, by conquest, and by
blood, agreed not, with the doctrine of Christ and his apostles."
+
After the detail of all these facts, it ought to be distinctly
understood, that the church of England, with the whole of its
reformation, was founded on the foregoing acts of parliament.
From this political source the church derived her existence,
and from the same origin her existence was made permanent.
By all these enactments, a perfect uniformity in religion was
attempted, but could never be effected, and is, indeed, abso-
lutely impracticable: at least, until the rulers and governors
of Christianity can force all the bishops, clergy and common
people, to believe on all points what they prescribe, and to
approve of all things that they enjoin. The foregoing legisla
tive enactments attempted to accomplish that which was abso-
lutely beyond the power of man; and, só far as they were
*Brown, p. 43.
+ Strype's Eccl. Mem. vol. iii. p. 570.
Kennet, vol. ii. p. 497, 549.
}
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
293
brought into active operation upon the religion of the people,
the queen's subjects were treated as slaves, or as mere machines
under the control of the political power; and thus the pretend-
ed establishment of religion by these oppressive measures, not
only utterly failed to accomplish what was proposed, but ab-
solutely subverted and destroyed the people's dearest rights
to a religion of their own choice.
SECTION II.
Ecclesiastical Supremacy founded on Antichristian Usurpation.
THE ecclesiastical supremacy formed a leading character in
the reign of queen Elizabeth. Upon the rejection of the papal
domination, and the final settlement of the legislative reforma-
tion, her majesty's supremacy was permanently established;
and no historical fact can be more obvious, than that this su-
premacy had a considerable share of influence on the great
national transactions of this long reign, especially on those re-
lating to religion. The act of uniformity invested the queen
with power of a very extraordinary nature; and she failed
not to appreciate and exercise this power in governing the
religion of her subjects.
This, however, was only a small portion of that vast power
and authority with which her majesty was entrusted. Extra-
ordinary as it may seem, her pliant parliament unwisely in-
vested her with precisely the same authority in the church, as
the pope had formerly usurped and enjoyed, which her ma-
jesty most explicitly claimed and exercised in the government
of religion.* Dr. Burn, in allusion to this, observes, that
the princes of this realm, intoxicated with that excess of
power which the pope had assumed, would needs understand
that the same was not extinguished, but only transferred from
the popes to themselves: and they carried similar notions into
the civil administration. "This," he adds, "excited disorders
Strype's Whitgift, p. 260.
294
HISTORY OF
and convulsions in the state, and in, the end overturned the
government."*
The statute of supremacy, framed by king Henry VIII.,
was revived, which enacted, "That such jurisdiction, privi-
leges, superiorities, and pre-eminences, spiritual and ecclesias-
tical, as by any spiritual or ecclesiastical power or authority,
hath hitherto been or may lawfully be exercised or used, for
the visitation of the ecclesiastical state and persons, and for
reformation, order and correction of the same, and of all man-
ner of errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, offences, contempts,
and enormities, shall for ever by authority of this present par-
liament, be united and annexed to the imperial crown of this
realm."+
By this act, all persons, laity as well as clergy, who took
upon them any preferment, at the Inns of court, either of the
universities, or in the church, were bound to take the follow-
ing remarkable òath: "I do testify and declare in my con-
science, that the queen's highness is the only Supreme Gover-
nor of this realm, and of all other her highness' dominions and
countries, as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things, as
temporal.-Therefore to my power I shall assist and defend
all jurisdictions, privileges, pre-eminences, and authorities,
granted or belonging to the queen's highness, her heirs and
successors, or united or annexed to the imperial crown of this
realm."
The archbishops and bishops were empowered to administer
this extraordinary oath to all the clergy. The penalty and
forfeiture on every instance of refusal to take this oath, was,
for the first offence, the loss, during life, of all ecclesiastical
promotions, benefices, and offices, and every temporal and lay
promotion and office; for the second offence, to incur the pe-
nalties of premunire; and for the third offence, to suffer death,
as if guilty of high treason !! ‡
This renowned act had placed king Henry in a similar situ-
ation as Nebuchadnezzar in ancient Babylon: "Whom he
would he slew, and whom he would he kept alive; whom he
would he set up, and whom he would he put down." So by
* Burn's Eccl. Law, Dedica.
+ Collier, vol. ii. p. 420).
Strype's Parker, p. 124.-Annals, vol. i. p. 69, 70.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
295
this act queen Elizabeth was placed in the same rank, and in-
vested with similar power to destroy all her subjects, who
could not swallow the remarkable oath, and declare from their
consciences that the queen was the only spiritual governor of
the church of England, and also defend her majesty's jurisdic-
tion in all ecclesiastical matters. By this statute she was au-
thorized to enjoin upon her clergy what doctrines they should
preach, what forms of worship should be observed throughout
all her dominions, and what persons should enjoy all the high
offices in the church. No convocation, or synod of the clergy,
could assemble without her license, to sanction and give effect
to their proceedings. Though her majesty had renounced the
pretended infallibility of Rome, she was the very life and head
of the church of England, and certainly stood in need of that
infallibility to discharge her awful trust, so as to render it ac-
ceptable and well-pleasing to God. All power, ecclesiastical
as well as civil, was lodged in the crown; the inconvenience
of which the parliament and the nation soon felt, by the high
hand with which she exercised her authority; but they felt it,
alas! when it was too late to provide a remedy.
By one clause in this act, the queen and her successors were
empowered to assign by their letters patent to such persons as
they pleased being natural born subjects, and for as long a
time as they pleased, the exercise under the crown of all spiri-
tual or ecclesiastical jurisdiction. They had full power to no-
minate and appoint them "to use, occupy, and exercise all
manner of jurisdictions, privileges, and pre-eminences, touch-
ing any spiritual or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the realm
of England and Ireland; to visit, reform, redress, order, cor-
rect, and amend all errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, offences,
contempts, and enormities whatsoever."* Thus by this clause
the ecclesiastical supremacy might at any time delegate eccle-
siastical authority to other persons, according to the sovereign
pleasure of the prince. Queen Elizabeth would never depre-
ciate her rights and privileges; therefore, according to the
power entrusted in her hands, she erected a new ecclesiastical
court, called The Court of HIGH COMMISSION; and commu-
nicated to certain chosen persons all-sufficient authority for
Strype, vol. i.
p.
69.
296
HISTORY OF
1
regulating and governing the religion of her subjects. No-
thing can be more explicit or comprehensive than the terms
here used. The whole compass of church discipline and go-
vernment was transferred to the crown, and made transferable
from the crown, to the cognizance and regulation of others.
By this new court, the religion of Britons was placed abso-
lutely under the control of certain ecclesiastical commission-
ers: and by the exercise of its unlimited power and authority,
this court was an engine of inconceivable oppression and mis-
chief to multitudes of the queen's best subjects.
This celebrated act, however, met with very considerable
opposition in passing the two houses of parliament. One of
the members of the lower house reprobated its abominable in-
tolerance, and said-" Though in the old law idolatry was
punished with death; yet, since the coming of Christ, who
came to win the world by peace, the greatest punishment
taught by the apostles, was that of excommunication. Reli-
gion must be received by persuasion: it cannot be pressed by
violence. The bishops, in the days of queen Mary, were
bloodsuckers and murderers, worse than Caiaphas and Judas."
He then said, that he wondered how the advocates of this bill
could now wish to establish that as a law, which they had then
considered so unlawful; and concluded by showing, that of-
fenders in matters of religion were not to be punished by se-
vere penal statutes, but to have secured to them liberty of
conscience.*
$
The archbishop of York, in the upper house, said-" If
this spiritual supremacy belongs to the king as king, as was
lately affirmed in this house by a noble peer, then it must ne-
cessarily follow, that king Herod was supreme head of the
church at Jerusalem, and Nero of that at Rome, notwith-
standing they were both infidels. And if our Saviour Christ
had not entrusted the apostles and their successors with the
government of the church, but left it in the hands of temporal
princes, it would have been a very slender provision. For by
this reasoning, either the church must have been without head,
till the reign of Constantine the Great, which was nearly three
hundred years; or else this society must have been all along
* Strype's Parker, p. 124.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
297
*F
under the spiritual supremacy of Pagan emperors, who were
no members of her communion, and often made it their busi-
ness to extinguish Christianity."*
Lord Montague opposed the bill, and having shown that it
was unnecessary, he said—“ This law is neither just nor rea-
sonable, nor can it deserve to be called by the name of law.
It cannot be just to make this penal statute, to force the sub-
jects of the realm to receive and believe the religion of prote-
stants on pain of death. This is a thing unjust, and repug-
nant to the law of nature, and all civil laws. For naturally
no man can be constrained to take for certain that which he
holdeth to be uncertain. This is repugnant to the natural
liberty of man's understanding: the understanding may be
persuaded, but not forced. It is sufficient for protestants to
keep the profession of the churches, and the authority to
preach and excommunicate; not to force and constrain men to
do or believe, that which they believe not, and swear and make
God witness of a lie. It is easy to understand, that a thing
so unjust, and so contrary to all the reason and liberty of man,
cannot be put in execution without great incommodity and
difficulty. For what man is there so without courage, or void
of all honour, who can consent to receive an opinion and new
religion by force and compulsion, or who will swear that he
thinketh contrary to what he thinketh? To be still may be
borne, and suffered for a time; but to be compelled to lie and
to swear, or else to die, are things that no man ought to en-
dure."+
Notwithstanding this opposition, the bill passed the two
houses, and obtained the royal assent; upon which the queèn
and her delegates employed their zeal and power with great
assiduity to promote the prosperity of the church. The arch-
bishop of Canterbury, who was placed at the head of the high
commission, having visited his diocese, found it in a most de-
plorable condition, and with grief made his report to the
queen; but her majesty seemed at first to be much less con-
cerned about this, than about maintaining her supremacy.
She, therefore, ordered his grace to draw up a form of sub-
scription for all ecclesiastical persons, in which they acknow-
+ Strype, vol. i. p. 296, 297.
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 421.
298
HISTORY OF
1
ledged, "that the restoring of the supremacy to the crown,
and the abolishing of all foreign power, as well as the admini-
stration of the sacraments according to the Book of Common-
prayer, and the queen's injunctions, are agreeable to the word
of God, and the practice of the primitive church !" The arch-
bishop, at the same time, published an admonition to be set
up in all the churches, forbidding all clergymen under the de-
gree of master of arts, to preach or expound the Scriptures,
or to innovate any thing, or use any other rite than was ap-
pointed by authority. But, seeing there were so few prote-
stant ministers who had abilities, and no scruples, it was nearly
impossible to observe this admonition.
The queen and the church being surrounded as with a bul-
wark, her majesty did not fail to exercise her supremacy, in
which she discovered a very haughty spirit. Bishop Sandys
having with grief beheld the superstitious people worshipping
the royal idol in the queen's chapel, spoke to her highness
about it; for which she was exceedingly offended, and threat-
ened him with deprivation! She exercised great tyranny even
over the archbishop, threatening him with severer measures.
His lordship writing to the secretary on this occasion, assured
him, “ that all the bishops had great reason to be dissatisfied
with the queen; that he repented having engaged in his pre-
sent station; that the treatment which he had met with from
her majesty had entirely indisposed him for all business; and
that he could only mourn in the bitterness of his soul before
God: but if she continued to force the clergy into a compli-
ance, they must obey God rather than men; and many of them
had sufficient conscience and courage to sacrifice their lives in
defence of their religion." This is a most excellent and ho-
nourable declaration; but the queen had so much the spirit.
and principles of her royal father, that she even repented hav-
ing afforded so much liberty to the reforming party !*
The convocation assembled by her majesty's royal license,
to review the doctrine and discipline of the church, when the
forty-two articles of king Edward were reduced to thirty-nine,
as they now stand, without making any considerable variation
in the doctrine. Having amicably settled the doctrinal articles,
1
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 425–427.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
299
they proceeded to the discussion of ecclesiastical rites and ce-
remonies, upon which there were many warm debates, but no
alterations adopted, or even proposed to the queen to be adopt-
ed. With this convocation the English reformation properly
speaking, made a stand; and the subsequent events were chiefly
the clashing of different principles and different parties.
ས་
Many of those learned divines who had been exiles in the
late reign, and were now preferred to bishoprics, discovered
the true principles of the reformation, and used their utmost
endeavours for the total rejection of the popish errors; but all
their efforts proved ineffectual. Grindal being appointed to
the bishopric of London, " remained under some scruples of
conscience about some things, especially the habits and cere-
monies required of bishops." Mr. Strype affirms, that the
Reformers of these times went generally upon this ground,
that, in order to the complete freedom of the church of Christ
from the errors and corruptions of Rome, every usage and
custom practised by that apostate and idolatrous church ought
to be abolished, with all their ceremonies and circumstances;
and that the service of God ought to be most simple, stripped of
all that outward pomp and appearance that had been common-
ly used in popery, esteeming all that to be no better than su-
perstitious and antichristian.* Among these Reformers were
Grindal, Horne, Sandys, Jewel, and even Cox, with some
others.†
These well-attested facts, so often contradicted by modern wri-
ters, necessarily remind us of the disgraceful troubles at Frank-
fort, noticed in a former chapter. If these superstitious trifles
were urged with such intolerant importunity, in a place where
the laws and customs were repugnant to them, what was to be
expected in England, where law and custom were on their side?
As these Coxian exiles showed themselves so stiff and unyield-
ing when the matter was wholly in their own power; and as
some of them were so eager in wreathing a yoke about the
consciences of their brethren, that they urged reluctant magis-
trates to rivet it; is it any wonder that their applications for
relief were cold and ineffectual, when made to rulers who were
disposed to make the yoke still more severe, and to "chastise
Strype's Grindal, p. 23.
+ Strype, vol. i. p. 177.
300
HISTORY OF
1
with scorpions those whom they had chastised with whips?"
When, therefore, we consider the transactions at Frankfort,
whence the most important principles were developed, we can-
not be surprised at the defeat of every subsequent attempt to
advance the English reformation, or even to procure relief to
those who conscientiously scrupled conformity to the ecclesias-
tical impositions.
We are not unacquainted with the language which has been
commonly used by the ruling party, when imposing on the
consciences of the minority. But without urging here the
danger of allowing to any class of rulers, civil or ecclesiastical,
a power of enjoining indifferent things in religion; or the un-
deniable fact, that the burdensome system of ceremonial ob-
servances, by which religion was corrupted under the papacy,
was gradually introduced under these and similar pretexts; or
that the things in question, when properly considered, are not
really matters of indifference: without insisting at present,
upon these topics, the answer to all imposers is short and de-
cisive. "These things appear matters of conscience and im-
portance to the scruplers: the imposers say they are matters
of indifference. Why then violate the sacred peace of the
church, and perpetuate division; why silence, deprive, harass,
and starve men of acknowledged learning and piety, and drive
from communion a sober and devout people; why torture their
consciences, and endanger their souls, by the imposition of
things, which, in the imposer's own judgment, are indifferent,
unnecessary, and unworthy of being subjects of contention ?”
Men of Christian principles and tender consciences could not
help feeling dissatisfied with the rigorous terms of conformity
-more rigorous than had ever been heard of in any other pro-
testant church. These intolerant impositions compelled men
to become nonconformists; and while their respectability in-
creased, their number multiplied in every part of the kingdom.
This greatly displeased the queen; who commanded the go-
verning prelates to adopt the most effectual methods, that none
might be admitted to any ecclesiastical preferment, who would
not formally promise conformity.
The queen addressed her letters to the two archbishops; in
which she declared, that diversity, contention, and the love of
singularity in ministers or people, was provoking to Almighty
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
301
God, grievous to her majesty, and ruinous to her people and
country! That her constant care had been to govern the realm
by good laws and ordinances, in ecclesiastical as well as civil
matters, by public officers, and as nearly as possible by one
rule. That she had directed her people to obey humbly, and
live godly, according to their several callings, in unity and
concord, without diversity of opinions, or novelty of rites and
manners. But that, to her great grief, she understood that in
sundry places, and through the lack of her superior officers,
suffering such varieties and novelties, there was crept into the
church, a manifest disorder and offence to godly, wise, and
obedient persons; and the inconvenience was likely to grow as
by an infection, as well to the annoyance and deformity of the
whole nation, as to the interruption of Christian unity and
charity. Her majesty, therefore, peremptorily commanded
her metropolitan, according to the power and authority with
which she had invested him, to confer with the other bishops,
and, as the causes should require, to proceed by orders, in-
junctions, or censures, to maintain order and uniformity in all
external ceremonies, to the honour of God and the edification
of the people.*
The venerable primate, quickened by his royal mistress,
and assisted by his brethren of the high commission, publish-
ed the " Advertisements," with a view to secure the proposed
object. By the first of these advertisements, all the preachers
throughout the province of Canterbury were at once disquali-
fied; and by the last, they were required to subscribe and
promise not to preach or expound the Scriptures, without a
license from the bishop in whose diocese they lived, which
could not be obtained without a protestation and promise
under their hand of an absolute conformity to the ceremonies.
And not less than eight protestations were required to be
made and subscribed by all who should be admitted to any
office or cure in the church.+
The approach of these severities was painfully alarming to
the better part of the nation, and awakened the sympathy and
concern of the reformed churches in other countries. As the
bishops were about to enforce the use of the clerical habits,
+ Sparrow, p. 123-128.
**
Strype, vol. i. p. 460, 461.
-302
HISTORY OF
dean Whittingham of Durham addressed a most pressing let-
ter to the earl of Leicester, affectionately entreating him to em-
ploy his power and interest to prevent the approaching storm:
"I understand they are about to compel us, contrary to our
consciences, to wear the popish apparel, or deprive us of our
ministry and livings. When I consider the weighty charge
enjoined upon us by Almighty God, and the exact account we
have to give of the right use and dispensation of his mysteries,
I cannot doubt which to choose. He that would prove the
use of the apparel to be a thing indifferent, and may be impos-
ed, must prove that it tendeth to God's glory; that it agreeth
with his word; that it edifieth his church; and that it main-
taineth Christian liberty: but if it wanteth these things, then
is it not indifferent, but hurtful. And how can God's glory
be advanced by those garments which antichristian supersti-
tion has invented to maintain and beautify idolatry? What
agreement can the superstitions of men have with the pure
word of God? What edification can there be, when the Spirit
of God is grieved, the children of God discouraged, wicked
papists confirmed, and a door opened for such popish tradi-
tions and antichristian impiety? And can that be called true
Christian liberty, where a yoke is laid on the necks of the
disciples; where the conscience is clogged with impositions;
where faithful preachers are threatened with deprivation;
where the regular dispensation of the word of God is inter-
rupted; where congregations are robbed of their learned and
godly pastors; and where the holy sacraments are made sub-
ject to superstitious and idolatrous vestments?
"Some will say, that the apparel is not designed to set
forth popery, but for good policy. Will it then be deemed
good policy, to deck the spouse of Christ with the ornaments
of the Babylonish strumpet, or to force her faithful pastors to
be decorated like superstitious papists? God would not per-
mit his people of old, to retain any of the Gentile manners for
the sake of policy, but expressly forbade their imitation of
them, and commanded them to destroy all the appurtenances
of idolatry and superstition. And in the time of the Gospel,
our Lord did not think it good policy, either to wear the pha-
risaical robes himself, or to suffer any of his disciples to do it;
but condemned it as altogether superstitious. When I con-
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
303
sider that Jeroboam maintained his calves in Dan and Beth-el,
under the plausible name of policy, it makes me tremble to see
the popish ornaments set forth under the same pretence. For
if policy may serve as a cloak to superstition and papistry,
then crowns and crosses, oil and cream, images and candles,
palms and beads, with most of the other branches of antichrist,
may be introduced.
"It is well known, that when Hezekiah, Josiah, and other
famous princes, promoted the reformation of religion accord-
ing to the word of God, they compelled not the ministers of
God to wear the apparel of Baal's priests, but utterly destroy-
ed all their vestments. Hezekiah commanded all the appen-
dages of superstition and idolatry, to be carried out of the
temple, and to be cast into Kedron. Josiah burnt all the
vestments and other things belonging to Baal and his priests,
not in Jerusalem, but out of the city. All this was done
according to the word of the Lord, who commanded that not
only the idols, but all things pertaining to them, should be
abhorred and rejected. And if we compel the servants of
Christ to conform unto the papists, I greatly fear we shall re-
turn again to popery.
“Oh ! noble earl, be our patron and stay, that we may en-
joy our liberty. Yield not to the triumphs of the pope, against
Christ. If there be no hope of true reformation, let Christian
liberty prevail against compulsion to evil. Pity the disconso-
late churches. Hear the cries and groans of many thousands
of God's poor children, hungering and thirsting after spiritual
food. I need not appeal to the word of God, to the history
of the primitive church, to the just judgments of God poured
out upon the nations for lack of true reformation. Let your
own conscience judge between us and our enemies. And if
we seek the glory of God alone, the enjoyment of true Chris-
tian liberty, the overthrow of all idolatry and superstition, and
to win souls to Christ; I beseech your honour to pity our case,
and use your utmost endeavours to procure us our liberty.”*
To this admirable defence of the reformation and the rights
of conscience, may be added the sentiments of bishop Pilking-
ton of Durham, contained in his excellent letter written at this
*
Strype's Parker, Appen. p. 43.
304
HISTORY OF
ì
time to the same noble person, in which he said—" I beseech
your honour to consider how that all countries, that have re-
formed religion, have cast away the popish apparel with the
pope; and yet we, who would be taken for the best, contend
to keep it as a holy relic. Mark also, how many ministers
there are in all counties, who are so zealous, not only to for-
sake the wicked doctrine of popery, but ready to leave their
ministry and their livings, rather than be like the popish
teachers of such superstitions, either in apparel or behaviour.
This realm has such scarcity of teachers, that if so many wor-
thy men should be cast out of the ministry, for such small
matters, many places would be destitute of preachers; and it
would give an incurable offence to all the favourers of God's
truth in other countries. Shall we make that so precious,
which other reformed churches deem so vile? God forbid. If
we forsake popery as wicked, how shall we say their apparel
becomes saints and professors of true holiness? St. Paul bids.
us refrain from all outward show of evil; but, surely, in keep-
ing this popish apparel, we forbear not an outward show of
much evil, if popery be judged evil. How Christian peace
shall be kept in this church, when so many, for such small
things, shall be thrust from their ministry and livings, it passes
my simple wit to conceive."*
" A
While these learned Reformers, with becoming zeal, plead-
ed the cause of Christian freedom, the university of Cam-
bridge, alarmed at the approaching storm, was roused to imi-
tate their example. The heads of houses, one of whom was
even Dr. John Whitgift, addressed their humble supplication
to the chancellor, under most alarming apprehensions.
report has reached us," say they," that for the future all the
scholars of this university, will be forced to return to the old
popish habits. This is daily mentioned to us by a great mul-
titude of pious and learned men, who affirm, in their con-
sciences, that they think every ornament of this kind is unlaw-
ful; and if the intended proclamation is enforced, they will
be brought into the greatest danger. Lest our university
should be forsaken, we think it is one of our first duties to
acquaint you with this condition of ourselves and our brethren.
* Strype's Parker, Appen. p. 40.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
305
And by these letters we most humbly beg, as well from your
wisdom, as from your credit and favour with the queen's ma-
jesty, that you would intercede with her to withhold a procla-
mation of this kind. For, as far as we can see, there can be
no danger or inconvenience in exempting us from this bur-
den: but, on the contrary, we very much fear, that it will
prove a hinderance to the preaching of the Gospel, and to lite-
rature. By your successful application to this, you will no
doubt confer a great benefit, not only on us, but on the nation
at large.*
The celebrated bishop Jewel, in his letters to Martyr and
Bullinger, called the clerical habits "a stage dress," to which
those alone were attached, who "had nothing else to recom-
mend them to the people, but a comical dress." He engaged
that no exertions of his should be wanting to have these "lu- ·
dicrous fooleries and relics of the Amorites," as Martyr called
them, altogether banished out of the church. And he "wish-
ed that the very slightest footsteps of popery might be remov-
ed out of the church, and minds of men; but the queen would
at that time suffer no change in religion." The common cry
of the clergy then was, "We are killed in our souls, by this
pollution of the bishops: we cannot perform our ministry in
the singleness of our hearts."‡
It will appear extremely obvious from all these particulars,
how the queen's ecclesiastical supremacy and government
clashed with the principles, intentions, and objects of the
learned Reformers. The impositions and severities were found
to be great national grievances, exciting the strongest sympa-
thy of the foreign reformed churches. The famous Beza wrote
a long letter to bishop Grindal, exposing these intolerable
abuses. "If they offend," says he, "who choose to leave
their churches, rather than conform to rites and vestments
against their consciences; a greater guilt is contracted by
those who choose to deprive the flocks of able pastors, rather
than suffer those pastors to make choice of their own apparel;
or, choose to rob the people of the food of their souls, rather
than suffer them to receive it otherwise than on their knees."
Strype's Parker, Appen. p. 69, 70. + M'Crie's Knox, vol. i. p. 388.
+ Strype's Parker, Appen. p. 77.
X
VOL. I.
306
HISTORY OF
He signified, that this conformity was enforced, and the minis-
ters were deprived, "not only for refusing those vestments
which were peculiar to Baal's priests, but also for not observ-
ing certain rites which had degenerated into most shameful
superstitions." He then asks, “what if ministers be com-
manded to wear the habits of buffoons or stage-players? But
here something worse seems to be admitted; because that
priestly habit is not only ridiculous to many papists them-
selves, but is defiled and polluted with infinite superstitions.
Some will say, it is ancient :' it is so; but much more an-
cient is the apostolical simplicity, under which the church
flourished." He afterwards addressed all the bishops, expos-
ing the great scandal and mischief of these rigorous measures,
not only in the opinion of the common people, but according
to the judgment of many persons eminent for learning and re-
ligion. He recommended them to provide some proper remedy
for the removal of these evils; and charged the whole upon
them, "as they would answer to the contrary at the judgment-
seat of God, to whom an account must be given of the poorest
sheep which should by these severities be forced to wander
from the rest of the flock."* In these letters, he showed the
absurdity of the queen and her bishops having power to add
new ceremonies, and order all ecclesiastical matters, while the
pastors had no power allowed them, no not even to complain
of their grievances. And he said, " he had not yet learned
by what right, either the civil magistrate of himself might su-
perinduce any new rites, or abrogate ancient ones; or that it
was lawful for bishops alone to appoint any new thing in the
church of Christ."+
The celebrated Zanchy, professor of divinity in the univer-
sity of Heidelberg, wrote, by order of the prince Elector of the
Palatine, a most admirable epistle even to queen Elizabeth
herself, containing the following expostulations upon these in-
tolerant and disgraceful proceedings:
"To what end should those things be again brought into
the church of God, by the commandment of the prince, which
are contrary to the purity of the apostolic worship; which
*
Strype's Grindal, Appen. p. 39.-Heylin's Pres. p. 38, 39.
+ Strype's Grindal, p. 113.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
307
smell of popish superstition; are neither for edification, or
order, or ornament, or can bring any profit, but many evils to
the church? Whether is it better to follow the godly simplicity
of the apostles, or the ungodly pomp of the papists? The re-
calling of such popish garments will be found a greater evil,
than peradventure may at first appear. The monks will cry
aloud in the pulpits, and confirm their followers in ungodliness,
by the example of your gracious majesty. What! they will
say, doth not even the queen of England, a most learned and
prudent princess, begin by little and little to come back to the
religion of the holy church of Rome? We are to live in good
hope that the day will come wherein she will also recall all the
other rites and sacraments of holy church.' What said the pro-
phet to king Jehosaphat, when he helped Ahab? Darest
thou help the wicked, and love those who hate the Lord?
For this thing the wrath of the Lord is upon thee.'
•
"Such garments ought not to be thrust upon the church
of Christ, because the harlot of Rome hath abused, and doth
still abuse them to evil, and to cover her fornications, or en-
tice men to commit fornication. All these popish pomps and
ceremonies are devised to allure men to commit spiritual forni-
cation. Is it not, therefore, filthy and dishonourable to have
these things in the church of Christ? If the brazen serpent,
which had been ordained of God, and for the great benefit of
the Israelites, was taken away by good king Hezekiah, be-
cause the people had abused it contrary to the word of God;
and if Hezekiah be highly commended for so doing; how
much more are these unclean garments to be banished out of
the church of God; seeing the apostles never used them, but
the whore of Rome in her idolatrous worship, even to seduce
the people?
"What shall I say of the consciences of Christians? It is
manifest that they are greatly troubled with this commandment;
and they so greatly complain, that their lamenting voices and
groans are heard in Germany. How grievous and distaste-
ful an offence it is to trouble the consciences of the godly, the
holy Scripture showeth when it commandeth not to offend
the weak; when it threateneth grievous punishments against.
those who fear not these things; and when it propoundeth the
examples of the saints, especially of Paul, who says: 'If meat
:
x 2
308
HISTORY OF
offend my brother, I will eat no flesh while the world stand-
eth; that I may not offend my brother.'"*
The church of Scotland sent, at the same time, a most af-
fectionate and pressing letter "to their brethren the bishops
and pastors of England," exposing the evil of persecution,
and recommending peace and forbearance among brethren.
“It is come to our knowledge," say they, "that divers of our
dearest brethren, among whom are some of the best learned in
the realm, are deprived from the ecclesiastical function, and
forbidden to preach, by you who are straitly to promote the
kingdom of Jesus Christ; because their consciences will not
suffer them to use such garments as idolaters, in time of blind-
ness, have used in their idolatry; which cannot but be most
dolorous to our hearts. We crave in the bowels of Jesus
Christ, that Christian charity may prevail among you. You
cannot be ignorant how tender a thing the conscience of man
is. All that have knowledge are not alike persuaded. Your
consciences revolt not at wearing such garments; but many
thousands, both learned and godly, are otherwise persuaded.
If then the surplice, corner cap, and tippet, have been badges
of idolatry, and used in the very act of idolatry, what hath the
preacher of Christian liberty, and the open rebuker of all su-
perstition, to do with the dregs of that Romish beast? Our bre-
thren who of conscience refuse that unprofitable apparel, do
neither condemn, nor molest you, who use such vain trifles.
If you would do the like to them, we doubt not that you will
please God, and comfort the hearts of many, which are wound-
ed by the present extremities. We charitably desire you to
remember that sentence of pity: Feed the flock of God,
which is committed to your charge, caring for them, not by
constraint, but willingly; not as though ye were lords over
God's heritage, but that ye may be examples to the flock.'
Therefore we think that you should boldly oppose, not only
all power that dare extol itself against God, but also all such
as burden the consciences of the faithful, more than God hath
burdened them in his word."+
6
These are noble defences of the reformation, as well as of
Christian freedom and the rights of conscience. They disco-
*Fresh Suit, Appen. p. 43-58. + Troubles at Frankfort, p. 181.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
309
ver, as in the light of day, the great arrogance and usurpation
of all ecclesiastical impositions; and, while they clearly show
the folly and wickedness of all attempts to coerce the people
to adopt religious opinions or practice, they demonstrate the
power to be a dangerous and antichristian assumption. The
ecclesiastical supremacy of queen Elizabeth was an open rebel-
lion against the ecclesiastical supremacy which previously ex-
isted in England, and which governed all the churches in the
land; and on this account the pope, as well as all the advo-
cates of popery, have stigmatized this noble princess as a
schismatic, a heretic, and a rebel; nor, on her own lofty
claims, was it easy to refute the dangerous logic. The power
assumed by her majesty when she claimed ecclesiastical supre-
macy over the understandings and consciences of all her sub-
jects, and in all things pertaining to religion and the worship
of God, was an assumption equally dangerous, and an usurp-
ation equally antichristian, as any power assumed and exer-
cised by the Roman pontiff. Though it was confined within
the boundaries of a single kingdom, or was never actually car-
ried to the same degree of extravagance, and she was not
prompted to commit so large a share of iniquity; her pretend-
ed supremacy invested her with all-sufficient power to seize
the property and destroy the lives of all her subjects, who
scrupled obedience to her sovereign commands in things spiri-
tual. An assumption more palpably dangerous, or less sup-
ported by truth, was never visible in the chair of St. Peter.
Her majesty having prepared her injunctions to the num-
ber of fifty-three, entered upon a general visitation of the
churches throughout the kingdom. Those whom the queen
employed in drawing them up, however, found considerable
difficulty upon the point of retaining images in the churches.
Her majesty was strongly inclined to retain them, not only as
matter of pomp and magnificence, and to excite devotion, but
also to conciliate the bigoted and superstitious people to the
new religion. Indeed it was not without a kind of protesta-
tion from the reformed divines, that the queen consented to
have the images removed by one of these injunctions: but she
would not part with her own altar, or her crucifix, or with the
lights burning before it, or her three bishops who officiated all
1
:
310
HISTORY OF
in rich copes before the idol.* The gentlemen and choristers
of the royal chapel appeared in their surplices, and the priests
in their copes; the altar was furnished with rich plate, with
gilt candlesticks, lighted candles, and a massy crucifix in the
middle. The public service was sung, not only with organs,
but with cornets, sackbuts, and psaltery, on the solemn festi-
vals. In short, the service of the royal chapel, and in some
cathedrals, was scarcely to be distinguished from the popish
service, except that it was performed in the English tongue.
In open violation of these glaring facts, detailed at length on
the page of history, numerous modern publications are inces-
santly extolling the pure and perfect reformation of the church;
and, alas ! the people, without examination, believe them. This
great conformity to the Romish church succeeded very much
according to her majesty's wishes. For by this means, many
of the catholics being allured to conformity, attended regularly
upon the public service of the church for nine or ten years;
till the pope, having lost all hope of an accommodation, prohi-
bited the practice, by excommunicating the queen, and laying
the kingdom under his papal curse."+
Upon the breaking forth of the controversy of these times,
there was no dispute among the Reformers upon points of
doctrine; and if other ecclesiastical matters had been left in-
different, as they ought to have been left, the seeds of discord
and division would have been prevented. But as the case then
stood, by making so many indifferent things indispensably ne-
cessary, it was almost miraculous that the reformation did not
revert to popery; and if some of the scrupulous Reformers
had not in part complied, in hope of the removal of existing
abuses at some future period, that would most probably have
been the unhappy consequence. Many of the churches were
unfurnished with ministers; and not a few unlearned mecha-
nics were preferred to livings and dignities, "who were dis-
regarded by the people, and did the reformation more harm
than good:" while others of the first rank, for learning, piety,
and usefulness, were cast aside as useless, merely because
they scrupled conformity. The learned prelates saw and ac-
knowledged these facts; but no terms of Christian union
could be obtained.‡
* Burnet, vol. iii. p. 292. + Warner, vol. ii. p. 419. Ibid. p. 424.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
311
The queen, placed in her high situation, was exceedingly
offended at many of her learned subjects, who could not mea-
sure their faith by the political standard, nor observe all things
commanded by the act of uniformity; but to remedy this evil,
her majesty addressed letters to archbishop Parker, command-
ing him, with the other bishops, to suppress all the existing
varieties and diversities among both the clergy and laity, and
bring all to one uniform religion throughout the realm. Ad-
dresses from such high authority never failed to gain atten-
tion. The prelates were immediately roused to action; and
though this imagined uniformity was as useless, as it was im-
practicable, so long as men could not think and believe alike;
yet they used their most vigorous efforts to fulfil her royal
wishes.* Being resolved to reduce the church, with all its
members, to one uniform order, they cited many of the clergy,
in town and country, to appear before them, some of whom at
first they admonished, and threatened others. To secure this
imaginary uniformity, many were suspended and deprived,
and others were cast into prison, who, having wives and chil-
dren, laboured under great poverty and distress; and many
being driven from their ministerial employment, to procure a
livelihood elsewhere, betook themselves to trades, to husband-
ry, or went to sea. The result of these uncatholic proceedings
was not a perfect uniformity, as was proposed and anticipated,
but multitudes of churches were shut up for want of ministers,
and the souls of the people were left to perish for lack of know-
ledge. This, said the archbishop, was no more than he fore-
saw before he began; and that when the queen appointed him
to pursue these measures, he told her majesty, that these pre-
cise people would suffer the loss of their goods, and their bodies
to be cast into prison, rather than they would relent.†
Under these extremities, many of the scrupulous puritans,
as in the days of queen Mary, withdrew from the national
church, and set up their own separate assemblies. They laid
aside the ecclesiastical ceremonies and Book of Common-prayer,
and worshipped God in a way which to them appeared more
agreeable to his holy word. The nonconformists were consi-
dered of two kinds. The one class would not wear the clerical
Strype's Parker, p. 155. + Strype's Grindal, p. 99.-Parker, p. 225.
312
HISTORY OF
habits, nor subscribe to the ceremonies; yet they held com-
munion with the church, and willingly and devoutly joined in
the public service. The others disliked the very constitution
of the political church, charging it with many gross remainders
of popery, that it was full of antichristian corruptions, and
not to be tolerated among Christians.* These were constrain-
ed to a total separation; for which they assigned this reason;
"That the ceremonies of antichrist were so tied to the ser-
vice of God, that no one might preach, or administer the sa-
craments without them, being compelled to observe them by
law.” Had all indifferent things been left discretionary, and
not been made indispensably necessary, both ministers and
people would at this early period no doubt have been satisfied.
But, seeing this was denied, they entered into a solemn con-
sultation, and, after mature deliberation, came to this conclu-
sion;—“ That, since they could not have the word of God
preached, nor the sacraments administered, without idolatrous
gear; and since there had been a separate congregation in
London, and another at Geneva, in queen Mary's time, which
used a book and order of preaching, administration of the sa-
craments, and discipline, which the great Mr. Calvin approv-
ed, and which was freed from the superstitions of the English
service that therefore it was their duty, in their present cir-
cumstances, to break off from the public churches, and to as-
semble as they had opportunity in private houses, or elsewhere,
to worship God in a manner that might not offend their con-
sciences."+
:
This was about the year 1566, and was the era of that
SEPARATION from the church of England which continues to
this day. This is said to have been a most unhappy event,
whereby people of the same country, the same religion, and
the same faith, separated communion; the one part being
obliged to retire into private houses and secret chambers, to
serve and worship God alone; which begat strangeness among
neighbours, christians, and protestants.‡ That this was a
most unhappy event, and an event ever to be deplored by
all sincere protestants, will never be questioned; but who
*
Strype's Grindal, p. 114. +Strype's Parker, p. 241.-Parte of Regis. p. 25.
Strype's Parker, p. 241.
t
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
313
were the aggressors? And who drove their brethren to these
extremities? Why were not certain amendments made in the
liturgy, by which conscientious persons might have been made
easy, or, even liberty granted them to worship God in their
own way? Were not the rights of conscience, and of private
judgment, the undeniable privileges of man, as well in the
reign of queen Elizabeth, as they had been in the days of her
sister Mary, or as they had been in the primitive churches, or
as they are at the present day?
It ought, moreover, to be recollected, that those who sepa-
rated from the established assemblies, did not force and com-
pel their fellow Christians into their way, by thundering tem-
poral pains and penalties; they only claimed their unalienable
birthright of thinking, and deciding, and acting for themselves,
in things pertaining to the worship of God, and the salvation
of their souls, which nearly all protestants admit in theory,
but deny in practice: they claim it for themselves, but deny
it to others. While they firmly maintained their principles,
they generously allowed all others to do the same; and thus
they realized the only honourable and genuine principles of
religious freedom. While they appreciated the blessing of
religious liberty, they made no pretensions to dictation or au-
thority over the understandings and consciences of their bre-
thren. Though they disliked the very constitution of the po-
litical church, with all its corruptions, and the shameful into-
lerance by which they were upheld; their principles and prac-
tice are, surely, not to be condemned on these grounds, but to
be admired and imitated by all discerning protestants.
Their religious principles, it is acknowledged, were not
formed according to the model of the ecclesiastical establish-
ment; and notwithstanding the terrific thunderings of the act
of uniformity, and the intolerant proceedings of the bishops,
they held their private assemblies as they found opportunity.
They trod in the footsteps of the protestant congregations in
the reign of queen Mary; and, to avoid the discovery of their
watchful enemies, they often assembled in the fields and woods,
in the neighbourhood of London.* They were after some time
discovered, and the congregation broken up, when about one
Heylin's Pres. p. 259.
*
314
HISTORY OF
hundred were assembled; many of whom were taken into cus-
tody, and sent to Bridewell, the Compter, and other prisons.
Having remained in prison nearly two years, and their pa-
tience and constancy being sufficiently tried, they were at
length released by order of the council.*
The severe laws enacted, and the intolerant measures pur-
sued, to promote one uniform ecclesiastical order, could not
fail to increase the number of nonconformists among all per-
sons of sober reflection. Men of sound judgments and ten-
der consciences, could not be compelled by any human power
to receive a legislative religion, as of divine inspiration and
directly from God. The growth of nonconformity gave great
offence to the queen; and in her zeal for her supremacy and
her church, she wrote again to archbishop Parker, saying—
"We required you, as the metropolitan of our realm, and
as the principal person in our ecclesiastical commission, to have
good regard that such uniform order in the divine service and
rules of the church might be kept, as by the laws in that be-
half is provided, and by our injunctions also declared and ex-
plained: and that you should call to your assistance certain
of our bishops, to reform the abuses and disorders of sundry
persons, seeking to make alterations. We minding earnestly
to have a perfect reformation of all abuses or attempts to de-
form the uniformity prescribed, and that none shall be suffered
to decline, on the right hand or the left, from the line limited
by authority; do earnestly by our authority royal, will and
charge you by all lawful means to proceed herein as you have
begun."+
This attempt demonstrated the imperfection and insufficien-
cy of the pretended supremacy. Multitudes of her majesty's
subjects still scrupled to measure their religion by the maxims
of the state, and to yield their understandings and souls in
slavish subjection to the dogmas of politicians. Her majesty
next issued her royal proclamation, in which she "charged
and commanded all archbishops and bishops, and all justices
of assize, and all mayors, head officers of cities and towns cor-
porate, and all others who had any authority, to put in execu-
tion the Act for the Uniformity of Common-prayer, with all
+ Strype's Parker, p. 330.
*
Strype's Grindal, p. 136.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
315
diligence and severity, neither favouring nor dissembling with
one person or other, who did neglect, despise, or seek to alter
the godly orders and rites set forth in the said Book." This
the royal lady commanded them to observe," upon pain of
her majesty's high displeasure, and deprivation of their digni-
ties and benefices or other censures. 99%
By this proclamation the queen discovered her great concern
and fixed resolution to uphold every stone and brick, every
nail and pin, of her beloved church. She followed this pro-
clamation with separate commissions to the bishops of the dif
ferent dioceses, and other persons in the various counties; com-
manding them to make every possible inquiry after noncon-
formists, to cite them before them, to hear and determine their
respective causes, and to inflict upon them deserved punish-
ment. But to awaken the commissioners to a discharge of
their duties, the lord Treasurer delivered her majesty's mes-
sage to them in the star-chamber, commanding them to execute
their important trust with fidelity. "Her majesty," said he,
"will have you all to understand, that as she herself cannot
be quiet in her conscience, without earnestly prosecuting this
reformation; so shall she not think that any of her subjects,
and especially such as have authority to execute her laws,
worthy to live under her protection, or in anywise to enjoy her
favour, who shall directly or indirectly maintain any person
to alter or change, by example or doctrine, the orders of the
church established by her laws."+
In this extraordinary message, the royal supremacy no
doubt breathed its native air, and pourtrayed its own true cha-
racter. We shall not inquire how nearly the peace of her ma-
jesty's conscience was connected with the infliction of the cruel
and shocking sentences in the acts of uniformity and supre-
macy, for the most trivial and insignificant offences; but that
all persons were unworthy of life, or of her favour, who should
maintain any other thing directly or indirectly, or who might
seek, by their example or doctrine, for an alteration of the ex-
isting ecclesiastical orders, is one of the most illiberal and bar-
barous sentiments to be found on the page of history. The
inhumanities of Rome could not devclope a principle more
+ Strype's Parker, p. 447, 457.
密
​Sparrow, p. 167, 170.
316
HISTORY OF
}
despotic or unjust, more destructive of the rights of conscience,
or more opposed to Christianity.
Elizabeth did not proclaim opinions without meaning. Her
message contained the expressions of her royal heart. This
appeared whenever her unbounded supremacy was brought to
the test. She narrowly watched the Inns of Court, where
better principles had taken deep root among the learned in
the law, and gave her royal directions for suppressing every
deviation from her beloved uniformity. She sequestered the
venerable benchers from the exercise of their profession, until
they gave satisfactory proof of their conformity in ecclesiasti-
cal matters.* She carried her matchless power even within
the walls of the two houses of parliament. A motion being
made in the lower house for a reformation of the ecclesiastical
laws, which was supported with great firmness by some of the
ablest statesmen, was no sooner become the subject of public
discussion, than the queen took great offence, and forbade the
house to concern itself about such matters.† Mr. Strickland,
a very ancient and respectable member, who offered the mo-
tion, having affirmed that the Book of Common-prayer, with
some other superstitious remains of popery, might with ease
be altered without the least danger to religion; the treasurer
of her majesty's household stood up and replied, "that all
matters of ceremony were to be referred to the queen, and for
them to meddle with the royal prerogative was not convenient."
Her majesty was so exceedingly displeased with the house, but
especially with Mr. Strickland's motion, that she summoned
him before the council, and forbade his attendance in parlia-
ment; but the members were so alarmed at this bold attack
upon their rights and privileges, and made so many warm
speeches against the queen's tyrannical abuse of their submis-
sion, that she thought proper to restore him to his place.‡
Upon this encroachment on the rights of parliament, a very
respectable member said, that the precedent was dangerous;
and that all matters not treason, or to the derogation of the
crown, were tolerable in that house; where all things were to
be considered, and where there was such fulness of power, that
* Lansdowne's MSS. vol. xv. no. 71, 74.
+ D'Ewes, p. 185.
+ D'Ewes, p. 156.-Warner, vol. ii. p. 438.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
317
even the right of the crown was to be determined. He more-
over affirmed, that to say the parliament had no power to de-
termine of the crown, was high treason; and reminded them
that they were there not to promote their own private interest,
but the interest of the country. He agreed that princes ought
to have their prerogative; but he maintained that it ought to
be limited. He said that the queen could not of herself make
laws; neither might she, for the same reason, break them.
The speech that had been made, and the bill that had been
offered, he said, were not to be condemned; adding, "that if
there were any things in the Book of Common-prayer, either
Jewish, Turkish, or Popish, they ought to be reformed."*
At the opening of the next parliament, the lord-keeper re-
commended the two houses," to see that the laws relating to
the discipline and ceremonies of the church were put in execu-
tion; and if any further laws were wanting, that they should
consider of them; so the civil sword will support the ecclesi-
astical, as aforetime." The commons, however, having observ-
ed how shamefully the queen and her bishops had abused their
pretended spiritual power, instead of making new laws to sup-
port or strengthen it, ordered two bills to be brought into the
house, to regulate the ecclesiastical ceremonies, and to ease the
burdens of the oppressed puritans. The bills passed smoothly
through the commons, and were referred to a committee of
both houses; upon which the queen was enraged to find her
supremacy thus invaded, and sent a message to the house by
the speaker, "That it was her pleasure no bills concerning
religion should henceforth be preferred or read in that house,
unless the same should be first considered and approved by
her bishops, or convocation: and she commanded them to de-
liver up the two bills last read in the house relating to rites
and ceremonies!" Notwithstanding this high strain of the pre-
rogative, which struck so dreadful a blow at the freedom of
parliaments, the commons were so intimidated by the haughty
and despotic message, that with great servility, they not only
sent her majesty the bills, but begged that she would not con-
ceive an ill opinion of them for what they had done. The
queen returned a message, in which she signified her utter
D'Ewes, p. 176.
318
HISTORY OF
dislike of the former of the two bills, and of him who had in-
troduced it; but, to keep the supreme spiritual authority in her
own hands, she added-" That she would, as Defender of the
Faith, aid and maintain all good protestants, to the discou-
ragement of papists."*
Another parliament having assembled, the house of com-
mons agreed to meet in the Temple-church, on the Lord's day
fortnight after the motion was made; “to have preaching,
and to join together in prayer, with fasting and humiliation,
for the assistance of God's Spirit in all their consultations, and
for the preservation of the queen's majesty and her realm.”
In order to guard against all offence, and to prevent if pos-
sible all ground of suspicion, the house referred the nomina-
tion of the preacher to those members who belonged to her
majesty's privy-council. The reader will probably see nothing
in this vote contrary to law, or to the queen's prerogative: but
her majesty was no sooner acquainted with the vote of the
commons, than she sent sir Christopher Hatton with her mes-
sage; "That she was much surprised at so great a rashness in
that house, by thus invading her ecclesiastical supremacy,
without her privity and pleasure first made known to them."
This message occasioned many warm debates, as an infringe-
ment on the liberties of the house; but at length it was mov-
ed and carried, that the commons should acknowledge their
offence to her majesty, and humbly crave forgiveness! Hatton
having reported to the house the queen's acceptance of their
submission, told them from her majesty, that she did not dis-
like their inclination to fasting and prayer; but she was "dis-
obliged at their presuming to appoint their own devotions,
without acquainting her with it, and receiving her orders for
it!" This will give the reader some idea of the state of reli-
gious liberty under the supremacy of Elizabeth, who com-
manded her subjects, even the whole commons' house of parlia-
ment, that they should not offer up their prayers to God in
public without consulting her sovereign pleasure!
These arbitrary proceedings awakened a noble spirit of
liberty among the commons, when many bold speeches were
made in defence of the birthright of Englishmen. Mr. Peter
† Warner, vol. ii. p. 4.50.
* Strype's Parker, p. 394, 395.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
319
Wentworth said, that it grieved him to see how many ways.
the freedom of parliament had been infringed. At one time,
it was rumoured through the house, said he, "take heed what
you do; the queen liketh not such a matter; and she will be
offended with those who prosecute it :" at another, a message
is brought from her majesty, prohibiting our proceedings.
Mr. Wentworth afterwards made a motion, to address the
queen to name her successor, which was immediately support-
ed by three respectable members: but her majesty hearing of
what they had done, sent for the four members, and commit-
ted them prisoners to the tower, where the proposer of the
motion remained several years. The reader who is most par-
tial to the memory of Elizabeth, will no doubt acknowledge
that this was a stretch of her prerogative, and as contrary to
law and justice, as it was hostile to the freedom of parliament.
That which followed upon this case was, however, still more
extraordinary. When the house moved to address the queen
for the release of their members, her favourites answered—
"that her majesty had committed them for causes best known
to herself; that the house must not call the queen to account
for what she did by her royal authority; that the causes of
their restraint might be highly dangerous; that her majesty
did not like such questions, nor did it become the house to
deal in such matters!"* Sir Christopher Hatton, who was no
stranger to her majesty's intentions, informed the house, that
he supposed those gentlemen were committed, not for any
thing that concerned the privileges of the house, but for en-
croaching upon the queen's title and prerogative, as supreme
governor in causes ecclesiastical, and intermeddling with mat-
ters touching the church !+
Her majesty did not confine her royal attention to the com-
mons, but extended her unbounded sovereignty within the
walls of the upper house. She undertook to give them reli-
gious instruction, especially the lords spiritual, threatening to
depose them if they refused to observe her royal commands.
Addressing them, at the close of one of her parliaments, she
said—“ One matter toucheth me so near, that I may not over-
scip it ;" that is, "religion, the ground on which all other mat-
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 441, 463.
+ Strype's Whitgift, p. 256.
320
HISTORY OF
ters ought to take root, and being corrupted may mar all the
tree. There are some who find fault with the order of the
clergy, and so make a slander to myself and the church, whose
overruler God hath made me, whose negligence cannot be ex-
cused, if any schisms or heretical errors were suffered. Thus
much I must say, that there may be some faults and negli-
gences, as in all other great charges, and what vocation is with-
out? All of which if you, my lords of the clergy, do not
amend, I will depose you. Look ye, therefore, well to your
charges this may be amended without heedless or open excla-
mations." And upon the privilege of the parliament, she in-
formed the lords temporal and spiritual, that they must not
speak what they pleased, but only say "yes or no" upon sub-
jects laid before them!*
While the queen was insulting the two houses of parliament,
a petition was presented to her majesty, that the inferior clergy
might be admitted members in the house of commons. The
measure, say they, "would much repair the credit and reputa-
tion of the clergy, which is now exposed to great contempt;
and the wise and religious may observe, that the contempt of
the clergy is the high road to atheism and profaneness. It
would greatly tend also to the glory of God, the good of the
land, and the honour of your majesty, if it shall please your
majesty to admit a portion of the clergy into that house, where
they may stand for the godly government now established,
against all innovations of popery, or puritanism. And her
majesty will be sure of a greater number in that assembly,
who will ever be most ready to maintain her prerogative, and
to enact whatsoever may be most for her highness' safety and
content, as the men who next under God depend upon her
princely clemency and protection."+ This measure, however,
was rejected.
The religious exercises, called prophecyings, had been pro-
moted for some time throughout the country, to the unspeak-
able satisfaction of all good people. Good archbishop Grindal,
persuaded of their vast utility, greatly encouraged them. He
found them to be particularly serviceable to the interests of
religion, and that while they greatly improved both the clergy
* D'Ewes, p. 328, 460.
+ Burnet, vol. ii. Rec. p. 120, 121.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
321
and the laity in the knowledge of the Scriptures, they were a
strong bulwark in defence of the reformation. But to prevent
all disorders in these exercises, and to render them perfectly
unexceptionable to the higher powers, he drew up a number
of regulations, which gave entire satisfaction to all persons of
moderation. They were in fact meetings of the parochial cler-
gy, appointed for mutual improvement in the exposition of the
Scriptures. The method observed in conducting these assem-
blies was unexceptionable. The clergy within a certain pre-
scribed district met on the day and at the place previously fix-
ed; when the most grave and learned minister, appointed by
the bishop, presided; then every minister present, beginning
at the youngest, successively expounded some text of Scrip-
ture, showing the true sense of it, the propriety of the words,
the diversity of interpretation, the virtues enjoined, and the
vices prohibited. The laity were never suffered to speak, nor
any clergyman, until he had been licensed by the bishop.*
Her majesty, however, being of a different opinion from the
archbishop, sent for the venerable primate, and exclaimed
against the prophecyings, as illegal, and dangerous both to
church and state, commanding him peremptorily to suppress
them! On this occasion she particularly declared, that she was
offended at the great number of preachers, that it was good for
the church to have few preachers, that three or four were suf-
ficient for a county, that the reading of homilies was all that
was necessary, and, in short, she commanded him with con-
siderable sharpness to abridge the number of preachers, as
well as put down the exercises.
This extraordinary measure placed the pious archbishop in
a most painful situation, not much dissimilar to that of the
prophet Daniel; for he must act in direct violation of his judg-
ment and his conscience, or assuredly incur the anger of his
prince. The queen was vehement in her orders, and even
refused to hear the primate's answer, with apparent tokens of
great displeasure. But the archbishop, instead of giving di-
rections to his archdeacon and vicar-general, to execute her
majesty's command, wrote the queen a long and admirable
letter, showing the necessity and usefulness of preaching in all
VOL. I.
Strype's Grindal, p. 220, 221.
Y
ват
322
HISTORY OF
1
the churches, and the benefit of the exercises, which were not
illegal as her majesty supposed.
There was a spirit in this letter which Elizabeth had not
been accustomed to observe in her subjects, and which she
would not bear from any of them. The venerable primate of
all England should not dare to address her with honest free-
dom, by giving his advice upon points purely religious, or by
disputing her all-wise commands, without incurring her royal
indignation. Inflamed, therefore, with his letter, she resolved
to make a public example of the archbishop, as a terror to
others; and the honest prelate was, accordingly, confined as a
prisoner in his own house, and sequestered from his archiepis-
copal jurisdiction for six months. There was on this occasion
an open display of the royal power, and of the vengeance with
which it was exercised; when the head of the church, who was
a woman, thus undertook to decide so peremptorily upon a
point purely spiritual, without even consulting her spiritual
counsellors, and to imprison and tie the hands of the primate,
because he disapproved of her decision. Before the six months
were elapsed, the archbishop was recommended to make his
submission to the queen, which he did as far as was consistent
with his station and integrity: but being unwilling to retract
his opinion, or to confess his sorrow for the counsel he had
given her majesty, there was much talk of depriving him,
which being thought too severe, his sequestration was conti-
nued. The attempt to inflict upon him the sentence of depri-
vation was, indeed, very much resented by the true protestants
at court; and Sir Francis Kollys, treasurer of her majesty's
household, said-" If the archbishop of Canterbury shall be
deprived, then up starts the pride and practice of the papists,
and down with the comfort and strength of her majesty's safe-
ty." The queen, therefore, by her letters to the bishops put
down the religious exercises, which were so well calculated to
promote Christian knowledge and piety, not only when they
were both at a very low ebb, but when the popish missionaries
were making numerous proselytes from the church in every
corner of the land.*
The queen having thus insulted the venerable primate, we
* Strype's Grindal, p. 221-239.-Warner, vol. ii. p. 447-450.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
323
cannot wonder at her treating the other bishops with similar
contempt. Fletcher, bishop of London, was among those who
incurred her majesty's displeasure, and felt the indignation of
her royal power. Being a widower at the time of his transla-
tion to London, he presently after married a widow lady, sister
to Sir George Gifford; and, though he was a thorough cour-
tier, and one of the queen's chaplains, for the significant crime
of his aged and episcopal marriage, her majesty banished him
from the court, and commanded him to be suspended; upon
which he was actually suspended from his episcopal and eccle-
siastical jurisdiction. His lordship groaned under her majes-
ty's displeasure for the space of six months, after which, by the
intercession of friends, she was graciously pleased to extend
her royal pardon, and restore him to the episcopal function.*
Her majesty's ecclesiastical government had no bounds;
and it was, in several instances, deeply stained with blood.
In the year 1575, a congregation of Dutchmen, stigmatized
anabaptists, was discovered in London; twenty-seven of whom
were apprehended and cast into prison, and four, bearing
fagots at Paul's cross, recanted their opinions. Eleven receiv-
ed the sentence of death; one was afterwards frightened into
a recantation; eight were banished from the kingdom; and
two were committed to the flames in Smithfield. The Dutch
congregation affectionately interceded for their lives, also the
venerable John Fox, who wrote a most pathetic letter to the
queen, in which he says-To punish with the flames, the
bodies of those who err from ignorance, rather than obstinacy,
is cruel, and more like the church of Rome, than the mildness
of the Gospel. I do not write thus, he adds, from any bias
to the indulgence of error; but to save the lives of men, being
myself a man; and in hope that the offending parties may
have an opportunity to repent, and retract their mistakes.
He then earnestly entreats that the fires of Smithfield might
not be rekindled; but that some milder punishment might be
inflicted upon them, to prevent if possible, the destruction of
their souls, as well as their bodies. But his generous and
affectionate remonstrances were ineffectual. The queen re-
mained inflexible, and absolutely refused to save their lives,
* Strype's Whitgift, p. 429, 429.
·
Y 2
324
HISTORY OF
unless they would retract their opinions: but, remaining stead-
fast, the two poor men perfumed Smithfield with their ashes.*
This slaughter and blood was not confined to foreigners,
but extended to her majesty's natural born subjects. In the
year 1579, Matthew Hament, a plough-wright at Hethersett,
near Norwich, being suspected of holding unsound and dan-
gerous opinions, was convened before the bishop of Norwich,
and condemned as a heretic; upon which, both his ears were
cut off, and, the week following, he was committed to the
flames in the castle-ditch.t Mr. John Lewis, about four
years after, was condemned and burnt at Norwich, for hold-
ing heretical opinions. Mr. Francis Kett, a man of learning,
and master of arts in one of the universities, was also conven-
ed before his lordship of Norwich; and for holding various
heretical opinions, he was condemned and burnt near the city
of Norwich. The right reverend prelate after condemning
this heretic, being desirous of his speedy execution, addressed
the following short letter to lord Burleigh, as transcribed from
the original in manuscript :-"I have lately condemned for
heresies one Francis Kett, M. A., with whose blasphemous
opinions I thought good to acquaint your honour, referring to
your wisdom his speedy execution, being so dangerous a per-
son. So I commit your lordship to the grace of God, with
my hearty prayers for your honour !"-The reader will not
be a little surprised when he is informed that this protestant
prelate was none other than Dr. Edmund Scambler, formerly
one of the pastors of the protestant congregation in London,
during the persecution of queen Mary!
It is certainly a very easy thing to stigmatize any class of
men with the odious name of heretics, and equally easy for
those in power to commit them to the flames. The prelates
and government of queen Elizabeth adopted these salutary
measures against those who could not think and believe in
matters of religion according to the prescriptions of the state :
this, however, was no commendation of their protestant pro-
fession. As to the Roman catholics, when the claim of their
church's infallibility is once admitted, all who disbelieve her
* Heylin's Pres. p. 279, 280.
+
+ Ibid. p. 281.
Lansdowne's MSS. vol. lvii. no. 75.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
325
doctrine must, of course, be heretics. This consequence is
sufficiently natural. But, with what degree of decency or
consistency can any sect of protestants, who disclaim all pre-
tensions to infallibility, accuse and burn, as heretics, such of
their fellow protestants as may entertain religious sentiments
different from their own? When they act thus, though they
may deny all pretensions to infallibility in words, they certain-
ly claim it in fact. If they be not infallible, how can they,
nay, how dare they, burn men for their religious opinions ?
The principal difference upon this point, between the Roman
catholics, and those protestants who anathematize their bre-
thren for difference of opinion, seems to be only this: the
church of Rome is infallible, and they are always right.
While the foregoing unnatural punishments were inflicted
on men for their erroneous opinions, the sin of nonconformity
was treated with equal severity as that of heresy or felony.
We have already adverted to the affecting cases of Barrow,
Greenwood and Penry, who were all hanged for nonconformi-
ty, and to that of the pious and learned Udal, who died in
prison. Mr. William Dennys was executed for the same of-
fence, at Thetford in Norfolk. Mr. John Copping and Mr.
Elias Thacker, two pious Suffolk ministers, were cast into
prison by the bishop of Norwich for nonconformity; and hav-
ing endured a painful confinement for seven years, and refus-
ing to retract their principles, they were both condemned, and
hanged at Bury St. Edmunds.* Upon the long and misera-
ble imprisonment of these two sufferers, four respectable jus-
tices of the peace frequently petitioned their judges to pardon
them; and when there was no hope of this, they became earn-
est suitors to the bishop and others, that the two ministers
might be removed from the prison at Bury; but in all their
generous efforts they utterly failed. The bishop would not
allow the prisoners the least favour, or exercise the smallest
degree of lenity; but, extraordinary as it may seem, this un-
feeling prelate sent accusations to the court against the four
justices, for this extension of their sympathy and humanity !+
While these protestant prelates were murdering innocent
and harmless Christians in the country, the archbishop of
Strype, vol. ii. p. 532, iii. 186.
+ Ibid. vol. iii. p. 20. Appen. p. 7.
326
HISTORY OF
Canterbury and the bishop of London were destroying them
in the metropolis. From a list of faithful Christians whom
they cast into prison, "for the Gospel of our Lord Jesus.
Christ," we find that Henry Thompson and George Collier
were committed to the Clink by the bishop of London, for
hearing Mr. Greenwood read a portion of Scripture at a
friend's house on the Lord's day; where they remained pri-
soners nineteen months without being called to trial. Jerome
Studley was sent by his lordship to the Compter, for refusing
to answer interrogatories, where he remained fifteen months.
Christopher Roper was committed close prisoner by the bishop
´of London. Edward Boys was nineteen months in Bridewell,
and then close prisoner in the Clink. John Chamber was com-
mitted to the same prison, for hearing Mr. Greenwood read
the Scripture, where he died. Roger Jackson and George
Bright were sent close prisoners to Newgate, where they both
died. Maynard, Roe and Barrow, three aged widows, were
committed to Newgate by the bishop of London, for hearing
Mr. Greenwood read the Scripture, where two of them died.
Quintin Smyth was committed to Newgate, confined in a dun-
geon, loaded with irons, and his Bible taken from him. John
Purdye was sent to Bridewell by the archbishop of Canter-
bury, where he was confined in a place called Little Ease, and
beaten with cudgels, for refusing to attend the service of the
parish church. Many others endured similar barbarous usage ;
but these instances are recorded as specimens of the oppres-
sions and cruelties of those in power.*
After this long detail of facts attested by unexceptionable
authorities, it may not be improperly asked, whether anti-
christian intolerance and shocking persecution were not lead-
ing characters in the ecclesiastical supremacy? We might also
inquire whether queen Elizabeth had any more right to de-
stroy her subjects, for their religious opinions, than her bloody
sister Mary had to do the same, on similar pretence? We may
likewise ask, why are the ecclesiastical proceedings and govern-
ment of the one so often cursed as cruel and bloody persecu-
tions; and those of the other so often applauded as the glory
of England, and of the established church? If Mary and
* Baker's MSS. vol. xiv. p. 311. xv. 59—117.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
327
Elizabeth punished scrupulous dissenters from their respective
churches, with imprisonment and death, they were both guilty
of the same crime. The blood of the martyred victims sacri-
ficed to the supremacy of Elizabeth, equally stained her hands,
and was equally atrocious in the sight of God, as that of the
other daughter of Henry. The assumed right of dictating to
conscience, and of controlling men in religion, is a principle
equally applicable to both sisters, and the law by which the
true character of their respective proceedings is to be ascer-
tained.
The principle assumed by modern abettors of persecution
is, that the conduct of princes and prelates of former times, is
not to be held amenable to the same rule of judgment as in
modern times. This softening principle, it ought to be recal-
lected, is rarely assumed except to extenuate the guilt of early
protestants, whose acts are known to be indefensible. Do we
ever find this extenuation applied in favour of the Romish
church, and her antichristian institutions? When are the cru-
elties of Gardiner, Bonner and Mary, softened down by consi-
derations drawn from the age and circumstances in which they
inflicted their barbarities on protestants? But if the same rule
of judgment will not apply to queen Elizabeth and her bishops,
as if their proceedings had happened in more modern times,
why is not some apology admitted on behalf of other perse-
cutors, even within the precincts of the church of Rome? Is
the rule of human conduct, as given us by our Creator, and
as forming the standard of our obligation to him, variable with
the times and circumstances of the world? Whatever pleas
men may be disposed to make, there is one equal and unbend-
ing law by which all human conduct must be judged; and it
is impossible to avoid feeling suspicion, that some unworthy
influence is suffered to pervert men's judgments, when they
make such weak distinctions, and apply such softening apolo-
gies, for any class of men, at any time, or in any country, who
have punished and tormented their fellow-creatures merely for
differences in religion.
The point of inquiry, in the important case now before us,
is not which of the two sisters destroyed, on the score of reli
gion, the greater number of human beings, nor which was guil-
ty of the largest share of iniquity and blood; but whether the
328
HISTORY OF
:
one actually possessed a right which the other did not possess,
to take away the lives of her subjects, merely because their
religious opinions were unconformable to those of the state?
To affirm that one was a protestant, and sought the destruction
of error; and that the other was a papist and sought the de-
struction of truth, leaves the great question unanswered. Eli-
zabeth being a learned and enlightened protestant, ought to
have known better than to oppress men's understandings and
consciences with fire and fagot; on this account, her proceed-
ings were attended with additional atrocity: but Mary being a
blind and bigoted catholic, knew no better than to promote her
religion by murdering her subjects; and, for this reason, there
was some extenuation of guilt. While it was the very genius
of Mary's religion to commit such barbarities, and that of Eli-
zabeth's with all possible carefulness to avoid them, the pro-
ceedings of both were violent hostilities to protestantism and
humanity, to the law of nature and the word of God.
Nor will it be any satisfactory apology, in this case, to say
that Elizabeth's power was established by the laws of the land.
Mary's power was as much established by the laws of the land
as that of Elizabeth; but will that prove all her atrocities to
have been just and good? Why then should the argument be
applied in the one case, and rejected in the other? Statute
laws will not establish the right of illegitimate power, and
legally authorize acts of flagrant cruelty and injustice, even in
the supreme governor of the church. But she had taken pos-
session of the keys, and was determined that no man should
exist in her church, or under her government, who would not
bow to her ecclesiastical pleasure! It was no wonder she as-
sumed so extravagant a power, since she made this open decla-
ration to the house of commons:-"It hath been confirmed
and enacted, as the truth required, that the full power, autho-
rity, jurisdiction, and supremacy in ecclesiastical causes, which
heretofore the popes usurped and took to themselves, should be
united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm !!!"*
The queen, on this occasion, delivered her sentiments with-
out equivocation or reserve.
It will never be doubted among
protestants, whether the ecclesiastical supremacy had been
*
Strype's Whitgift, p. 260.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
329
usurped by the popes; yet it will most certainly be question-
ed whether the same kind of supremacy actually belonged to
queen Elizabeth unless, in conformity to her majesty's lofty
assumption, we are to have protestant popes, female popes,
and even popes in England, as well as at Rome.
:
A learned churchman having described some of the prin-
cipal acts of Elizabeth's potent supremacy, adds-If these are
not flagrant instances of weakness and misrule, which were not
owing to sudden gusts of passion, but to her own tyrannical
disposition, then all arbitrary power may be defended as just
and necessary. The ruling passion of this princess was to
preserve her crown, and her prerogative; and every measure
that she devised, or approved when projected by her ministers,
was subservient to these two purposes. To this we are to
place her frequent compulsive imperious treatment of the
house of commons, in open violation of the privileges of par-
liament, and the rights and liberties of the subject. To the
same concern for her prerogative, we are to place all the mea-
sures which she directed against those who scrupled conformi-
ty to the ecclesiastical establishment; and to her alone it was
owing at first, and not to her bishops, that no concession or
indulgence was granted to tender consciences. She under-
stood her prerogative, which was as dear to her as her crown
and life, but she understood nothing of the rights of con-
science; and, like her oppressive father, she would not allow
any religious opinions to be acknowledged besides her own. *
Such were the tender mercies of the Virgin Queen !
Notwithstanding the numerous occurrences which have been
related, and many others, of a similar description which might
have been added, her majesty was graciously pleased to make
the following open declaration to her last parliament " I
was never so much enticed with the glorious name of a king,
or royal authority of a queen, as delighted that God hath
made me the instrument to maintain his truth and glory, and
to defend this kingdom from peril, dishonour, tyranny, and
oppression!" Her majesty is said to have been an exact
observer of two' state maxims: "Never to force men's con-
sciences;" and "never to suffer faction to go unpunished !"
+
Warner, vol. ii.
p.
174. + D'Ewes, p. 660.
+
Echard, p. 415.
330
HISTORY OF
It ought not to be forgotten, that while queen Elizabeth
persecuted protestants at home, she ably and generously pro-
tected them abroad. In France, the duke of Guise sought
the utter extirpation of the protestant religion, and the protes-
tant ministers were commanded to depart the kingdom; when
the queen of England took them under her royal protection,
generously furnished them with money and arms in defence of
their liberties against their natural prince, and with great hu-
manity received under the wing of her protection those who
fled to England. In the Netherlands, the duke of Alva,
breathing slaughter and blood, forced vast numbers of protes-
tant subjects to relinquish their homes, and seek a sanctuary
in England. They were kindly received in this country, and,
by her majesty's permission, were allowed to settle at Norwich,
Colchester, and other places, to the unspeakable advantage of
our linen and woollen manufactures. These distressed fo-
reigners not only found a secure retreat from the storm of
persecution, but obtained a toleration or indulgence of their
presbyterian discipline and worship in their respective con-
gregations.*
The foregoing account of the royal power of Elizabeth,
cannot fail to afford great interest to every discerning protes-
tant, and every true friend to religious freedom. While we
behold those significant features in her majesty's character,
which time will not be able to obliterate, we have a clear
view of the conspicuous station in which she was placed, and
the extraordinary measures which she adopted, as well in the
permanent security, as in the original reformation of the
church. We are constrained, however, to pause here, and
make inquiry-By whom was the queen endowed with this
transcendent power? The only just reply to this question is,
that the two houses of parliament endowed her majesty with
this royal power, when they passed the famous act of supre-
macy.
Another inquiry of unquestionable importance, requires to
be answered-By whom were queen Elizabeth's two houses
of parliament invested with wonderful power and authority,
so as to be sufficiently qualified to implant it in the sovereign
* Echard, p. 338.-Strype, vol. ii. p. 284.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
331
will and pleasure of a single person? If the fond admirers of
the lenity and mildness of Elizabeth's proceedings, do not an-
swer this momentous question, on the most substantial and
satisfactory grounds, the whole fabric must moulder to pieces,
and her famous hierarchy must sink beneath its own weight.
But if the advocates of this lofty tower, whose top, like that of
Babel, aspired towards heaven, will affirm, that this boundless
power and authority naturally and necessarily existed in the
breast of the queen, by virtue of her exalted royal character;
why was she formally invested with it by act of parliament?
Or, if they affirm that it naturally and necessarily existed in
her two loyal houses, by virtue of their high official situations;
or, if they affirm that the two houses received this power and
authority by divine inspiration and directly from God, and
were, on either of these grounds, sufficiently authorized to
plant it in the sovereign and arbitrary breast of a single per-
son; they would no doubt confer a single benefit upon society
and the world at large, by proving, from clear and satisfactory
process, the truth of their allegations.
Should it, on the contrary, be absolutely impossible to
prove the one or the other of these positions; but especially
if they both stand diametrically opposed to truth, it will una-
voidably follow, that the power and authority claimed and ex-
ercised by the two houses, when they undertook to invest the
royal lady with the supreme government "in all spiritual and
ecclesiástical matters," was an unhallowed claim-a mere as-
sumption. They claimed and exercised that which did not
belong to them, or to any creatures in heaven or on earth; and
they professedly conferred that upon the royal female, which
in reality they had no right, no authority, no ability to bestow
on any mortal. It is absolutely impossible to invest any mere
creature with the supreme direction and government of reli-
gion, until, like God, he be invested with the power and au-
thority of searching, and trying, and governing the hearts of
men.
In the acceptance and exercise of this transcendant power,
queen Elizabeth only trod in the steps of her royal father.
Henry VIII. was as much the pope of England, as the sove-
reign pontiff was of Rome; and how far his daughter Eliza-
beth imitated his example, if undoubted facts contain proof,
;
332
HISTORY OF
the reader will easily judge. But why should either Henry
or Elizabeth assume such high authority in the church of
God? Why should they oppress and persecute multitudes of
their most peaceable and loyal subjects, merely because they
could not, on points of religion, believe what they believed,
and, with a good conscience, practise what they enjoined, in
things relating to the worship of God, and the salvation of
their souls? Why should the wanton cruelties of Henry be
universally detested among protestants, and those of Elizabeth
be almost universally applauded? Or, why should the barba-
rities of queen Mary be denominated bloody transactions, and
those of her royal sister laudable and salutary proceedings, for
the advancement of the reformation, and the honour of the
church of England?
Had Elizabeth imbibed the same principles, prosecuted the
same plans, and been influenced by the same spirit, as her
brother Edward, the faithful historian would have had a task
much less painful to perform, and the consequences have been
inconceivably more happy to herself and her people—to her
government and the church. She would have purified the
church of secularity, corruption, and intolerance, and have
united all the friends of the reformation, who were the great
support of her throne. It was in her power, had she been
so disposed, to have perfected the reformation, restored the
Christian church to a state of apostolic simplicity, and secured
to all her worthy subjects, their just and perfect religious
freedom. Had she directed her attention to these objects, she
would have prevented those dissensions among her protestant
subjects which continued during the whole of her reign, and
which she bequeathed as a legacy to her successors: she
would have secured the warmest affection to her person, the
most permanent harmony among her people, and the greatest
honour, glory, and happiness to the church of God.
f
SECTION III.
Ecclesiastical Subscription and other Episcopal Proceedings
subversive of liberal Principles..
THE principal legislative acts on which the reformation and
the established church were originally founded, with their
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
333
influence on the rights and liberties of the people, have been
particularly noticed. By an important clause in the act of
supremacy, her majesty was professedly invested with ability
to communicate vast power and authority to whom she pleas-
ed; and so, by these under governors, to fulfil her royal will
and pleasure as the supreme governor of the church. This
gave birth to numerous ecclesiastical courts and commissions,
which were employed as the great engines, under her majesty,
of executing the government of the political establishment.
The queen having invested the bishops and others with power
and authority, to impose oaths, subscriptions, and other bonds
of discipline, they did not fail to observe her royal instruc-
tions, and obey her sovereign will.
The first attempt of this kind, was that of archbishop Par-
ker, in the year 1560; when, in the visitation of his province,
he drew up two forms. One of them was an oath to be requir-
ed of the clergy and the patrons of livings, the tenor of which
was—“ You shall swear that you will be faithful and obedient
to the queen's majesty, her heirs and successors, to the utter-
most of your power, understanding, and learning. You shall
maintain and set forth all statutes and laws, and the religion
received by her grace, her heirs or successors, and the Injunc-
tions at this present time exhibited by her grace, her officers
and commissioners. And you shall make true presentment of
all such things as are to be presented in this visitation."
The other was a form of subscription required of all who
enjoyed ecclesiastical preferment; which consisted of the fol-
lowing declaration of the queen's supremacy, owning the Book
of Common-prayer, and her majesty's injunctions:-"We ac-
knowledge and confess the restoring again of the ancient ju
risdiction over the state ecclesiastical and spiritual of this realm
of England, to the Crown of this realm: The abolishing of
all foreign power repugnant to the same, according to an act
thereof made in the late parliament at Westminster: The ad-
ministration of the sacraments, the use and order of divine
service, in manner and form as it is set forth in the book com-
monly called, 'The Book of Common-prayer,' established by
the same: and the orders and rules contained in the Injunctions
given by the queen's majesty, and exhibited unto us in this
present visitation, to be according to the true word of God,
334
HISTORY OF
and agreeable to the doctrine and use of the primitive and
apostolic church. In witness of the premises to be true we
have unfeignedly hereunto subscribed our names.
99*
In order that the reader may perceive how far the clergy
were prepared to bear unfeigned testimony, under their hands,
that the whole of the premises was true; he must recollect,
that only two years had expired since nearly all the clergy
and people of England had been forcibly dislodged from the
vassallage of Rome, and plucked by the royal will even from
the very dregs of popery. But how the ecclesiastical rulers
could see, that the whole of what was contained in the premises
was according to the word of God, and agreeable to the doc-
trine and use of the apostolic church, posterity will no doubt
be at a loss to conceive. In which page of the New Testa-
ment of Jesus Christ do we find an exhibition of the ecclesi-
astical and spiritual jurisdiction as belonging to the crowns of
princes? Where do we find the manner and form of adminis-
tering the sacraments, and of the public service contained in
the Book of Common-prayer, announced in the words of di-
vine inspiration? In what part of the sacred volume shall we
find any thing similar to the orders and rules commanded to
be observed in her majesty's injunctions?
It is an indubitablé fact, attested by all respectable histori-
cal records, that the first propagators of Christianity, and the
primitive churches of Jesus Christ, were under the civil go-
vernment of Pagan princes, until the days of Constantine the
Great, which was three hundred years after the commencement
of the Christian era: and, throughout this long period, did
the ecclesiastical and spiritual jurisdiction belong to the crowns
of the Roman emperors? Did they prescribe to all Christians
the manner and form of administering the sacraments, and of
worshipping God? Did they give injunctions for the good
order and discipline of the churches of Christ? No man who
has examined the subject will make any such pretensions. On
the contrary, no historical fact can rest on stronger evidence,
than that, during the above period, nearly all the princes of
this world conspired against the church of God, and used their
most vigorous efforts to destroy all their Christian subjects,
* Strype's Parker, p. 77.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
335
with every trace of Christianity in their dominions. How then
could the restoring of ecclesiastical and spiritual jurisdiction to
the crown, or the legislative Prayer-book and administration
of the sacraments, or the orders and rules contained in the
queen's injunctions, be all, and in every point, "according to
the word of God?" How was it possible for all these particu-
lars to be exactly "agreeable to the doctrine," and even the
"use of the primitive and apostolic church ?" Such was the
glaring imposition and falsehood of this ecclesiastical subscrip-
tion; which could be intended only to promote a political re-
ligion, and to uphold a legislative institution.
If all the parts of this subscription had been plain and obvi-
ous truth, the imposition of it was a dangerous assumption, a
flagrant usurpation of the regal office and power of Jesus
Christ, and an open infringement on the rights and liberties
of Christians. Their rational faculties were given them by
their Creator to use and improve, to the widest possible extent,
on all sacred and divine subjects, and not to be placed in slav-
ish subjection to the coercive impositions of their fellow-crea-
tures. Every man is indispensably bound by his Creator and
his Judge to think and believe for himself, in all things per-
taining to faith and the worship of God, and no other person
can possibly do it for him; so that all impositions of subscrip-
tion are not only unwarrantable, but in direct opposition to
that which God requires at our hands. No man has ever pro-
duced sufficient credentials for imposing his religious opinions
upon me, any more than I have for imposing mine upon him.
All men stand, as to this point, on exactly the same ground.
In the year 1562, sat the famous convocation, to review the
doctrine and discipline of the church, when the forty-two arti-
cles of king Edward were reduced to "Thirty-nine," without
making any material alteration in doctrine. These articles
were subscribed by all the members of the convocation, and
required to be subscribed by all the clergy in the kingdom.
The archbishop declared, at the opening of the convocation,
that they had now an opportunity of perfecting the reforma-
tion of the church; and that the queen, and many of the no-
bility, were desirous that it should be accomplished. With
these flattering prospects, therefore, as soon as the doctrinal
articles were concluded, bishop Sandys offered a paper of ad-
336
HISTORY OF
vice concerning rites and ceremonies, recommending the abo-
lition of private baptism by women, and crossing the infant on
the forehead, which, he said, was needless and very supersti-
tious. He also recommended, that a committee might be ap-
pointed to reform the ecclesiastical laws; and that these regu-
lations might be confirmed by parliament.
On this memorable occasion, another paper was likewise
presented, signed by thirty-three of the most respectable mem-
bers, desiring a further reformation of the church; but this
not being approved, a third was introduced, containing the
following regulations: That all holy-days, except Sundays,
and the feasts relating to Christ, be abrogated. That in read-
ing the Common-prayer, the minister should turn his face to
the people, that they may hear and be edified. That the cross
in baptism may be omitted as tending to superstition. That
the posture of kneeling at the sacrament may be left to the
discretion of every ordinary. That it be sufficient for the mi-
nister in saying divine service, and ministering the sacraments,
to wear a surplice, and that ministers do this only in a comely
garment. And that the use of organs be omitted. These
propositions excited warm debates; and, upon a division, it
appeared, that forty-three approved of them, and thirty-five
were against them; but when the proxies were counted, the
scales were turned; and it was determined by a majority of
only one vote, that there should be no alteration of rites and
ceremonies. Several other papers and petitions were presented,
with a view to obtain a reformation of the discipline and go-
vernment of the church; but, notwithstanding the flattering
prospects held out by the archbishop, nothing was passed into
law; and this was the end and unfinished state of the English
reformation.*
The learned Reformers experienced a painful disappoint-
ment in the convocation, but found no method of redressing
their grievances. They were exceedingly perplexed and dis-
satisfied with the corruptions retained in the church; yet there
was no remedy within their power, only they mourned before
the Lord in secret. The bishops conceiving themselves em-
powered by the ecclesiastical canons, began to exercise their
* Strype, vol. i. p. 325–357.—Warner, vol. ii. p. 430.
1
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
337
authority by requiring the clergy of their respective dioceses
to subscribe to the liturgy, ceremonies, and discipline of the
church; which was followed by consequences the most painful
to every pious mind.*
The queen having erected the court of high commission,
archbishop Parker and his colleagues determined to reduce
the church to one uniform order, and therefore cited many of
the clergy before them, admonishing some, and threatening
others. The most celebrated divines at Oxford and other
places, who had taken an active part in the reformation, were
convened before them, some of whom they sequestered, and
others they deprived. This was a great affliction to persons
of the same faith and religion with their countrymen, who
had been sufferers and exiles with them during the persecu-
tion of queen Mary. Among these we may mention the
names of Humphrey, Sampson, Whittingham, Becon, Tur-
ner, and Coverdale, all famous in their day and generation.
The archbishop and his brethren in commission, not con-
tent with the exercise of their own authority to its fullest ex-
tent, sought the favourable assistance of the council, and
pressed with greater rigour an exact uniformity in external
ceremonies. They convened the London clergy before them
at Lambeth; and upon their appearance in open court, one
Mr. Cole, a clergyman, being placed by the side of the com-
missioners in priestly apparel, they were addressed in these
words:"My masters, and ye ministers of London, the
council's pleasure is, that ye strictly keep the unity of appa-
rel, like this man who stands here canonically habited, with a
square cap, a scholar's gown, priest-like, a tippet, and, in the
church, a linen surplice: and inviolably observe the rubric of
the Book of Common-prayer, the queen's majesty's injunc-
tions, and the book of convocation. Ye that will subscribe,
write Volo; those that will not subscribe, write Nolo. Be
brief: make no words." When some of the ministers offered
to speak, they were treated with great rudeness, and immedi-
ately interrupted with this command: “ Peace, peace; appa-
ritor, call over the churches: ye masters, answer presently
under the penalty of contempt."+
* Fuller, b. ix. p. 76. + Strype, vol. i. p. 464.-Strype's Grindal. p. 98.
VOL. I.
Z
338
HISTORY OF
At the close of this disgraceful proceeding, sixty-one pro-
mised conformity, but thirty-seven absolutely refused, who,
as the archbishop acknowledged, were the best among them.
These being immediately suspended from their ministry, and
their livings sequestered, were threatened with deprivation, if
they did not conform within three months. It was expected
that, under all this intolerance, they would have been clamor-
ous; yet they behaved throughout with great modesty and
quietness.*
On this, or a similar occasion, the celebrated John Fox was
summoned, with the rest of the London ministers, to appear
at Lambeth; when they were examined upon this question:
"Will you promise conformity to the apparel by law estab-
lished, and testify the same by the subscription of your
hands?" To prepare the way for the rest, the venerable
Martyrologist was called first, that the reputation of his learn-
ing and piety, might give the greater countenance to their
proceedings. When the commissioners required him to sub-
scribe, he declined, and, taking his Greek Testament out of
his pocket, said, "To this I will subscribe." When they
required him to subscribe to the canons, he refused, saying—
"I have nothing in the church but a prebend in Salisbury,
and much good may it do you, if you take it from me."+ The
judges at this tribunal had not sufficient courage to deprive so
celebrated a divine, who held up the ashes of Smithfield be-
fore their eyes.
The commissioners, at the same time, framed an oath of a
very extraordinary nature, by which they commanded those
clergymen who had cure of souls, to swear obedience to all the
queen's injunctions; to all letters from the lords of the privy-
council; to the injunctions of their metropolitans; to the
mandates of their bishops, archdeacons, chancellors, and their
officers; and to be patiently subject to the control of their su-
periors. By such oaths, archbishop Parker outrun the rest of
his brethren, and drove many conscientious Christians from
the church.‡
The jealous primate had his eyes fixed on the two univer-
sities; and, looking upon Cambridge as the very nursery of
* Strype's Parker, p. 215. † Fuller, b. ix. p. 76.
+ Fuller, b. ix. p. 76. Warner, vol. ii. p. 435.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
339
puritanism, he warmly recommended the chancellor to crush
the evil in the bud, by there enforcing an exact uniformity as
by law established. The university being alarmed, petitioned
their chancellor for milder measures, as we have before stated.
Those who scrupled conformity, at the same time supplicated
the chancellor, that their consciences might not be forced to
the observance of the ceremonies; and that the most painful
yoke of slavery, and exquisite torment, might not be again
imposed upon them. They reminded him, that they had not
cast away the superstitious ceremonies out of malice, vain-
glory, or any affection for popularity, out of contempt of the
laws, or any desire of innovation, but out of love to the truth.
They could call the Searcher of Hearts to witness, that herein
they sought to enjoy peace of conscience, and the true worship
of God.*
The oppressed puritans, being treated by their superiors as
if their allegiance had been questionable, were required to
make this protestation:-" I do promíse and confess before
God, that I firmly believe in my conscience that queen Eliza-
beth, my sovereign lady now reigning in England, is and
ought to be lawful queen, and so to be obeyed; notwithstand-
ing any act or sentence, that any church, synod, consistory, or
ecclesiastical assembly hath done or given, or can do or give:
and that if any say or judge the contrary, in what respect so-
ever he saith it, he erreth and teacheth error and falsehood."+
This protestation betrays the spirit of the times. There
was a large share of impertinence in this proceeding. For the
prelates knew very well, that the puritans only scrupled those
things against which their very souls revolted, and that in all
other things they obeyed the queen out of duty and affection,
even while the pressures under which they groaned were upon
them. Why then was their allegiance suspected? And, as
was actually the case, why were they placed on the same
ground, and considered in the same light, as bigoted and re-
bellious papists? Similar to this, alas! has been the unhappy
stigma cast upon the best of men in every age!
The proceedings of the ecclesiastical commissioners were
unjustifiable on every principle of reason, humanity and
+ Ibid. p. 324.
Strype's Parker, p. 196.
z 2
340
HISTORY OF
Scripture; seeing they attempted to force men to conformity
against their consciences, over which God alone has the supre-
macy. As it is not within the cognizance of mortals to govern
the conscience; so conscience is accountable to the Almighty
and to him alone, in all its operations. The puritans had
great advantage over their oppressors. Their principles and
practice were as remote as they could be from all temporal
power, worldly dignity, and secular emolument; and they
voluntarily exposed themselves to poverty, reproach, and im-
prisonment, for the sake of truth and a good conscience: while
the opposite party enjoyed splendid ecclesiastical promotion,
the smiles of the court, and great worldly wealth, but dis-
played their furious zeal for those things which never belong-
ed to the laws and kingdom of Jesus Christ.
Bishop Sandys, who had been exceedingly zealous for a
purer reformation, was now become equally zealous for the
suppression of those who sought to promote it. He addressed
two leading members of the council, calling aloud for help in
this work of piety. He signified that the metropolis would
never be quiet, till these scrupulous persons, who were esteem-
ed as gods, were removed far from the city. The people, he
said, resorted to them as in times of popery they run on pil-
grimage; but added, "if these idols, who are honoured for
saints, and greatly enriched with gifts, were removed from
hence, their honour would fall into the dust, and they would
be taken for blocks as they are. A sharp letter from her ma-
jesty, or your lordships, would be a good means in my opinion
to work quietness. Truly, my lords, it is high time to lay to
your hands, if you mind the good of God's church, or the
safety of this state !"* This prelate and most of his brethren
had suffered persecution and exile in the reign of Mary; but,
being now exalted to high posts of honour and wealth, they
forgot their former condition, and persecuted their brethren of
the same faith, who scrupled the standard of religion provided
by the state.
!”*
The oppressive treatment of the conscientious sufferers
awakened the sympathy and concern of the two houses of
parliament; therefore, in the year 1571, an act was passed,
* Strype's Whitgift, Appen. p. 20.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
341
requiring the clergy to subscribe and declare their assent to
all the articles of religion, "which only concern the confession
of the true Christian faith, and the doctrine of the sacraments.”
It appears from these words of the statute, that those articles
which related to discipline were not intended to be terms of
admission to orders or benefices; and if the queen and her
bishops had governed by this act, as they most certainly ought
to have done, this would have been a considerable alleviation
to the painful sufferers.* But the queen assumed her admir-
ed prerogative, and the bishops were servile in their compliance
with it; so that many of the clergy were deprived of their
preferments.+
The convocation which now sat, were so far from giving
ease to their own body and the rest of the clergy, that they
used their utmost efforts to increase their burdens. They had
the confidence to make new canons of discipline, going very
far beyond the statute; and by these canons the bishops were
required, not only to call in all the licenses for preaching, and
to grant new ones to those ministers whom they approved;
but also to insist upon another kind of subscription than that
prescribed by law, even to those articles which related to the
rites, order, and policy of the church, as well as to her doc-
trines. The canons failed of obtaining the royal assent; but
most of the bishops, relying on her majesty's approbation,
executed them in their respective dioceses with great punctu-
ality; suspending and depriving many eminent divines, who
scrupled not the subscription required by the statutes of the
realm.‡
This convocation gave new occasion for scrupulous persons
to complain; many of whom ventured to claim the liberty
allowed them by law, and refused the canonical subscription,
as an oppressive usurpation over their consciences. Being
turned out of their livings, they preached in other churches,
or in private houses, without license, as they found an oppor-
tunity. But the queen hearing of this deviation from estab-
lished order, immediately commanded the archbishop and his
brethren in commission not to suffer any of her subjects," to
read, pray, or preach, or minister any sacraments, in churches,
Sparrow, p. 118. + Warner, vol, ii. p. 439.
Ibid. p. 440.
342
HISTORY OF
chapels, or private places, without a license from the queen,
the archbishop, or bishop of the diocese."
The archbishop stimulated by his sovereign mistress, soon
became "very busy," and declared, "that howsoever the world
might judge, he would serve God, his princess, and her laws
in conscience, and it was high time to set about it."* His
colleagues were of the same mind. They closely adhered to
the canonical discipline; enforced conformity with great ri-
gour; and, according to the computation of a respectable his-
torian, at least one hundred ministers were deprived this year
for scrupling subscription. This was not all. The commis-
sioners, not content with exceeding the bounds thus fixed
them by law, exceeded the punishment to be inflicted, by de-
taining many of them in prison several months beyond the
term limited by statute, to the ruin of their health, and the
impoverishment of their families. It is added, that "the cru-
elties exercised by the high commissioners upon worthy divines
of the same faith, on account of subscriptions not required by
statute, fell little short of those which Bonner showed the
Reformers in the days of Mary."
The forms of subscription were intended to secure one per-
fect uniformity, yet there was an actual variation in different
dioceses; but that which most commonly prevailed was in
these words:" I acknowledge the book of articles agreed
upon by the clergy in the synod of 1563, and confirmed by
the queen's majesty, to be sound and according to the word of
God. That the queen's majesty is the chief governor, next
under Christ, of this church of England, as well in ecclesiasti-
cal as civil causes.-That in the Book of Common-prayer,
there is nothing evil or repugnant to the word of God, but
that it may well be used in this our Christian church of En-
gland.—And that as the public preaching of the word in this
church of England is sound and sincere; so the public order
in the ministration of the sacraments is consonant to the word
of God."§
Since the liberty of preaching and printing was denied,
many persons, ready to sink under their burdens, pressed the
Strype's Parker, p. 325.
Warner, vol. ii. p. 442.
+ Strype, vol. ii. p. 187.
§ Parte of a Register, p. 81.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
343
*
contrary party to a public disputation. This had been allow-
ed in the reigns of Edward and Mary, as well as in the begin-
ning of this reign; and bishop Sandys was inclined to afford
this liberty to the oppressed puritans. He sent a list of divines
whom he thought capable of conducting the controversy on
the part of the church, to certain leading members of the
council; but the queen would not permit her church and reli-
gion to be exposed to the freedom and cavils of a disputation.
Instead therefore of a conference, several learned divines were
convened before the council and the high commission, when
they underwent examinations as before an Inquisition; and,
acccording to their answers, some were suspended, and others
sent to Newgate.
The learned prelates were so exceedingly zealous to uphold
the church, that they not only went beyond the legislative
boundaries, but even exceeded in certain instances the royal
will and pleasure. One instance it may not be improper to
relate, being one of the last acts of archbishop Parker. His
grace, in the metropolitical visitation of the diocese of Win-
chester, particularly the Isle of Wight, exercised those severi-
ties which greatly injured his reputation. This island having
been chiefly a place of resort for foreign protestants, and sea-
faring men of other countries and other religious opinions, it
was judged expedient, especially for the encouragement of
commerce, not to be so strict about habits and ceremonies, as
in other places. Upon the arrival of the archbishop, without
the least demur, his grace expelled all the clergy who refused
strict conformity, and shut up their churches. The inhabi-
tants being greatly concerned about this rigour, and appre-
hensive of its fatal consequences to the island, sent their com-
plaints to the court. The bishop of Winchester was not si-
lent, but accused his grace of having examined many of his
clergy with unmerciful inquisition. On the reception of these
charges, the queen countermanded the archbishop's proceed-
ings; appointed every thing to return into the former channel;
and when the archbishop came to court, her majesty not only
received him very coldly, but declared her displeasure against
his late visitation.*
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 443, 44§.
C
344
HISTORY OF
Camden has condescended to mention the persecuted puri-
tans; but it is to charge them with the sin of petulance, and
the love of novelty: words that have no more relation to the
rights of conscience, than archbishops, archdeacons, chancel-
lors, and officials, have to apostolic Christianity. To oppose
and persecute them for conscience'-sake, was unquestionably
the worst kind of petulance. Such, indeed, was their love of
novelty, that they traced their religion to the apostolic age,
and wished to have it confined to apostolic truth; whereas the
conformity so severely enjoined was to a church not twenty
years old, separated from one of a thousand years standing.
Who then were the true novelists?
It is sufficient to make any Christian's heart bleed, and his
eyes shed floods of tears, to behold a true picture of the suf-
ferings now inflicted upon pious ministers. They were daily
cited into the spiritual courts, when their examinations were
protracted; their accusations unreasonable; and they were
generally suspended, deprived, or cast into prison. The pur-
suivants of the court were paid by the mile; the fees were ex-
orbitant, which the prisoner must pay before he was discharg-
ed; the method of proceeding was slow and vexatious. The
commissioners seldom called witnesses to prove the charges,
but usually tendered the defendant the oath ex officio, to an-
swer the interrogatories of the court, and convicted him on the
ground of his own confession. If the prisoner disowned their
proceedings, he was almost ruined by charges, and bound in
recognizances to appear whenever the court pleased. The
consciences of these ministers being known to be scrupulous,
the spiritual court-men, being strangers to such consciences,
had great advantage over them, and failed not to use them
with great rigour. They knew that these scrupulous good
men would not deny any thing with which they were charged,
if it were true; so that whether they swore or refused the
oath, their enemies got what they wanted by their inquisi-
tion, and then proceeded to convict and punish them. Nu-
merous instances, proving the truth of these representations,
might be easily selected. It was no wonder, therefore, that
archbishop Parker exclaimed in these words :-“ I under-
stand throughout the realm how the matter is taken the pu
:
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
345
ritans are justified, and we are judged to be extreme perse-
cutors."*
Queen Elizabeth was now at peace with all the world, ex-
cept her faithful subjects, the puritans, with whom she would
have no peace without caps, copes, surplices, and certain old
forms and ceremonies in use before the reformation. Her con-
duct would have been justifiable, and consistent with Christi-
anity, if she had used all charitable persuasion to bring her
subjects to her religion; but, as she suffered and even encou-
raged her bishops to harass and oppress them, for so trivial an
object—an object that was absolutely unattainable, her conduct
was an outrage upon every principle of justice and Christian-
ity, an open violation of humanity and sound policy. The
apostles and first teachers of Christianity would have disdained
to fight men with such coarse weapons, or to have contended
for such ridiculous trifles in the church of God; and if the
injunctions of princes, or the canons of prelates, had been re-
commended for the government of the churches of Christ,
they would no doubt have rejected them as absolutely unne-
cessary and unworthy of their attention: they would have lost
their lives in the conflict, rather than have suffered the laws
of Christ to be set aside, and the Christian churches to be go-
verned by the commandments of men.
On the death of archbishop Grindal in 1583, Dr. John
Whitgift was preferred to the see of Canterbury. This divine,
formerly one of the heads of the university of Cambridge, had
distinguished himself against the imposition of conformity;
after which he turned about, and became zealous in the expul-
sion of others from that seat of learning, who conscientiously
scrupled that conformity; then he wrote with great labour
and assiduity in defence of it. On his last advancement, the
queen charged him, to restore the discipline of the church,
and the established uniformity; which, through the conni-
vance of some prelates, the obstinacy of the puritans, and the
power of some noblemen, was run out of square. In obedience,
therefore, to her royal command, the new archbishop immedi-
ately published his directions to the bishops of his province, to
secure this endeared object throughout their dioceses. He
Strype's Parker, p. 389.
*
346
HISTORY OF
1
gave them instructions to suppress all reading, preaching,
praying, and catechizing in families, where any besides the
family resorted; to admit none to exercise the ministerial
function, without ordination according to the church of En-
gland; to allow none to preach or catechize who did not wear
the clerical habits, read the whole of the public service, and
administer the sacrament four times a-year; and to prohibit
all ministers preaching and exercising their ministerial func-
tion, who would not subscribe the three following articles:
"1. That the queen hath, and ought to have, the sove-
reignty and rule over all manner of persons, born within her
dominions, of what condition soever they be; and that none
other power or potentate hath, or ought to have, any power,
ecclesiastical or civil, within her realms or dominions.-2. That
the Book of Common-prayer, and of ordaining bishops, priests
and deacons, containeth in it nothing contrary to the word of
God, but may be lawfully used; and that he himself will use
the same and none other, in public prayer and administration
of the sacraments.-3. That he alloweth the book of articles,
agreed upon in the convocation holden at London in 1562,
and set forth by her majesty's authority; and that he believe
all the articles therein contained to be agreeable to the word
of God."*
The zealous primate, to show his devotion to the queen
and her church, was hurried beyond the bounds prescribed
by law; and his very first archiepiscopal act, in the imposition
of articles on the clergy, without the authority of the great
seal, or even of the convocation, placed him in great peril,
incurring the penalties of a premunire. Regardless of these
considerations, his grace imposed subscription to his three arti-
cles, with the utmost rigour upon all ministers in his first
metropolitical visitation; by which above two hundred and
thirty clergymen were suspended, most of whom were expelled
from the church. These persecuted servants of God, would
most cordially have subscribed to the first and third articles;
but they could not subscribe, that the book of Common-prayer
contained nothing contrary to the word of God; because in
that book they found many things repulsive to their under-
*Strype's Whitgift, p. 115.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
347
standings, offensive to their consciences, and at variance with
the Scriptures.
These honest sufferers, having the common feelings of hu-
man nature, could not help groaning under this treatment as
a sore tribulation. They laid open their wounds and com-
plaints to the queen, the archbishop, the lords of the council,
and the parliament; but without success. The proceedings of
the archbishop and several of his brethren, produced universal
consternation; and the inhabitants of the vacant parishes sent
their complaints to the treasurer and the council: but, to de-
stroy the effect of these applications, the archbishop informed
the council, that the cause of the clergy did not at all belong
to them, and that he could not discharge his duty to the
queen, unless he might proceed without interruption.
The primate was, however, convinced of one error. He
presently found that his metropolitical jurisdiction was insuf-
ficient to accomplish his purpose; but, having a remedy near
at hand, he applied to the queen for a new commission, which
her majesty readily granted. In this royal grant, the queen
is said to have exceeded the power with which she was invest-
ed by law; and the proceedings of the commissioners were,
for the most part, contrary to the act of submission, contrary
to the statutes of the realm, and little better than a spiritual
inquisition.*
It ought to be recollected, that any parishioner, out of ma-
lice against his minister, might inform the commissioners by
letter that he was a suspected person, after which a pursui-
vant, being paid ten-pence a mile, was sent to summon him
before the spiritual tribunal, when he was cast into prison till
the next court day. Upon his appearance at the bar, he was
required to take the oath ex officio, to answer all questions
which they might be inclined to propose; and, by this iniqui-
tous process, he was forced into an accusation of himself, or
his nearest relations and friends. He was not allowed to re-
ceive any previous information of the interrogatories, nor to
have a copy of his own answers; and if he were not convicted
upon his confession, they never cleared him upon his oath. If
they could not convict him upon any statute, they had recourse
Warner, vol. ii. p. 4.53, 154.
348
HISTORY OF
1
to some old obsolete popish law, to their own canons, or the
queen's injunctions; and the prisoner had very seldom any
previous knowledge of the points upon which he was to be tri-
ed, or how to make his defence.*
The suffering puritans approached their superiors with
prayers and supplications, which would have moved any hearts
except those of stone. The silenced ministers of Kent pre-
sented their humble supplication to the convocation, which
they concluded in these words:
"We seek not, the Lord being witness, to deface the state
of our church, nor take any pleasure to discover the imperfec-
tions of it; whose true honour, happy estate, and holy peace,
we wish more than any thing in the world; and desire that
these things may be concealed from the common enemy, and
never heard of at Rome nor at Rheims; according as it is.
said: Tell it not in Gath; Let it not be heard in Askalon!"
But upon such necessities and extremities into which some of
us have been brought, and especially which are endured by
the poor and desolate churches; wherein we have some time
laboured to our power faithfully to serve the Lord in the sin-
cerity of his word, and now are left without any preaching
minister among them, which woundeth the soul of our soul,
and our most secret spirit: we are constrained modestly to lay
open the sores and wounds thereof before your reverend synod,
of whom in all duty and reason we are chiefly to hope to re-
ceive some comfort and relief: that if there be any Balm in
Gilead, and any Physician in all Israel, our infected church,
and the daughter of our people may be healed."+
<
These applications proved ineffectual. The archbishop
and his colleagues frustrated every generous attempt to obtain
redress, and even plunged the supplicants into greater difficul-
ties than those under which they already laboured. To accom-
plish this, his grace drew up twenty-four articles for the ser-
vice of the high commission, which were sufficient to entangle
and ruin all the honest men in the kingdom. The lord trea-
surer Burleigh having read these articles, and beheld the exe-
cution they had done upon the clergy, wrote thus to the arch-
bishop:
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 455.
+
+
+ Defence of Ministers, p. 79, 80.
+ Strype's Whitgift, p. 176-183.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
349
"I am sorry to trouble you so often; but I am more trou-
bled myself, not only with many private petitions of ministers,
recommended from persons of credit, as peaceable persons
in
their ministry, and yet are greatly troubled by your grace and
your colleagues in commission; but I am daily charged by
counsellors and public persons with neglect of duty, in not
staying these your grace's proceedings so vehement and so ge-
neral against ministers and preachers; that the papists are
thereby generally encouraged, ill-disposed subjects animated,
and the queen's safety endangered.-I have seen an instru-
ment of twenty-four articles, of great length and curiosity,
formed in a Romish style, to examine all manner of ministers,
and to be executed ex officio mero.-I find them so curiously
penned, so full of branches and circumstances, that I think
the Inquisitors of Spain use not so many questions to com-
prehend and to trap their prey. I know your canonists can
defend every particle; but, surely, this judicial and canonical
sifting of poor ministers is not to edify or reform. In charity,
I think they ought not to answer to all these nice points, ex-
cept they were very notorious offenders in papistry, or heresy.
I write with the testimony of a good conscience. I desire the
peace
of the church. I desire concord and unity in the exer-
cise of religion. But I conclude, according to my simple
judgment, this kind of proceeding is too much savouring of
the Romish Inquisition; and is a device to seek for offenders,
rather than to reform them. If those poor ministers should
in some few points have any scrupulous conceptions meet to
be removed, this is not a charitable way to send them to an-
swer to your common register, upon so many articles at one
instant, without any instruction from your register, whose of
fice is only to receive their answers; by which the parties are
subject to condemnation, before they are taught their error.
I have willed them not to answer these articles, except their
consciences may suffer them.”*
The archbishop wrote a tedious answer to the treasurer's
letter, professedly in vindication of his articles and proceed-
ings; to which the treasurer returned a short, but smart reply:
That after reading his grace's long answer, he was not satisfied
* Strype's Whitgift, Appen. p. 63, 64.
350
HISTORY OF
:
upon the point of seeking by examination to have ministers
accuse themselves, and then punish them for their own con-
fessions. He said, "I will not call your grace's proceedings
rigorous or captious, but I think they are scarcely charitable."
He, therefore, left his grace to deal with his friend Mr. Bayne,
as he thought most proper; and concluded by adding" But
when by examination it is only meant to sift him with twenty-
four articles, I have cause to pity the poor man."*
These worthy efforts of the lord treasurer were followed by
those of the lords of the council, who took the case of the dis-
tressed ministers into serious consideration, and sent a sharp
rebuke to archbishop Whitgift and bishop Aylmer, the sub-
stance of which was-That they had received many complaints
from various counties, of proceedings against a great number
of ecclesiastical persons; some parsons, some vicars, and some
curates, but all preachers; some of whom they had suspend-
ed, and others they had deprived: but that they had taken no
notice of these things, hoping their lordships would have stay-
ed their proceedings, especially against such as earnestly in-
structed the people against the errors of popery. That they
had lately received complaints of great numbers of zealous
and learned preachers who were suspended from their cures;
that there was no preaching, prayers, or sacraments in the va-
cant places; that, in some places, the persons appointed to
succeed them, had neither good learning, nor good name, but
were drunkards and of filthy life; and that, in other places, a
great number of persons occupying cures were notoriously
unfit, some for lack of learning, and others chargeable with
enormous crimes: as, drunkenness, filthiness of life, gaming at
cards, haunting of alehouses, &c. against whom they heard of
no proceedings. They, therefore, in the discharge of their
duty, earnestly recommended their lordships to take these
lamentable evils into charitable consideration: that the people
of the realm might not be deprived of their pastors, being dili-
gent, learned, and zealous, though they might in their con-
sciences, but not in wilfulness, seem doubtful in some points
of mere ceremony. And they concluded by expressing the
gladness they should feel on hearing of their lordships adopt-
ing some proper remedy against these enormities.†
Strype's Whitgift, p. 160.
+ Ibid. p. 165, 166.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
351
These applications were liberal, founded on the principles
of religion and humanity; and, though unsuccessful, they dis-
covered a disposition to oppose the overwhelming spiritual
despotism, and showed how much greater regard they had for
genuine religion, than for superstitious ceremonies. The arch-
bishop did not treat all these honourable applicants with total
inattention, as appears from the words of one who could not
be tempted to misrepresent any fact to the prejudice of his
character. This, says he, was the constant custom of Whit-
gift: if any lord or lady sued for favour to any nonconformist,
he would profess how glad he was to serve them, and gratify
their desires, assuring them for his part, that all possible kind-
ness should be indulged to them; but he would remit nothing
of his rigour. Thus he never denied any great man's desire,
and yet never granted it; pleasing them for the present with
general promises, but still adhered to his own resolution
whereupon the nobility ceased making any further application
to him, knowing them to be ineffectual.*
:
The high commission, instead of exercising a greater degree
of lenity, began about this time to extend its power farther
than at any former period, and to inflict heavier penalties on
supposed offenders. This roused the friends of liberal prin-
ciples to write and publish books in defence of the sufferers,
exposing the intolerance of those in power; and some even
questioned whether the court was warranted by law, while
others taxed the proceedings of the bishops as exceeding their
commission. Their proceeding ex officio, against all whom
they were pleased to suspect, and their requiring such persons
to take an oath to answer their impertinent interrogatories,
was conceived to be unjust, and nothing less than compelling
a supposed criminal to discover what his judges did not know,
and what was penal against himself.+
The nation was now in danger of universal spiritual slavery.
Prompt and active measures were taken, especially by the
archbishop, for a total suppression of the remaining freedom
of the press. He complained to the queen of the liberty that
was taken by many persons of publishing their religious opi-
nions; upon which he obtained a memorable decree in the star
* Fuller, b. ix. p. 218.
+ Ibid. p. 182, 183.
352
HISTORY OF
1
!
1
1
1
chamber: That there should be no printing presses in any pri-
vate places, nor in any part of the kingdom besides London
and the two universities; and these to be allowed by the license
of the archbishop, or the bishop of London. That all printers
should be proposed to the ecclesiastical commissioners, and
none be allowed the practice but those whom they approved.
That no book should be printed unless it was perused and ap-
proved by the archbishop or bishop of London. That if any
person willingly printed, sold, or bound any book against the
form and meaning of any statute of the realm, or any of the
queen's injunctions, or any letters patents, commissions or pro-
hibitions, such persons should suffer three months imprison-
ment; and that the wardens of the stationers' company might
search for all such books, and seize them to her majesty's use.
*
This remarkable decree was required "to be duly and effec-
tually executed." Was there ever an instance like this, when
so much vassallage and blindness was attempted to be impos-
ed upon an enlightened nation? The subjects of the renowned
Elizabeth were thus prohibited from making known through
the medium of the press, any religious opinion, any existing
corruption in religion, or any grievous burden under which
the nation groaned, without the regular and formal approba-
tion of their right reverend fathers. The nation was now in
a fair way to retrace its former barbarism and slavery; and we
may defy the annals of popery itself, to produce a more fla-
grant encroachment on the rights of Christians, or a more de-
testable attempt to enslave a nation to the caprice and tyranny
of the prelates. These usurpations might pass before human
nature began to behold and claim its native rights; but such
iniquitous impositions, when only found on the page of his-
tory, will awaken the warmest abhorrence in every enlightened
mind.
•
The ecclesiastical governors did not confine their oppressive
jurisdiction to booksellers, bookbinders, and printing presses,
to the total suppression of every sentiment that was unconge-
nial with their own views or interests; but which is most re-
markable, they followed authors into their private studies, and
imperiously commanded them to lay down their pens. It will
*
Strype's Whitgift, p. 223.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
353
be proper here to gratify the reader with one remarkable in-
stance, affording an instructive lesson to posterity.
The famous Rhemish translation of the New Testament,
with numerous annotations, was published about this time,
and, being sent to England, was industriously dispersed
through the country. It was considered by all true protes-
tants as a book of very dangerous tendency; and, being de-
signed to promote the errors, superstitions, and iniquities of
popery, it was the opinion of the learned, that both the trans-
lation and the notes ought to be answered by the ablest pen
that could be procured; and no man in the kingdom was
thought so well qualified for the undertaking as the learned
and laborious Cartwright. He did not rush hastily upon this
great work, which required vast labour and erudition. His
sufficiency was universally acknowledged, and his zeal for the
true protestant reformation could never be doubted; yet his
great modesty and humility would not suffer him to enter
upon it, until he was constrained by the numerous and urgent
entreaties of others. Several persons of great authority and
influence at court pressed him to engage in so laborious and
honourable a service: there was nothing wanting to draw his
attention and encourage him in this labour of love. The two
famous courtiers, the earl of Leicester and Sir Francis Wal-
singham, made particular application to him, and earnestly
entreated him to engage in this important service of the church
of God.* The latter of these great statesmen, who in this
affair, as in most others, was accounted the very mouth and
hand of the queen, sent Mr. Cartwright one hundred pounds.
towards the expense, with assurance of such further assistance
as might be found necessary.†
Mr. Cartwright's celebrity as a scholar and a divine being
universally acknowledged, he received affectionate and press-
ing invitations to encounter the famous popish champion, not
only from the reverend and learned ministers of Suffolk and of
the city of London, but also from the most celebrated scholars
and divines in the university of Cambridge. Having received
all these honourable solicitations, he was induced at length to
enter upon the laudable and arduous undertaking; and hav-
* Strype's Whitgift, p. 253.
VOL. I.
+ Clark's Lives annexed to Martyr. p. 19.
A a
S
354
HISTORY OF
$
ing laboured with all diligence, night and day, for the space
of three or four years, and having proceeded to the book of
Revelation, archbishop Whitgift, to the great wonder and re-
gret of all learned protestants, and the amazement of posteri-
ty, authoritatively forbade him proceeding any further in the
work !*
It is impossible to learn how this tyrannical measure belong-
ed to Whitgift's archiepiscopal cognizance and authority, or
how it pertained to any part of his ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
What right, or even pretension of right, could he have to
trouble himself about that which Mr. Cartwright was writing
against the papists in his own private study? Who can help
wondering at the haughty and troublesome humour of this
tyrannical prelate? Mr. Cartwright knew by painful experi-
ence, that the authority and intolerance of Lambeth were
much more formidable than all the learning and arguments of
the Rhemists; therefore he meekly obeyed the prohibition,
and laid aside the undertaking. But surely the annals of po-
pery
will never furnish a similar instance of despotic infamy
and wickedness, and of open outrage on the indubitable right
of every man using his own pen in defence of the protestant
religion, and for the benefit of his fellow-creatures. This was
usurping a kind of jurisdiction not inferior to that of the Ro-
man pontiff; so that archbishop Whitgift, who claimed and
exercised it, could not be surprised when he was sometimes.
styled, "The Pope of Lambeth."
SECTION IV.
Occurrences more favourable to the just Claims of Christians.
THE pious reader has with grief beheld the melancholy events
related in the foregoing pages. When bigoted catholics per-
secute and destroy protestants, it is only what may be expect-
ed as the natural tendency of their principles: but when pro-
testants pour vengeance upon their fellow-protestants, merely
because they cannot measure their faith and practice by the
standard which they have been pleased to set up, or because
Strype's Whitgift, p. 253, 254.-Fuller, b. ix. p. 171.
*
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
355
they wish to believe and worship God according to their own
views of divine revelation, it cannot fail to stamp the worst
kind of infamy on the protestant profession, and awaken the
opposite feelings of pity and abhorrence in every liberal mind.
Had we been unacquainted with the awful depravity of hu-
man nature, and had not the facts rested upon the most re-
spectable authorities, we could not have believed the melan-
choly tale.
1
In tracing the groans of liberty, and the triumphs of intole-
rance, during the various stages of the protestant reformation,
the faithful historian finds himself opposed by common fame,
prevailing ignorance, and inveterate prejudice. Placed in this
situation, he is compelled to renounce the old trodden path,
and to expose, as in the light of day, the antichristian usurpa-
tions and abominations-with pleasing anticipations that truth
will eventually triumph over error, and liberal sentiments in
the end gain a glorious conquest over persecution and intole-
rance. With these delightful anticipations, though mingled
with the deepest sorrow, we have rehearsed this tale of woe:
but, with greater pleasure, we now proceed to relate occur-
rences of a more gratifying nature-occurrences as honour-
able to human nature, as they were favourable to the just
rights of mankind, the prosperity of religion, and the welfare
of society.
Throughout the arduous conflict of this long reign, God
raised up many
up many learned and able advocates of truth and mo-
deration; who, notwithstanding the intolerance of those in
power, pleaded with invincible courage for a purer reforma-
tion, and greater freedom to the church of God. Their views
of religious liberty were far from being matured; yet, even
Hume, whose prejudices were strong against them, was con-
strained to acknowledge, when speaking of the oppressions of
Elizabeth," that the precious spark of liberty had been kin-
dled, and was preserved by the Puritans alone; and to this
sect," he adds, "whose principles appeared so frivolous, and
habits so ridiculous, the ENGLISH OWE THE WHOLE FREEDOM
OF THEIR CONSTITUTION. This is certainly no common
eulogium.
99*
Hume's Hist. vol. v. p. 134.
A a 2
356
HISTORY OF
The generous and dignified sentiments of the first Re-
formers, at home and abroad, have been already related. Dr.
Lawrence Humphrey, an exile in the reign of queen Mary,
and one of the most celebrated divines under queen Elizabeth,
wrote on this occasion a most affectionate letter to the bishops,
in which he boldly expostulates with them upon their unca-
tholic proceedings, and pleads hard for a better reformation of
the Christian church, addressing them as follows:
"The Gospel requires Christ to be openly preached, pro-
fessed, and glorified; but, alas! a man qualified with inward
gifts, for want of outward shows in matters of ceremony, is
punished; and a man only outwardly conformable, and in-
wardly unfurnished, is exalted. The painful preacher, for
his labour, is beaten; the unpreaching prelate offending, goes
free. The learned man without his cap, is afflicted; the man
with his cap, yet unlearned, is not touched. Is not this a di-
rect breach of God's laws? Is not this the way of the phari-
sees? Is not this to wash the outside of the cup, and leave the
inside uncleansed? Is not this to prefer mint and anise, to
faith, and judgment, and mercy? Is not this preferring man's
traditions, before the ordinance of God? Is not this an evi-
dent disorder in the school of Christ? And hath not this
posterous order a woe connected with it?
pre-
"To wear a surplice, a cope, or a cornered cap, is, as you
take it, an accidental thing, a device only of man; and, as we
say, a doubt or question in divinity. As those substantial
points are in all places of this realm nearly neglected, the of-
fenders are either not at all or but little rebuked, and yet the
transgressors have no colour of conscience; so it is a sin and
shame to proceed against us first, especially as we have a rea-
sonable defence of our doings. Charity, my lords, would first
have taught us; equity would first have spared us; brotherly-
kindness would have warned us; pity would have pardoned
us, if we had been found transgressors. God is my witness,
that I think honourably of your lordships, esteeming you as
brethren, and reverencing you as lords and masters of the con-
gregation. Alas! then, why have you not some good opinion
of us? Why do you trust known adversaries, and mistrust
your brethren? We confess one faith of Jesus; we preach
one doctrine; we acknowledge one ruler upon earth: in all
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
357
these things we are of your judgment. Shall we then be used
thus for the sake of a surplice? Shall brethren persecute bre-
thren for a forked cap, devised for singularity by our enemy?
Shall we fight for the pope's coat, now that his head and his
body are banished out of the land? Shall the labourers, for
lack of this furniture, lack their wages, and the churches their
preaching? Shall we not teach, and exercise our talents, as
God hath commanded us? My lords, before this take place,
consider the cause of the church; the triumphs of antichrist;
the laughter of Satan; the sighing and sorrowing of multi-
tudes; the misery and conclusion of the tragedy.
“I write with zeal, without proof of my matter at present,
but not without knowledge of it, nor without grief of mind.
God move your spirits at this time to fight against flesh and
blood, yea, against innovation, tradition, and the canon law,
which are now principally regarded and rewarded. Speak, I
humbly beseech you, to the queen's majesty, to the chancel-
lor, to Mr. Secretary and the rest, that these proceedings may
sleep; that England may understand your zealous minds to-
wards the worship of God; your love to the poor well-wishers;
your hatred to the professed enemies; your unity in true con-
formity: the other things are neither needful, nor were they
ever exacted in any good age. So shall the little flock be
bound to you: so shall the great Shepherd be good to you.
The infatuated zeal for unprofitable ceremonies, supersti-
tious forms of worship, and the burdensome imposition of
them, drove many pious Christians to a total separation from
the national worship, when they held their private assemblies,
as before related. These servants of God having disallowed
all human coercion in religion, entered into a voluntary agree-
ment to strengthen the hands, and comfort the hearts of their
brethren; for which purpose, they formed themselves into se-
parate and distinct religious societies, according to the apos-
tolic institutions. These voluntary associations were formed
on principle, and cemented by love, their respective members
making an open protestation in the presence of their brethren,
the substance of which is here presented to the reader's atten-
tive consideratiou.
* Fresh Suit, part
ii.
p. 269.
*יי
358
HISTORY OF
"Being thoroughly persuaded in my conscience, by the
word and Spirit of God, that the relics of antichrist are abo-
minable in the sight of the Lord; also, that by the power,
mercy and goodness of God, I am escaped the pollution of
these detestable traditions, through the knowledge of our
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ; and that, by the working of
the Spirit of Christ, I have joined in prayer and hearing
God's word, with those who have not yielded to these idola-
trous inventions, notwithstanding the danger of not coming to
my parish church; therefore I return not again to them who
received the marks of the Romish beast:-Because of God's
commandment to avoid them, and to go on to perfection.-
Because I will not beautify with my presence those filthy
rags, which bring the heavenly word of God into bondage.
and slavery.-Because I would not communicate with other
men's sins. Because they give offence both to preacher and
hearers. Because they gladden and encourage the papists in
their errors. Because they persecute our Saviour Jesus Christ
in his members, and reject the faithful labourers whom the
Lord hath sent into his harvest.-Because the popish gar-
ments are now become idols, being exalted above the word of
God.—Because they ought to renounce their idolatrous gar-
ments.
"I have, moreover, joined myself to the church of Christ;
wherein I have yielded myself subject to the discipline of
God's word: which, if I should now forsake, and join myself
to these traditions, I should forsake the union, by which I am
knit to the body of Christ, and join myself to the discipline of
antichrist. For in the established church there is no other
discipline than that which hath been maintained by the anti-
christian pope of Rome; whereby the church of God hath al-
ways been afflicted, and is still afflicted at this day."*
The zealous advocates of freedom were sometimes too rigid
in their principles; but, in general, they espoused the same
faith, worship and discipline as all the protestant churches on
the continent; so that while they were with glaring absurdity
stigmatized sectaries and schismatics in England, they were
esteemed orthodox and religious protestants by all the other
樂
​Strype's Parker, p. 435.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
359
reformed churches. The sober part of our countrymen were
very far from imbibing these erroneous and degrading notions.
In the house of commons were many learned and able advo-
cates of a better reformation, and a larger share of Christian
freedom; who, notwithstanding the powerful oppositions, ven-
tured upon those measures, and defended those principles,
with that zeal and courage which clearly discovered the spark
of liberty still in their breasts. These true protestant senators
and Christian philanthropists, stung with grief at the intole-
rance of the times, could not discern any religion in a surplice,
a square cap, a scholar's gown, or in any mere ceremonies of
worship; while the spiritual courts, pluralities, and nonresi-
dences were repugnant to their very souls.
In the year 1571, no less than seven bills were brought
into the house of commons, with a view to redress existing
grievances; upon the order of ministers, the residence of pas-
tors, corrupt presentations, leasing of benefices, and similar
abuses. These bills were well received in the commons; and
upon the prudential measure of a conference with the lords,
the queen sent her royal message, that though "she approved
of their good endeavours, she would not suffer these things to
be ordered by parliament." Not intimidated with this dis-
graceful message, they persevered in their public discussions;
and having passed two of the bills, they sent them up to the
lords; where a majority of the lords, among whom were some of
the bishops, acknowledged the existing abuses, and the neces-
sity of a further reformation; yet the bills were both rejected.*
Another bill having been introduced into the lower house,
to compel her majesty's subjects to attend the public service
of the church, and to receive the holy communion, it was
firmly opposed as being subversive of the rights of conscience,
and extending beyond the cognizance of man. One of the mem-
bers declared, that no human law ought to force conscience,
which is not under the jurisdiction of mortals.
"The con-
science," said he, "is invisible, and not in the power of the
greatest monarch on earth; its limits are not to be straitened,
or its bounds to be prescribed, by any policy of man.” With
respect to forcing men to come to church, and to receive the
*D'Ewes, p. 185, 302.
?
360
HISTORY OF
*
communion, the one was to him incomprehensible, and the
other he disallowed. There was, he said, no example in the
primitive church of commanding, but only of exhorting to the
communion. St. Ambrose excommunicated Theodosius, and
forbade him the communion, because he was wicked; but for
us to command men to come who are wicked, is too strange,
and without precedent.*
Notwithstanding her majesty's prohibition, the house of
commons ventured to present the ecclesiastical grievances at
the foot of the throne, and to inform her highness, that, for
want of Christian discipline, great numbers of ministers of in-
famous lives were pluralists and nonresidents; while those en-
dowed with abilities, and who were willing to labour for the
welfare of souls, were cast aside as useless; by which multi-
tudes of her majesty's subjects were in danger of perishing for
lack of knowledge. They complained of the great increase of
popery, atheism, and licentiousness, by which the protestant
religion was in imminent danger; and then add-“ Being
moved with pity towards so many thousands of your majesty's
subjects, daily in danger of being lost for want of the food of
the word and true discipline; we, the commons in this present
parliament assembled, are humbly bold to open the griefs, and
to seek the salving of the sores of our country; and to beseech
your majesty, seeing the same is of so great importance, that
the parliament at this time may be so long continued, so that
by good and godly laws, provision may be made for the re-
formation of these great and grievous wants and abuses, and
by such other means as to your majesty shall seem meet, a
perfect redress of the same may be obtained: by which the
number of your majesty's faithful subjects will be increased,
popery will be destroyed, the glory of God will be promoted,
and your majesty's renown will be recommended to all poste-
rity."+
The queen broke up the parliament without taking the least
notice of this supplication, seeing it was inconsistent with her
supremacy to be at all influenced in matters of religion by the
opinions or petitions of her subjects; yet the members of the
house declared themselves on this occasion, to be the patrons
* D'Ewes, p. 177.
+ Morris' MS. Collec. p. 92, 93.
น
361
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
of liberty and reformation, and discovered those principles
which every liberal mind will admire. These proceedings
were happily calculated to promote useful knowledge, and to
improve the state of the nation.
In the next parliament, Mr. Wentworth made a celebrated
speech in the commons, exposing her majesty's encroachment
on their rights and privileges, and defending liberty of speech
in the free discussion of all subjects which came before them,
addressing the house as follows:
"There was a message, Mr. Speaker, brought the last ses-
sion into this house, that we should not deal in any matters
of religion, but first receive them from the bishops. Surely
this was a doleful message; for it was as much as to say,
Sirs, you shall not deal in God's cause; no, you shall in no
wise seek to advance his glory and in recompence of your
unkindness, God in his wrath will visit your doings.' I assure
you, Mr. Speaker, there were divers of this house who said
with grievous hearts, immediately upon receiving that mes-
sage, that God in justice would not prosper the session; for
that counsel which cometh not in God's name, cannot prosper.
The great and mighty God, whose name is the Lord of Hosts,
great in counsel and infinite in thought, and who is the only
good Director of all hearts, was the last session shut out of
doors; which caused many faithful hearts to burst with grief,
and all papists, traitors to God and the queen, to laugh the
whole parliament to scorn.
"God did not vouchsafe that his Holy Spirit should, all
that session, descend upon the bishops; so that during that
session nothing was done to the advancement of his glory. I
have heard of old parliament-men, that the banishment of the
pope and popery, and the restoration of true religion, had
their beginning in this house; and not from the bishops: also
I have heard that few laws for religion had their foundation
from them; and I do surely think, before God I speak it,
that the bishops were the cause of that doleful message, and I
will show you what moveth me to think so.
In the last par-
liament, I was sent with some others, to the bishop of Canter-
bury, for the articles of religion that were then passed this
house; when he asked us, why we had put out of the book,
the articles for homilies, consecrating bishops, and such like?
1
362
HISTORY OF
<
because we were so occupied in other
time to examine how far they agreed
What,' said he, surely you mistook
the matter: you will in those things refer yourselves wholly to
us." C
No, by the faith I bear to God,' said I, we will pass
nothing before we understand what it is; for that were only
to make you popes: make you popes who will,' said I; for
we will make you none.'
<
6
C
Surely, Sir,' said I,
matters, that we had no
with the word of God.'
'
6
"The accepting of such messages, and taking them in good
part, is highly offensive to God, and is the acceptation of the
breach of the liberties of this honourable house. For is it not
the same thing to say, 'Sirs, you shall deal in such matters
only, as to say, you shall not deal in such matters ?' So we
might as well have fools and flatterers in the house, as men of
sound wisdom, grave judgment, and sincere consciences; for
they being taught what they shall do, can give their consent
as well as others. He that hath an office, saith St. Paul, let
him wait on his office, or give diligent attendance to it. It is
a special part of our duty and office, Mr. Speaker, to maintain
the freedom of speech; for hereby good laws are made, which
are for the promotion of God's glory, and for the preservation
of the prince and state."*
The suffering clergy, despairing of relief from every other
quarter, made application in 1584, to the house of commons.
We are told, that on the day of the parliament's assembling,
their agents were soliciting at the door of the house all the day,
and making interest in the evening at the chambers of parlia-
ment-men: nor would they have failed being made easy, if the
queen would have taken the advice of her two houses.† Three
petitions were presented to the commons in one day, to restore
liberty to faithful ministers, to secure their continuance in their
functions, and to obtain a supply of able men for the bereaved
churches. Dr. Turner, at the same time, reminded the house of
a bill and book which he had formerly offered to their considera-
tion, concerning the subscription of the clergy; which tended
only, as he conceived, to the glory of God, the safety of her
majesty, and the welfare of the nation. He moreover requested
that it might be adopted by act of parliament, and that no eccle-
+ Warner, vol. ii. p. 456.
* D'Ewes, p. 236-241.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
363
siastical jurisdiction might extend farther than to heresy and
immorality, as condemned in Scripture. The book chiefly relat-
ed to the qualification and admission of ministers, to the re-
straint of the high commission, to the censure of excommuni-
cation, to the permission of religious exercises, and to take
away pluralities and nonresidence; and was by the advice of
the house reduced to sixteen articles; which the commons
submitted to the consideration of the upper house, that they
might be jointly exhibited by way of humble suit to the queen.
But the lords, especially the bishops, opposed the design.
Archbishop Whitgift said he could not but wonder, that wise
men should consent to the exhibition of these articles, some of
which tended only to needless innovation, liberty, and the
overthrow of the ecclesiastical government; against which he
was much opposed, both from conscience, and his duty to the
church. Her majesty, he said, disliked such innovations;
and, in his opinion, she acted graciously and wisely, since the
laws and orders already established could not justly be im-
peached; therefore, notwithstanding the hard opinion which
some persons had of him, he could not help exerting himself
to the uttermost, to confirm her majesty in these sentiments.*
The worthy endeavours of the commons being thus defeated,
they introduced several bills, "to clip the wings of the bishops,
to weaken or destroy their courts," and to ease the subjects of
their present intolerable burdens. One of these bills was
against pluralities and nonresidence, and for the allowance of
the subjects' appeal from the bishops' courts, to a higher tri-
bunal. The bill passed the house without difficulty; but was
warmly opposed in the lords, particularly by the two archbi-
shops and the bishop of Winchester, who affirmed that nei-
ther cathedrals, nor professors in the universities, could subsist
without them so by their episcopal influence, the bill was
cast out.
This spiritual conquest did not frighten the commons from
their principles, or intimidate them in their munificent and
worthy efforts. They resumed the debate on the other bills,
with a view to diminish the exorbitant power of the spiritual
courts, and to restrain the almost boundless episcopal jurisdic-
'Strype's Whitgift, p. 176–183.
*
364
HISTORY OF
tion. One of them was to require the archbishops and bishops
to take an oath in the courts of Westminster, that in their
proceedings they would do nothing contrary to the laws of the
land; another was to reduce their fees; a third for liberty to
marry at all times of the year; a fourth for reforming church
discipline; a fifth upon the qualification of ministers. Two of
these bills without difficulty passed the house; which so alarm-
ed the archbishop, that he addressed a letter next morning to
the queen, informing her of their disobedience to her royal
orders. He signified that notwithstanding the charge which
her highness had lately given to the lower house of parliament,
not to discuss subjects relating to the church, they had the
preceding day passed a bill concerning the ministry! Besides
other inconveniences, he said, that if this bill should be once
passed by parliament, it could not in future be altered without
parliament, adding-" whereas if it be but as a canon from us
by your majesty's authority, it may be observed or altered at
your pleasure. They have also passed a bill," said he, giv-
ing liberty to marry at all times of the year, contrary to the
old canons continually observed among us; and containing
matter which tendeth to the slander of the church, as having
hitherto maintained an error."*
56
The reason last mentioned was very extraordinary from the
pen of a protestant archbishop, and the former, relating to the
constant observance of the old popish canons, was certainly
very little better. The queen was so exceedingly gratified
with this advice, which would reserve the power of making
laws for the church in her own hands, that she immediately
sent a message to the commons, reprimanding them for en-
croaching upon her supremacy, and for attempting to do what
she had forbidden, with which she was highly offended: com-
manding the speaker at the same time, "to see that no bills
concerning reformation in ecclesiastical causes should be there
exhibited, and if they were exhibited, not to read them !!Ӡ
Her majesty's arbitrary measures did not prevent her sub-
jects from breathing English air, from thinking and judging
for themselves, or from their continued zealous efforts to ob-
tain deliverance from their intolerable burdens. They, there-
Strype's Whitgift, p. 157, 198. + Warner, vol. ii. p. 458.
*
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
365
fore, presented "A supplication to their sovereign lady queen
Elizabeth, to the lords of her most honourable privy-council,
and to the high court of parliament;" in which they declared,
that great numbers of faithful pastors were silenced from
preaching, and that they had none to break unto them the
bread of life, or to teach them the holy word of God, as by
the laws of God and the realm was commanded, further ad-
dressing them in these words:
"We do most humbly beseech your highness and honours,
to call to your remembrance, that they who do well should
receive praise and comfort of the powers which bear the sword
of God. And we humbly beseech you to understand, that
this hard handling of our good pastors brings us into great
distresses. Also that it may please you to receive information
of our poor estate, who feel the sore and smart of it. For
when our bishops deprive our preaching pastors of their liv-
ings, and stop their mouths, so that they cannot teach us the
will of the Lord God Almighty; they take upon them to do
that for which they must give an account to God; whose mi-
nisters they forbid to serve his divine Majesty. And while
they think hereby to punish our good pastors, they indeed
stick us with the dart of death. For they take from us the
bread of life, and leave us destitute of instruction and comfort
in God: and we humbly beseech the Lord God to judge this
cause according to his good pleasure.
"We have, indeed, great need of those pastors who can
and will truly teach us the way, of the Lord. We have no
need at all of such idle ceremonies, as do not edify us in true
godliness; and it is very requisite that godly rulers take heed
how they burden the church of Christ with things called in-
different. In time they may become intolerable burdens. For
things indifferent pressed upon the church by the authority of
man, often breed much hurt. We have by experience proved
that cold ceremonies in the church weaken the power of the
doctrine of the cross of Christ; because in them is neither spi-
rit nor life. The observance of such dead and unprofitable
ceremonies, is no part of that sacrifice which is made to God
by the preaching of the Gospel. To take preaching from us,
and to give us instead of it bare reading, furnished with idle
and unprofitable ceremonies, is to take from us the bread of
366
HISTORY OF
1
life, which God has prepared for us; and to feed us with the
device of man-with unprofitable hearing and looking. We
call it unprofitable; because our dulness is not thereby quick-
ened, nor our minds stirred up to understand the mind of
God, or to embrace that which is contained in his word. It is
our great grief to have our comfortable and profitable preach-
ing pastors taken from us, for such unprofitable ceremonies."*
The oppressed servants of God, having testified their at-
tachment to the queen, their zeal for the protestant religion,
and their love to their country, by the aid which they afforded
in the destruction of the Spanish Armada, renewed their at-
tempt to obtain a greater portion of liberty, when they pre-
sented another petition to the house of commons for favour in
the article of subscription. Their petition was no sooner deli-
vered, than one of the members rose, and moved the house to
make inquiry how far the bishops had exceeded the laws, in
the prosecution of her majesty's protestant subjects. Notwith-
standing the queen's former prohibitions, the house moved for
the revival of the bill against pluralities and nonresidence,
which received the approbation of the majority; when it was
again introduced, and passed the commons without difficulty.
In the upper house, it met with a repulse. Her majesty for-
bade the lords from proceeding upon it; and, at the same
time, she commanded those members of the commons to be
immediately taken into custody, who had dared to act contrary
to her orders. The clergy in convocation were so exceedingly
alarmed with this bill, that they petitioned the queen to pro-
tect the church; and having flattered her majesty with the
title of goddess, they assured her, "that the passing of such
a bill would be attended with the decay of learning, and intro-
duce confusion and barbarism into the church!" Their flat-
tery and their arguments being irresistible, she interposed her
power, and suppressed the bill.+
These arbitrary measures instead of annihilating the small
remains of free inquiry, and of the right of private judgment,
greatly contributed to open the eyes of the people, and to dif
fuse better principles in all directions. A noble attempt was
now made by Mr. James Morrice, attorney of the court of
* Strype, vol. iii. p. 222.
† Warner, vol. ii. p. 461, 462.
1
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
367
wards, a most able and learned barrister, and an avowed ad-
vocate of the reformation, and the liberties of the people. He
said in the house of commons, "My religion towards God,
my allegiance to her majesty, and the many oaths I have taken
to maintain her supremacy, cause me to offer to your conside-
ration certain matters concerning the sacred Majesty of God,
the prerogative and supremacy of the queen, the privileges of
the laws, and the liberties of us all." He then moved the
house to inquire, how far the high commissioners could justify
their proceedings against faithful and godly ministers, by in-
quisition, subscription, and binding them to their good beha-
viour, contrary to the honour of God, the queen's regal go-
vernment, the laws of the realm, and the liberty of her majes-
ty's subjects; their compelling them to take oaths to accuse
themselves, in their own private thoughts, words, and actions;
and their proceeding to deprivation or degradation upon such
accusation but if they refused to take this oath, they were
committed to prison, and there detained during their pleasure,
and not released till they took an oath of canonical conformity.
He, therefore, prayed the house to take their affecting case
into serious consideration, and to devise some method of re-
dressing these enormities; after which he offered to the house
two bills, one against inquisition upon the oath ex officio, and
the other against the illegal imprisonment of her majesty's
subjects, and to the latter he begged the immediate attention
of the house.
:
Sir Francis Knollys, one of her majesty's privy-council, and
one of the first statesmen of the age, seconded the motion, and
said, that in his opinion those abuses ought to be reformed;
that if the bishops had acted contrary to law, they were in a
premunire; that after the reformation of king Henry VIII.
no bishop practised superiority over his brethren; that in Ed-
ward VIth.'s time a statute was made, that bishops should keep
their courts in the king's name; and though the statute was
repealed by queen Mary, and not since revived, yet it was
doubtful by what authority bishops kept courts in their own
name; because it was manifestly against the prerogative for
any subject to hold a court without express warrant from the
crown.
Mr. Beal, clerk of her majesty's council, spoke on the same
#
368
HISTORY OF
1
side, and added-that the bishops had certainly incurred a
premunire; because the statute of the 13th of Elizabeth re-
quired subscription to the articles of faith only, and that no
councils or canons gave authority to bishops to frame articles
and require subscription at pleasure. But for his noble speech
in defence of the rights and liberties of the subject, against the
illegal proceedings of the bishops, Beal was expelled from the
parliament, and forbidden to come to court, by the queen's
sovereign command!*
These debates awakened the civilians in the commons, who
being mostly advocates of all her majesty's proceedings, oppos-
ed the reading of the bill; which immediately roused the at-
tention of the queen, who sent for the speaker, and command-
ed him to inform the commons, that the calling and dissolving
of parliaments, with the assenting to any bills passed there,
was part of her prerogative; and that the calling of the pre-
sent parliament was only that such as neglected the service of
the church, might be compelled to it by some sharp laws, the
better to provide for the safety of her person and the realm;
that it was not meant that they should meddle with matters of
state or causes ecclesiastical; that she wondered they should
attempt a thing so contrary to her commandment; that she
was highly offended with their conduct; and that it was her
royal pleasure that no bill, relating to any matters of state and
causes ecclesiastical, should be there exhibited.†
This singular message was sent to the commons by that
queen, whose character and reign afford so many subjects of
panegyric, to those who would in the present age be styled the
friends of religious freedom! When the speaker charged the
commons that they should not introduce bills relating either
to matters of state, or to causes ecclesiastical, Mr. Attorney
Morrice, for his bold adventure, was seized in the house by a
serjeant at arms, discharged from his office in the court of the
duchy of Lancaster, disabled from his practice as barrister at
law, and kept some years prisoner in Tutbury castle!
The attention of the reader has been already directed to
her majesty's imperious conduct towards the pious and learn-
ed archbishop Grindal, when with considerable sharpness she
* D'Ewes. p. 474.-Strype's Whitgift, p. 388. + Warner, vol. ii. p. 464.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
369
commanded him to abridge the number of preachers, and to
suppress the religious exercises, declaring that reading homi-
lies was all that was necessary. Upon these important points
the pious and venerable primate, in his excellent letter to the
queen, vindicated the rights and privileges of the Christian
church, against the encroachment of her majesty's arbitrary
power; and showed his determination to claim and exercise
liberty of conscience, by obeying God rather than men, when-
ever they might attempt to rob the church of divine institu-
tions. With pious zeal and Christian heroism, he refused to
obey the pretended supremacy. This was an heroic defence
of religious freedom, and deserves to be recorded as a useful
lesson to future generations.
"I cannot marvel enough," says he, "how this strange
opinion should once enter into your mind, that it will be good
for the church to have few preachers. Alas! madam, is the
Scripture more plain in any one thing, than that the Gospel
of Christ should be plentifully preached, and that plenty of
labourers should be sent into the Lord's harvest, which being
large standeth in need not of a few, but of many workmen ?
There was appointed to the building of Solomon's material
temple, one hundred and fifty thousand artificers and labour-
ers, besides three thousand three hundred overseers; and shall
we think that a few preachers may suffice to build and edify
the spiritual temple of Christ, which is his church? Christ,
when he sent forth his apostles, said to them, 'Go ye into all
the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature. But all
God's creatures cannot be instructed in the Gospel, unless all
possible means be used to have multitudes of preachers and
teachers, to preach to them. St. Paul saith to the Colossians :
Let the word of Christ dwell among you richly;' and to
Timothy Preach the word; be instant in season, out of sea-
son, reprove, rebuke, exhort.' Which things cannot be done
without often and much preaching. To this agreeth the prac-
tice of Christ's apostles; Who appointed elders in every
church. St. Paul to Titus, saith; For this cause left I thee
in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are
wanting, and ordain elders in every city.' He afterwards de-
scribes how the said elders were to be qualified: not such as
we are compelled to admit by mere necessity, unless we should
B b
C
VOL. I.
C
↑
370
HISTORY OF
+
leave a great number of churches utterly desolate, but such in-
deed as are 'able by sound doctrine both to exhort and to con-
vince the gainsayers.' And in this I beseech your majesty to
notice one thing necessary to be observed; which is, that if the
Holy Ghost prescribe expressly that preachers should be plac-
ed in every town or city; how can it be well thought, that
three or four preachers may suffice for a shire?
"Public and continual preaching of God's word, is the ordi-
nary mean and instrument of the salvation of mankind. St.
Paul calls it the ministry of reconciliation of man to God. By
the preaching of God's word, the glory of God is enlarged,
faith is nourished, and charity is increased. By it the igno-
rant are instructed, the negligent excited, the stubborn rebuk-
ed, the weak comforted, and, to all those that sin of malicious.
wickedness, the wrath of God is threatened. By preaching,
also, due obedience to Christian princes and magistrates is
planted in the hearts of subjects. For obedience proceedeth
of conscience; conscience is grounded upon the word of God;
the word of God worketh this effect by preaching. So that
generally where preaching is wanting, obedience faileth.
"When your majesty hath considered and well weighed
the premises,. I trust you will rest satisfied, and judge that no
such inconveniences can grow from the exercises, as you have
been informed, but rather directly the contrary. And for my
own part, because I am very well assured, both by reason and
arguments taken out of the holy Scriptures, and by experience,
(the most certain seal of knowledge) that these exercises for
the exposition of the Scriptures, and for exhortation and com-
fort drawn from them, are profitable both to increase know-
ledge among the ministers, and to edify the hearers; I am
forced, therefore, with all humility and yet plainly, to profess
that I cannot, with a safe conscience, and without offence to
the Majesty of God, give my assent to the suppressing of the
said exercises: much less can I send out any injunction for
the utter and universal subversion of them. I say with St.
Paul: 'I have no power for destruction, but only for edifica-
tion;' and with the same apostle: I can do nothing against.
the truth, but for the truth."
"Bear with me, I beseech you, madam, if I choose to offend
your earthly majesty, rather than to offend the heavenly Ma-
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
371
•
jesty of God. Remember always that in God's cause, the will
of God, and not the will of any earthly creature, is to take
place. It is the antichristian voice of the pope, to say: So
I will have it: so I command: let my will stand for a reason.'
In God's matters, all princes ought to bow their sceptres to
the Son of God, and to ask counsel at his mouth what they
shall do. David exhorts. kings and rulers, To serve God
with fear and trembling.' Although you are a mighty prince,
remember that He who dwelleth in Heaven is mightier. The
Psalmist says,He taketh away the spirit of princes, and is
terrible above all the kings of the earth.' Wherefore, I be-
seech you, madam, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, that when
you deal in these religious causes, you will set the Majesty of
God before your eyes, laying aside all earthly majesty : deter-
mine with yourself to obey his voice, and, with all humility,
say to him, Not my will, but thy will be done."*
The good old archbishop thus recommended Elizabeth to
yield her own supremacy in absolute subjection to the supre-
macy of God, for which, to her great infamy, as already stat-
ed, the haughty lady poured her royal indignation upon the
head of the right reverend father. There were at this time
many able and respectable advocates of Christian freedom,
and suffering humanity; among whom may be classed lord
Burleigh, lord North, the earls of Bedford, Shrewsbury, Lei-
cester, and Warwick, Sir Francis Walsingham, and Sir Fran-
cis Knollys. These were the constant friends of the oppressed
puritans, employing their power and influence to procure a
better reformation. In the latter they absolutely failed; but
they frequently shielded the persecuted ministers, or procured
their release from suspension, deprivation, or imprisonment.
King James of Scotland became a zealous patron of this
good cause. He professed to be a decided friend to liberty
of conscience; therefore he sent his royal petitions to Eliza-
beth, desiring the exercise of greater moderation, and the re-
lease of certain persecuted ministers, confined in prison for the
sake of a good conscience. In one of these petitions, he ad-
dressed the queen as follows:
66
Hearing of the apprehension of Mr. Udal, Mr. Cart-
*
.
Strype's Grindal, Appen. p. 74.
B b 2
372
HISTORY OF
wright and certain other ministers of the Gospel within your
realm; of whose good erudition and faithful travails in the
church, we hear a very credible commendation, howsoever their
diversity from the bishops and others of your clergy, in mat-
ters touching their consciences, hath been a mean to work
them your misliking; we cannot, weighing the duty which we
owe to such as are afflicted for their consciences in that pro-
fession, but by our most affectionate and earnest letter, inter-
pose ourselves at your hands to stay any harder usage of them
for that cause: requesting you most earnestly, that, for our
cause and intercession, it may please you to let them be re-
lieved of their present strait, and every further accusation or
pursuit depending on that ground, respecting their former
merit in setting forth the Gospel, the simplicity of their con-
sciences in this defence, their hinderance by compulsion, and
the great slander which could not fail to appear upon their fur-
ther suffering on any such occasion."*
These royal supplications proved ineffectual. In matters of
religion, the queen was resolved to gratify no one but herself,
resting every thing on her own unbounded prerogative. The
endeavours of the sufferers, with those of their numerous
friends, having proved unsuccessful, and being wearied with
repeated applications to their superiors, they despaired of ever
obtaining redress in this way. They held their private classi-
cal associations in Essex, Northamptonshire, Warwickshire,
London, Cambridge, and other places, consulting among them-
selves upon the most proper methods of promoting Christian
discipline, and a purer reformation. In one of their assem-
blies, they came to this conclusion :— "That since the ma-
gistrates could not be induced to reform the discipline of the
church, it was lawful, after waiting so many years, to act
without them, and to introduce a reformation in the best
manner they could." Having also revised their book, entitled
"The Holy Discipline of the Church, described in the Word of
God," it was subscribed by five hundred ministers, and adopt-
ed as their directory in ecclesiastical matters. Their notions
of religious liberty were, in many respects, very cloudy and er-
roneous, especially when they sought to have their own views
* Fuller, b. ix. p. 203.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
373
of church government established by legislative authority.
For had they been successful in these attempts, their ecclesi-
astical polity would, most probably, have been enforced by
some intolerant and persecuting law.
These attempts to obtain the establishment of the model of
discipline, were not confined to the reforming clergy; but va-
rious efforts of a similar kind were made in the house of com-
mons. The majority of the members having agreed to the
propriety of the measure, the house presented a petition to the
queen, humbly requesting that it might be adopted. The
specific sentiments of this petition do not appear; but the
queen returned the following most gracious answer:-" Her
majesty is fully resolved, by her own reading and princely
judgment, upon the truth of the present reformation, and
mindeth not now to begin to settle herself in matters of reli-
gion. Her majesty hath fully considered, not only the excep-
tions against the present reformation, and finds them frivo-
lous, but also the platform that is desired, and accounteth it
most prejudicial to the religion established, to her crown, her
government, and her subjects." She then openly claimed that
ecclesiastical power and supremacy which had formerly been
usurped by the pope, and concluded by rejecting their peti-
tion.*
Her majesty's health began at length visibly to decline;
and it soon appeared that her end was fast approaching. The
last scene of her life was cloudy and disconsolate. She died
March 24, 1603, in the seventieth year of her age, and the
forty-fifth of her reign. Queen Elizabeth was remarkably fond
of the external pomp of worship, and zealous for the outward
profession of the protestant religion; but was "totally desti-
tute of the power of it, on her conscience and her conduct.
Her imperious temper; her feminine vanity; her duplicity
and cruelty; and a multitude of acts utterly inconsistent with
the purity and gentleness of the religion of the Son of God,
might be consistent with the character of a great queen, but
were utterly incompatible with that of a good Christian.”+
Had queen Elizabeth and her parliament abolished all the
penal laws in religion, and all the remnants of antichristian
Strype's Whitgift, p. 259, 260.
+ Haweis, vol. ii. p. 483.
*
374
HISTORY OF
usurpation; had they absolutely declined imposing their own
religion upon the people, allowing Christianity to rest on its
only proper foundation, to take its own course, and work its
own way; had they guaranteed to all peaceable subjects, the
unmolested and unrestricted enjoyment of religious freedom, as
the heaven-born inheritance of man; and had they zealously
promoted their own views of divine truth and Christian wor-
ship, without coercive interference with those of other persons;
—had all these points been regarded and kept inviolably sa-
cred, their Christian liberality, their good sense, their regard
for public justice, as well as individual rights, would have been
the admiration of all mankind, almost innumerable cruelties.
would have been prevented, the reign of Elizabeth preserved
from the foulest stains, and undefiled religion and social hap-
piness, without party prejudice and political animosity, have
been promoted throughout the rising empire. Queen Elizabeth
was superstitiously fond of outward magnificence; but when
her best ministers died, her glory departed. Mere female af-
fections, intrigues, resentments, filled up the catalogue of her
deeds. Her passions swayed her, and caprice and tyranny
were the leading marks of her character.
Having given a circumstantial account of the arduous con-
flict in the cause of religious freedom, it will not be deemed
improper to direct the reader's attention to the actual state of
religion during this protracted period. While the queen and
her bishops assumed so high a tone, and proceeded to such
lengths of intolerance, to secure uniformity in the external
profession of religion, the church and religion were in a most
deplorable state. The number of suspensions and deprivations
of this reign are said to have amounted to several thousands,
and comprehended at one time even a third part of all the
clergy in the kingdom. Most of the conforming clergy were
awfully deficient in learning, abilities, and piety, while the ig-
norant people stood in the greatest need of religious instruc-
tion. In general the utmost they could do was to read the
Common-prayer and homilies; but they were conformable in
outward ceremonies, and so gave perfect satisfaction to those
in power.*
* Hume's Hist. vol. v. p. 337.-Strype's Whitgift, p. 121.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
375
The church was at the same time in great danger from
another quarter. While the spiritual rulers were incessantly
harassing and ruining the most firm and zealous protestants,
the papists were sapping the very foundations of the church
of England. Roman catholic priests and zealous missionaries
came over in great numbers to this country, and made nume-
rous proselytes from the national church. Popery greatly in-
creased in every part of the kingdom, and among all ranks in
society; so that the falling away of her majesty's subjects to
the Romish communion, occasioned considerable alarm to the
queen's government.* Notwithstanding the severity of the laws
against the catholics, in some parts of the country, especially
in Yorkshire, they went openly to mass; and they were so
numerous that the protestants stood in awe of them.
The state of morality and religion presented a very melan-
choly picture. The queen's subjects lived dissolutely and lux-
uriously, without the fear of God, care of honesty, and in
defiance of the civil constitution. The service of the church
was generally neglected, and the substantials of religion were
very little regarded, both among the clergy and laity, through
the violent contention for a mere outward profession and ritual
observances. Churchmen heaped many benefices upon them-
selves, and resided upon none, neglecting their cures. Many
of them alienated the church lands, made unreasonable leases,
and wasted the woods belonging to them, granting reversions
and advowsons for their own benefit. The churches fell greatly
into decay, and became so filthy and indecent, that they were
unfit for the worship of God. Among the laity there was very
little devotion. The Lord's day was shamefully profaned;
and the common-prayers were generally disregarded. Some
lived in the total neglect of the service of God; while many
others were mere heathens and atheists. Her majesty's court
was the very harbour of epicures and atheists, and a kind of
lawless place, seeing it stood in no parish. These melancholy
facts made good men fear that some terrible judgments were
impending over the nation.†
The picture is not distorted. It is supported by unexcep-
tionable authority, and corroborated by the most glaring facts.
**
Strype, vol. iii. p. 292, 619, 620. + Strype's Parker, p. 147, 395.
¿
376
HISTORY OF
&
***
ما
The vast renown of queen Elizabeth and her government,
consisted in wealth, and strength, and outward magnificence;
while genuine religion or undefiled Christianity was at a very
low ebb. Under a pretence of maintaining order and unifor-
mity in external worship, popery, immorality, and irreligion
were every where promoted: so that while the zealous prelates
pretended to be building up the church of England, they were
not only destroying the rights and liberties of the people, but
evidently undermining the church of God.
Although this was the general state of religion, there was,
during this reign, a goodly number of living evidences of pure
Christianity. Many of their writings bear ample testimony at
this day, of the excellence of their authors; while their exem-
plary deportment, and zeal in their adorable Master's service,
demonstrate the power and prevalence of undefiled religion.
Some of the bishops and other clergy of this period, being la-
borious pastors, edified the flock of Christ, by their example,
preaching, and writings; and it is certain, that many of those
who did not conform to the establishment, were ministers
equally pious, learned, and exemplary, adorning the doctrine
of God their Saviour by the holiness of their lives. Notwith-
standing the weight of authority against them, their number
and reputation continually increased. The holy lives, and
triumphant deaths of many of this generation, are on record.
Their flourishing congregations, and the attention which the
people paid to their faithful labours, discover the relish which
they had for the truths of the Gospel, and their desire to be
"followers of them who through faith and patience inherit
the promises."
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
377*
CHAPTER VI.
THE REIGN OF KING JAMES 1.
SECTION I.
The Oppressive Measures of the Court destructive of
Christian Liberty.
JAMES, king of Scotland, and son of Mary queen of Scots,
succeeded the renowned Elizabeth to the crown of En-
gland. This unpromising event gave great uneasiness to the
bishops, who at first were much alarmed for the safety of their
ecclesiastical establishment. James was born of Roman catho-
lic parents; but was taken from his mother in his infancy, edu-
cated in the protestant religion, and all the rigours of Scotch
Presbyterianism. When arrived at years of maturity, he pro-
fessed, on many public occasions, his decided attachment to
the presbyterian worship; praising God," that he was born in
the time of the light of the Gospel, and in such a place, as to
be king of the purest kirk in the world. As for our neighbour
kirk of England, their service is an evil-said mass in English:
they want nothing of the mass but the liftings," meaning the
elevation of the host.* He had awakened the jealousy of the
English bishops by declaring, "that their order smelled vilely
of popish pride; that they were a principal branch of the
pope, bone of his bone, and flesh of his flesh; that the Book
of Common-prayer was the English mass-book; and that the
surplice, copes, and ceremonies were outward badges of po-
pery." On one public occasion, he said—" I charge you, my
good ministers, doctors, elders, nobles, gentlemen, and barons,
to stand to your purity, and to exhort the people to do the
same; and I, forsooth, as long as I brook my life, shall main-
tain the same."+
* Calderwood's Hist. p. 256.
+ Hist. of Stuarts, vol. i. p. 595.
378
HISTORY OF
•
These were the professions of his majesty's strong attach-
ment to the presbyterian church, and of his unequivocal dis-
approbation of the English prelacy and forms of worship.
James's puritanical education, followed by these open declara-
tions, produced painful surmises in the breasts of the English
bishops, who often expressed their alarming apprehensions of
"the Scotch mist." Upon the king's arrival in England, the
people showed the strongest demonstrations of joy in all the
towns through which he passed; and such were their accla-
mations and praises, that a plain Scotchman could not forbear
saying, "This people will spoil so good a king."*
James's principal object after his accession, was to maintain
the royal prerogative in its utmost extent, and even to carry
it higher than his predecessors. He considered the authority
of sovereigns over their subjects as unlimited, and that all
monarchical governments ought to be absolute; but these max-
ims could not be applied to the English government, without
destroying the constitution. He was, moreover, strongly pre-
possessed in favour of his own abilities and goodness; and his
courtiers having beheld this leading feature in his character,
embraced all opportunities of applauding his mental endow-
ments, and of extolling his unbounded regal power. As this
kind of flattery was the most gratifying to his vanity; so it
was the sure way to gain his favour and to obtain promotion.†
The bishops adopted the most prompt measures of securing
his majesty's favour. Immediately upon the death of Eliza-
beth, they sent a special agent to Scotland in the name of all
the bishops and clergy of England, to congratulate the king
on his accession, to assure him of their unfeigned loyalty, to
signify their readiness to receive any commands which he
might be disposed to give, and to recommend the church of
England to his royal countenance and protection. The mes-
senger was most graciously received, and ordered to assure
the bishops of his majesty's favourable attention to the object
of their request; which served to raise their spirits and dissi-
pate their gloom. His majesty soon discovered on many oc-
casions, "his hatred of the Scotch kirk, gratifying his resent-
ment without consulting his interests." But James had, pro-
$
Rapin, vol. ii. p. 159.
+
† Ibid. p. 160.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
379
perly speaking, no other religion than that which flowed from
a principle which he called "king-craft ;"* as the sequel of this
reign will amply illustrate and prove.
The leading character of this monarch, soon appeared at the
Hampton-court conference. This famed conference, and all
the disputants, were appointed by the king. On the side of
the church were nine bishops and the same number of digni-
taries; and for the puritans four learned divines. As the
puritan ministers were absent the first day, the king opened
the conference by stating his reasons for consulting the bishops
and dignitaries alone; also declaring "the happiness which
he felt in being brought to the promised land, where he was
not, as formerly, a king without state and honour, nor in a
place where order was banished, and beardless boys would
brave him to his face."
On the second day the puritan divines being called, present-
ed their request for a further reformation, and for an enlarge-
ment of Christian liberty, which occasioned much debate; but
it would be tedious to the reader to enter into these disputa-
tions. The king took more upon himself than that of a mo-
derator, and very frequently left the bishops nothing more to
do, than to admire and applaud his behaviour; often conclud-
ing the points discussed with a maxim which he took up with
the crown of England, "no bishop, no king." At the close
of the second day, his majesty arose from his chair, loudly ex-
claiming, "If this be all your party have to say, I will make
them conform, or I will hurry them out of the land, or else do
worse." In the conclusion, he said-" I will have none of
this arguing. Let them conform, and that quickly, or they
shall hear of it." Such was the royal logic of the new mo-
narch! Throughout this remarkable conference, on every
point that was moved or discussed, the king, says a learned
churchman, showed such knowledge and readiness as raised
the admiration of all his hearers !
+
The puritan divines were evidently brow-beaten and insult-
ed by the king, whose deportment was admired and applauded
by the political prelates, who styled him, "The Solomon of
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 477.-Burnet, vol. i. p. 7, 9.
+ Barlow's Conference, p. 170, 177.
Echard, p. 380.
380
HISTORY OF
the age." Bishop Bancroft fell upon his knees, and said, "I
protest my heart melteth for joy, that Almighty God, of his
singular mercy, has given us such a king, as since Christ's
time hath not been ;" and archbishop Whitgift, in raptures,
exclaimed, “that he was verily persuaded the king spoke by
the Spirit of God!"* But this mock conference was only a
blind to introduce episcopacy into Scotland;† yet it taught
all persons of liberal minds what to expect from a monarch,
and from prelates, of such overbearing intolerance.
After this disgraceful conference, his majesty issued two
royal proclamations; in the former of which, he intimated
how great a regard he should have for the tender consciences
of the papists: but in the other, he commanded all his protes-
tant subjects, as well ecclesiastical as civil, to conform to the
Book of Common-prayer, as the only public form of serving
God allowed to be used in the realm, and all the bishops, with
other public ministers, to see the proclamation fully executed,
punishing all offenders. He also signified, that they should
not attempt any alteration of the public form of worshipping
God; neither would he give way to any who might presume
that his judgment would be swayed to any alteration by the
suggestions of others. Thus king James, like his royal pre-
decessor, concluded that the political church was unalterably
established, and accordingly opposed with firmness every at-
tempt to promote a further reformation.‡
The king having summoned his first parliament, delivered
a long address to his two houses, unfolding his high preten-
sions of candour to papists, and his severe animadversions on
the patrons of greater religious freedom, in these words:
"Since my entry into this kingdom, I have both by meet-
ing with divers of the ecclesiastical state, and likewise by pro-
clamations, clearly declared my mind on points of religion;
yet do I not think it amiss in this solemn audience, that I
should take occasion to discover the secrets of my heart in
that matter: I shall never, with God's grace, be ashamed to
make a public profession thereof on all occasions, lest God
should be ashamed to profess and allow me before men and
angels.
Welwood, p. 21. † Kennet, vol. ii. p. 665. Strype's Whitgift, p. 587.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
381
"At my first coming, although I found but one religion,
and that which by myself is professed, publicly allowed, and by
law maintained; yet found I another sort of religion, besides
a private sect, lurking within the bowels of this nation. The
first is the true religion, which by me is professed, and by
law is established: The second is the falsely called catholics,
but truly papists: The third, which I call a sect, rather than
a religion, is the puritans and novelists; who do not so far
differ from us in points of religion, as in their confused form
of policy and purity: being ever discontented with the
present
government, and impatient to suffer any superiority, which
makes their sect unsufferable in any well-governed common-
wealth. As for my course towards them, I remit it to my
proclamations made upon that subject.
"As for the papists, I must put a difference betwixt my
own private profession of my own salvation, and my politic go-
vernment of the realm. Concerning my own profession, you
have me your head now amongst you, of the same religion as
the body; as I am no stranger to you in blood, no more am I
a stranger to you in faith, or in the matters concerning the
house of God. Although this my profession be according to my
education, wherein, I thank God, I sucked the milk of God's
truth, with the milk of my nurse; yet do I protest unto you,
that I would never have so firmly kept my first profession, if
I had not found it agreeable to all reason, and to the rule of
my conscience. But I was never violent, nor unreasonable in
my profession: I acknowledge the Roman church to be our
Mother church, although defiled with some infirmities and
corruptions."
His majesty having expressed his desires of a friendly union
of the two churches so nearly related, adds-" I could wish
from my heart, that it would please God to make me one of
the members of such a general Christian union in religion, as
laying wilfulness aside on both hands, we might meet in the
midst, which is the centre and perfection of all things. For if
they would leave and be ashamed of such new and gross cor-
ruptions of theirs, as themselves cannot maintain, nor deny to
be worthy of reformation, I would for my part be content to
meet them in the mid-way, so that all novelties might be re-
nounced on either side."*
*
Rapin, vol. ii. p. 165, 166.
382
HISTORY OF
Notwithstanding the large share of self-admiration which
James possessed, for making speeches and for kingcraft, he
completely failed of deceiving, or even of pleasing the par-
liament; both of which he attempted. The two houses were
disgusted with his tedious verbose harangue, full of himself, his
own praise, his prerogative, and his power; and they consi-
dered the greatest part of it as extremely ludicrous. All par-
ties were displeased with that which the king himself so much
admired. With flagrant absurdity he affirmed, that he was a
true member of the church of England, and his faith was
grounded on the holy Scriptures; yet that he was ready to
lay aside all prejudice, and to meet the catholics half-way.*
King James, however, advanced one important sentiment, con-
cerning the better sort of catholics, well worthy of the head
and heart of any prince. "I would be sorry," said he, "to
punish their bodies for the errors of their minds, the reforma-
tion whereof only comes from God."+
It will not be necessary to detain the reader by inquiring
what the king meant by calling the church of Rome the mo-
ther church, or what he intended by his friendly offers of a
conjunction with the papists; but his majesty was evidently
resolved to rule the puritans by proclamations, and to punish
with great severity all who scrupled conformity, as he had un-
equivocally declared at the Hampton-court conference. The
faithful servants of God, were not intimidated by these royal
threatenings. They still sought a greater portion of liberty
for themselves and the church of God, and continued uncon-
formable to the traditions and impositions of men. This
awakened the zeal of the potent monarch, who issued another
proclamation, dated July 10, 1604, allowing them to consider
of their conformity till the end of November following: but
in case of their refusal, he would have them all deprived, or
banished from the kingdom.
The convocation assembled at the same time with the par-
liament, and having chosen Dr. Richard Bancroft, bishop of
London, to the office of prolocutor, the book of canons was in-
troduced and adopted, consisting of one hundred and forty-
one articles. While the canons were preparing, a petition was
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 486.
+Journals of Com. for 1603.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
383
presented from the lower house, for a reformation of the Book
of Common-prayer; but the upper house refused to receive it,
and Bancroft, with some of his brethren, admonished the pe-
titioners to obedience and conformity before Midsummer, or
they should certainly feel the censures of the church. The
canons having passed the convocation, were ratified by the
king's letters patent under the great seal, being the same as
those now in force in the exercise of ecclesiastical discipline.*
At the conclusion of the convocation, bishop Bancroft deli-
vered a speech to the learned synod, addressing them in these
remarkable words ;-" Men and brethren, the reverend fathers
of this convocation, as they always meditate on the law of God,
and every part of it, both by day and night, so especially do
they lay to heart those passages of holy writ, which properly
concern their office: as, "Woe be unto me if I preach not the
Gospel:' and 'Simon, lovest thou me? Feed my sheep.' From
these considerations, being carried with a fervent zeal both of
preaching in their several places themselves, and of procuring
more faithful preachers, and more fruitful preaching through-
out the land; they have over and above the institutions of
Christ, appointed certain ceremonies strictly to be observed
by every minister: So that whosoever shall hereafter upon
any pretence refuse to observe the same, they shall be esteem-
ed factious, schismatical, disorderly, and exhorbitant; and for
that cause they shall be suspended and deprived. But for the
preventing of such mischief, your tender mother would have
you to understand by my mouth, that if any man be thrust
out of the ministry for not yielding to these constitutions,
though they may seem to him such as the church cannot law-
fully appoint, or he observe; yet is he author of his own si-
lencing therefore you must all be exhorted to consider well
of the above portions of Scripture, which have so much pre-
vailed with your careful mother."+
When uninspired and fallible men appoint things to be ob-
served by the ministers of God, "over and above the institu-
tions of Christ," it is an open impeachment of his wisdom and
goodness, in not providing all those institutions which the fu-
ture exigences of the church might require, and that were ne-
Warner, vol. ii. p. 487.
+Fresh Suit, part iii. p. 15, 16.
384
HISTORY OF
cessary or desirable to promote its future welfare. But when
these ministers were thrust out of the ministry, for refusing to
declare they believed that which they could not believe, and to
approve and practise those things against which their very
souls revolted; to affirm that they were the authors of their
own silencing, was surely as flagrant an instance of priestcraft
and falsehood as ever was obtruded upon an enslaved world;
and to give the church of England the flattering title of " ten-
der mother," while propagating this delusion, and promoting
these oppressions, was certainly very little better.
The speech of the prolocutor was a clear indication of the
approaching storm. To give the reader a brief abstract of the
long train of canons, would be equally offensive to his un-
derstanding, and disgusting to his heart; he would certainly
conclude, that such nauseous superstition and cruel oppression
was an indelible digrace to a protestant convocation, and only
fit for the Roman conclave. Whitgift's three articles were in-
corporated in one of these canons, when every clergyman was
required, avoiding all ambiguities, to subscribe willingly and
from his heart, to all things contained in them. The same
subscription is required of all clergymen at the present day.
To fasten this subscription on the consciences of the learned
prelates, and other ecclesiastics, the said canon also threatens,
that "if any bishop shall ordain or license any minister, ex-
cept he first subscribe in manner and form here appointed, he
shall be suspended from giving orders and licenses for the
space of twelve months: but if any of the universities shall
therein offend, we leave them to the danger of the law, and
his majesty's censure."
The terrors and judgments denounced by these canons
against those who scrupled conformity were unparalleled in
the history of the reformation; so that numerous and shocking
additional hardships were laid upon the consciences of those
who could not approve of every thing in the church. Suspen-
sion from preaching, and deprivation of benefices, was deemed
an insufficient punishment for the sin of nonconformity. The
scrupulous puritans received the terrible sentence of excom-
munication; they were expelled from the public congregation,
rendered incapable of suing for their lawful debts, imprisoned
for life, denied Christian burial, and, as far as possible, ex-
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
385
cluded from the kingdom of heaven! These horrid canons, at
which human nature shudders, are still in force, though the
church dares not, and cannot execute them. Dr. Bancroft,
being preferred to the see of Canterbury, and placed at the
head of ecclesiastical affairs, enforced the observance of these
superstitions, and proceeded with great severity against those
who refused subjection to these overwhelming encroachments
on conscience.
This archbishop is styled, " a sturdy piece," and is said to
have proceeded with "rigour, severity, and wrath," against
the puritans.* His unrelenting strictness gave a new face to
religion. The neglected ceremonies were strictly enforced,
and canonical subscription was universally required: so that
there was no room left, or allowance made, for scruples of
conscience or difference of opinion. By these intolerant pro-
ceedings several hundred ministers were suspended and de-
prived; some of whom were excommunicated and cast into
prison; while others, to preserve their consciences, were dri-
ven into banishment.
The high commission, with Bancroft at its head, now swell-
ed into a monstrous grievance, of which many heavy com-
plaints were made in the parliament. Every man, it is said,
must now conform to the episcopal church, and give up his
opinions, or relinquish his rights and safety. That court was
the touch-stone, to try whether men were current; and if they
were not sufficiently soft to receive such impressions as were
attempted to be made upon them, they were there beaten out,
or they could not pass. "This," adds the learned prelate,
was the beginning of that mischief, which, when it was fully
ripe, made such a bloody tincture in both kingdoms, as will
never be got out of the bishops' lawn sleeves."+
66
As Bancroft was the first man who defended the divine
right of episcopacy; so he took a distinguished part in the
attempts to raise the prerogative above law, by advising the
king to make the redress of grievances dependant entirely on
his own sovereign pleasure. To this end he presented to the
king and council, "articles of abuses which were desired to
*
VOL. I.
Bp. Kennet, vol. ii. p. 665.
+ Collier, vol. ii. p. 687.
+ Bp. Kennet, vol. ii. p. 682.
C C
386
HISTORY OF
{
1
be reformed in granting prohibitions." Hence, being a most
zealous asserter of the prerogative, he laboured to inspire the
king with a resolution of making himself absolute, to which
his majesty was naturally too much inclined. Nay, he had
already declared to the commons, that he was absolute: an
epithet, we may imagine, not very grateful to English ears,
but one to which they had been accustomed from the mouth
of Elizabeth.
The arbitrary notions of the king, were greatly promoted
by the excessive flattery of the clergy. If the doctrine of un-
limited passive obedience did not originate with them, they
had the sole honour of having cherished and brought it to
perfection. They preached this odious doctrine in the ears of
king James, to render the puritans more obnoxious in his
eyes. The tolerant doctrines of the contrary party were ex-
tremely offensive to the ruling clergy, who dreaded them more
than those of the papists. The bishops, therefore, represented
those doctrines as destructive to monarchy, no less than to the
government of the episcopal church; a charge notoriously con-
trary to truth, but particularly calculated to kindle in his breast
the most inflammatory indignation.
Amidst all that court flattery with which the king was con-
tinually surrounded, some of his council were honest enough
to tell him, that the redress of grievances was the proper bu-
siness of the parliament; and that in case he granted the arch-
bishop's request, he would plunge himself into almost inextri-
cable difficulties. Notwithstanding the king's desires to exalt
the prerogative, he took time for cool reflection upon the arch-
bishop's advice, and ordered the prelate's articles to be laid be-
fore the judges. The venerable judges were unanimously of
opinion, that the king could not decide upon these articles;
and this opinion, signed by the whole bench, was delivered to
the council. The archbishop's project was, therefore, totally
defeated.
Though the opinion of the judges was as just as it was
honourable to their official character; yet their opinion upon
another occasion was flagrantly erroneous, and even destruc-
tive of the very constitution. The king, to countenance and
support the archiepiscopal proceedings, ordered the twelve
judges to attend in the star-chamber, when he proposed to
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
387
them several important questions, requiring their answers.
One of these questions was, "whether it be an offence punish-
able, and what punishment was due to it, when persons fram-
ed petitions, and collected to them a multitude of hands, to
present to the king in a public cause; as the puritans had
done, with an intimation to him, that if he denied their suit,
many thousands of his subjects would be discontented?" In
answer to this important question, the judges declared, that
the offence here stated was fineable at discretion, and ap-
proached very near to treason and felony; and to this opinion
all the lords of the council agreed! Thus, by the determina-
tion of all the judges of England, all the clergy were excluded
from the protection of the laws; the king without parliament
might make what ecclesiastical constitutions he pleased; the
high commissioners, who were his majesty's delegates, might
proceed upon these constitutions ex officio, without the forms
of law; and the subjects might not open their complaints to
the king, nor petition for relief, without being fineable at plea-
sure, and made liable to punishments nearly equal to those in-
flicted for treason and felony! Britain could not help weeping
when men of such principles were the guardians of her laws.
This was making the king absolute in all ecclesiastical affairs,
without the possibility of redress; and was most probably in-
tended to make him also absolute in the state.*
Whatever might be the design of consulting the judges, the
archbishop resumed fresh confidence upon their determination,
and pursued the scrupulous puritans with great rigour. The
whole of the London clergy were summoned to Lambeth, to
subscribe to Whitgift's three articles according to the late ca-
nons: but so many refused to appear, or to subscribe in ex-
plicit terms, that the churches were in danger of being again
shut up for want of preachers. This so alarmed the court,
which had been told the number of nonconformists was incon-
siderable, that the bishops found it necessary for a time, to
relax the rigours of canonical subscription, and to accept of a
promise only to use certain trivial ceremonies, with the Com-
mon-prayer: nay, in this extremity they were forced in some
instances to accept a concession that they might be used, with-
out even a promise of compliance in future.†
Warner, vol. ii. p. 487–490.
+ Ibid.
cc 2
388
HISTORY OF
The prelates of the high-party presently renewed their cou-
rage. The poor puritan ministers were ferreted out in all
corners; some were suspended, others deprived of their liv-
ings, and lecturers silenced.* These rigorous proceedings
drove great numbers to Holland, and even to the inhospitable
wilderness of Virginia, where, among wild Pagans, they en-
joyed with undisturbed repose the blessing of unrestricted re-
ligious liberty. Some having departed for the new settlement,
and the archbishop finding many more ready for the voyage,
obtained his majesty's proclamation, forbidding them without
the king's license. The arbitrary court was apprehensive that
the zealous patrons of truth, and of the rights of conscience,
would in the end become too numerous and powerful in the
wilderness of America.† They must, therefore, neither enjoy
liberty of conscience in a protestant country at home, nor be
suffered to enjoy that privilege among untutored heathens in
a foreign land.
Notwithstanding these glaring instances of intolerance and
inhumanity, to do justice to the character of king James, it
will be necessary to inform the reader, that he afforded secure
protection to the foreign protestants, who had fled from the
rage of persecution in their own country, and sought an asy-
lum in England. The members of the Dutch church in Lon-
don having presented their address to his majesty, he was
graciously pleased to return this favourable answer :— ." I
need not use many words to declare my good will towards
you, who have taken refuge here for the sake of religion. Had
opportunity offered when I lived at a great distance, and, as
it were, in a corner of the world, I had given you some
token of my good affection towards you. But, since it has
pleased God to make me king of this country, I swear to you,
that if any one shall give you disturbance in your churches,
upon your application to me, I will revenge your cause. Al-
though you be none of my proper subjects, yet I will main-
tain and cherish you, as much as any prince in the world."‡
James was willing to allow foreign presbyterians a free tole-
ration, and resolved to afford them every possible protection
* Winwood, vol. ii. p. 48.
Strype, vol. iv. p. 386, 387.
+ Rapin, vol. ii. p. 176.
+
1
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
389
i
in the enjoyment of this privilege.* The only persons to
whom he refused this favour, were his own natural born pro-
testant subjects! He discovered a strong propensity to af-
ford a toleration to the Roman catholics, who were incessantly
conspiring against his crown and life; yet all the considera-
tions that could be suggested were insufficient to soften his
mind so as to extend the least degree of lenity towards protes-
tant nonconformists, who were the best friends of the civil
constitution, and his majesty's most loyal and obedient sub-
jects. Nay, instead of exercising lenity towards them, and af-
fording them unrestricted religious liberty, as their just, and
legal, and undeniable birthright, he urged and assisted the
bishops to oppress and persecute them in every part of his
dominions.
On his majesty's accession, the catholics expected such kind
of toleration as would enable them to practise, and eventually
to restore their religion. His majesty's speech to the parlia-
ment, however, convinced them that his intention was to di-
vide their interests, by a toleration of those who would re-
nounce the pope's supremacy, and the expulsion out of the
kingdom of those who refused. Hence it is generally sup-
posed, arose the horrid gunpowder plot in the year 1605, too
well known to require any recital. Upon the assembly of the
parliament, four days after this plot was to have been execut-
ed, the king made a long and wordy speech, in which he took
great pains to acquit the catholic religion, ascribing the plot
to those papists who allowed the pope's authority to depose
and destroy princes. The greatest part of his majesty's sub-
jects beheld, with grief and astonishment, the tender regard
which he expressed for the catholics in general, under colour
of a useless, if not an imaginary distinction; and they could
not help observing his tenderness for the religion of Rome,
and his antipathy against that of the oppressed puritans. The
former, in his opinion, did not hinder its professors from being
faithful subjects; but the latter, he deemed unworthy of a
toleration in any well governed commonwealth. While he
called the doctrine of transubstantiation a mere school ques-
tion, his indignation against the puritanical opinions arose to
Collier, vol. ii. p. 705.
390
HISTORY OF
so high a pitch, that, although they were represented as per-
taining to things indifferent, and had no relation to matters of
state, he, with great absurdity, stigmatized them as worthy of
the fire.* James, "from this time to the day of his death,
continued always writing and talking against popery, but act-
ing for it!"+
The Roman pontiff having prohibited the English catholics
from taking the oath of allegiance to the king, under pain of
eternal damnation, his majesty published an apology in his
own defence, with a preamble addressed to all Christian prin-
ces; in which, after acquitting himself from the charge of
persecuting the catholics, he reproached his holiness with in-
gratitude—“ considering the free liberty of religion he had
granted them, the honours he had conferred upon them, the
free access they had at all times to his person, the general jail
delivery of all convicted Jesuits and papists, and the strict or-
ders that he had given his judges not to put the laws in exe-
cution against them." His majesty in all this said nothing
more than the truth; but, surely, an apology was necessary
to his own protestant subjects, for superseding the execution
of the laws of the realm; especially as many of his best pro-
testant subjects, merely for their conscientious scruples, were
fined, imprisoned, or banished from their country.‡
The archbishop, finding the king's prerogative and arbitra-
ry government gaining ground, was determined to make ano-
ther effort concerning prohibitions. He once more offered his
articles to the king and council: but the judges, who were
again consulted, proved as decisive and resolute as before; so
that the attempt was finally relinquished. Bancroft's system
was to have made the will of the king the law of England.
Accordingly his vicar-general at this juncture published a
book, which his majesty licensed, containing these extraordi-
nary propositions:-"That the king is not bound by the
laws, or his coronation oath.—That he is not obliged to call a
parliament to make laws, but may do it by his own absolute
power. That it is a great favour to admit the consent of the
subjects in giving subsidies.”
* Rapin, vol ii. p. 172.
+ Burnet, vol. i.
Fuller, b. x. p. 101.-Warner, vol. ii. p. 491–493.
p. 12.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
391
The king's behaviour now grew every day more and more
displeasing to the people. The regard which he showed to
the Roman catholics, whose cause he espoused on all occa-
sions, and whom he promoted to the most important offices of
state, created fears and jealousies that there was some secret
conspiracy against the protestant reformation.* His arbitrary
encroachments made him always particularly tenacious of his
prerogative. He would not suffer it to be contested by any
of his subjects; and when the learned judges of the realm at-
tempted to set boundaries to it, he severely reprimanded
them, contemning their determinations. He would not so
much as suffer his endeared prerogative to be argued, and
professed himself to be sole judge of the extent of his own au-
thority. So it was too evident that he intended to rule with
an absolute power.
He had already unfolded to the parliament his high preten-
sions; but he now openly declared to the two houses, that the
power of kings was like the Divine power: "for, as God can
create and destroy, make and unmake at his pleasure, so kings
can give life and death, judge all, and be judged by none."
He told them, "that it was blasphemy to dispute what God
may do; so it was sedition in subjects to dispute what a king
might do, in the height of his power. He, therefore, com-
manded them, not to meddle with the main points of govern-
ment, which would lessen his craft, who had been thirty years
at his trade in Scotland, and served an apprenticeship of se-
ven years in England. This was degrading language from
"the Solomon of the age," to the lords and commons of En-
gland, betraying an ill acquaintance with the nature and ends
of civil government.
Archbishop Bancroft was a crafty prelate, and ever devis-
ing measures for extending the royal prerogative, and uphold-
ing the political church. Whilst he oppressed and persecuted
multitudes of pious Christians without mercy, he presented
his fervent petition for the pardon and release of a notorious
robber, under just condemnation. He procured the king's
patent to found a college at Chelsea, for the maintenance of a
certain number of able controvertists, to combat, in their ser-
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 494. + Rapin, vol. ii. p. 190.—Kennet, vol. ii. p. 682.
Lansdowne's MSS. vol. clix. no. 291.
392
HISTORY OF
mons and writings, all the adversaries of the church of En-
gland; but his death put an end to the project. Dr. George
Abbot, a man of a very different spirit, and much less severe
in his principles, succeeded him in the chair of Canterbury.
Abbot could not be prevailed upon to engage furiously in the
work of persecution, nor, to the honour of his character, would
he blindly follow all the maxims of the court, in the govern-
ment of the church.*
The pernicious consequences which result from making kings
and bishops lords of conscience, were awfully exemplified in
this reign. An uninspired king, who was Head of the church,
and Defender of the Faith, had formerly been the terror of
his subjects, and he would not suffer what he called heresy to
go unpunished. King James was in this respect placed in a
situation exactly similar to that of Henry VIII. The revival
of the burning system, therefore, was thought equally neces-
sary in this, as in any former reign. The bishops of London
and of Lichfield having discovered two heretics in their dio-
ceses, Bartholomew Legate, and Edward Wightman, would
have been deficient in episcopal zeal had they suffered them to
pass without censure. The two poor men were, therefore,
cited into the ecclesiastical courts, where they were condemned
to be burnt alive for refusing to be of the same faith as the
bishops, and being transferred to the secular power, as in such
cases was provided, one of them lighted up the fires of Smith-
field, and the other died in the flames at Lichfield. The names
of these right reverend judges of heresy, were Dr. John King,
successor of Bonner and Aylmer in the see of London; and
Dr. Richard Neile, whose laborious attention to his episcopal
duties allowed him time to preach only one sermon in the course
of twelve years, during his episcopal exaltation! A third per-
son was at the same time condemned to be burnt for heresy;
but the constancy of the two sufferers having awakened the
feelings of sympathy and indignation in the breasts of nume-
rous spectators, it was thought most advisable that he should
be left to linger out a miserable life in Newgate.+
The execution of these supposed heretics was not only the
grossest violation of man's undeniable right to form his own
* Rapin, vol. ii. p. 179.
+ Fuller, b. x. p. 62-64,
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
393
belief, whether that belief agree with, or dissent from, the le-
gislative opinions; but also proved with the evidence of de-
monstration, that protestants, as well as papists, could murder
men under pretence of religion; and that the reformation of a
few ecclesiastical abuses had not essentially altered the nature
and constitution of the hierarchy. Still a political institution,
with a tyrant at its head, and a political priesthood for its
under guardians, it continued the same antichristian mono-
poly ;-an usurpation upon the rights of conscience;-and a
declared enemy to the natural liberties of mankind.
King James having shown his princely opposition against
heresy, was too much lifted up with success to confine his
burning zeal within his own dominions; but he soon wished
to convey the sacred fire into a foreign clime. Conrade Vor-
stius was chosen to succeed the famous Arminius, as professor
of divinity in the university of Leyden; upon which he pub-
lished two theological treatises, the one he dedicated to the
Landgrave of Hesse, the other to the States of Holland. The
king of England being on "his hunting progress," met with
one of these books; and having perused it, his royal zeal be-
came inflamed against certain obnoxious opinions maintained
by the Dutch theologian. His majesty immediately despatch-
ed a letter to his ambassador at the Hague, commanding him
to inform the States of Holland, that he was "infinitely dis-
pleased” with the preferment of Vorstius; that "the head of
such a viper,” instead of promotion, ought to have been trod-
den and crushed to pieces; and that if they still persisted in
his preferment, he would publish to the world, how much he
detested such abominable heresies, with all those who allowed
and tolerated them!
His majesty's zeal, on this occasion, was kindled by the
archbishop of Canterbury, as appears from the ambassador's
correspondence, who says "The knowledge of Vorstius's
book coming to the notice of our lord of Canterbury, out of
his care to preserve religion in its ancient purity and integrity,
he hath so far prevailed with his majesty, that from him I
have had charge publicly to protest against the reception of
Vorstius, which I have done in the assembly of the States
General."* This arrogant behaviour was certainly an open
* Winwood, vol. iii. p. 296.
Mto
J
394
HISTORY OF
insult to the States, who had acquitted Vorstius, and chosen
him for their professor. To the threats of the English am-
bassador, the States returned a mild and modest answer,
though they had just reason to complain of the haughtiness
with which they were treated. James, however, had not pa-
tience to wait for his ambassador's reply; but immediately
commanded the fires to be rekindled in his own dominions,
and Vorstius's books to be publicly burnt at Paul's cross, and
the two universities of Oxford and Cambridge. Vorstius was,
nevertheless, still received at Leyden; at which the king was
so much exasperated, that he wrote against him to the States.
with uncommon vehemence, declaring that "burning was too
good for him!" This unfeeling monarch even threatened,
that in case they continued to tolerate their professor, he
would cause the churches of England and Scotland to with-
draw from the communion of that of Holland, and exhort all
other reformed churches to follow their example!
This was carrying matters to a great length. The States
of Holland, after receiving many haughty and severe threat-
enings, thought it would be more for their own interest to
yield obedience, though they did this with extreme reluctance,
to the outstretched prerogative and ecclesiastical jurisdiction
of England, lest it should be followed with more painful con-
sequences.* But why should the officiousness of James inter-
pose with the theological opinions of a foreign State, especially
when his advice was never requested? Why did he employ
these haughty threats against a church, over which he could
not challenge the least jurisdiction, civil or ecclesiastical? And
why should he employ his extraordinary zeal to preserve the
orthodoxy of this foreign presbyterian church, when he was
harassing and persecuting his own orthodox presbyterian sub-
jects? The Hollanders had unquestionably as great a right
to choose a theological professor for their own university,
without the least interference of a foreign monarch; as king
James had to choose a religion for all his subjects, and compel
them to embrace the whole and every part of his divinity.
Although his majesty exercised such wanton power over
learned protestants, at home and abroad, he sought to obtain
* Kennet, vol. ii. p. 715–717.-Rapin, vol. ii. p. 180.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
$95
a toleration of Roman catholics within his own dominions.
Having agreed to the general articles of his son's marriage
with the Infanta of Spain, he drew up a number of private
articles favourable to popery, and swore to the observance of
them. They were as follows:-"That particular laws made
against Roman catholics, shall not at any time hereafter, by
any means whatsoever, directly or indirectly, be commanded
to be put in execution against them.-That no other laws
shall hereafter be made against the said Roman catholics, but
that there shall be a perpetual toleration of the Roman catho-
lic religion within private houses throughout all our realms
and dominions, which we will have to be understood, as well
of our kingdom of Scotland and Ireland, as of England;
which shall be granted them in manner and form as is decreed
in the treaty of marriage.-That we will not by any means
persuade the most renowned lady Infanta ever to renounce
her religion. That we will interpose our authority, and use
our utmost influence, that the parliament may approve, con-
firm and ratify all these articles in favour of the Roman ca-
tholics; capitulated between the most renowned kings by rea-
son of this marriage; and that the said parliament shall re-
voke and abrogate all those laws made against the said Ro-
man catholics."*
In exact conformity to this sacred pledge, his majesty exer-
cised the greatest lenity towards the catholics, and sent an
order to all the judges, "that in their several circuits, they
should discharge all prisoners for ecclesiastical recusancy, for
refusing the oath of supremacy, for dispersing popish books,
for hearing and saying mass, or for any other point of recu-
sancy which only concerned religion." The consequence of
this order soon became manifest; great numbers of Jesuits and
other missionaries flocked to England; the mass was openly
celebrated in the country; and in London the popish assem-
blies were greatly crowded. Had the States of Holland been
disposed to return the compliment upon England, and, with
a haughty tone, threatened king James and his subjects if he
did not immediately suppress popery in his dominions; how
* Prynne's Introduc. p. 44-48.-Rushworth, vol. i. p. 89.
† Ibid. p. 62, 63.—Warner, vol. ii.p. 502.
396
HISTORY OF
far would he have felt pleased and gratified with such despotic
retaliation? James certainly had no more right, or even the
pretension of right, to threaten the Hollanders for choosing
and supporting their own theological professor, than they had to
threaten him for promoting popery throughout his dominions.
66
It was generally supposed to be his majesty's intention to
grant a full toleration to the catholics, and there was certainly
good ground for the supposition. For, besides what has been
related above, archbishop Abbot, who could be no stranger to
these things, evidently concluded that this was undoubtedly
his majesty's intention, and wrote a letter to him with a view
to dissuade him from his purpose, thus addressing him ;-" I
beseech you, Sir, to take into consideration what this tolera-
tion is-next what the consequence may be. By this tolera-
tion you labour to set up that most damnable and heretical
doctrine of the church of Rome, the Whore of Babylon. How
hateful will it be to God, how grievous to your good subjects,
and the true professors of the Gospel; that your majesty, who
hath often disputed, and learnedly written against those wick-
ed heresies, should now show yourself a patron of those doc-
trines, which your pen hath told the world, and your con-
science tells yourself, are superstitious, idolatrous, and detest-
able! This toleration which you endeavour to set up by pro-
clamation, cannot be done without a parliament; unless your
majesty will let your subjects see, that you will take to your-
self a liberty to throw down the laws of the land at your plea-
sure. What dreadful consequences these may draw after them,
I beseech your majesty to consider."* No liberal mind will
object to the toleration of catholics; but every Englishman
will object to the subversion of our laws.
.
These transactions contain indisputable evidence, that his
majesty was grasping at arbitrary power, and that he was re-
solved to carry the royal prerogative to a point not inferior to
any of his royal ancestors. The king might have enjoyed un-
interrupted tranquillity, had not the fear of attacks on his ad-
mired prerogative continually disturbed his repose. In vain
did he on all occasions preach and advance his principles; for
he had the misfortune to be regarded by none, except his
13
Fuller, b. x. p. 106.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
397
courtiers and immediate dependants. He durst not call a
parliament for many years, knowing that the house of com-
mons did not allow of his maxims; but he had the vanity to
expect that he should at length convince them of the truth of
his principles. Hence in a long speech in the star-chamber,
on pretence of making known his design to correct certain
abuses, he took for his text the words of the Psalmist: "Give
thy judgments to the king, O God, and thy righteousness to
the king's Son." After the introduction of his text, he said—
66
Kings sit in the throne of God, and thence all judgment is
derived from the king to the magistrates. In this manner all
Christian kings govern, whereby appears the near conjunction
between God and the king upward, and the king and the
judges downward: the king is to settle the law of God, and
his judges to interpret the law of the king." He then instruct-
ed his judges in the administration of justice, and prescribed
the limits for them, saying-" Encroach not on the preroga-
tive; and deal not in difficult questions, before you consult
the king and council, for fear of wounding the king through
the sides of a private person. That which concerns the mys-
tery of the king's power, is not lawful to be disputed; for that
is to wade into the weakness of princes, and to take away the
mystical reverence that belongs to those who sit in the throne
of God !!"*
These were high notions for any mortal to assume.
James
discovered on this occasion no inconsiderable share of "king-
craft." He carried his ecclesiastical authority into his native
country, which he loudly proclaimed north of the Tweed.
Addressing the parliament of Scotland, he said-“ I am not
against the advice of grave and learned ministers; but to be
over-ruled, as in your former general assemblies, I will not
agree: the bishops must rule the ministers, and the king go-
vern both, in matters not repugnant to God's law." The king
having appointed three commissioners, his own creatures, to
examine and settle the affairs of the church in that country,
they immediately adopted this fundamental article, which the
king himself, had dictated.—That, whatsoever his majesty
shall determine in the external government of the church,
;
3853
Rapin, vol. ii. p. 192.
398
HISTORY OF
with the advice of the archbishops, bishops, and a competent
number of the ministry, shall have the strength of a law."
This, therefore, made the will of the king, the rule of govern-
ment to the church of Scotland. His majesty moreover said
"The errand for which I have called you, is to know your
reasons, why this power ought not to be admitted. I mean
not to do any thing against reason: and on the other part, my
demands being just and religious, you must not think that I
will be refused or resisted. This is a power innate, and a spe-
cial prerogative which we that are Christian kings have, to
order and dispose of external things in the policy of the
church, as we by advice of our bishops shall find most fit-
ting." Thus, king James directed all his authority to bring
his mother-kirk, which he had before declared "the purest
kirk in the world," to adopt what he had called "an evil-said
mass in English," "the English mass-book," and "the badges
of popery." But while, with glaring absurdity, he attempted
to drill all the people of Scotland to the adoption of the epis-
copal church and worship, it was discovered, says Burnet,
"that he was either inclined to turn papist, or to be of no
religion !"+
The bishops, at the same time, made themselves the tools
of this despotism, by the administration of the court of high
commission now erected by the king in each of the provinces
of Scotland. A number of the bishops, with some of the most
distinguished of the laity, were constituted members of these
courts, five of whom were declared competent to act, provided
one of the five was an archbishop. They were authorized to
call summarily before them all persons being offenders, either
in life or religon, whom they held to be any way scandalous,
and proceed to their trial; and if they found them impenitent,
to issue a mandate to their pastors, under whose ministry they
lived, to pronounce against them the sentence of excommuni-
cation. If the pastors refused to comply, the court was em-
powered to proceed against them by suspension, deposition, or
imprisonment. They were also empowered to fine at their
discretion, such persons as had been dragged to their bar, and
as appeared to them to be guilty. A warrant of the commis-
+ Burnet's Times, vol. i. p. 7.
*
Rapin, vol. ii. p. 194.
}
·
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
399
sioners, signed by the archbishop, was sufficient for all jailers
to bury in dungeons the unhappy persons who fell under the
displeasure of this protestant Inquisition. In cases of contu-
macy, the privy-council were commanded to employ the whole
force of the government in executing the sentences pronounc-
ed by the court of high commission; and if the persons sum-
moned did not obey the order of the council, they were de-
nounced as rebels, and subjected to all the weight of punish-
ment inflicted upon the enemies of the state. It might have ap-
peared, even to the abettors of persecution, that the clauses al-
ready specified gave a sufficient range for the exercise of their
high powers; but the king further authorized the commission-
ers to watch the conduct and conversation of all ministers,
preachers, teachers in schools, colleges, or universities, and to
proceed against those who used what were termed "imperti-
nent speeches ;" in other words, a system of jealous inspection
was established, which destroyed all confidence amongst men,
and annihilated the happiness derived from the intercourse of
society.
The prelates, viewed at once as apostates and instruments
of such tyranny, were held in abhorrence. All the odium of
the high commission fell upon them. James having raised
them to rank and power, thought he might, by their assis-
tance, be able to subvert the presbyterian polity; therefore he
issued an edict, the language and spirit of which could not
fail to rouse the virtuous indignation of all who valued the
best interests of men. This oppressive measure, supported
by such high authority, established the horrors of a protestant
Inquisition, converted the inhabitants of Scotland into spies
upon the virtuous feelings of one another, and sanctioned a
mode of criminal procedure which could be tolerated only un-
der the depression of the worst tyranny. For the slightest
opposition to a long series of propositions, at variance with
what the king, as well as the people, had sworn to maintain,
every man was liable to be immured in a dungeon; he might
be seized wherever the villany of his persecutors led them to
search for him, even in his own house, and in the bosom of
his family, and be deprived of his liberty, not till he estab-
lished his innocence, or demanded a trial, but till the lords of
the council, the men who were capable of framing and pub-
-
400
HISTORY OF
lishing such a proclamation, found leisure, or inclination to
intimate what they wished to be done with him. "Could
that cause,” my author adds, "be acceptable to the nation
which needed support like this? Could any thing be more
calculated to inspire detestation of episcopacy, and of every
thing connected with it, than associating that form of ecclesi-
astical government with a degree of oppression, which, if long
endured, eradicates the best feelings, and sinks into the profli-
gacy and degradation of slavery? Yet, because our ancestors
were not willing to bow their necks to this iron yoke, they
have been represented as unreasonable and seditious enthusi-
asts."*
Great opposition, as might be expected, was made against
these despotic measures. The bishops themselves, says Bur-
net, performed their part very ill. They generally grew
haughty, neglected their functions, lived chiefly at court, and
lost all esteem with the people. Some few, who were stricter
and more learned, leaned so grossly to popery, that the heat
and violence of the reformation became the principal subject
of their sermons. King James, at length, grew weary of this
opposition, or was so far apprehensive of the ill effect it might
have, that, through sloth or fear, and the great disorder into
which his ill conduct brought his affairs, he relinquished his
designs in Scotland.†
On this occasion, the king and his servants the prelates, de-
veloped their true character, and openly declared the oppres-
sive principles on which they directed their proceedings. His
majesty set up his own sovereign will as the ecclesiastical law
to be observed throughout his dominions; and while he abso-
lutely refused all control, he considered all power and autho-
rity as dwelling in himself alone, to coerce his subjects in reli-
gious matters. Hence he afterwards reminded his two houses
of parliament at Westminster, that the laws of religion con-
sisted of two important branches, "persuasion and compul-
sion," and that compulsion was "to bind the conscience."
None of his predecessors had shown a greater propensity to
encroach on the natural rights of the people, and to make
himself absolute; nevertheless, he had the ignorance or teme-
*Cook's Church of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 223, 243. + Burnet, vol. i. p. 10.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
401
rity to affirm, in his speech to the parliament, concerning the
Spanish match-" If it shall not prove a furtherance to reli-
gion, I am not worthy to be your king. I will never proceed
but to the glory of God, and the content of my subjects !"*
As the king was sunk into voluptuous indolence, his court
became an open scene of riot and profaneness. Those who
made any pretensions to personal religion and conscientious
practice, were branded with the name of puritans; and as
these continued to grow out of favour, papists and open pro-
fligates were publicly caressed. His majesty returning from
his tour to Scotland, was grieved to see his English subjects
so much addicted to the puritanic sin of keeping the Sabbath
too strictly; therefore, to encourage and promote through the
kingdom the religion of the court, his majesty published the
"Book of Sports," to instruct the people with what amuse-
ments they might lawfully entertain themselves on the Lord's
day, though he had before ratified the articles of the church
of Ireland, in which the morality of the Sabbath was asserted.
In this affair his majesty's conscience was under the direction
of his prelates, by whose sage and Christian advice the mea-
sure was adopted. This royal declaration for Sunday sports
was drawn up by bishop Morton, and recommends dancing,
archery, leaping, vaulting, may-games, whitsun ales, morrice
dances, setting up of may-poles, and "other sports therewith
used."+ All ministers were commanded to sanction this sti-
mulus to licentiousness, by reading it in their public congre-
gations; and those who refused to comply with the profane
mandate, were prosecuted in the high commission, suspended,
and imprisoned. This impolitic encouragement of profane-
ness gave great offence to many pious and conscientious per-
sons, and was one occasion of the dreadful calamities in the
following reign. It was intended, says bishop Kennet, as a
trap to catch men of tender consciences, whom they could not
otherwise ensnare; and as a means of promoting the ease,
wealth, and magnificence of the bishops: but it made the very
stones in the walls of their palaces cry aloud against them !§
This profane encroachment upon the Lord's day gave fresh
Echard, p. 393.
+
+
Bp. Kennet, vol. ii. p. 730. + Fuller, b. x. p. 74.
§ Bp. Kennet, vol. ii. p. 709.
Dd
VOL. I.
402
· HISTORY OF
liberty to the king and the people in the practice of almost
every abomination; and it proved as an open flood-gate to
every kind of debauchery and wickedness. That which pre-
sently followed was certainly not much better. To put an
effectual stop to the diffusion of light, and truth, and liberal
principles, and to constrain the nation by progressive steps to
retrace its former barbarism, the king gave his sage directions
to the clergy of his church, the following brief abstract of
which will, no doubt, afford the reader some gratification:
That no preacher, under a bishop or dean, shall expound
any text of Scripture, or make a set discourse, not agreeable
to the thirty-nine articles or the homilies of the church of
England. That no parson, vicar, curate, or lecturer, shall
hereafter preach any sermon, on Sundays or holydays in the
afternoon, funeral sermons alone excepted; and that those
preachers be most approved and encouraged, who spend the
afternoon in catechising the children.-That no preacher, un-
der a bishop or dean, shall presume to preach in any popular
auditory on the deep points of predestination, election, répro-
bation; or on the universality, efficacy, resistibility, or irre-
sistibility of God's grace: as being fitter for schools than pub-
lic auditories.-That no preacher of any degree whatsoever
shall henceforth presume in any auditory to declare, limit, or
set bounds to the prerogative, power, or jurisdiction of sove-
reign princes.—And that those who shall transgress any one
of these injunctions, shall be suspended from their office and
benefit for a year and a day, until his majesty, by advice of the
next convocation, shall prescribe some further punishment.*
The whole of this royal artillery was directed against the
doctrines and practice of the scrupulous puritans. The king
had lately discovered his zeal and madness in defence of these
doctrines in a foreign land, but now positively forbade them
being propagated in England. The thirty-nine articles were
established by the statute law of the realm; yet no one under
a bishop or dean must be allowed to preach on the seven-
teenth, concerning predestination and election. The second
injunction allows of their catechising children, and of their
expounding the catechism; yet, according to a learned church-
*Collier, vol. ii. p. 723.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
403
man, the bishops' officials were so active, that, in many places,
they tied up preachers in the afternoon to the very letter of
the catechism, allowing them no liberty to expound or enlarge
the answers.
*
upon
The suppression of afternoon sermons was an unwarranta-
ble and antichristian infringement on the Gospel of Jesus
Christ, on the unalienable rights of Christians, and on the
indispensable duties and obligations of ministers. No fact
could be more obvious, than that the people never stood in
greater need of the frequent and faithful preaching of the
Gospel; or that the puritan ministers were incessantly labo-
rious in their ministerial function; yet, by these antichristian
injunctions, all afternoon sermons, except at funerals, were at
once cut off from the church of God! This was the worst
kind of despotism: and when considered in connexion with
the encouragement of profane sports on the Lord's day, it
could scarcely be surpassed by all the iniquities of Rome.
James might, therefore, have challenged all who had sat in
St. Peter's chair, to have produced more vigorous attempts
for the exaltation of themselves, and the subversion of Chris-
tianity. The king and the prelates, by these disgraceful pro-
ceedings, not only prevented the ministers from feeding their
flocks and fulfilling their obligations to Christ, and robbed the
people of the food of their souls; but they were guilty of the
most flagrant usurpation on the authority of God, who com-
manded his servants without restriction or limitation, to "
go
into all the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature."
Although king James discovered a prevailing propensity to
favour his Roman catholic subjects, and gradually abated the
rigour of those laws which had been enacted against them;
yet he is said to have banished great numbers, and to have
signed warrants for hanging and quartering twenty-five, wholly
on account of their religion.† And on a review of the sta-
tutes passed during this reign, it is doubtful whether their
condition was in any degree meliorated. These laws, it is
true, do not extend the penalties of high treason, as did those
of his predecessor, to the profession of the catholic faith: they
were more careful of life, but perhaps less tenacious of pro-
*Fuller, b. x. p. 111.
+ End of Controversy, part iii. p. 183.
D d 2
404
HISTORY OF
perty. The parliament, throughout this reign, betrayed a
spirit of hostility against the catholics, as determined as it was
unchristian and revengeful. "Tie up all recusants; let con-
demned Jesuits and seminaries be hanged; let those not con-
demned be judged; no band can hold them but imprisonment,
banishment, or death," was the reiterated language of the legis-
lative assembly, which was, nevertheless, constantly exclaiming
against the tyrannical intolerance of the bishops and their ec-
clesiastical courts, which, under the sanction of unjust and im-
politic laws, they arbitrarily exercised over the consciences of
the people.*
*
SECTION II.
The Failure of Efforts to obtain greater Liberty of Worship.
KING James's behaviour in Scotland, previous to his accession
to the English crown, had raised the hopes of the friends of
liberty and a purer reformation. They placed too much de-
pendence upon his puritanical education, his subscribing the
covenant, his repeated declarations, his avowed sympathy and
kindness to the suffering nonconformists. On these grounds
their expectations were highly raised; and, upon his accession,
their prospects seemed to brighten; they accordingly took
fresh courage, omitted those things in the public service which
were offensive to their consciences, laid aside the surplice, and
rejected the unprofitable ceremonies. Their prospects were,
however, presently blasted; and they, together with the whole
nation, were soon involved in more grievous bondage than ever.
Some supposed that towards the close of the reign of Eliza-
beth, the zealous patrons of Christian freedom were totally
vanquished, and their number greatly diminished, by the ri-
gorous execution of the penal laws. This however was con-
trary to fact. For in the beginning of this reign, there were,
upon a moderate calculation, at least fourteen or fifteen hun-
dred ministers, who groaned under the corruptions of the na-
tional church, and earnestly sought a reformation of existing
* Brown's Laws, p. 69. Notes, p. 41.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
405
abuses; therefore, during his majesty's progress to London,
they presented him with their " Millenary Petition," subscrib-
ed by upwards of one thousand pious and able ministers, seven
hundred and fifty of whom were out of twenty-five counties.*
In this important document, they addressed his majesty in the
following very modest and becoming language:
"Most gracious and dread sovereign. Seeing it hath
pleased the Divine Majesty, to the great comfort of all good
Christians, to advance your highness, according to your just
title, to the peaceable government of this church and common-
wealth of England: We, the ministers of the Gospel in this
land, neither as factious men affecting a popularity in the
church, nor as schismatics aiming at the dissolution of the
state ecclesiastical; but as the faithful servants of Christ, and
loyal subjects to your majesty, desiring and longing for the
redress of divers abuses of the church; could do no less in our
obedience to God, our service to your majesty, and our love
to the church, than acquaint your princely majesty with our
particular griefs: as your princely pen writeth; The King,
as a good physician, must first know what peccant humours his
patient is most subject to, before he can attempt a cure.' Al-
though divers of us who sue for reformation have formerly in
respect to the times' subscribed to the Book; some upon pro-
testation, some upon exposition given them, some with con-
dition, rather than the church should have been deprived of
their labour and ministry; yet now we, to the number of more
than a thousand of your majesty's subjects and ministers, all
groaning as under a common burden of human rites and cere-
monies, do with one joint consent humble ourselves at your
majesty's feet, to be eased and relieved in this behalf.”
<
After this preamble to their petition, they enumerate the
grievances which they wished to see redressed, and then add
"These, with other abuses remaining and practised in the
church of England, we are able to show not to be agreeable
to the Scriptures, if it shall please your majesty further to
hear us, or more at large by writing or by conference among
learned men. Yet we doubt not but that, without any further
process, your majesty (of whose Christian judgment we have
* Clark's Lives annexed to Martyr, p. 116.
1
406
HISTORY OF
received so good a taste already) is able of yourself to judge
of the equity of this cause. We trust God hath appointed
your highness to be our physician to heal these diseases. We
say with Mordecai to Esther, Who knoweth whether you
are come to the kingdom for such a time?' Thus your majes-
ty will do that which we are persuaded will be acceptable to
God, honourable to your majesty in all succeeding ages, pro-
fitable to his church, which will be thereby increased, comfort-
able to your ministers, who shall be no more suspended, si-
lenced, disgraced, or imprisoned for the traditions of men;
and be prejudicial to none but those who seek their own ease,
credit, and profit in the world. Thus with all dutiful sub-
mission, referring ourselves to your majesty's pleasure, for
your gracious answer as God shall direct you; we most hum-
bly commend your highness to the Divine Majesty, whom we
beseech for Christ's sake to dispose your royal heart to do
herein, that, which will be to his glory, to the good of his
church, and to your endless comfort.-Your majesty's most
humble subjects, the ministers of the Gospel, who desire not a
disorderly innovation, but a due and godly reformation."*
•
Many other petitions were presented to his majesty from
the various counties through which he passed. Though the
millenary petition did not propose that entire reformation, and
the restoration of that perfect liberty, which is the birthright
of man; yet, had the solicitations of the petitioners been
granted, the church of England would certainly have attained
to a greater degree of purity, and approached considerably
nearer the apostolic institutions, while the existing burdens
and abuses would have considerably diminished. This would
have been a great benefit to society, and might have paved the
way for a total abolition of all human traditions and imposi-
tions in the worship of God, and for a complete and perma-
nent emancipation from ecclesiastical slavery; but the king,
instead of listening to their cries and groans, or attending to
the justice of their cause, threatened them with vassallage still
more grievous.
The millenary petition, as might have been expected, alarm-
ed the two universities, and they expressed in various ways
* Fuller, b. x. p. 22, 23.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
407
}
their warmest resentment against it. In a congregation called
for this purpose at Cambridge, it was resolved, "that whoso-
ever shall oppose by word or writing, the doctrine or discipline
of the church of England, or any part thereof, shall, ipso
facto, be suspended from any degree already taken, and be
disabled from taking any degree in future!" The university
of Oxford, at the same time, published an answer to the peti-
tion, signifying that they were invited to it by the commenda-
ble example of their reverend brethren at Cambridge. This
answer was dedicated to the archbishop of Canterbury, the
chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge, the two secretaries of
state, and the lords of the council; whom they prayed to in-
form his majesty of their laudable and zealous efforts in de-
fence of the church: "Humbly beseeching his most excellent
majesty to consider how inconvenient and insufferable it was
to permit a long and well-settled government to be so much as
questioned, and much more to be altered; especially, consi-
dering the matter which is pretended to be the cause of their
griefs, and of their desired reformation unjustly so called.”*
The archbishop and his brethren were indefatigable, in re-
commending the church to his majesty's care and protection;
which they represented as approaching very near to the pri-
mitive church, and as the best suited to a monarchial govern-
ment. They misrepresented the puritans as turbulent and
factious, as inconsiderable in number and aiming at the sub-
version of church and state. Notwithstanding their vigilant
use of these political engines to uphold their political church,
the old archbishop laboured between hope and despair, and
was under some painful apprehensions as to the result. In
This letter to the earl of Shrewsbury, he says, " although our
humourous and contentious brethren have made many peti-
tions and motions, correspondent to their natures; yet your
lordship may perceive by the proclamation published, and, to
my comfort, I am assured by his majesty's letters to me, that
they have not much prevailed. Your lordship, I am sure,
doth imagine that I have not all this while been idle, nor
greatly quiet in mind. For who can promise himself rest
among so many vipers ?"+
The king having warmly espoused the cause of the bishops,
* Strype's Whitgift, p. 567.
+ Ibid. p. 570, Appen. p. 230.
408
HISTORY OF
i
7!
and shown his determination to persecute all who scrupled ec-
clesiastical conformity, these melancholy apprehensions- were
presently removed, and the learned prelates soon revived the
scenes of intolerance. Their lordships, however, were not all
of one mind. Bishop Vaughan of London was an honourable
exception. He is justly styled a "spiritually minded"
late;* therefore he refused having any share in the disgrace-
ful persecution of his brethren; but, during his occupation of
the see of London, he restored many of the suspended pious
ministers, allowing them to live peaceably, and to enjoy the
liberty of their ministry.
pre-
Buy
The house of commons discovered the same catholic and
friendly disposition to the various classes of protestants. We
have already noticed the encroachments of the crown, and the
high tone with which king James addressed his two houses of
parliament. The commons could not be persuaded by such
eloquence, or convinced by such arguments. They immedi-
ately poured out their complaints against his encroachment on
the privileges of the house, and his attempt to set aside the
common law. Their spirit and judgment appeared not merely
in defence of their own rights and privileges, but they ventur-
ed to consider the prerogative of the crown in matters relating
to the church; where they beheld a large province of govern-
ment usurped by the king alone, and which admitted of no
specific boundary. The lower house could not help beholding
with grief, that the ecclesiastical canons, though they had ne-
ver the sanction of parliament, were considered of equal force
as the statutes of the realm. They therefore passed a bill
against the establishment of ecclesiastical canons without con-
sent of parliament; but when it was transferred to the upper
house, where the spiritual lords had such vast power and in-
fluence, it was presently rejected. This made no alteration in
their opinions; it tended only to deepen their convictions.
They complained loudly against the oppressive proceedings
of the spiritual courts, in depriving, disgracing, and imprison-
ing pious and faithful clergymen, for not extending their sub-
scription farther than the statute law required. They also
complained of the disgraceful severities of the high commis-
* Fuller, b. x. p. 49.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
409
sion court, and the oath ex officio, as hateful, arbitrary, and
illegal; and that those who would not acknowledge the king's
authority to be as extensive as his flatterers were pleased to
make it, were branded with the name of puritans, and consi-
dered as enemies to both church and state.
*
The parliament presented, at this time, their humble peti-
tion to the king, in which they say, "that divers painful and
learned pastors, who have long travailed in the work of the
ministry, with good fruit and blessing on their labours, who
were ready to subscribe to the true Christian faith and doc-
trine of sacraments; for not conforming in some points of ce-
remony, and refusing the subscription directed by the late
canons, have been removed from their ecclesiastical livings,
being their freeholds, and debarred from all means of mainte-
nance, to the great grief of sundry of your majesty's well-af-
fected subjects." And in a memorable speech during this
parliament, it was said, “ that the depriving, degrading, and
imprisoning learned and godly ministers, whom God hath fur-
nished with most heavenly graces, is the crying sin of the
land, most provoking to God, and most grievous to the sub-
jects."* In addition, therefore, to the bill against canonical
subscription, there was introduced another bill against plurali-
ties and nonresidence, a third against scandalous ministers, a
fourth against the oath ex officio; they all passed the com-
mons, but were lost in the lords.
The king hearing of all these attacks upon his endeared
prerogative, sent for the two houses to Whitehall, and endea-
voured to convince them that they complained without cause.
At the same time he made them understand, that if he did not
rule with an absolute sway, was not for want of power, but
owing entirely to his tenderness and moderation! The un-
bounded claim served only to deepen their convictions, and
show the justice of their complaints; and the commons, not
terrified with this high language, still persevered in steadily
asserting their rights. They presented him with a remon-
strance by twenty of their members; in which they declared,
that whereas they at first received a message, and were now
by his majesty's speech commanded to refrain from debating
Calamy's Church, p. 131, 137.
410
HISTORY OF
66
upon things pertaining to the chief points of government,
they do hold it to be their undoubted right to examine the
grievances of the subject, and to inquire into their own rights
and properties, as well as his majesty's prerogative:" and they
most humbly and earnestly solicited his majesty, that, without
offence, they might, according to the undoubted right and
liberty of parliament, proceed in their intended course against
the late new impositions. In another petition they recom-
mended, that the clergy, who demeaned themselves peaceably,
but were deprived for not subscribing to articles added to the
statute law, might be restored to their ministerial employment;
that pluralities and nonresidence might be restrained; that the
abuse of excommunication for trivial matters might be reform-
ed; and that a law might pass for reducing the high commis-
sion court within more reasonable bounds. To this they an-
nexed their reasons to show, not only that the statute which
authorized this court had been found inconvenient and dan-
but also that the commission itself, and the execution
gerous,
of it, were heavy grievances to the nation. But the king, in-
stead of favouring the liberal and just sentiments of the com-
mons, was extremely displeased with their conduct, and dis-
solved them without passing a single act. He was so much
out of humour with the spirit of English liberty which was
growing in the two houses, that he resolved, if possible, to
govern in future without parliament.*
The lower house having presented their humble petition to
the king, for certain alterations and improvements in ecclesi-
astical matters, the king returned his answer, saying, "I per-
ceive by your petition, that my last speech unto you about
matters of religion hath so little opened your understandings,
as that you not only now move me again in those very points
which I directly discharged you from meddling with, for the
various reasons then alleged by me; but you are even come
to that pitch of forgetfulness as to allege my command for
your warrant to enter into consultation upon subjects of this
nature: whereas I ordained that consultation
your
upon those
points should not be brought into your house. Therefore I
can give no other answer to your petition, than by repeating
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 494-496.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
411
those reasons that I formerly alleged, that a settled order in a
settled church must either be uniformly obeyed without ex-
ception, or dispensing therewith will surely bring confusion
to the whole state of the church. For these ceremonies are
either indifferent, or against the Scripture. If they be not in-
different, then are all the members of the conformable church
of England heretics, and I am the arch-heretic. Whenever
any man is able to prove those ceremonies to be contrary to
the word of God, then I shall be content to make a public re-
cantation. But if they be indifferent, then can it not be de-
nied, that these painful and profitable ministers prove them-
selves to be nothing else but seditious schismatics; and there-
fore my counsel is, that hereafter you meddle only with such
things as are within your reach !!”*
The king having freed himself from the incumbrance of
the parliament, and resolving never to call another, the cour-
tiers around him greatly applauded his good intentions. An
absolute government was much more conducive to their inte-
rests, than a government bounded by law; where the conduct
of the king, as well as that of his favourites, is amenable to
the constitution, and depends in some measure on the views
of the people. The whole of the court was over-joyed at his
majesty's shaking off the troublesome yoke of parliaments.†
The high commission now exceeded all bounds, and exercis-
ed its unlimited inquisition upon his majesty's worthy subjects.
Under Elizabeth this court was confined wholly to causes ec-
clesiastical; but under James, to render it more effectual, and
more beneficial to the government, it was extended to matters
of state. Since all the commissioners were appointed by the
king, and were known to favour his arbitrary notions; their
proceedings were extremely gratifying to his prerogative. All
persons, therefore, in church and state, who ventured to ques-
tion his unbounded power, or who could not yield a blind sub-
mission to his despotic orders, or defend the rights and liber-
ties of the subject, were prosecuted, and multitudes ruined,
in the high commission.‡
These uncatholic proceedings obtained the warmest com-
+ Rapin, vol. ii. p. 179.
* Cotton's MSS. Titus, vol. iv. p. 169.
+ Ibid. p. 177.
412
HISTORY OF
mendation and applause of the court party. At the same
time, Sir Richard Knightley, Sir Valentine Knightley, Sir
Edward Montague, and some others, presented a petition to
the king, in behalf of the suffering ministers of Northampton-
shire; and, extraordinary as it may appear, for this act of hu-
manity they were convened before his majesty's council, and
told, that what they had done "tended to sedition, and was
little less than treason!"* A general petitionary address was
also presented to the king, entitled, "An Humble Supplica-
tion for Toleration and Liberty to enjoy and observe the Or-
dinances of Jesus Christ in the ministration of his Churches,
in lieu of human Constitutions." The petitioners earnestly
prayed for liberty to worship God without the traditions and
impositions of men, and to reform their own churches accord-
ing to the rules of Scripture; but their request was indignant-
ly rejected. This petition was published to the world by those
who apprehended the church of England to be fast approach-
ing towards the church of Rome.
By the intolerance of queen Elizabeth and her prelates mul-
titudes of pious Christians had been banished from the coun-
try, and forced to seek an asylum in a foreign land. These
severities, as we have already stated, fell chiefly upon the
Brownists; who, being driven to Holland, republished their
confession of faith, which they dedicated to king James. In
this dedication they earnestly sought his majesty's favour,
with a toleration of their religious opinions in his dominions,
where they wished to spend the remainder of their days as his
majesty's good and peaceable subjects, addressing him as fol-
lows:
Gadg
"Forasmuch as many have solicited your majesty with their
religious causes, it seemed needful to us also, most gracious
sovereign, to publish the cause that we profess, and are per-
suaded to be the truth of God; both for the defence of the
faith which we witness, and the clearing of ourselves, the
Lord's unworthy witnesses, from error, schism, heresy, and
the like, imputed to us. True it is, that our mean and con-
temptible estate, whom God hath allotted to prophesy in sack-
cloth, and not to speak at home, but from a strange country;
* Winwood, vol. ii. p. 49.
¿
'RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
413
and most of all, our own unworthiness and insufficiency to
manage such a cause, might discourage us from publishing to
your majesty, this our defence and apology: nevertheless,
relying on the assistance of the Almighty, and hoping also in
your majesty's clemency, we have done this; to which the
love of Christ constraineth us, and the importunity of our ad-
versaries enforceth us. For they are not content with our af-
flictions and exile, nor think it enough to speak what they
please of us in their pulpits, where none may control them;
but, in their printed books, they publicly traduce us to your
majesty. Yet they do not duly convince us by the word of
God, of those evils with which they reproach us. They
think it sufficient to call us absurd Brownists; our conclu-
sions, pestilential and blasphemous;' our opinions, erro-
neous;' and many of our assertions so absurd, that they are
more deserving of being laughed at, than worthy of any con-
futation: but whether this dealing beseem learned men, and
ministers of the Gospel, let the world judge. If we err,
doubtless our error must continue with us, until some more
orderly and Christian course be taken for our conviction.
<
6
"As we doubt not that your majesty knoweth these things
well; so we trust the Lord will put it into your royal heart to
do his good pleasure; which we humbly desire, and spare not
our utmost endeavours to promote. Heretofore when it pleas-
ed your majesty to have speech with some of us touching this
cause, amongst other things your majesty uttered this worthy
saying: That you were willing to take knowledge of any
truth of God, since you had a soul and body to save as well
as other men; and that whosoever differs in religion, he must
be careful always to have warrant from the word of God and
antiquity. Accordingly we do humbly beseech your majesty
by the mercies of our Lord Jesus Christ, to regard this cause
again presented to your gracious view, as it shall be found
agreeable to the word of truth, and no further; and if our
doctrine accord not with the ancient evidences of God's eternal
Testament, where the good old way is to be sought and found;
if our faith be not the ancient faith of the apostles, and pro-
phets, and patriarchs, let it be rejected as new and profane:
but if our pleading be only for the right of Jesus the Son of
David, that he may reign as King over his own church, by
•
414
HISTORY OF
the powerful sceptre of his own laws; let it find favour in
your majesty's eyes: lest He by whom kings reign, and whose
eyes are upon his cause, should see it, and be displeased.”
The Brownists presented to James no less than three peti-
tions, for the secure and peaceable enjoyment of toleration.
These petitions, showing their enlarged principles and good
sense, they published with their confession of faith; in the
first of which they addressed the king in these words:
"Your majesty knoweth well, dread sovereign, how Jesus
Christ the King of kings, in the primitive age of the Gospel,
rode gloriously by his holy word, conquering and subduing
people under him. The ministers and churches afterwards
declining by degrees from the truth and simplicity of the Gos-
pel, the antichristian apostacy and the mystery of iniquity be-
gan daily to prevail, till at length the usurped primacy became
a terror to the kings, and the filthy superstition a poison to
the nations of the earth. God in justice thus punished man's
unthankful disobedience of Jesus Christ, and his Gospel of
life and peace. Upon which have followed from age to age,
the great and continual floods of God's wrath, overspreading
the earth, though few have regarded.
"For this cause, we your majesty's humble and faithful
subjects, have always been careful, how much soever traduc-
ed, both to acknowledge the true doctrines of the Gospel pro-
fessed by the church of England, and to forsake the antichris-
tian hierarchy, form of worship, and confusion of all sorts of
people in the body of that church, which are yet mingled with
other good things. The declaration of which particulars at
large, we have presumed herewith to present to your highness
in the confession of our faith; that so you may have the true
and full knowledge of our cause. If in any thing we err,
(and who liveth without error ?) our humble and earnest de-
sire is, that our errors may be shown us by the word of God,
promising through his grace willingly to yield. Otherwise we
dare not leave this faith, neither will your majesty require us;
lest we should deny Christ our Lord, in whom we believe: so
do we speak, and so must we confess the truth of his Gospel,
to the salvation of our souls.
(C
May it, therefore, please your majesty to take knowledge
of this cause of Christ, witnessed by us his unworthy ser-
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
415
vants, in long and manifold affliction sustained at the hands of
the prelates: that now by your royal authority, and for the
love you bear to Christ, and the truth of the Gospel; we who
seek the sincere practice of it, may be suffered to live in peace.
under your majesty's government and within your dominions,
which we had rather than in any other place; and not be urg-
ed to the use or approbation of any remnants of popery or hu-
man traditions, but permitted peaceably to walk in the faith
of the Gospel according to the Testament of Christ, we carry-
ing ourselves in all loyalty, peace, and goodness, as becometh
all faithful subjects in the Lord. Whom we pray to establish
your throne in peace with much blessing, as he did to the
good kings of Judah; who, rejecting all commixtures in the
faith and worship of God, were careful to admit of no religion,
nor any thing in religion, but that only which was warranted
by the word of God. Mercy and truth preserve the king; for
his throne shall be established with mercy. The throne of a
king, who judgeth the poor in truth, shall be established for
The King of kings and Lord over all, by whom kings
reign and princes decree justice, give your majesty a wise and
understanding heart, to go in and out before your people in
all godliness, wisdom, and prosperity: establishing your throne
to your highness, and your royal posterity, long to reign over
us in this life, and afterwards give you an eternal kingdom
with Jesus Christ in the heavens."
ever.
This was the liberal and scriptural foundation on which
these persecuted exiles erected their faith and practice. Their
applications, however, proved unsuccessful. King James was
caressed by the prelates, as the Solomon of the age, and as if
he had been inspired by the Spirit of God; yet he could see
no difference between the toleration of religion in the church,
and the encouragement of sedition and rebellion in the state!
His wisdom taught him to conclude, that the one unavoidably
leads to the other; so that none of his peaceable and loyal
protestant subjects were allowed to live in his dominions, if
they scrupulously resolved to have a religion of their own
choice, or could not in conscience receive the religion provid-
ed by the state. This was the mistaken principle on which
the government of James, as well as his royal predecessor,
was manifestly founded; and on this erroneous and dangerous
}
i
416
HISTORY OF
}
principle the governments of these two princes exercised all
their detestable antichristian intolerance, destroying the dearest
rights and benefits of mankind.
The generous principles of religious liberty began to be
more clearly developed and explained by the persecuted
Brownists, during their exile in Holland, than at any former
period. Though they set out on principles in some respects
too rigid, their minds, by hard study and heavy suffering,
became much more liberalized, and they struck out into a
middle path of truth and moderation. Their experience and
their hardships, with what they beheld at home and in a fo-
reign land, taught them an invaluable lesson, prompting them
to a more close and unbiassed examination of the Gospel.
This was particularly the case with the celebrated Mr. John
Robinson, pastor of the English church at Leyden; who
maintained that every particular church or society of Chris-
tians, as in apostolic times, had complete power within itself
to choose its own officers, to administer the ordinances of the
New Testament, and to exercise all necessary authority and
discipline over its members: consequently, that it was inde-
pendent of all classes, synods, convocations, and councils; and
that it claimed and deserved the protection of the civil consti-
tution, as its native and undeniable right. On this liberal and
enlightened basis were the apostolic churches founded; and
on the same basis was Mr. Robinson's church founded and
governed in a foreign land.
When we take a correct view of the deplorable superstition
and oppression, which every where prevailed at this period,
we cannot wonder that a divine acting on these Christian prin-
ciples should have met with much opposition and many com-
batants. His principles were reproached and misrepresented
from every quarter. He, therefore, published to the world
"A just and necessarie Apologie," in vindication of his opi-
nions, and those of his church, against the slanderous mis-
representations of the opposite party. In this work, he states
his views of the office and authority of the civil magistrate,
which are exactly conformable to those of all sound protes-
tants. The magistracy, says he, is one, and the power is one,
whether in the person of a Christian or Heathen. There is
not wanting in a Heathen magistrate power or authority to
:
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
417
promote order; so by the accession of Christianity, his power
is not increased, but only sanctified. The prince rules over
his subjects, as he is a prince; and the subjects obey him, as
subjects; but Jesus Christ is the Lord of our faith, and we
are his subjects in matters of religion. There is also one
Christian faith of the prince and the subject, and all things
which spring from it are common to both. "There is neither
Jew nor Greek, neither bond nor free, neither male nor fe-
male for all are one in Christ Jesus." As there is not the
least power of public administration comes to the subjects by
their Christianity; so by the same means the power of princes
is not at all increased, nor is it possible that it should be. The
magistrate, though a Heathen, hath full power, "as the mi-
nister of God" for the good of his subjects, to command and
prosecute whatsoever is not contrary to the word of God; and,
God forbid, that the Christian magistrate should claim the li-
berty to abuse his authority by doing more.
But if he com-
mand what God forbids, or forbid what God commands, see-
ing it is the fault of the person, not of the office, the subjects
are not freed from the bond of allegiance, but are bound to
obey, if the thing commanded be lawful, or to suffer, if it be
unlawful. If any additional power or authority come to the
magistrate by his Christianity, then in case of his defection to
idolatry, heresy, or profaneness, it must follow, that his kingly
power is abridged and diminished. This would be founding
dominion in grace. But how wide a door it would open to
seditious tumults in the kingdom, under pretext of religion,
no man can be ignorant.
As to the state of the church of England, Mr. Robinson
adds, no man to whom England is known can be ignorant;
since all the subjects of the kingdom, be they ever such stran-
gers to all true piety and goodness, or ever so much fraught
with the most heinous impiety and wickedness, are without
difference compelled and enforced by most severe penal laws.
into the body of the church: and of this confused heap, with
a few good persons mingled among them, is that national
church, commonly called the Church of England, collected
and composed. Such is the material constitution of their
churches, that they are distinguished not by an open profes-
sion of faith and repentance, and a voluntary association of its
VOL. I.
E e
418
HISTORY OF
members; but only by the perambulation of their parishes,
and the situation of their houses. Every subject in the king-
`dom dwelling in this or that parish, whether in city or coun-
try, is thereby, ipso facto, made legally a member of the pa-
rish in which his house is situated; and he is bound, and all
his with him, willing or unwilling, fit or unfit, as with bonds
of iron, to be members of the church.*
I
This was, in his opinion, a most absurd notion of a Chris-
tian church, and of the qualifications of its members. On the
contrary, he says-" This we hold and affirm, that a com-
pany consisting only of two or three gathered together to walk
in all the ways of God, is a church, and so hath the whole
power
of Christ. Two or three thus gathered together, have
the same right as two or three thousand neither the small-
ness of their number, nor the meanness of their persons, can
prejudice their rights." He allowed the expediency of asso-
ciated Christian bodies for the reconciliation of differences
among churches, by giving their friendly advice; but not for
exercising any act of authority, without the free consent of the
churches themselves.
:
In the defence of these Christian principles, Mr. Robinson
published his celebrated work, entitled, "A Justification of
Separation from the Church of England." Upon the subject
of civil and ecclesiastical government, he makes the following
judicious distinctions:-In the word of God, civil officers are
called princes, captains, judges, magistrates, lords, kings, prin-
cipalities and powers, and their offices exactly accord with their
names: but ecclesiastical officers are incapable of these titles,
which can neither be given them without flattery, nor received
without arrogance; nor is their office an office of lordship,
sovereignty, or authority, but of labour and service: so that
they are labourers and servants of the church of God.—Magis-
trates may publish and execute their own laws in their own
names; but ministers are only interpreters of the laws of God,
and must look for no further respect to the things which they
speak, than as the same is agreeable to the Word of God.-
Civil administrations, with their forms of government, are
often altered according to existing circumstances, and to avoid
at
Apologie, p. 57, 62.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
419
inconveniences: but the church is a kingdom which cannot be
moved, in which there may be no innovation in office, or in the
form of administration, from that which Christ hath given for
the regulation of his church to the end of the world.-Civil
officers possess authority by their offices to judge offenders,
and upon whom they may execute temporal judgment: but
the officers of the church are the ministers of the people, whose
service the people are to use in administering the censures of
the church of God, against obstinate offenders; and this is the
utmost that the church can legally perform.-In the civil go-
vernment, obedience is due to the will and authority of the
magistrate, who is lord over the bodies and goods of his sub-
jects: but in the church of Christ, the appointed officers may
not require, or the people present obedience, only in those
things which are commanded in the word of God.
As the kingdom of Christ is not of this world; but is spi-
ritual, and He its spiritual king; so must the government of
this spiritual kingdom, and all the laws of it, under this spi-
ritual king, be also spiritual. Jesus Christ, by the sceptre of
his kingdom, rules and reigns over all; so that Christian ma-
gistrates, as well as others, ought to submit themselves to him;
and the more Christian they are, the more meekly will they
take upon them the yoke of Christ; and the greater authority
they have, the more effectually will they advance his sceptre
over themselves and their people. Nor can there be any rea-
son why the merits of saints may not be mingled with the
merits of Christ, in the salvation of the church; as well as the
laws of men may be mixed with the laws of Christ, in the go-
vernment of his church. He is as entire and absolute a King,
as he is a priest; and his people must be as careful to preserve
the dignity of the one, as to enjoy the benefits of the other.*
These liberal and enlightened principles, as contained in
several of Mr. Robinson's publications show that his mind was
greatly expanded, and that he considered the Bible, and the
Bible alone, as the religion of protestants, to the total exclu-
sion of human authority, with all the shackles and supersti-
tions of popery. The principles of religious liberty contained
in his treatises, though at first published in a foreign land, dif-
* Justification, p. 36, 116.
E e 2
420
HISTORY OF
fused light, and truth, and a spirit of moderation in his native
country. His writings were extensively circulated, and his
principles cordially received, by which the minds of men were
restored to the possession, and the exercise of their native
rights; so that under God his enlightened efforts proved an
invaluable benefit to the Christian church. The memory of
JOHN ROBINSON will, therefore, be honoured and revered to
the end of time, by all persons of enlightened and liberal
minds, as one of the brightest ornaments of his country, and
distinguished advocates of religious liberty.
The members of Mr. Robinson's church at Leyden were
the first planters of New England; whither they carried their
principles, and acted upon them in the formation and govern-
ment of the churches in that inhospitable and uncivilized coun-
try. At the same time, many of his brethren, who had been
driven from their native country by the sword of persecution,
derived signal benefit from a friendly intercourse with him,
and embraced similar opinions upon church government, since
known by the name of Independency. Among these was Mr.
Henry Jacob, another learned puritan divine; who, after cool
and deliberate inquiry, published to the world the result of his
convictions, in several treatises on the constitution and govern-
ment of a Christian church. He afterwards returned to his
native country; and, in the year 1616, he formed a separate
Christian church upon these principles in London. This was
no rash act. He first communicated his intention to a number
of learned and respectable divines; who, seeing no prospect of
a reformation of the national church, expressed their approba-
tion of his design; after which he called a number of his friends
together, who entered into a voluntary association, and mutu-
ally agreed to unite in church fellowship, for a purer adminis-
tration of the ordinances of Christ. He greatly improved the
mode adopted by the Separatists in the reigns of queen Mary
and Elizabeth, and moderated the rigid discipline of the zea-
lous Brownists, and is considered as having laid the founda-
tion of the first independent or congregational church in En-
gland, since the overwhelming domination of popery. On the
same Christian principles other churches were afterwards form-
ed in London and throughout the country.
About the same time a treatise was published by a number
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
421
of persons of the Baptist denomination, entitled, "Persecu-
tion Judged and Condemned;" in which, besides stating their
peculiar views of baptism, they endeavoured to justify their
separation from the established church, and to prove that
every man has an equal right to judge for himself in matters
of religion; and that to persecute any person on the score of
religion, is illegal, antichristian, and contrary to the laws of
God. But that against which they chiefly protested, was the
pretended spiritual power and intolerance of the bishops, by
which they were exposed to manifold hardships and unnatural
oppressions. If it be granted, say they, that the kings of En-
gland have formerly given their power to the Romish beast, it
will evidently appear that our lord the king, and all the magis-
trates under him, give their power to the same beast, though
the beast be of another shape. Our most humble desire of
his majesty is, that he would not give his power to force his
faithful subjects to dissemble, by compelling them to believe
as he believes, in the least measure of persecution: though it
is no small persecution to lie many years in filthy prisons, in
hunger, cold, and idleness, divided from wife, family, calling,
and left in continual miseries and temptations, so that death
would be to many less persecution.
How many, only for seeking reformation of religion, say
they, have been put to death by this power in the days of
queen Elizabeth? And how many, both then and since, have
been consumed to death in prisons? Yea, since that spiritual
power has been set up, hath not hanging, burning, exile, im-
prisonments, and all manner of contempt been used, and all
for religion; and yet you see not this to be a bloody religion?
Let the account from Mr. Fox or any other who has describ-
ed the spiritual power of Rome, be compared with this spi-
ritual power, in all their laws, courts, titles, pomp, and cruel-
ty, and you will see they differ very little, except in the cru-
elties inflicted. It is grievous cruelty to lie for years in noi-
some and filthy prisons, and continual temptations of want,
their estates overthrown, and many of them never coming out
till death. Let it be well weighed, and it will be found very
little inferior to the cruel sudden death, in times of the Ro-
mish power in this country.*
* Crosby's Baptists, vol. i. p. 124-127.
}
422
HISTORY OF
The Baptists afterwards, in the year 1620, presented their
humble supplication to king James, the parliament then sit-
ting; wherein they first acknowledge their obligation to pray
for kings, and all that are in authority; and make their solemn
appeal to God, that this was their constant practice. They set
forth that their present miseries were occasioned, not only by
the taking away of their goods, but also from long and linger-
ing imprisonments of many years, in various counties of En-
gland; by which many died, leaving their widows and small
children behind them; and all because they could not join in
that worship which they did not believe to be according to the
will of God.
They then challenged their enemies to accuse them of any
disloyalty to his majesty, or of doing any injury to their neigh-
bours; and declared their readiness to obey all the laws that
were or should be made for the preservation of his majesty's
person, and the security of his government in all civil matters :
but further than this they could not go; because God was
the Lord of their consciences, and the only lawgiver in matters
of religion. They moreover signified, that if they were in an
error, these cruel proceedings were in no respect becoming the
charity and goodness of the Christian religion; but were the
marks of antichrist, and those things for which they condemn-
ed the papists. Such methods, they acknowledged, might
tempt men to become hypocrites; but it was beyond their
power to enforce belief, or compel the heart.
soever.
They humbly solicited his majesty and parliament to consi-
der their case according to the directions of God's word, and
"let the wheat and tares grow together in the world, until the
harvest." They endeavoured to prove at some length, that
the sacred Scriptures were the rule of the Christian's faith,
and not the decrees of any church, council, or potentate what-
That the knowledge of God's will, and the practice
of true religion, had been commonly found among the poor
and despised in the world; while persons in high circum-
stances had often been in error, and the chief persecutors both
of truth and its professors. That to persecute men for the
sake of conscience, was contrary to the law of Christ, and
condemned by ancient and modern writers, protestants and
catholics, as a great iniquity. That to grant men liberty of
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
423
conscience in matters of religion, could be no prejudice to any
commonwealth, neither could it deprive princes of any power
or prerogative given them of God. And they concluded by
praying to God for the king's majesty, for his royal highness
the prince, and the two houses of parliament; calling God the
searcher of hearts to witness, that they were true and loyal
subjects to his majesty, not only for fear, but for conscience'
sake.*
These heroic defences of the church of God and the liber-
ties of Christians, clearly showed that all the light and truth
in the nation was not extinguished; and, notwithstanding the
extravagant prerogative of the king, together with the flagrant
intolerance of the prelates, the righteous, liberal, and honour-
able spirit and principles of Christianity could not be totally
obliterated. Though the object proposed by these pious ad-
vocates of liberty could not be realized, their generous efforts,
not only discovered a spark of liberty still unextinguished, but
softened the obdurate prejudice of many, and made a favour-
able impression on the public mind. Indeed, their excellent
principles and worthy attempts made no impression upon
James's towering prerogative, or his interested courtiers; yet
they served to expand the minds of the people, and to im-
prove their spirit and practice one towards another.
Towards the close of this reign, the government, the
church, and the nation, presented a melancholy prospect.
The flagrant encroachments of arbitrary power became so in-
tolerable a grievance, that the subject was revived in the house
of commons, when the house presented a petition to his ma-
jesty for a redress of abuses both in church and state. The
commons avowed their unshaken loyalty to the king, and their
zealous attachment to the religion of their country; yet his
majesty having private intelligence of their petition, imperi-
ously commanded the house, "that they should not hence-
forth presume to meddle with any mysteries of state, nor speak
of his dearest son's match with the daughter of Spain, nor
touch the honour of the Spanish king; and that if they had
already touched any of those forbidden points, in any petition
to be sent to him, except they reformed it before it came into
his hands, he would not deign to hear or answer it."+
* Crosby, vol. i. p. 130–132.
+ Prynne's Introduc. p. 12..
424
HISTORY OF
The commons, inflamed with the royal message, drew up a
spirited reply, asserting their ancient and undoubted right,
transmitted to them by their ancestors, to use freedom of de-
bate in parliament, and to interpose with their counsel in all
matters of government. They affirmed, that the liberties and
privileges of parliament were the ancient and undeniable in-
heritance of Englishmen ; and this was entered in their journal.
The king, upon this bold adventure, sent for their journal,
and tore it out with his own hand! In a few days, the parlia-
ment was dissolved; the leading members were imprisoned;
and a proclamation issued, prohibiting all his majesty's sub-
jects from talking of state affairs!*
Archbishop Abbot was, at this time, out of favour at court,
because he would not trample on the laws and liberties of his
country; but the court prelates made themselves much more.
powerful than at any former period. The suffering puritans
instead of being convinced by arguments, the only proper
weapons in this warfare, were treated without moderation,
and without charity. The bishops resolved to make them
conform to the church of England, in things which the im-
posers themselves considered indifferent, as well as in those
that were deemed necessary.† Notwithstanding king James's
infatuation against the Arminians in Holland, and his despotic
and mad proceedings against the Leyden professor, he lived
to change his opinion; when he became equally furious in
the encouragement and advancement of Arminians, even
among his own subjects! Arminians and papists, with such
as had no concern about religion, were the only persons fa-
voured and promoted, those only who held for the royal pre-
The pul-
rogative being considered as protestants at court.
pits were generally filled with men of arbitrary principles; and
those who presumed to defend the rights and privileges of the
subjects, were severely rewarded for their pains. One of the
preachers of the university of Oxford having declared in his
sermon," that subordinate magistrates might lawfully use
force and defend themselves, the commonwealth, and the true
religion, against the chief magistrate when he turns tyrant,
when he forces the subjects upon blasphemy or idolatry, and
† Rapin, vol. ii. p. 358.
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 502.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
425
1
when resistance is the only expedient to secure their lives,
their fortunes, and the liberty of their consciences;" he was
convened before his ecclesiastical judges, and his authority for
these assertions demanded. He answered, that it was the opi-
nion of Paræus on Rom. xiii.; but that his principal autho-
rity was king James, who was then affording assistance to the
oppressed Rochellers against their natural prince.* Upon
this unexpected reply, the preacher was committed to the
Gatehouse; Paræus's Commentary was publicly burnt at Ox-
ford, Cambridge, and Paul's cross; and his assertions were
condemned as false and seditious. This was insufficient to
satisfy the abettors of the prerogative. The university of Ox-
ford passed a decree in full convocation, "that it was not law-
ful for subjects to take up arms against their king, on any
pretence whatever ;" and, to bind the clergy to eternal slavery,
all graduates in the university, or to be admitted hereafter,
were obliged to subscribe and swear, "that they do not only
at present condemn and detest the propositions of Paræus, but
that they will always continue in the same opinion.Ӡ
+
"To compel any one to swear, that he will never alter his
opinions about controversial divinity, is a grievous imposi-
tion." This was the grievous imposition in the reign of king
James; who, says a reverend prelate, was a mere pedant,
without judgment, courage, or steadiness, being the very
scorn of the age; and whose reign was a continued course of
mean practices.§ By his ill conduct, the protestant religion
was entirely rooted out of Bohemia, the electoral dignity
transferred from the Palatine family, the Palatine itself lost,
and the liberty of Germany overthrown.|| My author adds,
that he grasped at immoderate power, but with an ill grace,
and, if we believe the historians of that time, with a design to
make his people little. In this he had his desire; for from his
first accession to the crown, the reputation of England began
to sink; and two kingdoms which, disunited, had each apart
made a considerable figure in the world, now when united un-
der one king, fell short of the reputation which the least of
them had in former ages. The latter years of king James
* Echard, p. 410.
Jortin's Remarks, vol. i. Pref. p. 11.
|| Welwood, p. 32.
+ Warner, vol. ii. p. 504.
§ Burnet, vol. i. p. 17.
-
426
HISTORY OF
1
filled our annals with misfortunes at home and abroad. The
continued struggle between him and his parliament about re-
dress of grievances, helped to lessen his credit in foreign coun-
tries, and to imbitter the minds of his subjects at home. He
repented of these unpropitious measures too late, and, says
Burnet, no king ever died less lamented, or less esteemed.*
He finished his course, March 27, 1625, having reigned
twenty-two years. Thus ended one of the most inglorious
reigns recorded in English history, of which the foregoing
facts afford ample illustration, displaying its melancholy as-
pect upon the religion, and the liberties of the people.
In opposition, however, to these facts, Dr. Joseph Hall,
dean of Worcester, afterwards bishop of Norwich, having
passed the highest encomium on king James's knowledge, de-
clared, that his justice in governing outstripped his know-
ledge; and that he always endeavoured to frame the proceed-
ings of his government to the laws, not the laws to them.
Among all his heroical graces, as a man, as a Christian, as a
king, his piety and firmness in religion were most conspi-
cuous!+ Bishop Laud affirms, that the sweetness of king
James's nature was scarcely to be paralleled, and little less
than a miracle; that he was eminent for clemency, mercy,
justice, and peace; and that he was the most learned and re-
ligious prince that England ever knew!! A learned histo-
rian, on the contrary, affirms, that as the desire of unlimited
power and authority was the reigning passion of his heart; so
all his measures, whether civil or ecclesiastical, were calculated
to answer the purposes of his ambition. He was the bitterest
enemy to the doctrine and discipline of the puritans, to which
he had been warmly attached; the most inflexible and ardent
patron of the Arminians, in whose ruin and condemnation in
Holland he had been singularly instrumental; and the most
zealous defender of episcopal government, against which he
had more than once declared his sentiments in the strongest
language.§
Contrary to the fears of pious men, the despotic and absurd
measures of this reign were overruled for much good, and
* Welwood, p. 19, 20.-Burnet, vol. i. p. 17. † Strype, vol. iv. p. 362, 363.
+ Breviate of Laud, p. 5. § Mosheim, vol. v. p. 385, 392.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
427
rendered favourable to religion. Those who retained an at-
tachment to Calvinism, which was considered as the doctrine
of the reformation, and those who were friends to the consti-
tution, in opposition to the absolute power of the king, were
thrown into one common mass; who, by the impolitic mea-
sures of the king, were daily becoming more numerous and
popular. Some of the nobility, and many of the independent
gentlemen in the country, received the persecuted ministers
into their houses, and made them tutors to their children, by
which was formed a generation, which, in the ensuing reign,
took part in that great struggle against despotism, which over-
turned both the throne and the altar. The oppressed puritans,
who fled from the cruelties of Bancroft and others, imitated
the Christians, at the persecution which arose about Stephen,
by diffusing their principles to the ends of the earth. The reli-
gion of these persecuted servants of God was carried across
the Atlantic, and planted in the extensive regions of America.
On the new continent, unmolested and undefiled religion pre-
vailed; but in the mother country, it was for a time nearly
annihilated.
CHAPTER VII.
THE REIGN OF KING CHARLES I.
SECTION I.
Ecclesiastical Claims subversive of Religious Freedom.
ON
On the death of king James, his only son CHARLES was
proclaimed his successor to the crown. The accession of
this prince brightened, for a moment, the prospects of the
friends of liberty. He was thought to be favourable to their
views, especially as his tutor, and all those about him, were
►
428
HISTORY OF
f
persons eminently distinguished for principles of moderation.*
But their hopes were soon blasted. He made no alteration in
the ministry, the council, or the favourites of the court; but
one of his principal objects was to raise the regal authority
still higher than in the reign of his father, or any of his pre-
decessors. This endeared object engaged his assiduous atten-
tion for the space of fifteen years; after which it was aban-
doned as impracticable.† England was unwilling to relapse
into its former midnight darkness, and to yield a blind and
slavish subjection to the arbitrary pleasure of a prince, whose
judgment was under the entire control of his courtiers.
King Charles possessed certain qualities which raised his
character considerably higher than that of his father. He was
not deficient in natural abilities; and had his principles been
as good as his abilities, he would have governed his people
with reputation and esteem. In his private conduct he ob-
served external decorum, discouraged the vices that inundated
the court in the late reign, and was very regular at his devo-
tions. These good qualities, however, were overbalanced by
some of a very different description. With lofty notions of
the absolute power of princes, and the unlimited obedience of
subjects, he formed the wild scheme of governing without par-
liaments, and levied taxes upon his subjects merely by virtue
of his prerogative.
When first placed upon the throne, his prospects were not
the most encouraging, his father having bequeathed to him an
unnecessary expensive war, an incumbered revenue, an ex-
hausted treasury, and a discontented people. The king's
marriage with a French princess, a notorious papist, having
been concluded a little before his father's death, was realized
a few months after that event: but this was deemed an unfa-
vourable circumstance by English protestants; and the con-
sequence, as might have been expected, was found prejudicial
to his interest and reputation. The entrance of the new queen
was an event more fatal than the plague; for, says bishop
Kennet, "considering the malignity of the popish religion,
the imperiousness of the French government, the influence of
a stately queen over an affectionate husband, and the share
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 19. + Rapin, vol. ii. p. 238. + Welwood, p. 20.
+
+
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
429
she must have in the education of her children, it was easy to
foresee that it might prove very fatal to our English prince
and people, and lay up vengeance for future generations.”*
On the arrival of the queen, the first parliament assembled
for the despatch of business, when his majesty addressed his
two houses upon the subject of religion, in these words:—
"Some malicious persons, as I hear, have given out, that I
am not so true a keeper and maintainer of the true religion I
profess; but I assure you, that I may say with St. Paul, that
I have been trained up at the feet of Gamaliel; and although
I shall never be so arrogant as to assume to myself the rest, I
shall so far show the end of it, that all the world may see that
none hath been, nor ever shall be, more desirous to maintain
the religion I profess, than I shall be."+
The two houses of parliament having taken his majesty's
speech into consideration, agreed to present him with their
joint petition against popish recusants, which the king graci-
ously received; assuring them that he was glad to behold
their zeal for religion, and should be ready to concur with
them in whatever they should propose on that head. Not-
withstanding these gratifying promises, his majesty absolutely
forgot or disregarded them; for the progress of popery was
visible in every quarter, and certain catholics were now releas-
ed from prison, having received the royal pardon. The com-
mons, therefore, complained that Roman catholics were tole-
rated and countenanced, contrary to his majesty's promises
and the laws of the land.‡
These murmurs so much prevailed in the parliament, that
the king thought himself obliged to pay some attention to the
petition of the two houses; and his answers to the various
particulars gave so much satisfaction, that they wanted only
the performance of his royal word, to gain him the esteem
and confidence of his protestant subjects. If we may judge
from the continual complaints upon this point throughout this
reign, we may conclude, that his majesty's promises were ob-
served no better than those of his father. It is, indeed, a lit-
tle surprising, that the king should have given these assurances,
* Bp. Kennet, vol. ii. p. 4.
+ Rushworth, vol. i. p. 172.
+ Warner, vol. ii. p. 511.
430
HISTORY OF
within six months after he had signed the marriage articles, in
which he had engaged "that all the catholics in prison should
be set at liberty, and that they should be no more searched or
molested for their religion." Upon this, swarms of papists,
with raised expectations, made their appearance, and resorted
openly to mass; while Jesuits and seminary priests came from
abroad without restraint, and with great zeal propagated their
opinions in town and country. Thus, though the king sent
a letter to the archbishop to proceed against them, and issued
a proclamation to recall the English youth from the foreign
popish seminaries, the very next day he released by a special
warrant eleven catholic priests from prison, and continued the
popish nobility and gentry in the principal offices of trust.†
The commons having long considered the duke of Buck-
ingham as a person dangerous to the government, and preju-
dicial to the interests of the country, petitioned the king to
remove his favourite from his presence; at which his majesty
took great offence, and immediately dissolved the parliament.
From this time the true spirit of the government became too
manifest to be misunderstood.
On the dissolution of the parliament, the king published
his royal proclamation for the due regulation of the orthodox
doctrine of the church of England, which in the opinion of
certain courtiers was in danger of going out of square; there-
fore his majesty in the integrity of his heart, and singular pro-
vidence for the peaceable government of his people, thought
fit, by the advice of his bishops, to declare and publish to all
the world, his utter dislike of all those who adventured to
start any new opinions differing from the orthodox grounds of
religion established in the church of England: also to declare
his full and constant resolution, that neither in the doctrine
nor discipline of the church would he admit of the least inno-
vation; but by God's assistance he would so guide the sceptre
of these kingdoms, as should be most for the comfort of his
sober, religious, and well-affected subjects. Wherefore he
straitly charged and commanded all the subjects of his realms
of England and Ireland of what degree soever, especially
* Bushworth, vol. i. p. 169.-Prynne's Introduc. p. 74.
+ Rushworth, vol. i. p. 191, 194-Warner, vol. ii. p. 514, 515.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
431
churchmen, henceforth to carry themselves so wisely and con-
scientiously, that neither by writing, preaching, printing, con-
ference, or otherwise, they should raise, publish, or maintain
any other religious opinions, than were clearly warranted by
the doctrine and discipline of the church of England as by
authority established. He enjoined his archbishops and bi-
shops in their several dioceses speedily to reclaim and repress
all such as should in the least degree, attempt to violate this
bond of peace, while all the ministers of justice were required
to execute his majesty's pious and royal pleasure herein ex-
pressed; and if any had the boldness to neglect this gracious
admonition, his majesty would proceed against them with that
severity which their contempt should deserve, that by their
exemplary punishment others might be warned, and that those
who were studious of the peace and prosperity of the church
and commonwealth, might bless God for his majesty's reli-
gious, wise, just, and gracious government.*
This extraordinary infringement on the religious opinions
and discussions of the people, if we may judge from the exe-
cution of it, was intended to produce, under the most specious
pretensions, a complete innovation and revolution in the doc-
trines of the established church. Those doctrines had, for
nearly seventy years, been invariably considered as Calvinis-
tic, and, as such, had with very few exceptions been most
cordially received and subscribed: there was no dispute about
the doctrine of the church through this protracted period.
But, remarkable as it may seem, the execution of his majesty's
proclamation, which was in the hands of bishop Laud and his
colleagues, was directed against all who propagated the Calvin-
istic doctrines, from the pulpit, or the press, or in private con-
ference; while it gave an uncontrolable liberty to the tongues
and pens of zealous Arminians. This uncatholic measure,
the spirit of which had breathed in the late reign, was cer-
tainly the most extraordinary innovation that England had
ever witnessed since the accession of queen Elizabeth, as the
event proved with the evidence of demonstration. By the sage
advice of bishops Laud and Neile, the royal document was
published; and by the execution of it, the clergy were prohi-
*Rushworth, vol. i. p. 412.
432
HISTORY OF
bited from teaching or preaching, in public or private, those
doctrines which they believed, which they found laid down in
the word of God, which they had subscribed willingly and
from their hearts, and which for more than half a century had
been established by act of parliament. This was the actual
encroachment on the liberties of the clergy, and on the doc-
trines established in the church of England; and while the
Arminian tenets were every where countenanced and promot-
ed by the ruling prelates, the Calvinistic ministers were inter-
rupted and prosecuted for attempting to promote their own
views of the Gospel. As the Arminian clergy were preferred,
applauded, protected, and freely tolerated in the propagation
of their peculiar sentiments; so when the contrary party wrote
in defence of the received doctrines of the thirty-nine articles,
they were censured in the high commission, and their books
suppressed; when they ventured to preach or dispute upon
those points, they were suspended, imprisoned, compelled to
recant, or banished into a foreign land.*
These odious severities alarmed the better part of the na-
tion. To silence and cruelly punish the ministers of Christ
for preaching the doctrines which they believed, and to de-
prive the people of those heavenly truths which appeared to
them agreeable to the word of God, and were esteemed the
very food which God had provided for their souls, was more
than they could bear. The distressed ministers, therefore,
unitedly complained of these hardships in their petition to the
king, saying "Your majesty's proclamation and declaration
are so interpreted, and pressed upon us, that we are not a little
discouraged and deterred from preaching those saving doc-
trines of God's free grace in election and predestination, which
greatly confirm our faith of eternal salvation, and fervently
kindle our love to God, as the seventeenth article expressly
mentions: so that we are brought into a great strait, either of
incurring God's heavy displeasure, if we do not faithfully dis-
charge our embassage, in declaring all the counsel of God; or
the danger of being censured as violaters of your majesty's
edicts, if we preach these constant doctrines of our church, and
confute the opposite Pelagian and Arminian heresies, both of
* Prynne's Doome, p. 161.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
433
which are boldly preached and printed without fear of censure.
The saving doctrines of Christ are prohibited, and these here-
sies favoured, which king James called arrogant and atheisti-
cal; and those who avowed them to be agreeable to religion
and the church of England, he called gross liars and main-
tainers of heresy. We, therefore, your majesty's obedient,
peaceable, and conformable subjects to all your majesty's laws,
being most tenderly sensible of the dishonour of Christ and
your majesty, infinitely more dear to us than our lives; most
humbly on our bended knees, beseech your gracious majesty,
to take into your princely consideration the evils and griev-
ances under which we groan; and, as a wise physician, pre-
scribe and apply such speedy remedies, as may cure the pre-
sent maladies, and preserve the church and state from all
those plagues with which our neighbours have been much
distressed."*
In the execution of the king's proclamation, this antichris-
tian intolerance was not confined to the lower orders of the
clergy, but extended to all without distinction. Dr. Davenant,
the learned and excellent bishop of Salisbury, was a sharer in
the common calamity. This prelate was a celebrated Calvin-
ist, and one of the divines whom king James appointed to re-
present the church of England at the Synod of Dort, where
he behaved with great prudence and moderation; but in the
beginning of the reign of king Charles, he became obnoxious
to the court, for the singular crime of preaching on the doc-
trine of predestination, in his sermon before the king, from
these words: "The gift of God is eternal life, through Jesus
Christ our Lord." This was deemed a contempt of his ma-
jesty's proclamation; for which his adversaries at court endea-
voured to bring him into disgrace. Two days after the ser-
mon, he was summoned before the privy-council; where he
presented himself on his knees, and on his knees he must have
remained, if none others had felt more compassion for him than
his right reverend brethren. But the temporal lords bade him
arise, and stand in his own defence. The accusation was ma-
naged by Dr. Harsnet, archbishop of York, who made a long
and warm oration; bishop Laud walking backwards and for-
VOL. I.
* Prynne's Doome, p. 165.
F f
434
HISTORY OF
wards all the time in silence. Harsnet reminded him of his
manifold obligation to king James; then extolled the piety
and circumspection of his present majesty's injunctions; and
then aggravated his contempt of them with great vehemence
and acrimony. Bishop Davenant replied with great meekness
in his own defence, that he was grieved that the established
doctrine of the church should be thus distasted; that he had
only preached that which even his accusers acknowledged to
be truth; and that which was expressly contained in the se-
venteenth article, and he was ready to justify the truth of it.
To this it was replied, that the doctrine was not gainsaid; but
the king had commanded that these questions should not be
debated; therefore his majesty took it more offensively to hear
his own commands violated. The venerable prelate replied,
that he never understood that his majesty had forbidden the
handling of any doctrine comprised in the articles of the
church, but only the raising of new questions, or putting a
new sense upon them, which he had not done, nor ever in-
tended: adding, that in the king's declaration all the thirty-
nine articles are recognized, among which the seventeenth on
predestination is one; that all ministers were obliged to sub-
scribe to the truth of this article, and all subjects to continue
in the profession of it, as well as the rest; then he desired that
it might be shown wherein he had transgressed his majesty's
commands, when he had rigorously kept within the bounds of
the article, without moving any new or curious questions. To
this it was replied, that it was his majesty's pleasure, for the
peace of the church, that these high questions should be for-
borne! The bishop then said, he was sorry that he had mis-
understood his majesty's intention; but now being made ac-
quainted with it, he should in future conform to his royal
commands. Upon this he was dismissed from the council
without further trouble; and, after some time, was allowed to
kiss the king's hand; when Charles did not fail to remind him
that the doctrine of predestination was too high for the peo-
ple's understandings; therefore he was resolved not to allow
the discussion of it in the pulpit !*
From the earliest dawn of the reformation we have heard
*Fuller, b. xi. p. 138-140.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
!
435
the clamorous cry against novelty and innovation. Who then
were the aggressors? Those whose very souls revolted at the
existing corruptions in the church, and who sought by their pe-
titions, their preaching, and their prayers, to obtain a purer re-
formation; or those who endeavoured, by this scandalous into-
lerance, to overturn and root out even the doctrine established
by the laws of the realm? Will it be said, that his majesty
never intended to carry things to such extremity, but only to
suppress all disputation on the controverted and least impor-
tant points of religion? If so, the conduct of the ruling pre-
lates, who grossly perverted the royal intentions, and shame-
fully violated the statute law, was certainly the more repre-
hensible; and their novelties and innovations, not in ceremo-
ny, but in doctrine, the more dangerous to the church and the
nation. If their lordships perverted his majesty's intention,
to fulfil their own episcopal purposes, they were guilty of un-
warrantable infringement on the liberties of Christians, and of
flagrant usurpation of the power and authority of God, who is
the only lawgiver concerning what doctrines his ministers shall
preach and his church receive. No man, or body of men,
without a direct warrant from heaven, can with justice pre-
scribe and impose religious doctrines upon Christians; and
every attempt to do this, whether by pope, or prince, or pre-
late, without a divine warrant, is a usurpation of the preroga-
tive of God, and an oppression of the rights of conscience.
The question is not whether the Calvinistic or Arminian
doctrine is the true doctrine, according to the standard of the
Bible; but the glaring fact recorded on the page of history
is, that king Charles and his bishops endeavoured, with great
zeal, to overturn the doctrine of the church of England estab-
lished by act of parliament, and to incorporate another doc-
trine more agreeable to their own imaginations, without con-
sulting the parliament or the people, and without the least
warrant or authority from God for so great an undertaking.
They sought to subvert that doctrine which king James had
been so zealous to uphold, and to establish that doctrine which
that monarch had been so furious to annihilate, not only among
his own subjects, but in the states of Holland. Thus, usurp-
ing the power and prerogative of God, by placing themselves
on his throne, they might have challenged, not only all their
Ff2
436
HISTORY OF
honourable predecessors, but all the successors of St. Peter, to
have furnished a more unwarrantable aggression.
The parliament in vain protested against these unhallowed
measures. All the petitions which they presented to his ma-
jesty were without effect; yet they openly declared their sen-
timents in the house of commons, and unreservedly exposed
the odious aggressions. After much learned discussion, which
is still on record, the house of commons entered into the follow-
ing solemn vow:-" We the commons in parliament assem-
bled, do claim, protest, and avow for truth, the sense of the
articles of religion, which were established by parliament, in
the thirteenth year of our late queen Elizabeth; which by the
public act of the church of England, and by the general´and
current expositions of the writers of our church, have been
delivered unto us. And we reject the sense of the Jesuits
and Arminians, and all others, wherein they differ from us."*
These interesting documents at once show in what light the
religious aggressions were considered by the house of com-
mons, and with how dignified a spirit they opposed the eccle-
siastical innovations of the crown and prelates. The guar-
dians of the laws and liberties of England, resolved on this
occasion not to yield tamely to the overthrow of the constitu-
tion, and to leave even their own souls, and the souls of the
people, in a state of eternal slavery to the overwhelming des-
potism. They made a noble and constitutional resistance
against the arbitrary encroachment of those in power; and
their fidelity and magnanimity will be admired by all gene-
rous minds, so long as Britain shall be able to claim and enjoy
her native rights.
Had the king possessed any military force on which he
could have placed sufficient dependence, it is probable that he
would at once have cast off the mask, and have governed with-
out regard to the ancient laws and constitution. But his
But his army
was insufficient to support so violent a measure; nevertheless
he had recourse to extraordinary methods of raising money.
An open commission, in violation of the royal promise at Ox-
ford, was granted to the archbishop of York and others, to
compound with the convicted catholics in the ten northern
*
Rushworth, vol. i.
p. 645-650.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
437
counties, and to agree to the dispensation of the penal laws
enacted against them. A general loan from all his majesty's
subjects was ordered in council, and commissioners sent to
levy it, under arbitrary and severe penalties, throughout the
kingdom. Thus the government, under the sole control of
the crown and the court favourites, became a terror to the
country, and a public robber of the wealth of the nation!
To convince the people, that it was their duty to submit to
this loan, and to give the king their money when he demand-
ed it, the clergy were employed to preach the doctrine of pas-
sive obedience in its fullest extent, and to prove that an unli-
mited submission to the royal pleasure was the doctrine of
Scripture. Among the learned divines who advocated this
cause, was Dr. Sibthorp; who, in an assize sermon at North-
ampton, advanced these extraordinary sentiments:-" It is
the duty of the prince, who is the head, to direct and make
laws. He doth whatsoever he pleases. Where the word of
a king is, there is power; and who may say to him, What
doest thou? If princes command any thing which subjects
may not perform, because it is against the laws of God, or of
nature, or impossible; yet subjects are bound to undergo the
punishment, without resistance, or railing, or reviling, and so
to yield a passive obedience where they cannot exhibit an ac-
tive one.”*
It will appear almost incredible, that such doctrine could be
preached in England by a man of any rank in the church;
yet there were courtiers in his audience, equally servile as the
preacher, who recommended him to the king for his loyal and
profitable sermon. The king was so much gratified with the
new doctrine, that he sent the sermon to archbishop Abbot,
with a command to license it for publication. But Abbot had
too much good sense and honesty, and too great a regard for
the laws of his country, to obey in this instance the royal com-
mand, and to sanction and support so scandalous a doctrine by
his own example.† The sermon upon this was presented to
bishop Laud, who approved of it as discreet and learned, and
licensed it for the press, under the title of " Apostolical Obe-
dience." The king was, in the mean time, so much incensed
Rushworth, vol. i. p. 423.
+ Ibid. p. 455.
*
I
HISTORY OF
438
J.
H
1
at the archbishop's refusal, that, without further ceremony, he
not only banished him to a moorish, unhealthy place beyond
Canterbury, but also suspended him from his archiepiscopal
jurisdiction, and placed that jurisdiction in the hands of com-
missioners. Our author adds, that none of Charles's favourite
historians have attempted to vindicate him in this illegal op-
pression of the venerable primate; therefore I shall make no
reflections upon it: reflections upon this instance of despotic
arbitrary power would be impertinent, when the whole nation
was treated as a conquered province !*
It will be proper to notice another instance of arbitrary doc-
trine. Dr. Manwaring preached before the king at White-
hall; and it was found upon inquiry, that his sermon was
printed by his majesty's special command. Among other pas-
sages subversive of truth and liberty, he affirmed, "that the
king is not bound to observe the laws of the realm, concern-
ing the subject's rights and liberties; but that his royal word
and command in imposing loans and taxes, without consent of
parliament, doth oblige the subject's conscience, upon pain of
eternal damnation; and that those who refused to pay this
loan, offended against the law of God, and became guilty of
impiety, disloyalty, and rebellion !"+ This doctrine was no
doubt extremely gratifying to the ears of king Charles, who,
to make his subjects acquainted with it, and regulate their
practice by it, gave it his royal sanction, and ordered it to be
printed but no doctrine could have been more subversive of
the English constitution, or more destructive of the laws and
rights of Britain. By this doctrine the royal word and com-
mand alone, might have seized all the wealth in the nation,
and the subjects must have quietly submitted, upon pain of
eternal damnation; and the least refusal would have exposed
a man to all the disgrace of impiety, disloyalty, and rebellion!
Was ever any opinion more preposterously absurd? Yet this is
the monstrous doctrine of passive obedience and nonresistance.
The commons in parliament could not suffer the propaga-
tion of these obnoxious opinions to pass unnoticed. Manwar-
ing's dangerous doctrine was submitted to the examination of
a committee of the house, the result of which was reported by
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 515, 516.
+ Welwood, p. 40.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
439
one of their leading members, in the following accusations:-
"He labours to infuse into the conscience of his majesty, the
persuasion of a power not bounded by law; which king James,
in his speech to the parliament, calls tyranny accompanied with
perjury. He endeavours to persuade the consciences of the
subjects, that they are bound to obey illegal commands; yea
he damns them for not obeying them.-He robs the subjects
of their goods. He brands those who will not give up their
goods with most scandalous and odious titles, to make them
hateful both to prince and people; and to make a division be-
tween the head and members, and among the members them-
selves. To the same end, not much unlike Faux and his col-
leagues, he seeks to blow up parliaments and parliamentary
power."
The charges were carried to the upper house, upon which
the lords gave sentence, that he should pay a fine of a thou-
sand pounds, make a public submission at the bar of the two
houses, be imprisoned during their pleasure, be suspended for
three years, be disabled from holding hereafter any ecclesiasti-
cal dignity or secular office, be for ever disabled from preach-
ing at court, and that his sermon should be called in and pub-
licly burnt.* This sentence, on the part of the lords, was
certainly unconstitutional; for they had power only to impri-
son during their own session. No sooner was the session clos-
ed, than Manwaring, so obnoxious to the two houses, was not
only pardoned by the king, but promoted to an ecclesiastical
benefice of great value, and afterwards to a bishopric. His
majesty's conduct in the pardon and preferment of Manwar-
ing, with several other similar culprits, was disgusting to all
sober persons in the two houses of parliament, and among the
common people.
Upon the misunderstanding between the king and the par-
liament, the obnoxious doctrines of passive obedience and non-
resistance became the fashionable doctrines of all court favour-
ites; and, says Burnet, "nothing was so much heard of as
the law of government from God, antecedent to all human
laws. Out of this sprung illegal imprisonments, illegal mono-
polies, severe proceedings in the star-chamber, and, above all,
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 585, 605.
440
HISTORY OF
the ship-money. These things put the nation in a universal
disjointing and feebleness; and when unavoidable necessity
afterwards forced the king to call a parliament, the fatal effects
of those councils broke out terribly."*
These unprecedented encroachments on the property, as
well as on the religion of the subjects, were productive of ge-
neral murmuring and dissatisfaction. This is not the proper
place to detail all the attempts to overthrow the constitution
and laws of the land, to rule the three kingdoms with a rod of
iron, and to bring the bodies and souls of the people into
worse than Egyptian slavery. The glaring facts, as inscrib-
ed on the faithful page of history, will remain to all unbiassed
observers as durable as time.
-
The king seemed unconscious of his own arbitrary mea-
sures; or, at least, he denied that it ever entered his heart to
extend the prerogative beyond the legal boundaries, to the
injury of any of his subjects. In his speech to the house of
lords, he said " To clear our conscience and just intentions,
this we publish, that it is not in our heart, nor will we ever
extend our royal power, lent us from God, beyond the just
rule of moderation, in any thing which shall be contrary to
our laws and customs, wherein the safety of our people shall
be our only aim." In his majesty's declaration to all his lov-
ing subjects, published upon the dissolution of the same par-
liament, he said-" We do here declare, that we will main-
tain the ancient and just rights and liberties, with so much
constancy and justice, that they shall have cause to acknow-
ledge, that, under our government and gracious protection,
they live in a more happy and free estate, than any subjects
in the Christian world !-As we will maintain our subjects in
their just liberties; so we do and will expect, that they yield
as much submission and duty to our royal prerogative, and as
ready obedience to our authority and commandments, as hath
been performed to the greatest of our predecessors. +
994
Though the king had so zealously opposed those doctrines
which were openly preached and professedly established as the
only true doctrines of the church of England, throughout the
*
Bp. Burnet's Speech, p. 4.
++
† Rushworth, vol. i, p. 560.
Ibid. Appen. p. 10.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
441
-
reign of Elizabeth and the former part of the reign of James;
and though he had encouraged and assisted the court prelates
in the subversion of those doctrines, and in the propagation of
the contrary opinions; his majesty, in the foregoing document,
made this open declaration and solemn appeal to heaven :—
"We call God to record, before whom we stand, that it is,
and always hath been, our heart's desire to be found worthy of
that title, which we account the most glorious of all our crown,
Defender of the Faith: neither shall we ever give way to the
authorizing of any thing, whereby any innovation may creep
into the church, but to preserve that unity of doctrine and
discipline, established in the time of queen Elizabeth, whereby
the church of England ever since hath stood and flourished !!"*
The reconciliation of his majesty's proclamation and prac-
tice, with the sentiments contained in this royal declaration,
we must necessarily leave to posterity. The unbounded power
assumed by the crown, with the numerous oppressions and
cruelties which followed, laid the foundation for all the hor-
rors of civil war, and for the overthrow of church and state.
Unhappily for the king, as well as the nation, bishop Laud
acquired the entire ascendency over him; and it was the great
misfortune of this prince, that, as he was inflexible in his pur-
poses, he was directed in them by men of the most arbitrary
and intolerant principles. Under the direction of these prin-
ciples, the king dissolved his parliament, and imprisoned some
of the leading members, intending to govern without them.
This created almost universal disgust and murmuring among
his subjects. Here a remarkable scene opens to our view: a
king of England governing by orders of council and procla-
mations, setting aside the parliament and the laws of the land.
The administration of ecclesiastical affairs, in the hands of
Laud, was conducted without discretion or humanity. This
prelate introduced many new ecclesiastical observances which
gave the church of England an appearance resembling catho-
lic superstition, and imposed them with pride and petulance,
equally offensive as the things themselves. The churches.
were beautified with pictures, paintings, images, and altar-
pieces; and the forms of worship were ornamented with nu-
Rushworth, vol. i. Appen, p. 4.
442
HISTORY OF
1
1
1
}
#
merous rites and ceremonies. There was too much reason to
believe, that the church of England was relapsing fast into
Romish superstition. His holiness had some hopes of regain-
ing his authority in this island, and offered Laud twice a car-
dinal's hat, as an inducement to forward his good intentions.
The celebrated judge Whitelock used to say, previous to
Laud's advancement, that his zeal was too furious for the
church, and that, if he continued in this way, he "would set
the nation on fire."* There can be no doubt, that the genius
of this prelate's religion, was the same, only in a less degree,
as that of Rome: the same profound respect was demanded
to the sacerdotal character; the same submission required to
creeds and the decrees of councils; the same pomp and cere-
mony affected in the forms of worship; and the same super-
stitious regard to days and postures, to meats, names, and
garments. This bishop's heart was so fully set upon the ad-
vancement and grandeur of the church of England, that he is
said to have raised it to a rivalship, rather than a resemblance
of the church of Rome !†
By the fatal policy and intolerance of this hot and furious
prelate, many persons, well affected to the hierarchy, but ene-
mies to Arminianism, or to arbitrary power, were driven to re-
nounce their former sentiments, and to join themselves with the
persecuted puritans. This greatly encouraged and strength-
ened the advocates of better principles, and enabled them to
oppose, with greater firmness, the illegal measures of the
court. The bishop's heart was set on the advancement of the
church, which was carried on at the expence of the king's pre-
rogative, and the liberties of the nation. Those doctrines
which the Romish church had borrowed from the fathers,
freeing the spiritual from a subordination to the civil power,
were adopted by this prelate, and interwoven with his politi-
cal and religious opinions. A divine and apostolical charter
was pretended and maintained, as preferable to that which
was parliamentary. The sacerdotal character was magnified
as sacred and indefeasible; while the right of private judg-
ment and liberty of conscience, on spiritual subjects, was in a
manner annihilated.‡
Echard, p. 420. + Ibid. p. 454. ‡ Warner, vol. ii. p. 519–521.
*
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
443
Bishop Laud's superstition, however offensive to common
sense, was tolerable when compared with his cruelties. These
chill the Christian's blood. No man possessed of the common
sympathies of human nature can read the sufferings of Prynne,
Burton, Bastwick, Lilburn, Leighton, and Williams, without
the greatest horror, concluding that the monster's heart was
steeled against every feeling of humanity.
Amidst these terrific oppressions, a plan was adopted which,
for a time, proved a partial remedy, and served to diffuse bet-
ter principles in many parts of the country. A design was
formed by a number of gentlemen and clergy, to promote the
preaching of the Gospel by setting up lectures in the principal
market towns; when they bought, by voluntary contributions,
such impropriations as were in the hands of the laity, which
they divided into salaries of forty or fifty pounds a year, for
the support of the lecturers. The trustees expended nearly six
thousand pounds, and the design was highly applauded by
most persons: but Laud, viewing the project with an evil and
a jealous eye, as if it was likely to prove hostile to his own
views or interests, applied to the king, and obtained an infor-
mation against all the feoffees in the exchequer. The feoffment
was therefore cancelled, their proceedings declared illegal, the
impropriations already purchased confiscated to the king, and
the feoffees themselves prosecuted in the star-chamber.*
The illegal proceedings of the council-table, the star-cham-
ber, and the high commission, were unparalleled in this reign.
The account is given by lord Clarendon, who cannot be sup-
posed to magnify the aggressions. The two former of these
courts, says he, were become courts of law, to determine mat-
ters of right; and courts of revenue, to bring money into the
treasury. The council-table, by proclamations, enjoined upon
the people what was not enjoined by law; and the star-cham-
ber punished the disobedience of those proclamations by heavy
fines and imprisonment. The exorbitances of this court were
such, that there were very few persons of quality who did not
suffer more or less, by the weight of its censures and judg-
ments. The high commission became justly odious, not only
by meddling with things not within its cognizance, but by ex-
Prynne's Doome, p. 385–387.
*
444
HISTORY OF
tending its sentences and judgments to a degree that was un-
justifiable, and by treating the common law, and the profes-
sors of it, with great contempt. From an ecclesiastical court
for the reformation of manners, it became a court of revenue,
imposing heavy fines upon the subjects.*
Had not this sys-
tem of oppression been well authenticated, we should have
thought it almost too abominable to exist. It was the mon-
ster of impiety and iniquity, impolicy and injustice !
This is not a distorted picture; but a just portrait of the
detestable English Inquisition. With this before our eyes,
the applause of king Charles and his government, so often
sounded by interested persons in modern times, is both dis-
gusting and odious.
These courts were considered as the
grand pillars for upholding the ecclesiastical establishment;
while they were made the powerful engines of supplying the
royal treasury, at the expense of justice, humanity, and Chris-
tianity. They brought general devastation upon the oppres-
sed subjects, detaining multitudes for a long time in prison,
without bringing them to trial, or acquainting them with the
cause of their commitment. Their terrific proceedings were,
in some respects, more barbarous than the popish Inquisition;
because they suspended, degraded, excommunicated, and im-
prisoned with unmerciful severity, great numbers of learned
and pious ministers, without the breach of any established law.
They established a kind of lawless and unbounded despotism,
both in church and state; and while they inflicted tremendous
pains and penalties upon the best protestants in the nation, the
papists lived in general without molestation. The high com-
mission in particular trampled upon the laws of God and na-
ture, daily compelling men by the oath ex officio to accuse
themselves and others, excommunicating and imprisoning those
who from conscience refused, to the intolerable oppression of
his majesty's subjects, and the overthrow of their just rights
and liberties. Numerous instances might be produced in
confirmation of this melancholy statement; but, as they are
already before the public, we forbear to recapitulate the
shameful barbarities.‡
* Clarendon, vol. i. p. 69, 222, 283. + Huntley's Usurpations, p. 227.
Lives of the Puritans.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
445
These despotic proceedings could not fail to throw the na-
tion into the utmost confusion; and the breach between the
government and subjects grew wider every day. Upon the
death of archbishop Abbot, bishop Laud, who was put in pos-
session of the primacy, drove with irresistible fury, till he
brought destruction upon himself, the king, and the church
of England.* This prelate, when raised next to the king,
aimed principally at the advancement of the hierarchy, and
the destruction of all the patrons of better principles. One of
his first objects was to retrench the number of lecturers and
domestic chaplains, who were considered a kind of uncon-
formable churchmen; for the accomplishment of which, he
procured an order from the king for the strict observation of
the canons.
The archbishop, in the first days of his primacy, pursued
that course which gave great offence to all religious people,
whether in the church or out of it. A complaint having been
made to lord chief justice Richardson and baron Denham,
two of the judges on the western circuit, of the great inconve-
nience arising from public revels and profane sports on the
Lord's day, they made an order, founded on various prece-
dents, and at the request of the justices of the peace, for the
suppression of these occasions of riot and debauchery; enjoin-
ing every parish minister to publish this order three times
every year in the church, and punishing some few for disobe-
dience. The archbishop having obtained information of the
measure adopted by the two learned judges, complained to the
king of their invading and usurping the episcopal jurisdiction,
and prevailed upon him to summon them before the council.
Richardson defended what had been done, by alleging that it
was at the unanimous request of the bench of justices, and by
producing precedents in the two former reigns, as well as the
present. But all that he could say was unavailable.
sharply admonished, and commanded to revoke his order at
the next assizes. When the lord chief justice retired from
the council-chamber, he told the earl of Dorset, with tears in
his eyes,
“that he had been miserably shaken by the archbi-
shop, and was likely to be choaked with his lawn sleeves."+
He was
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 522. † Fuller, b. xi. p. 147.—Warner, vol. ii. p. 525.
446
HISTORY OF
The primate having humbled the venerable judge, and hav-
ing taken the affair into his own hands, was resolved to com-
plete his own purpose; therefore he prevailed on the king to
republish his father's declaration for sports on the Lord's day,
with this addition—" that it was out of the like pious care for
the service of God, and for suppressing those humours which
opposed the truth, and for the ease, comfort, and recreation of
his well-deserving people, that he ratified his blessed father's
declaration!!” This extraordinary measure was adopted, to
encourage the profanation of the Lord's day, even soon after
an act of parliament had passed for the reformation and better
observance of that day.* "His majesty commanded all jus-
tices of assize, to see, in their respective circuits, that no man
do trouble or molest any of his loyal subjects, in or for their
lawful recreations, having first done their duty to God, and
performed obedience to his majesty's laws; also that they take
notice of this, and see it observed, as they would tender his
displeasure." To complete this impious contrivance, the royal
declaration was commanded to be published by an order from
the bishops, through all the parish churches of their respective
dioceses. This project, instead of convincing the sober part
of the nation, struck them with horror, to see themselves in-
vited by his majesty's authority, supported by the bishops and
clergy, to that which appeared to them a direct violation of
the command of God. It was certainly a shocking perversion
and profanation of their office, for bishops and clergymen to
draw the attention of the people from the worship of God, and
the practice of religion in their families, by the encouragement
of public sports on the Lord's day. The court had its balls,
masquerades, and plays, on the Lord's day evenings, while
the people in the country were at their revels, morrice-dances,
maygames, church-ales, and other kinds of diversion.
To secure the end proposed, the bishops were commanded
to see that the declaration was published in all the parish
churches; but the imposition of it upon the clergy, produced
great terror and devastation among them for seven years. It
would be endless to relate all the particulars of suspension,
deprivation, and other persecutions, for refusing to read the
* Rushworth, vol. i. p. 632.
† Bp. Kennet, vol. iii. p. 66.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
447
book of sports.* The ministers of Christ were placed in a
perilous situation; for they must either act in direct violation
of Scripture and their consciences, and thus offend the Ma-
jesty of heaven, or draw down episcopal vengeance upon their
own heads. Thus, the book of sports, in the hands and under
the direction of the bishops, brought terror upon the clergy,
and infamy upon the nation.
The archbishop believed, unhappily, that the government
was so settled that nothing could shake it; and while he had
the power to aggrandize the church, he was resolved to use it.
He prevailed upon the king to allow the bishops to hold their
courts in their own names, without the king's seal and autho-
rity, and thus they administered their oaths of inquiry. These
were deemed encroachments on the church, as well as on the
rights of the subject, and proved the occasion of unspeakable
discord between the ruling prelates, and the body of the peo-
ple. The catholics were exempt from these severities. Ac-
cording to lord Clarendon, they had enjoyed a calm for many
years, having obtained absolution and dispensation from the
severest laws against them. They were looked upon as good
subjects at court, and good neighbours in the country.†
Had the archbishop been content with being metropolitan
of all England, he might have gone to his grave in peace; but
grasping at the ecclesiastical jurisdiction north of the Tweed,
which was founded upon very different principles, he pulled
down both upon his own head, and was buried in the ruins.
The king, under the direction of Laud, adopted the mad pro-
ject of imposing the English liturgy upon the kirk of Scot-
land; which was soon found to be absolutely impracticable.
The bishops were, on this occasion, so lifted up with the zeal
of the king, and so encouraged by the archbishop, "that they
lost all temper." The attempt was resisted by the Scots;
who could not in conscience submit to this usurpation over
their kirk, their country, and their souls: but king Charles
and his potent primate were resolved to compel them at the
point of the sword, which involved the two nations in all the
horrors of war and of blood. To raise money for this protes-
tant crusade, Laud wrote to his suffragans, and raised by the
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 526. + Ibid. p. 527.
Burnet, vol. i. p. 26.
448
HISTORY OF
clergy a very great sum; while the queen wrote letters to
promote contributions amongst the Roman catholics, to fur-
ther the same good cause: so that Laud and his clergy, toge-
ther with the queen and her papists, joined to enslave or de-
stroy the protestants of Scotland. The Scots rose in their
own defence against the despotic and barbarous attempt,
which proved unsuccessful.*
Who can wonder that our much-injured forefathers should
now turn their eyes towards other countries, and address each
other thus?" The sun shines as pleasantly on America as on
England, and the Sun of Righteousness much more clearly.
We are treated here in a manner which forfeits all claim upon
our affection. The church of England has added to the cere-
monies and habits of popery, the only marks of antichrist
which were wanting, corruption of doctrine, and severe perse-
cution of her members. Let us move whither the providence
of God calls, and make that our country, which will afford us
what is dearer to us than our property or our lives—the liber-
ty of worshipping God in a way which appears to us most
conducive to our eternal welfare." In twelve
In twelve years of Laud's
administration, not less than four thousand emigrants became
planters in America; and nearly eighty divines ordained in the
church of England became, during the same period, pastors of
emigrant churches in the new plantations. These persecutions
drained England of half a million of money, which was then
an immense sum; and had the same infatuated counsels con-
tinued twelve years longer, a fourth of the moveable property
in the kingdom would have been transferred to America.
When it was found how peaceably and comfortably the exiles
lived in their new settlements, multitudes were eager to leave,
as they said, “the Egyptian bondage for the land of Goshen.”+
The numerous inhumanities of the ecclesiastical courts,
without serving the interest of the church, awakened univer-
sal resentment against those in power. The general emigra-
tion from the country exceedingly alarmed the king and coun-
cil, and his majesty issued his proclamation, declaring, “That
great numbers of his majesty's subjects were yearly transported
Rapin, vol. ii. p. 300-322.
† Mather, b. i. p. 17, 23.—Life of Baxter, p. 18.
*
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
449
to New England, with their families, and whole estates, that
they might be out of the reach of ecclesiastical authority; his ma-
jesty therefore commanded, that his officers of the several ports
should suffer none to pass without license from the commis-
sioners of the plantations, and a testimonial from their minister,
of their conformity to the orders and discipline of the church.”
To debar all clergymen, he further declared, "That whereas
such ministers as are not conformable to the discipline and ce-
remonies of the church, do frequently transport themselves to
the plantations, where they take liberty to nourish their fac-
tious and schismatical humours, to the hinderance of the good
conformity and unity of the church; we therefore expressly
command you, in his majesty's name, to suffer no clergyman
to transport himself without a testimonial from the archbishop
of Canterbury and the bishop of London."* Cruel mandate!
The oppressed puritans must not be suffered to enjoy liberty
and peace of conscience at home, nor be allowed to seek and
enjoy it in a pagan land! These acts of injustice in a protes-
tant country, opened the eyes of tens of thousands, and impel-
led them to espouse the cause of general freedom.
In the reigns of Elizabeth and James, the patrons of reli-
gious liberty had been banished from their beloved country;
but in the reign of king Charles, they were compelled to stay at
home, and endure these cruel oppressions, being deemed unwor-
thy of a sanctuary in an uncultivated and dreary wilderness.
Notwithstanding these despotic and contradictory measures to
promote the same cause, great numbers went on board the
ships in disguise, and bid a final adieu to the land of intole-
rance, finding a secure asylum in the new colonies. It is wor-
thy of being recorded, that there were eight ships in the river
Thames bound for New England, and filled with puritan fa-
milies, among whom was OLIVER CROMWELL; who, seeing
no end of the cruel oppressions in their native country, re-
solved to spend the rest of their days, and enjoy the blessing
of religious liberty, on the other side the Atlantic. The go-
vernment being apprized of their design, issued an order" to
stay those ships, and to put on shore all the provisions intend-
ed for the voyage." To prevent similar attempts in future,
VOL. I.
་
Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 410.
G g
;
?
450
HISTORY OF
}
the king prohibited all masters and owners of ships, from
sending any ships with passengers to New England, without
a special license from the privy-council; "because," says he,
"the people of New England are factious and unworthy of
our support.”*
It is scarcely necessary to remind the reader, that faction,
schism, heresy, and similar terms of reproach, have been con-
stantly in the mouths of tyrannizing princes and prelates, to
cloak their base proceedings, and to frighten the church of
God. The spirits and principles of the Colonists required
time to purify them from intolerance and persecution. The
precious seed of religious freedom was conveyed by individual
planters, and at length richly diffused in the new world. Like
an acorn planted in the earth, it took deep root in the ground;
it sprung up, and became a stately oak, whose branches now
overspread the whole of the United Commonwealth. There,
genuine religious liberty, in principle and practice, is seen and
felt equally by all; and every man pursues the religion of his
own choice, without impositions or compulsions, pains, or pe-
nalties, molestations or infringements. The invaluable bless-
ing, as the natural and undeniable right of human nature, is
granted and guaranteed to every member of society, as it
ought to be in every country under heaven. Thus we see the
hand of a wonderful overruling Providence, in the dispersion
of the pious friends of religious freedom, directing their course
to the colonization of the immense new world; where the
rights and liberties of the church of God, uncontaminated by
human imposition, now reign in a state unprecedented since
the dawn of the reformation. The government of king Charles
did not pursue the puritans across the Atlantic, and fasten the
church of England upon their souls in the distant wilderness;
yet, extraordinary as it may seem, it actually performed this
upon those who fled to Holland, and other places on the con-
tinent of Europe. Archbishop Laud drew up a number of
regulations, which he submitted to the council, declaring—
"That those who reside in the low countries, or in any other
foreign dominions, shall admit no minister to preach to their
company, but such as entirely conform to the church of En-
* Rushworth, vol. ii. p. 410.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
451
gland, and are recommended by the lords of the council, with
the advice of the archbishops of Canterbury and York. That
if any minister or preacher, being his majesty's born subject,
shall print, preach, or converse, to the disparagement of the
doctrine, or discipline of the church of England, notice shall
be given to the ambassador, and by him to his majesty, that
the person offending may be sent home, and answer for his
misdemeanors. That the English ministers in Holland may
not be permitted to hold any classical meetings, nor especially
be allowed to ordain others. That all his majesty's agents be-
yond sea may have these instructions given them in charge,
and be obliged once a year to give the board an account of
their success.
The zeal of the archbishop did not stop here: but he soon
after procured an order of council, to constrain all English-
men, who had retired to Holland and other places, to observe
an exact conformity to the church of England; nor did he fail
to make use of this order to its fullest extent. It will be neces-
sary to relate one instance, reminding the reader that similar
instructions were sent to other places. The archbishop sent
Mr. Beaumont, a minister conformable to the doctrine and
discipline established in the church of England, with the fol-
lowing archiepiscopal charge, to the English residing at Delph,
where they were pretty numerous:-" You are to receive him
with all decent and courteous usage, fitting his person and
calling, and to allow him the usual ancient stipend. We are
further to let you know, that it is his majesty's express com-
mand, that both you, the deputy, and all and every other mer-
chant, that is or shall be residing in those parts beyond the
seas, do conform themselves to the doctrine and discipline
settled in the church of England: and that they frequent the
Common-prayers with all religious duty and reverence at all
times required, as well as they do sermons. That out of your
company, you do yearly about Easter, as the canons prescribe,
name two church-wardens, and two sidesmen, who may look
to the orders of the church, and give an account according to
their office. Mr. Beaumont himself is hereby to take notice,
that his majesty's express pleasure and command to him is,
that he do punctually keep and observe all the orders of the
church of England, as they are prescribed in the canons, and
G g 2
452
HISTORY OF
the rubrics of the liturgy. That if any of your company shall
show themselves refractory to this ordinance of his majesty,
(which we hope will not be) he is to certify the name of any
such offender, and his offence to the lord bishop of London
for the time being, who is to take order and give remedy ac-
cordingly. These letters are to be registered and kept by you,
that they who come after may understand the care his majesty
hath taken for the well ordering of your company in church
affairs. You are likewise to deliver a copy of these letters to
Mr. Beaumont, and to every successor of his respectively, that
he and they may know what his majesty expects from them,
and be the more inexcusable if they disobey.”*
These proceedings will excite the wonder and abhorrence
of posterity. The episcopal jurisdiction had hitherto been
confined within the boundaries of each particular diocese; but
now the archbishop of Canterbury and the bishop of London
extended their potent arms to all the cities and towns of Hol-
land; and every association of Englishmen on the continent
of Europe was brought within their spiritual cognizance and
government!
The archbishop was equally vigilant in the suppression of the
remaining liberty of the press; for which purpose he procured
an order in the star-chamber, that none but master printers
should be allowed to print, under the penalty of being set in
the pillory, and suffering such other punishment as that court
should appoint. That none of the master printers should
print any book in divinity, law, physic, philosophy, or poetry,
without a license: and that no person should reprint any book
without a new license. That no merchant, bookseller, or other
person, should import any printed books without giving a ca-
talogue of them to the archbishop of Canterbury, or bishop of
London. That they should not deliver or expose to sale any
imported books, till the chaplains of the said archbishop or
bishop, or some other person appointed, should take a view of
the same, with power to seize all that they might consider schis-
matical and offensive. And that no merchant, bookseller, or
any other person should print any English book beyond sea,
nor import any such into this kingdom.+
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 753, 761.
+ Ibid. p. 781.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
458
In this perilous state of national affairs, the king found
himself at length under the necessity, especially from his un-
popular war with his Scotch subjects, to call a parliament,
after an intermission of nearly twelve years. The house of
commons, according to Clarendon, were "exceedingly dispos-
ed to please the king, and to do him service;" but instead of
beginning with the supply of his wants, as the king had wish-
ed and directed, they entered upon the state of religion and
grievances; with which his majesty was so much displeased,
that, after sitting only three weeks, without passing a single
act, he adopted a hasty resolution, and in anger dissolved the
parliament.
The convocation assembled according to custom the day
after the parliament, when the archbishop produced a com-
mission under the great seal, " empowering the two houses to
consult and agree upon the explanation or amendment of any
canons then in force, or for making such new ones, as should
be thought convenient for the government of the church."
This commission was to remain in force during the present
session of parliament only; and, from an extraordinary clause,
nothing could be transacted unless the archbishop was a party
in the consultation. Upon the rash dissolution of the parliament,
his majesty granted a new commission for the continuance of
the convocation, with which he sent this message by the secre-
tary of state; "That it was his royal pleasure that none of
the prelates or clergy should withdraw from the synod, till the
affairs they had in command from the king were finished."
They sat above a month, made canons, gave subsidies, enjoin-
ed oaths, and subscribed the new canons, consisting of seven-
teen distinct articles.
The reader will be able to form a correct judgment of these
canons, from the following abstract. The first is concerning
the regal power; and decrees, that the most high and sacred
order of kings is of divine right, being even the ordinance of
God, founded in the prime laws of nature and revelation, by
which is given to them supreme power over all persons, eccle-
siastical and civil; they having the care of God's church,
and the power of calling and dissolving councils, national and
provincial. They decree, that no person shall import, disperse,
or print, any book containing Socinian doctrine, on pain of ex-
"
454
HISTORY OF
communication, and further punishment in the star-chamber.
They ordain, that the canon against the papists shall be in
force against the sectaries; and the clause against Socinian
books, shall be in force against all books written against the
doctrine and government of the church. Those who resorted
to their parish churches, but did not join in the public prayers,
were subjected to the same penalties as sectaries and recusants.
They decree, that the following oath should be taken by all
ecclesiastical persons, from the highest to the lowest :-"I do
swear, that I approve the doctrine and discipline or government
established in the church of England, as containing all things
necessary to salvation: and that I will not endeavour by myself
or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any popish doc-
trine, contrary to that which is so established: nor will I ever
give my consent to alter the government of this church, by
archbishops, bishops, deans, archdeacons, &c., as it stands now
established, and as by right it ought to stand; nor yet ever to
subject it to the usurpations and superstitions of the see of
Rome: and all these things I do plainly and sincerely ac-
knowledge and swear, according to the plain and common
sense and understanding of the same words, without any equi-
vocation, or mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever:
and this I do heartily, willingly, and truly, upon the faith of
a Christian. So help me God in Jesus Christ.”
The canons moreover decree, that all public preachers shall
declare positively and plainly twice a year, that the rites and
ceremonies of the church are lawful, and to which it is the
duty of all people to conform. They ordain, that no other
articles of inquiry should be used at visitations, than those
contained in a book drawn up for that purpose by this synod.
The last canon forbids a citation from spiritual courts, except
under the hand and seal of one of the judges within thirty
days after the crime is committed; and until the party is con-
victed by two witnesses, he may purge and acquit himself by
oath, without paying any fee; but this canon should not ex-
tend to schism, incontinence, misbehaviour in divine service,
or obstinate nonconformity.*
-
These canons were generally disliked; and the oath was
Sparrow, p. 335.-Warner, vol. ii. p. 528.
*
:
RELIGIOUS LIBERTÝ.
455
particularly offensive to the consciences of the clergy, against
which they presented a petition to the king. Some objected
to the oath, as contrary to the oath of supremacy; and others
complained of the et cætera in the middle of it. Some object-
´ed to the power claimed by the synod to impose an oath; and
many confessed, that they wished some things in the discipline
of the church might have been altered; therefore they could
not swear, that they would never attempt, or consent to, any
alteration in future. Notwithstanding these obstructions, the
bishops were extremely forward in imposing this oath, in so
much that some of them pressed it upon the clergy of their
dioceses, even before the time appointed by those in power:
yea, "to my knowledge," says my author, "some of them
enjoined them to take this oath kneeling, a ceremony never
required in taking the oaths of allegiance and supremacy.'
Thus we see to what extravagant power these prelates aspired
upon the wing of the prerogative.
""*
An author, who lived in those times, remarks, that the
practice of the prelates from the beginning of queen Eliza-
beth's reign to this day, would fill a volume with lamentation,
mourning, and woe. For it was their great design to hinder
all further reformation; to introduce the doctrines of popery,
arminianism, and libertinism; to maintain, and greatly in-
crease the burden of human ceremonies; to suppress and keep
out the preaching of the word; to silence the most faithful
preachers; to persecute the most zealous professors; to turn
all religion into pompous observances; and to tread down the
power of godliness.†
Another contemporary writer observes, that the court, dur-
ing this long vacancy of parliaments, enjoyed itself in the
greatest pleasure and splendour. The revels, triumphs, and
princely pastimes, were so magnificently promoted through
this period, that any stranger travelling through England
would have believed that a kingdom looking "so cheerfully
in the face, could not be sick in any part." The clergy, whose
dependence was upon the king, were "wholly taken up in
admiration of his happy government," which they never con-
cealed from him, when the pulpit gave them access to him,
*Fuller, b. xi. p. 171.
+ Biog. Britan. vol. iii. p. 132.
456
HISTORY OF
and on all public occasions this was the joyful theme of their
discourse; confidently affirming, "that no prince in Europe
was so great a friend to the church as king Charles; that re-
ligion flourished no where but in England; and that no re-
formed church but that of England, retained the face and dig-
nity of a church !"*
The causes of disgust, which had been multiplying for up-
wards of thirty years, were now come to full maturity, threat-
ening the nation with some great convulsion. The king had
assumed a degree of power that was incompatible with the
principles of a limited government; and it was not possible to
defend his conduct, except on maxims so odious to the nation,
that they were more calculated to inflame the discontent, than
to appease it. The liberty of faith and worship was, by
usurpation and persecution, not suffered to exist. The reli-
gion of Christ and the laws of the land, the two great bul-
warks of national security and happiness, had by the servile
compliance of the bishops and judges, nearly lost their influ-
ence over the people. The court prelates fitted their princi-
ples to the unbounded prerogative of the crown; and they
both drove furiously in the same chariot, until they went vio-
lently down the precipice of ruin.
SECTION II.
Attempts to obtain greater Christian Freedom under the Parliament.
THE oppressions of king Charles and his courtiers excited
continued murmurs among the people. The king had learned
to govern without parliament, levying money by his own ar-
bitrary authority. No man could call any thing his own, any
longer than his majesty pleased: nor could he divulge his
thoughts, by speaking or writing, without imminent danger of
his liberty and estate. The perilous state of the nation, and
the king's great necessities, at length, obliged him to call a
parliament, which assembled at Westminster, on November 3,
1640; and it appears from one of the orders of the commons,
* May's Parliament, p. 14.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
457
"that none should sit in their house, but such as received the
communion, according to the usage of the church of England."*
The members of this parliament, according to lord Clarendon,
were all members of the church of England, and nearly all ad-
vocates of episcopal government. This historian adds, that
though they were not devoted to the measures of the court,
they had all imaginable duty for the king, and affection for
the government by law established; and undoubtedly the
majority of that body were persons of wisdom and gravity,
who having very plentiful fortunes, had no mind to break the
peace of the kingdom, or to make any considerable alterations.
in the government of church or state. It is affirmed, that no
age ever produced greater men than those who sat in this par-
liament. They had sufficient abilities and inclinations to have
rendered the king and their country happy, if England had
not, through a chain of concurring events, been ripened for
destruction.‡ These representations of the character and
principles of the Long Parliament, from the most unexcep-
tionable authorities, ought to silence the unblushing ignorance
and presumption of persons of later times; who, to blacken
the cause of religious emancipation, are to this day incessantly
slandering, misrepresenting and stigmatizing, them by every
foul name they can devise.
The oppressions which for many years had been accumu-
lating both in church and state, awakened the cries and groans
of the nation." The first ill blood between king Charles and
his subjects was occasioned by the severe proceedings of the
high commission court, and the cruel censures of the star-
chamber; in both of which the court clergy were allowed too
much power."§ The day of retribution, however, was now
approaching, and a dreadful day it was to those who had been
the occasion of the people's sufferings. One of the first acts of
this parliament was to impeach the king's advisers, and to pass
a bill for their own continuance till they should dissolve them-
selves. They then proceeded to make a very extensive inquiry
into abuses, and to apply such remedies as, in their opinion,
would heal the wounds of the nation.
Upon the examination of grievances relating to religion, one
Warner, vol. ii. p. 533.
+
Welwood, p. 45.
+ Clarendon, vol. i. p. 184
§ Biog. Britan. vol. i. p. 372.
$
458
HISTORY OF
of the first things which came before the house, was the pass-
ing of the canons of the late convocation, even after the disso-
lution of the parliament. This occasioned several very pointed
speeches, both against the canons, and the compilers of them;
and among others, lord Digby, who was a zealous advocate of
the hierarchy, arose and said-" Does not every parliament-
man's heart rise, to see the prelates usurping to themselves the
grand pre-eminence of parliament, by granting subsidies under
the name of benevolence, with no less a penalty to those who
refuse it, than the loss of heaven and earth; of heaven by ex-
communication, and of earth by deprivation, and this without
redemption by appeal? What good man can think with pa-
tience of such an ensnaring oath, as that which the new canons
enjoin upon ministers, lawyers, physicians, and graduates in
the university; where, besides swearing such an impertinence,
as that things necessary to salvation are contained in disci-
pline; swearing those to be of divine right, which among
learned men were never pretended, as the arch things in our
hierarchy; also swearing not to consent to the change of that,
which the state may, upon great reasons, think fit to alter;
also the bottomless perjury of an et cætera; besides all this,
men must swear that they swear freely and voluntarily when
they are compelled to it; and that they take this oath in a li-
teral sense, for the understanding of which, no two of the
makers themselves, that I have heard of, could ever agree.
""*
The house of commons advocated with great zeal and firm-
ness, the cause of greater religious freedom; and maintained,
that the convocation had no power to make canons for all the
people in the land, without the intervention of parliament.
That most of the canons were unjust in themselves; that they
tended to increase the power of the clergy, to the prejudice of
the king's authority, and injure the liberties of the people.
That by these canons, the convocation assumed a power above
the parliament. That the oath which they had imposed was
strange, and contrary to the privileges of the parliament, and
the rights of the people, constraining men to swear to things
as necessary, which were alterable without any danger to
religion. That supposing bishops were jure divino, which
*
Diurnal, vol. ii. p. 9.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
4.59
the church of England had never acknowledged, it could not
be affirmed, that archbishops, deans, and archdeacons were of
divine institution; yet people were made to swear never to
consent to the alteration of the ecclesiastical government by
archbishops, bishops, deans, archdeacons, &c. That by this
oath, the representatives of the nation were deprived of the
power of making the least alteration of the government of the
church, and even of debating on the subject. Upon these and
many other reasons, the commons unanimously resolved, that
the clergy of England convened in convocation or otherwise,
had no power to make constitutions, canons, or acts, to bind
the clergy or laity, without consent of parliament; and that
the canons of the late convocation, contained matters contrary
to the king's prerogative, to the fundamental statutes of the
realm, to the rights of parliament, to the property and liberty
of the subject, tending to sedition and dangerous consequence.*
These were open and bold exposures, showing the determi-
nation of the commons to resist the unconstitutional
power and
flagrant oppressions of the convocation. The house having
passed these resolutions, a committee was appointed to inquire
how far the archbishop of Canterbury had been concerned in
the proceedings of the reverend synod, and in the treasonable
design of subverting the laws and religion of his country. Up-
on which his grace was accused of high treason, and his im-
peachment, consisting of numerous articles, was carried up to
the lords. The archbishop was committed to the custody of
the black rod, and then sent prisoner to the tower.
He was
afterwards brought to trial before the two houses, and being
found guilty of high treason, was beheaded on tower-hill.
This was the awful end of archbishop Laud, whose character
is thus described by the eloquent pen of one who could not be
tempted to exceed the bounds of truth. “When I see him
confounding the cause of Christ with that of the prelate;
when I observe him persecuting with merciless rigour men of
exemplary lives united with him in every point of Christian
faith, and whose sole crime was conscientious opposition to
the hierarchal dignity, and a regard to what they deemed to
be the simplicity of the Gospel; when I contemplate him
Rapin, vol. ii. p. 355.
!
460
HISTORY OF
on the judgment-seat, uncovering his head, and thanking God
on the passing of a cruel sentence which he had himself dic-
tated; when I see him afterwards in his closet recording with
calm rancour and cold-blooded exultation the execution of
the judicial barbarities; when I behold him insulting the age
of the mild and liberal Abbot, and spurning him from his
throne, to obtain premature possession of the metropolitan.
power; when I remark him ruining, with vengeance as un-
grateful as it was unrelenting, the first patron of his fortunes,
bishop Williams, whose hand had placed the mitre on his
head—my charity must necessarily falter, and I cannot im-
mediately decide that he stands accountable for nothing more
than erroneous judgment.”*
When the parliament first assembled, petitions were sent
up to the two houses from all parts of the kingdom, craving a
redress of grievances. Numerous petitions were also presented
by individual persons, who had been many years under close
and miserable confinement; when the parliament favourably
received them, released the afflicted captives, declared their im-
prisonments to have been illegal, and voted them to receive a
recompence for damages out of the estates of their principal
persecutors. They released Dr. Leighton, who had been im-
prisoned ten years; Mr. Smart, who had been eleven or twelve
years; and Mr. Brewer, who had been fourteen years; and
many others. The reading of Leighton's petition in the house
of commons, giving an account of the dreadful barbarity with
which he had been treated, the members were so deeply mov-
ed and affected, that they could not bear to hear it without
several interruptions, with floods of tears.
7
To appease as much as possible the present distractions,
and to consider of such grievances as were thought proper to
be taken away, the house of lords appointed a committee of
accommodation, consisting of ten earls, ten bishops, and ten
barons. The design was good, and had men been at all dis-
posed to moderation, the happiest results would have follow-
ed; but all attempts at an accommodation were blasted by the
obstinacy of the bishops, and by the discovery of the plot for
bringing the army up to London to dissolve the parliament.
* Symmons' Life of Milton, p. 220, 221.
盒
​RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
461
This widened the distance between the king and the two
houses, and soon after broke up the committee, without
bringing any of their deliberations to perfection. By the ex-
ercise of moderation and mutual forbearance, the whole body
of episcopacy might have been saved, and the civil war pre-
vented: but the court prelates expected no advantage to be
derived from the proceedings of the committee, being filled
with groundless jealousies against those who sought to purify
the church of existing corruptions. Some of them, men of hot
spirits and intolerant principles, would abate nothing of the
episcopal power or profit; but maintained, that to yield any
thing was to give up the cause to the opposite party.*
* This
ignorant and absurd method of reasoning has in every age
been adopted by the patrons of intolerance, and the enemies
of a further reformation. Such reformation they apprehend
would interrupt their ease, or injure their secular interest; so
that they employ all their power and influence to oppose its
progress.
The parliament had not been long assembled before the
sentiments of the various parties throughout the nation were
clearly understood, by the multiplicity of petitions from all
quarters, in which they opened their minds without equivoca-
tion or reserve. The root and branch petition was presented
by the inhabitants of London and the adjacent country, com-
plaining of existing grievances, and praying for redress as fol-
lows:
"That whereas the government of archbishops, and lord-
bishops, deans, archdeacons, &c., with their courts and mi-
nistrations, have proved prejudicial, and very dangerous to
the church and commonwealth: they having themselves for-
merly held, that they have their jurisdiction or power from
human authority, till of late they have claimed their calling
immediately from Christ; which is against the laws of this
kingdom, and derogatory to his majesty's royal state. The
said government is found by woeful experience, to be the
principal cause and occasion of many foul evils, pressures, and
grievances of a very high nature to his majesty's subjects, in
their consciences, liberties, and estates; as in the schedule of
particulars hereunto annexed, may in part appear.
*Fuller, b. xi. p. 175.
462
HISTORY OF
"We, therefore, most humbly pray and beseech this ho-
nourable assembly, the premises being considered, that the
said government, with all its dependences, roots, and branches,
may
be abolished, and all the laws in their behalf made void,
and that the government, according to God's word, may be
rightly placed among us; and we, your humble supplicants,
as in duty bound, shall ever pray for his majesty's long and
happy reign over us, and for the prosperity of this high and
honourable court of parliament."*
The schedule annexed to this petition contained numerous
charges against the episcopal government, the most painful of
which were, the bishops suspending and depriving ministers
for not observing human traditions in the worship of God;
their discountenancing preaching; their high claim of divine
right; their administering the oath ex officio; the exorbitant
power and scandalous oppressions of the high commission.
The friends of the hierarchy, alarmed at this exposure, im-
mediately presented a counter petition at considerable length,
in favour of the established church. After some unjust re-
flection on the root and branch petition, the petitioners enter-
ed upon their defence of the ecclesiastical establishment, by
affirming, that episcopacy was as ancient as Christianity in
this kingdom: that the bishops were the chief instruments in
promoting the reformation from popery; that since the refor-
mation the times had been very peaceable, happy, and glori-
ous; that many learned and godly persons would be much
scandalized and troubled in conscience, if the episcopal go-
vernment, which they conceived to be apostolical, were altered;
that the government by episcopacy was not only lawful and
convenient to edification, but also suitable to the policy and
government of the state; that this government had been prac-
tically observed by all the Christian world from the days of
the apostles to this last age; and that the episcopal govern-
ment was much more conducive to piety and devotion than any
other. They concluded, therefore, by earnestly praying that
this government might remain unalterable; especially as
was the most suitable, most agreeable, and every way most
proportionable to the civil constitution and temper of the state."
66
"" it
* Diurnal, vol. ii. p. 161.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
463
A third petition was soon after presented to the house, call-
ed the ministers' petition, subscribed by seven hundred cler-
gymen, praying for the reformation of certain irregularities
and abuses in the established church. The grievances of
which they complained were referred to the committee ap-
pointed to examine petitions, when the house adopted these two
resolutions: "That the legislative and judicial power of bi-
shops in the house of peers, is a great hinderance to the dis-
charge of their spiritual function, prejudicial to the common-
wealth, and fit to be taken away.-That for bishops or any
other clergymen to be in the commission of the peace, or to
have any judicial power in the star-chamber, or in any civil
court, is a great hinderance to the discharge of their spiritual
function, prejudicial to the commonwealth, and fit to be taken
away; and that a bill be brought in to that purpose." The
king being informed of these prompt measures, sent for the
two houses to Whitehall, when he declared his readiness to
concur with them in a reformation of innovations; but that he
was for a reformation only of abuses, not for any specific al-
teration of government. He signified his willingness, that the
exorbitant power and encroachments of the bishops, if there
were any, should be redressed, with all other abuses; but he
would not consent that their voices in parliament should be
taken away.
This rash measure was unparliamentary, and
did neither the church nor the king the least service.*
.
These proceedings awakened the attention of the two houses
to claim their privileges; and on the petitions already present-
ed, with the motion for a total extirpation of episcopacy, the
commons openly and boldly advocated the cause of greater
freedom. Sir Henry Vane arose and said, that "the fruit of
episcopacy hath been the displacing of the most godly and
conscientious ministers; the vexing, punishing, and banishing
out of the kingdom the most religious of all sorts and condi-
tions, who would not comply with their superstitious inven-
tions and ceremonies. In a word, it has turned the edge and
power of their government against the very life and power of
godliness, and the favour and protection of it towards all pro-
fane, scandalous, and superstitious persons, who would uphold
Warner, vol. ii. p. 539.—Rapin, vol. ii. p. 362.
•
$
2
}
464
HISTORY OF
their party. It hath bred schisms and fractions among our-
selves, and alienation from all the reformed churches abroad.
And by the prodigious monster of the late canons, it had de-
signed the whole nation to perpetual slavery and bondage to
themselves, and their superstitious inventions. This govern-
ment has been no less prejudicial to the civil liberties of our
country, as appears by the bishops preaching up the doctrine
of arbitrary power, by their encouraging the late illegal pro-
jects of raising money without parliament, by their kindling a
war between England and Scotland, and blowing the flame to
the utmost of their power, and by falling in with the plots and
combinations that have been entered into during this present
parliament."
Sir Henry concluded from these premises, that the protes-
tant religion must always be in danger, so long as it is under
such governors; nor could there be any hope of reformation
in the state, while the bishops had votes in parliament: the
fruit being so bad, the tree could not be good. "Let us not,”
said he," then halt any longer between two opinions; but
with one heart and resolution give glory to God, in complying
with his providence, and with the safety and peace of the
church and state, by passing the present bill."
99*
rance.
It must appear from the multiplicity of facts detailed in this
volume, that the bishops in general had in every period zea-
lously opposed the reformation of religion, and the enjoyment
of Christian freedom, while they had constantly shown them-
selves the most determined patrons of superstition and intole-
We cannot, therefore, wonder, that episcopacy ap-
peared so odious in the eyes of the parliament, and that they
were so earnest for its total abolition. Upon this subject, Mr.
Bagshaw said in the commons," I hold that episcopacy be
taken into consideration as a thing which intrenches, not only
upon the rights and liberties of the subject, but also upon the
crown of England, in these four particulars:-It is maintain-
ed by the bishop of Exeter, in a book which he has written
for this purpose, that episcopacy both in office and jurisdic-
tion, is of divine right; which is directly contrary to the laws
of England. They have their episcopal jurisdiction from the
* Diurnal, vol. ii. p. 18.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
465
kings of England, and not by divine right; and this they ac-
knowledge themselves in the statute of 37 Hen. VIII., that
they have their jurisdiction solely and only from and under
the king. It is holden at this day that episcopacy is insepa-
rable from the crown of England; therefore, it is now com-
monly said: No bishop, no king: no mitre, no sceptre :
which I utterly deny. For it is plain, that there were kings
of England long before there were bishops; and they have a
subsistence without them, and have deposed and still may de-
pose them. It has been said that episcopacy was a third
estate in parliament; therefore, that the king and parliament
could not exist without them. This I utterly deny; for there
are three estates without them; the king, the lords temporal,
and the commons; and I know no other. The kings of En-
gland have had many parliaments, wherein there have been
no bishops, as appears from the public records.—They have
holden their ecclesiastical courts in their own names, and not
in the name of the king, nor by commission from him, contra-
ry to the statute 1 Edward VI.; and contrary to the practice
of bishops Ridley, Coverdale and Poynet, who took commis-
sions from the king for holding their ecclesiastical courts, as
may be seen at this day in the rolls.-For these reasons,
wherein episcopacy affects the crown of England, I am for a
thorough reformation of all the abuses and grievances of epis-
copacy; which reformation may be accomplished without al-
teration of the government of England into the form of pres-
bytery."*
All attempts to nourish intolerance had been countenanced
by the doctrines of the higher ecclesiastics, and promoted by
their practice. In this we are confirmed by the testimony of
a great man, whose authority on this point will never be ques-
tioned; since he was a firm advocate of episcopacy, and lost
his life in defence of his prince and the established church.
This was the lord Falkland, who stood up in the parliament,
and spoke as follows:
"He is a great stranger in Israel who knows not that this
kingdom hath long laboured under many and great oppres-
sions, both in religion and liberty; and the principal cause of
VOL. I.
* Diurnal, vol. ii. p. 99.
н h
466
HISTORY OF
both has been some bishops and their adherents; who, under
pretence of uniformity, have brought in superstition and scan-
dal, under the title of decency; who have defiled our churches
by adorning them, and slackened the strictness of that union
which was between us and those of our religion beyond sea-
an action both impolitic and ungodly. They have tithed mint
and anise, and have neglected the weightier things of the law.
They have been less eager on those who damn our church,
than on those who, upon weak consciences, and perhaps weak
reasons, only abstained from it. Nay, it hath been more dan-
gerous for men to go to some neighbouring parish, when they
had no sermon in their own, than to be obstinate and perpe-
tual recusants. While mass has been said in security, a con-
venticle has been a crime; and, which is yet more, conform-
ing to ceremonies has been more exacted than conforming to
Christianity; and while men of scruples have been undone,
others for attempts of sodomy have only been admonished.
"We shall find these bishops," adds his lordship, "to have
resembled the dog in the fable: they have neither practised
themselves, nor employed those that should, nor suffered those
that would. They have brought in catechising only to thrust
out preaching; cried down lectures by the name of faction,
either because other men's industry in that duty appeared a
reproof to their neglect of it, or with the intention to have
brought in darkness, that they might the easier sow their tares
while it was night; and, by this introduction of ignorance,
they might the better introduce that religion which accounts
it the mother of devotion. In this they have abused his ma-
jesty, as well as his people. When they had with great wis-
dom silenced on both parts, those opinions which have often
tormented the church, and will always trouble the schools,
they made use of this declaration to tie up one side, and let
the other loose. The truth is, that as some ministers in our
state first took away our money, and afterwards endeavoured
to make our money not worth taking, by depraving it; so
these men first depressed the power of preaching, and then
laboured to make it such as the harm had not been much if it
had been depressed. The chief subjects of their sermons were
the divine right of bishops and tithes; the sacredness of the
clergy; the sacrilege of impropriations; the demolishing of
,
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
467
puritanism; and the building up of the prerogative. Their
work, in short, has been to try how much of the papist might
be brought in without popery; and to destroy as much as they
could of the Gospel, without bringing themselves in danger of
being destroyed by the law. Some of them have so industri-
ously laboured to deduce themselves from Rome, that they
have given great suspicion that they desire to return thither,
or at least to meet it half way. Some have evidently laboured
to bring in an English, though not a Roman popery : I mean
not only the outside and ornaments of it, but to make them-
selves equally absolute, bring in a blind dependence of the
people upon the clergy, and of the clergy upon themselves;
and have opposed the papacy beyond the sea, that they might
settle one in England. These men have been the betrayers of
our rights and liberties.”*
Most of the leading persons in the two houses of parlia-
ment, spoke to the same effect upon the tyranny and cruelties
of the late times, many of whom, at first, were zealous patrons
of episcopacy, but decidedly opposed all its iniquitous oppres-
sions. The bishops must certainly have behaved very ill,
when their best friends were constrained thus to expose and
censure their proceedings. The free parliamentary discussions,
hitherto unknown since the reformation under queen Eliza-
beth, brought to light the hidden things of darkness, disco-
vered all the secret springs of episcopal intolerance, and exhi-
bited to the view of posterity, all the monstrous attempts and
proceedings of the prerogative. The melancholy picture was
drawn by eye witnesses on the very spot where the events
transpired, and the representation was never contradicted or
attempted to be refuted. The result could not be otherwise
than favourable to religious liberty; and by these discussions
those impressions and convictions were made on all liberal
minds, to which they had hitherto been total strangers. At
the beginning, the members of the two houses were all mem-
bers of the church of England, and nearly all advocates of
episcopacy; yet many of them undoubtedly saw cause after-
wards for altering their opinions; and in consequence of the
numerous odious proceedings that were detected and brought
* Diurnal, vol. ii. p. 198.
Hh 2
468
HISTORY OF
to view, and the open and unrestrained discussions of the two
houses, erroneous principles and practices were so far develop-
ed, that at least a majority of the members professedly imbib-
ed more tolerant and Christian sentiments. They, however,
betrayed one capital error. For instead of a total abolition of
episcopacy, they ought only to have rescinded all statutes em-
ployed for the establishment of it; and having thus deprived
it of the power of injuring others, guaranteed to all episcopa-
lians unrestricted religious liberty in common with all their
Christian brethren.
The two houses having long with grief beheld the undue
power and influence of the prelates, who had seats in the up-
per house of parliament, and the most prominent offices of
state, a bill, as a remedy against this great national evil, was
introduced by the two houses, excluding them from the lords
and from all secular offices. Upon this bill, lord Say and
Sele, one of his majesty's privy-council, addressed the house
in these words:
،
"This bill takes away their offices and places in courts of
judicature, and their employments in civil affairs; which are
hurtful to their consciences, by seeking or admitting things
inconsistent with that function to which God hath set them
apart. They are separated to a special work; and men must
take heed how they misemploy things dedicated, and set apart
to the service of God. They are called to preach the Gospel,
and set apart to the work of the ministry; and the apostle
saith: Who is sufficient for these things?' showing that this
requires the whole man, and all is too little. To seek or take
other offices, therefore, which shall require them to employ
their time and studies in the affairs of this world, will bring
guilt upon them, being inconsistent with that to which God
calls them and sets them apart. This our Saviour hath ex-
pressly prohibited, telling his apostles that they should not
lord it over their brethren, nor exercise jurisdiction over them,
as in the civil governments of the heathen. They were called
lords, exercising jurisdiction as lords over them, and might
lawfully do so: but to the ministers of the Gospel, our Saviour
gives this rule, It shall not be so among you.' If you strive
for greatness, he shall be the greatest, that is the greatest ser-
vant to the rest; therefore he saith, He that putteth his
6
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
469-
hand to the plough, and looketh back to the things of this
world, is not fit for the kingdom of God.' To be thus with-
drawn by an office received from men, from the discharge of
that office to which God has called them, brings a woe upon
them: Woe unto me, if I preach not the Gospel!' What
does he mean? to preach once a quarter, or once a year in the
king's chapel? No; but it is explained: Preach the word;
be instant in season, and out of season. Rebuke, exhort, in-
struct, with all long-suffering and doctrine.' He that hath an
office must attend upon his office, especially the ministry of the
word.
<
"The practice of the apostles is answerable to the doctrine
and direction of our Lord. There never were men of so great
abilities and gifts as they were; yet they thought it so incon-
sistent with their calling to be employed in civil offices and se-
cular affairs, that they would not admit a business far more
agreeable to their calling, giving a sufficient reason for it: "It
is not reasonable that we should leave the word of God, and
serve tables. But we will give ourselves continually to prayer,
and to the ministry of the word.' Did the apostles then, who
were men of extraordinary gifts, think it unreasonable to be
hindered from giving themselves continually to prayer and
preaching the word, by taking care of the tables of the poor;
and can the bishops now think it reasonable or lawful to con-
tend for sitting at the council-table to govern states, and to
turn statesmen instead of churchmen? to sit in the highest
courts of judicature, and be employed in making laws for civil
government? This is, surely, much more unlawful for them,
than that which the apostles rejected, as an unreasonable dis-
traction and interruption.
"As these things are hurtful to themselves, so are they in-
jurious to others. While the heavenly bodies keep within
their own spheres, they give light and comfort to the world;
but if they should break out, and fall from their regular mo-
tions, they would set the world on fire: so have these done,
while they kept themselves to the work of the ministry alone,
and gave themselves to prayer and the ministry of the word,
according to the apostolic example, the world received the
greatest benefit by them: they were the light and life thereof.
But when by ambition they became advanced above their bre-
470
HISTORY OF
thren, I appeal to all who are versed in ancient or modern
histories, whether they have not been the common incendiaries
of the Christian world, never ceasing from contention about
the precedency of their sees, excommunicating one another,
drawing princes to be parties with them, and thereby casting
them into bloody wars. Their ambition and intermeddling
with secular and state affairs, has been the cause of shedding
more Christian blood, than any thing else in the Christian
world, which no man will deny that is versed in history!
66
Although the pope be cut off, there is another inconveni-
ence no less prejudicial to the kingdom by their sitting in this
house, and that is their absolute dependence upon the king
-they sit here not as freemen. That which is requisite to
freemen, is to be void of hopes and fears. He that can cast
off these is a freeman, and will be so in this house. But it is
not likely that the bishops will cast away their hopes, seeing
they have greater bishoprics in expectation: and they cannot
allay their fears, since their places and seats in parliament are
not invested in them by any hereditary right, but annexed to
their office; so that they may be deprived of their office, and
thereby of their seats, at the king's pleasure. They do not sit
here so long as they conduct themselves well, but at will and
pleasure; therefore, as they were all excluded by Edward I.,
as long as he pleased, and laws were made without the clergy ;
so may they be by any king at his pleasure. They must,
therefore, be in absolute dependence on the crown, and will
devote their votes unto it; but how prejudicial this has been
and still is to this house, I need not say.
""*
The bill upon which this speech was delivered, passed the
two houses, and obtained the royal assent, declaring—“ That
bishops and other persons in holy orders, ought not to be en-
tangled with secular jurisdiction, the office of the ministry
being of such great importance that it will take up the whole
man; and that it is found by long experience, that their in-
termeddling with secular jurisdictions hath occasioned great
mischief and scandal, both to church and state. His majesty,
therefore, out of his religious care of the church and the souls.
of his people, is graciously pleased that it be enacted, and by
* Diurnal, vol. i. p. 416.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY,
471
authority of this parliament, it is enacted, that no archbishop
or bishop, or other person in holy orders, shall at any time
have any seat or place, suffrage or voice, or exercise any power
or authority in the parliaments of this realm; nor shall be of
the privy-council, or justice of the peace, or execute any tem-
poral authority; but shall be wholly disabled, and incapable
of having, receiving, or executing any of the said offices, pla-
ces, powers, or authorities."* By this act, all the prelates of
the realm, with all other ecclesiastical persons, were excluded
in every respect from the office of the civil magistrate, and
wholly confined within the boundaries of their own proper
function.
The two houses did not stop here. They introduced two
more bills, one to abolish the high commission court, the other
to annihilate the star-chamber, the two great plagues of the
church; both of which obtained the royal assent.† Mr. Bag-
shaw, on this occasion, said-" To make a people rich, they
must have ease and justice. Ease in their consciences from the
bane of superstition, from the intolerable burden of innovation
in religion, and from the wracks and tortures of strange and
newfangled oaths. When I have cast my eyes upon the high
commission, and other ecclesiastical courts, my soul has bled
for the wrong pressures which I have seen done and commit-
ted, against the king's worthy subjects; especially by the
most monstrous abuse of the oath ex officio; which, as it is
now used, I can call no other than the torture of conscience.”‡
The high commission, says Hume, extended its jurisdiction
over the whole kingdom, and over all orders of persons; and
every
circumstance of its authority, and all its methods of pro-
ceeding, were contrary to the clearest principles of law and
natural equity. The commissioners were empowered to admi-
nister the oath ex officio, by which a person was bound to
answer all questions, and might thereby be obliged to accuse
himself, or his most intimate friend. The fines were discre-
tionary, and often occasioned the total ruin of the offender,
contrary to the established laws of the kingdom. This court
was a real Inquisition; attended with all the iniquities, as
-
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 820.
+ Scobell, part i. p. 9, 12.
‡ Diurnal, vol. ii. p. 347.
472
HISTORY OF
P
well as cruelties, inseparable from that tribunal.* The two-
fold abolition, therefore, completely clipped the wings of the
persecuting ecclesiastics, by destroying the engines of their
unbounded oppressions.
Almost innumerable abuses having been presented from all
parts of the kingdom, the parliament appointed a committee
to draw out of them all, such kind of remonstrance as would
give the king a lucid and extensive view of the deplorable
state of the nation. The remonstrance enumerated, at consi-
derable length, the grievances, oppressions, and unbounded
acts of the prerogative, since his majesty's accession; particu-
larly the suspension, deprivation, excommunication, and de-
gradation of laborious, learned, and pious ministers.-The
sharpness and severity of the high commission, assisted by the
council-table, not much less grievous than the Romish inqui-
sition.—The rigour of the bishops' courts in the country,
whereby numbers of tradesmen had been impoverished, and
driven to Holland and New England.-The advancement to
ecclesiastical preferments, of those who were officious in
pro-
moting superstition, and most virulent in railing against god-
liness and honesty.-The design of reconciling the church of
England to that of Rome.-And the late canons and oath
imposed upon the clergy, under the heaviest penalties. The
remonstrance was presented to the king, with which he was
much displeased; and having published an answer to it, he is-
sued his royal proclamation, requiring an exact conformity to
the religion as by law established.‡
The two houses pressed forwards in the work of reforma-
tion. The commons had already resolved," that the Lord's
day should be duly observed and sanctified; that all dancing
and other sports, either before or after divine service, should
be restrained; that the preaching of God's word should be
promoted in all parts of the kingdom; and that all ministers
should be encouraged in this good work."§ The parliament
issued an order, "that the Book of Sports should be burnt by
the common hangman, in Cheapside and other public places ;"
which was executed by direction of the sheriffs of London' and
-~-
"
* Hume's Hist. vol. v. p. 189.
Ibid. p. 456.
+ Rushworth, vol. v. p. 438.
§ Diurnal, vol. i. p. 360.-Nalson's Collec. vol. ii. p. 482.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
473
I
ed,
Middlesex. By an ordinance of both houses, it was appoint-
"that no person should from henceforth on the Lord's
day, use or be present at any wrestling, shooting, bowling,
ringing of bells for pleasure, mask, wake, church-ale, games,
dancing, sports, or other pastime, under the several penalties
annexed." Another ordinance was passed, for removing all
monuments of superstition and idolatry, commanding all al-
tars and tables of stone to be demolished, communion tables
to be removed from the east end of the churches, the rails to
be removed, the chancels to be levelled, all superstitious fur-
niture to be removed from the communion tables, and all
crosses, crucifixes, images, copes, surplices, and superstitious
vestments, to be taken away and defaced.*
The parliament afterwards passed an ordinance for setting
aside the Book of Common-prayer, and the establishment of
the Directory, which was now republished.† But, to com-
plete the overthrow of the hierarchy, two other ordinances
were passed for abolishing the very names and titles of arch-
bishops, bishops, and other burdensome ecclesiastical officers,
and alienating their revenues for the payment of the public
debts. The episcopacy and church of England were now en-
tirely overthrown; and they remained in a state of oblivion
for the space of fourteen years.
During these parliamentary proceedings, many of the right
honourable senators openly and learnedly defended the rights
of conscience, and the liberties of the church of God; among
whom was the celebrated lord Say and Sele, already mention-
ed. This noble patron of religious emancipation, delivered a
speech upon the bill for setting aside the Common-prayer, in
which he spoke as follows:
“I do think that some set forms of prayer, by some per-
sons, in some cases, may be lawfully used; but that which I
am not satisfied in is, that a certain number of men should
usurp an authority to themselves, to frame certain prayers and
forms of divine service; and, when they have done this, to
enjoin them under the name of a church upon all persons, to
be used at all times, and on all occasions, and none other.
This injunction is an usurpation of power over the churches
* Scobell, part i. p. 53, 69.
+ Ibid. p. 75, 97.
474
HISTORY OF
of Christ, and over the gifts and graces which Christ hath given.
men: but which the apostles never exercised or assumed; and
yet they might much better have done it, and the same reasons
might have been alleged for it that are now alleged. This
turns such forms, intended for direction, into superstition.
This sets aside the gifts and graces which Christ hath bestow-
ed, and rejects the exercise of them, to introduce and substi-
tute a device of man. This injunction of forms upon all men,
is a bar to the exercise of able and sufficient gifts and graces:
as if, because some men need the use of crutches, all men
should be prohibited the use of their legs, and enjoined to use
such crutches as are provided for those who have no legs. In
this, I confess, I am not satisfied.
"There are among your lordships some bishops, men of
great parts, able to offer up this worship to God, in the use of
those gifts with which God has endowed them; and certainly
they ought to serve him with the best of their abilities which
they have received. Then let them use their own gifts; and
let them openly profess that they do not account themselves
bound to the use of forms. God will be worshipped with
men's best gifts and abilities; which he who officiates in his
worship, is bound to use at his own peril.
“I conceive where there are no gifts for preaching, it may
be lawful and profitable to read printed sermons and homilies,
and in such case they may be lawfully heard: but if, on pre-
tence to prevent extravagant preaching, any persons should
take upon them to set forth a Book of Common Sermons, as
well as Common Prayer, fit for all times and occasions, and
should enjoin ministers to conform to them, and use no other
preaching than these Common Sermons; this would certainly
be considered as utterly unlawful, and be protested against as
a human device, in the place of God's ordinance, and estab-
lishing the traditions of men, but making void the command-
ments of God. Let it be considered what difference can be
found between these. Use and custom has inured us to that
of prayer, but not so to this of preaching. Mr. Hales of
Eaton says, that where Separation may be rightly fixed, and
deservedly charged, it is certainly a great offence. But in
common use now amongst us, it is no other than a theological
scare-crow, wherewith the potent and prevalent party useth
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
475
to frighten and enforce those who are not of their opinions, to
subscribe to their dictates, without daring to question them,
or to examine them by reason or Scripture.' And this, he
says, has been too common both in ancient and modern times.
“There is a twofold separation; one from the universal or
catholic church, which cannot otherwise be made than by de-
nying the faith; for faith and love are the important requi-
sites to communion: the other is, a separation from some par-
ticular church or congregation; not upon any difference with
them in matters of faith and love, but only in dislike of such
corruptions in their external worship and liturgy, which they
would impose on others. This is a separation, not from their
persons as Christians, but from the corruptions with which
they are defiled. This separation every man must make, that
would keep himself from other men's sins, and not sin against
his own conscience. And I must ingenuously confess, that
there are many things enjoined upon all the congregations of
England, which I could never see the lawfulness of, and which
I can neither practise nor admit, without sinning against the
light of my conscience."*
Having traced the ecclesiastical establishment from its ori-
gin, through the different stages of its prosperity, to its down-
fall; it cannot be deemed improper to inquire into some of
the leading features in its character. From the numerous au-
thentic details contained in this volume, it must appear some-
what evident, that what was usually called the church of En-
gland was at best only a sect, or a section, of the Christian
church, incorporated by act of parliament. It was a political
corporation, founded wholly on political enactments. Its con-
tinuance depended entirely on the will of the legislature; and
the reader must have seen, that the political rulers of the coun-
try assumed the sole power to make and unmake, to build up
and pull down, the whole and every part of this political struc-
Was not persecution another leading character in this
legislative institution? By adverting to the faithful page of
history, even bigotry itself is put to the blush; but bigotry is
ashamed to examine the authentic records, and investigate the
true character of the laws, the constitution, the principal offi-
ture.
Diurnal, vol. i. p. 424.
476
HISTORY OF
cers, and the supreme head of the church of England, nearly
all of which were combined in the common cause of intolerance
and persecution. Throughout this protracted period, from
the formation to the overthrow of the church, no allowance
was made for the varying opinions of men, and the scrupulous
consciences of any denomination of Christians: but, as Nebu-
chadnezzar commanded all to worship his golden image, and
threatened to punish those who refused; so all the subjects in
the land were commanded to embrace the legislative religion,
and to worship God according to the legislative appointment;
and all who could not in conscience obey, were followed with
tremendous temporal punishments. During the whole of this
period, the annals of the church afford no traces of a religious.
toleration, or a comprehension, or any other religion besides
that which was established; but all who could not measure
their religion by the legislative standard, were deemed unwor-
thy of legal protection, and unfit members of even civil so-
ciety! The church of England, therefore, during the first
stages of its existence, not only destroyed the rights and liber-
ties of Christians, but subverted the first principles of reason
and Christianity, to the unspeakable disgrace of our protes-
tant country.
The excuses and apologies that are constantly
made are absolutely unavailable, and all professed protestants
ought to be ashamed to mention them; unless we must apolo-
gize for the worst kind of slavery, intolerance, and cruelty;
and, till these detestable evils can be reconciled to the true
spirit and principles of Christianity, let all discerning protes-
tants leave the defence of intclerance and persecution to be the
peculiar portion of catholics and Pagans.
While the parliament was pursuing these decisive measures,
many important events transpired, which, in addition to those
already noticed, had an immediate relation to the church of
God, and the great cause of religious freedom. In the midst
of the foregoing deliberations, the hearts of all good men were
suddenly appalled by intelligence of the horrible massacre in
Ireland. The savage papists at once rose up against the pro-
testants; when, according to some, they murdered two hun-
dred thousand persons, in the most cruel, disgustful, and
shocking manner; while many thousands of those who escap-
ed, came stript and almost starved to beg their bread in En-
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
477
1
gland.*
From the computation of the catholic priests, who
were actively employed in this holy service, upwards of one
hundred and fifty thousand protestants were massacred in the
space of a few months; and according to Sir John Temple,
upwards of three hundred thousand were cruelly murdered, or
ruined in some other way. The catholics, after these barbari-
ties, spread a report, that what they had done was under the
authority of king Charles. But whether the king at all en-
couraged these horrid cruelties, we shall not attempt to ascer-
tain; nevertheless it is extremely manifest, that the queen had
some share in promoting this effusion of protestant blood.‡
This subject has been investigated with great candour and
penetration by a respectable author, whose production is re-
commended to the reader's attentive perusal.§
From the first meeting of the parliament, the two houses
showed a disposition to favour and protect pious and peace-
able Christians of various denominations; and, while some of
the members warmly recommended universal toleration, the
measure was as warmly opposed by others. It was at this
time, that the Independents sought a legal protection of their
religious opinions and worship; which was vehemently oppos-
ed by many of the presbyterian clergy, especially by the re-
nowned Edwards.
The independents, claiming the right of private judgment
and liberty of conscience, continued to make known their opi-
nions, and to attend upon the worship of God, according to
their views of the New Testament. This roused hosts of vio-
lent presbyterian opponents, who wrote and preached against
them with great vehemence; and, on account of this furious
intolerance, and the misrepresentation of their opinions, five
of their leading ministers published their "Apologetical Nar-
ration," in defence of their distinguishing sentiments. The
authors of this work, who had been exiles for religion, shall
speak in their own language. "They consulted the Scrip-
tures," say they," without prejudice; and they considered the
word of God as impartially as men of flesh and blood were
likely to do, in any juncture of time; the place they went to,
* Life of Baxter, p. 28.
Burnet, vol. i. p. 40, 41.
+ Rapin, vol. ii. p. 386.
§ Harris' Life of Charles I., p. 336-351.
***:
478
HISTORY OF
the condition they were in, and the company they were with,
affording no temptation to any bias." They asserted, that
every particular church or congregation had sufficient power
within itself, for its religious government according to the
laws of Christ, and was subject to no external power or prero-
gative whatever. The principles on which they founded their
church government, were the holy Scriptures, without regard
to the opinions or inventions of men; yet they refused to bind
themselves so strictly to their present resolutions, as to have
no room for future alterations upon further acquaintance with
divine truth.
In the conclusion of their dedication, addressed to the par-
liament, they humbly prayed the two honourable houses, not
to look upon them as disturbers of the public peace, but to
consider them as persons who differed but little from their
brethren: yea, far less than they did from what they had
themselves practised only three years before. They entreated
them also to have some regard to their past exile and present
sufferings; and so to allow them to continue in their native
country, with the enjoyment of the ordinances of Christ, and
an indulgence in some lesser differences, so long as they con-
tinued peaceable subjects.
They made the proper distinction between subjection to the
authority of the magistrate in civil matters, and the right of
private judgment in things religious; the former they consi-
dered as the ordinance of God, and the latter as the invaluable
birthright of man. When they were reproached as enemies to
magistracy, they published the declaration of their churches,
wherein they unequivocally maintained, "that as magistracy
and government in general was the ordinance of God, they
did not disapprove of any form of civil government, but freely
acknowledged, that a kingly government, bounded by just and
wholesome laws, was both allowed of God, and a good accom-
modation to men.
""
The opinions of the independents upon the great question
of religious liberty, certainly differed materially from those of
the presbyterians. This appeared from all the deliberations
of the committee, which was appointed for the accommodation
of the two jarring parties. During the discussions of this
committee, Mr. Burroughs, a divine of great piety and mode-
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
479
ration, generously declared in the name of the independents,
"That if their congregations might not be exempted from the
coercive power of the classes; and if they might not have li-
berty to govern their churches in their own way, so long as
they behaved themselves peaceably towards the civil magis-
trate, they were resolved to suffer, or go to some part of the
world, where they might enjoy their liberty. But while men
think there is no way of peace but by forcing all to be of the
same mind; while they think the civil sword is an ordinance
of God to determine all controversies in divinity, and that it
must needs be attended with fines and imprisonment to the
disobedient; while they apprehend there is no medium be-
tween strict uniformity, and a general confusion of all things :
while these sentiments prevail, there must be a base subjection
of men's consciences to slavery, a suppression of much truth,
and great disturbances in the Christian world."
The rigid presbyterians, on the contrary, were so enamour-
ed with the charms of their covenant uniformity, and the di-
vine right of presbyterianism, that they would make no abate-
ment of the rigours which they adopted. A contemporary
writer, who was no friend to the independents, affirms, that
the presbyterian ministers were so insensible of their own in-
firmity, that they would not have those tolerated who were
not only tolerable, but worthy instruments and members in
the churches; men of prudence and charity, who sought unity
in things necessary, liberty in things unnecessary, and charity
in all but they could never be heard, and were considered as
adversaries to the government of the church.*
The doctrine of toleration, now adopted by the liberal of all
persuasions, owed its origin to the independents, whose de-
clared averseness to all persecution and religious impositions
was too opposite to the views and bigotry of the presbyterians,
not to be productive of high contest and animosity. Whilst
the latter exclaimed that toleration was an indulgence of the
murder of souls, maintained the eternal obligation of their
covenant to extirpate all heresy and schism, and menaced all
their opponents with the same rigid persecution as they had
themselves suffered, and of which they had so loudly com-
E
* Life of Baxter, p. 103.
480
HISTORY OF
plained; the former argued, on the authority of the Gospel,
and the dictates of reason and humanity, That every man had
a right to direct his religious conscience, and interpret the
Scriptures, according to his own light and apprehensions :
that the doctrine of intolerance would equally justify all kinds
of persecutions, Pagans against Christians, Papists against
Protestants, with that which had been so lately endured from
the power of episcopacy: and that the presbyterians, by
preaching the doctrine of obedience in spiritual matters, pass-
ed the sentence of condemnation on their own opposition to
former tyranny.*
66
The immortal Milton is certainly entitled to the most ho-
nourable mention, as the enlightened asserter of every man's
right to worship God according to his conscience, whatever
might be his religious creed. Milton was a man in whom
were illustriously combined all the qualities that could adorn,
or elevate the nature to which he belonged; a man, who at
once possessed beauty of countenance, symmetry of form,
elegance of manners, benevolence of temper, magnanimity and
loftiness of soul, the brightest illumination of intellect, know-
ledge the most various and extended, and virtue that never
loitered in her career nor deviated from her course." The
presbyterians having risen in power, and forgotten their prin-
ciples, seized the press, and employed their own licensers, not-
withstanding their former clamours against the bishops for the
very same thing. Milton, therefore, boldly advanced in de-
fence of freedom of discussion and of communication, in his
work on the " Liberty of Unlicensed Printing;" and never
was a noble cause more nobly defended. It was written at
the desire of several learned men, and is perhaps the best vin-
dication, that has been published at any time or in any lan-
guage, of that liberty which is the basis and support of all
other liberties-the liberty of the press. Every ingenuous
person, who peruses and considers this piece, must, it is said,
be swayed by Milton's arguments.
This celebrated writer employed his poetic pen to expose
the new forces of conscience under the parliament," express-
ing himself as follows:
* Macaulay, vol. iv. p. 270.
+ Symmons' Life of Milton, p. 593.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
481
"Because you have thrown off your prelate lord,
And with stiff vows renounc'd his liturgy,
To seize the widow'd whore plurality
From them whose sin ye envied, not abhorr'd,
Dare
ye for this abjure the civil sword
To force our consciences that Christ set free,
And ride us with a classic hierarchy ?—
But we do hope to find out all your tricks,
Your plots and packing worse than those of Trent,
That so the parliament
May with their wholesome and preventive shears
Clip your phylacteries, though balk your ears,
And succour our just fears,
When they shall read this clearly in your charge,
New Presbyter is but Old Priest writ large.
**
VOL. I.
The cause of religious freedom had, indeed, many warm
and zealous advocates, who pleaded hard for toleration; but
they, in general, founded their cause on erroneous principles,
and rested the grant of liberty upon an improper foundation.
They sought a toleration of all those, and only those, who
agreed in the fundamentals of Christianity; but when they
came to enumerate the fundamentals, they found themselves
sorely embarrassed; as all persons must be who plead the cause
of Christian liberty, without placing man's religious and civil
rights on a separate basis: On the one hand, a man may be an
orthodox believer, yet deserve death as a traitor to his king
and country; and, on the other, a man may be a nonconform-
ist or even a heretic, and yet be a loyal and dutiful subject,
and deserve the highest civil promotion that his prince can
bestow. For want of a proper attention to this important dis-
tinction, the Christian's rights and liberties have been shame-
fully invaded ever since the church committed fornication with
the kings of the earth; and they will continue to be invaded,
until men return to the first obvious principle of Christianity,
even that every man has a right, and is charged by God him-
self, to attend to religion according to the dictates of truth,
and that no man or body of men has any right to control him,
being in all these things accountable to God alone.
The violence of presbyterian intolerance was manifest before
the abolition of episcopacy, and it continued to grow and in-
* Milton's Poems, p. 265.
I i
482
HISTORY OF
1
crease for several years. The London ministers stigmatized
toleration the great Diana of the Independents, of which they
expressed their warm detestation and abhorrence, declaring
that it was unreasonable, and of dangerous consequence. They
were determined to oppose and extirpate it as a root of bitter-
ness, as contrary to godliness, as opening a door to licentious-
ness, and a doctrine to be rejected as the poison of souls.
"We cannot dissemble," say they, "how we detest and ab-
hor the much-endeavoured toleration. Our bowels are stirred
within us; and we could even drown ourselves in tears, when
we call to mind how long and sharp a travail this kingdom
hath been in for many years, to bring forth the blessed fruit.
of a pure and perfect reformation; and now at last, after all
our pangs, and dolours, and expectations, this real and tho-
rough reformation is in danger of being strangled in the birth
by a lawless toleration !"
The ministers of the country, particularly in Lancashire,
openly declared their harmony with their brethren in London;
and remonstrated against toleration, as putting a cup of poi-
son into the hand of a child, or a sword into that of a mad-
man; as letting loose madmen with firebrands in their hands,
and appointing a refuge in men's consciences for the devil to
fly to; and instead of providing for tender consciences, they
said, "it took away all conscience !!"*
The furious zeal of Edwards, was certainly the most re-
markable. A specimen of his indignant spirit and language
will afford the inquisitive reader some amusement, and show
to what lengths of extravagance men have been hurried by
outrageous bigotry and intolerance.
"If ministers will witness for truth, and against errors,'
says this writer," they must set themselves against toleration,
as the principal inlet to all error and heresy; for if toleration
be granted, all preaching will not keep them out. If tolera-
tion be granted, the devil will be too hard for us, though we
preach ever so much against them. A toleration will undo
all it will bring in scepticism in doctrine, and looseness of
life, and afterwards all atheism. O! let ministers, therefore,
oppose toleration, as that by which the devil would at once
:
* Crosby, vol. i. p. 188-192.
""
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
483.
lay a foundation for his kingdom to all generations; witness
against it in all places; possess the magistrate with the evil of
it; yea, and the people too, showing them how, if a toleration
were granted, they would never have peace any more in their
families, or ever have any command of wives, children, ser-
vants; but they and their posterity would live in discontent
and unquietness all their days. Toleration is destructive to
the glory of God, and the salvation of souls; therefore, who-
ever should be for toleration, ministers ought to be against it.
If the parliament, city, yea all the people, were for a tolera-
tion of all sects; yet ministers ought to present their reasons
against it, preach and cry out of the evil of it, never consent
to it; but protest against it, and withstand it by all lawful
ways and means within their power, venturing the loss of li-
berties, estates, lives, and all in that cause, and inflame us
with zeal against a toleration, the great Diana of the sectaries.
"A toleration," adds this furious bigot, "is the grand de-
sign of the devil; his master-piece and chief engine that he
works by, to uphold his tottering kingdom. It is the most
compendious, ready, and sure way to destroy all religion, lay
all waste, and bring in all evil. It is the most transcendent,
catholic, and fundamental evil, of any that can be imagined.
As original sin is the fundamental sin, having in it the seed
and spawn of all sin; so a toleration hath in it all errors and
all evils. It is against the whole stream and current of Scrip-
ture, both of the Old and New Testament, both in matters of
faith and manners, both general and particular commands. It
overthrows all relations, political, ecclesiastical, and economi-
cal. Other evils, whether of judgment or practice, are only
against some few places of Scripture; but this is against all.
This is the Abaddon, Apollyon, the destroyer of all religion,
the abomination of desolation and astonishment, the liberty of
perdition: therefore the devil follows it night and day, and all
the devils in hell, and their instruments, are at work to pro-
mote a toleration !!"*
Many presbyterian ministers, among whom were not a few
of the assembly of divines, discovered their great zeal against
toleration; but none was so furious and malicious as Gangræna
Gangræna, part i. p. 59, 86.
*
I i 2
484
HISTORY OF
Edwards. Not content with the enjoyment of liberty them-
selves, and with the government greatly favouring their inte-
rests, they were continually grasping at the same tyrannical
power as the bishops had formerly possessed. For this pur-
pose, they not only obtained the privilege of licensing the
press, so that nothing could be published which they disap-
proved; but they exalted their presbyterian government to a
divine right, and continually urged the parliament to establish
it, with a coercive power; and thus, by their numerous peti-
tions, they urged the political body to become the patrons of
new oppressions. The parliament had for some time been
veering towards the presbyterians; and at length an ordinance
passed the two houses, for the effectual and exclusive estab-
lishment of presbyterianism. This ordinance was entitled,
"A form of Church Government to be used in the Churches
of England and Ireland;" and contained a collection of several
ordinances for the establishment of the presbyterian govern-
ment.
The dominant party having gained a fastness in the civil
constitution, refused a toleration of those who could not bring
themselves within the pale of the new political church; and,
considering them as unfit for legal protection, they used their
most vigorous efforts to revive the iniquitous scenes of perse-
cution. But among all the sects and parties, those certainly
are least deserving the countenance of the state, who would
persecute others, if it were in their power; and all such ought
to be considered, not only as enemies to Christianity, but as
conspiring against the common interests of society. Every
government that understands and appreciates its own true in-
terests, will suppress in every sect, whether papistical, episco-
pal, presbyterian, independent, or any other, the spirit of do-
mination and persecution; which is the disturber of mankind,
and the offspring of Satan.
The zealous advocates of the divine right and unalterable
establishment of presbyterianism, said—" If we tolerate one
sect, we must tolerate all." Unquestionably; and, since it is
the common benefit given them by their Creator, they have as
great a right to the liberties of their consciences, as to the air
they breathe, or the clothes they wear. No religious opinion
is cognizable by the magistrate. The use of fines and impri-
F
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
485
sonments is not the way to put an end to diversity of opinions.
Can Bedlam or Newgate open men's understandings, convince
their consciences, reclaim them from error? Schism, error, and
heresy are to be rooted out, not by the sword of the civil ma-
gistrate, but by "the sword of the Spirit, which is the Word
of God," accompanied by sound Christian persuasion.
By the lofty behaviour of the presbyterians, and their at-
tempts to introduce a new kind of ecclesiastical despotism,
they lost the good affection of multitudes of persons, who had
hitherto been firm to their interests, but who now discovered
that the contest between them and the bishops was not so much
for liberty, as for power; and they saw that all the religious
advantage likely to be derived from the great national strug-
gle, was only to exchange the episcopal government and op-
pressions, for a presbyterian vassallage and uniformity.
The prevailing opinion in these distracted times was, that it
was indispensably necessary to the existence of the state, as
well as to the advancement of religion, that the dominant reli-
gious sect ought to be united and incorporated with the poli-
tical constitution. This was the fatal rock on which they split.
Had the parliament, after abolishing episcopacy, abandoned
the unrighteous system of incorporation and exclusion, and
erected a government affording an equal share of protection
and liberty to all denominations of Christians, so long as they
continued peaceable subjects, their Christian proceedings would
have been admired and applauded by all persons of liberal
principles. This would have been happily realized, if they
had listened to the cries and entreaties of the opposite party;
but the parliament, as well as the leading clergy, could think
of nothing so agreeable to their views and interests, as a do-
mineering ecclesiastical establishment, to the exclusion even of
the toleration of their brethren. It was therefore unavailable,
when the best advocates of liberty recommended and solicited,
"that all who profess faith in God by Jesus Christ, however
differing in judgment from the doctrine, discipline, and wor-
ship publicly held forth, may be protected in the profession of
their faith, and the exercise of their religion, according to their
consciences; so that they abuse not this liberty to the civil
injury of others, or the disturbance of the public peace."
The new ecclesiastical tyranny being firmly established,
486
HISTORY OF
we naturally look forwards to some of its renowned acts and
deeds, for the advancement of religion. The presbyterians,
thus exalted, persecuted all who refused conformity to their
holy covenant; and multitudes of episcopal ministers were se-
questered and deprived of their benefices, and otherwise treat-
ed with great inhumanity.* An ordinance, at the same time,
was passed, expressly prohibiting persons from preaching, who
had not received ordination, and threatening that all offenders
should receive condign punishment for their contempt. This
failing to answer the end proposed, another was passed, declar-
ing their determination" to proceed against all such persons
as should take upon them to preach or expound the Scriptures
in any church, or chapel, or any other public place, except they
had been ordained; also against all such ministers, or others,
as should maintain or publish, by preaching, writing, printing,
or in any other way, any thing in derogation of the church go-
vernment now established by the authority of both houses of
parliament: and all justices of peace, sheriffs, mayors, bailiffs,
and other head officers of corporations, and all officers of the
army, are to take notice of this declaration, and by all lawful
ways and means to prevent offences of this kind, and to appre-
hend offenders, for a due punishment to be inflicted upon
them."+
Though this act was equally intolerant, as it was antichris-
tian, it ought to be recorded, to the public disgrace of this
parliament, and as a useful lesson to posterity, that another
act, entitled, "An ordinance of the lords and commons, for
punishing blasphemies and heresies,” was one of the most cruel
and bloody mandates ever published in a protestant country.
This law ordained, "That all persons who shall willingly
maintain and publish by preaching, writing or printing, that
there is no God, or that he is not present in all places, and
foreknows all things, or that he is not almighty, perfectly holy,
and eternal; or that the Father is not God, the Son is not
God, or the Holy Ghost is not God; or that they three are
not one eternal God: or that shall in like manner maintain
and publish, that Christ is not God equal with the Father;
or shall deny the manhood of Christ, or that the Godhead
† Crosby, vol. i. p. 192—195.
* Bates' Elen. p. 62.
شی
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
487
and manhood of Christ are several natures; or that the hu-
manity of Christ is pure from all sin: or that shall maintain
and publish as aforesaid, that Christ did not die, nor rise from
the dead, nor is ascended bodily into heaven; or that shall
deny his death to be meritorious in behalf of believers: or that
shall maintain and publish as aforesaid, that Jesus Christ is
not the Son of God; or that the holy Scripture of the Old
and New Testament is not the word of God; or that the bo-
dies of men shall not rise from the dead; or that there is no
day of judgment: all who shall obstinately maintain and pub-
lish such error or errors shall be adjudged of felony; and in
case the party so offending do not abjure his said error, he
shall suffer the pains of death, as in the case of felony, with-
out benefit of clergy!"
This act further appointed, "that all and every person
who shall publish or maintain any of the ensuing errors, viz.
that all men shall be saved; or that man by nature hath a
free-will to turn to God; or that God may be worshipped by
pictures or images; or that the soul of man after death goeth
neither to heaven nor hell, but to purgatory; or that the soul
of man dieth or sleepeth when the body is dead; or that reve-
lations or the workings of the Spirit are a rule of faith or
Christian life; or that man is bound to believe no more than
he can by his reason comprehend; or that the moral law of
God is no rule of Christian life; or that a believer need not
repent or pray for the pardon of sins; or that the two sacra-
ments of baptism and the Lord's supper, are not ordinances
commanded by the word of God; or that the baptizing of in-
fants is unlawful, or such baptism is void, and ought to be re-
peated; or that the observation of the Lord's day, as enjoined
by the ordinances and laws of this realm, is not according to
the word of God; or that it is not lawful to join in public or
family prayer, or to teach children to pray; or that the
churches of England are not true churches; or that the
church government by presbytery is antichristian or unlaw-
ful; or that the power of the civil magistrate as by law estab-
lished is unlawful; or that all use of arms is unlawful: every
such person publishing or maintaining any such error, shall
upon the testimony of two or more witnesses, or his own con-
fession, be committed to prison, where he shall remain until
488
HISTORY OF
he shall find two sufficient sureties, that he shall not publish
or maintain the said error or errors any more. "*
From the days of Constantine, the toleration of religious
opinions had been treated by those in power as a damnable
heresy. Revered antiquity, the parent of intolerance and op-
pression, would not allow the least innovation. The presby-
terians, now in power, must needs tread in the steps of their
numerous predecessors, and they did not fail to imitate their
unhallowed example. This was one of the most intolerant,
iniquitous, and scandalous acts ever published. The enume-
ration of the opinions condemned, is so minute and pointed,
as plainly to speak this language: "Our principles form an
unerring standard of truth, and not any deviation from it shall
be admitted." No decree of any council, no bull of any pope,
could be more dogmatical, authoritative, or tyrannical; and
few have been more sanguinary. The severity of the penalties
which it denounced, as well as the mode of process which it
appointed, was arbitrary and repugnant to the constitution, as
well as directly opposed to the principles of justice and huma-
nity; for it allowed neither the privilege of a jury, nor the
liberty of appeal. In short, this new law was one of the most
disgraceful and antichristian restraints on religious liberty,
that was ever witnessed in any protestant, popish, or pagan
country; and it clearly shows, that the governing presbyte-
rians would have made a despotic and terrible use of their
power, if they had possessed the sword of the civil magistrate.
The presbyterians in Scotland and in England, were alike
censurable, on account of their narrow and bigoted spirit.
They had not learned wisdom and moderation from the mul-
tiplied sufferings which they had endured from the episcopal
party. They had been grievously oppressed for almost a cen-
tury; and when they came into power, they immediately set
up the divine right of presbytery, and disallowed the tolera-
tion of others. Could any thing be more absurd, than for
men, who had long groaned under persecution, to practise the
infamous work of persecuting their brethren? But their con-
duct was still more criminal, since they had been so earnestly
engaged in the cause of civil and religious freedom, they ought
*
Crosby, vol. i. p. 199–205.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
489
to have discovered more just and enlarged views concerning
the rights of mankind. Most of the independents of that age,
who were the first in this country that promulgated the doc-
trine of toleration, probably owed their liberal sentiments more
to the peculiarity of their situation, than to the liberality of
their minds. Placed between two powerful parties, and in
danger of being crushed, which soever of them became upper-
most, they were constrained to plead for the indulgence of
their consciences. In forming a correct judgment, therefore,
of these times, every unbiassed person will be obliged to cen-
sure both the episcopalians and presbyterians, and to lament
that so bigoted and persecuting a spirit pervaded the clergy of
each denomination. To whatever party we belong, we should
unreservedly censure the bigotry and intolerance of our ances-
tors, but rejoice that better principles and better practices now
prevail.
That religious sentiments are not under the control of the
magistrate, and not to be restrained by temporal penalties,
appears from the absurd and ruinous consequences which
would follow. If the magistrate establish any religion, it will
certainly be his own; and if he have the right to suppress
any, he will of course think it his duty to suppress that which
appears to him to be erroneous. But who made the magis-
trate the judge of truth and error? Alas! magistrates differ
as much as other men in their religious opinions. The pro-
testant magistrate, in this case, will persecute the papists, and
popish magistrate the protestants;-the athanasian will perse-
cute the unitarian, and the unitarian the athanasian ;-the
episcopalian will persecute the presbyterian, and the presbyte-
rian the episcopalian. The awful fact has, indeed, been realized
by melancholy experience. But if the magistrate have any right
to interfere with the religion of his subjects, let him produce
his patent; and that document must be full, clear, and decisive,
which affects the peace, liberty, and lives of mankind.*
Bigotry was never amiable, reasonable, or otherwise than
odious; yet it is comparatively harmless as existing in indivi-
duals, who are destitute of power, or who act not by any
combined influence and authority. The unnatural alliance of
* Williams's Essays, p. 88.
490
HISTORY OF
J
church and state, gives the sting to this intolerant and baneful
temper; and whether the ecclesiastical rulers support the rank
of bishops, or move in the more humble sphere of presbyters,
we find the horrible consequences to be much the same. From
all the facts here recorded, the reader will clearly perceive,
that both episcopacy and presbyterianism have adopted one
grand error, productive of two great evils, which generate ten
thousand more. This grand error is that of making Christi-
anity and conscience the subjects of human government. This
antichristian assumption leads to legislation in things which
exclusively pertain to God and souls; and all such legislation,
whether from popes, prelates, or presbyterians, is tyrannical
and oppressive. The other evil produced by persons claiming
such government is the enforcement of the laws of Jesus Christ,
by penal sanctions. From these two evils, making laws for
conscience and executing them, or executing, by coercive mea-
sures, the laws made by Jesus Christ, have proceeded all the
intolerance and cruelties of papists, episcopalians, and presby-
terians; and, surely, it is high time that all such irrational,
impolitical, inhuman, and antichristian proceedings were ba-
nished from the states of Christendom.
The contest between king Charles and his subjects was
dreadful. The nation was involved for several years in all the
horrors of civil war, which was carried on with great fury by
both parties, and with various success; but victory was at
length declared in favour of the parliament. The king being
taken prisoner, was arraigned before a high court of justice
erected for the purpose, upon a charge of high treason; and
being declared guilty, he received sentence of death as a trai-
tor, and was beheaded at Whitehall, January 30, 1648, in the
forty-ninth year of his age.
Great pains have been taken to fix the odium of the war
and the king's death, upon various religious parties, but with-
out reason or success. Notwithstanding the incessant clamour
of “rebellion” and “regicide,” and the odious stigma, which,
to this day, is cast upon certain religious denominations, by
those who ought certainly to have received better information ;
it is an indubitable fact, that the king, with the assistance of
his evil counsellors, brought the dreadful confusions upon the
nation, and destruction upon his own head. This statement
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
491
is sufficiently corroborated from the foregoing facts, but espe-
cially from the unequivocal pens of learned churchmen. Queen
Elizabeth and king James's arbitrary and illegal stretch of the
prerogative, laid the foundation of those calamities, which, in
the reign of Charles, overturned both church and state.*
"James entailed upon his son, all the miseries that befel
him; and left in the minds of his subjects those sparks of dis-
content, which broke out some years after into a flame of civil
war, which ended in the ruin of king Charles, and also of the
monarchy. Some of his majesty's counsellors drove so fast,
that it was no wonder the wheels and chariot broke. It was
in a great part owing to the indiscreet zeal of a mitred head,
(Laud) that had got an ascendant over his master's conscience
and counsels, that both the monarchy and hierarchy owed af-
terwards their fall.-But," our author adds, "an immoderate
desire of power, beyond what the constitution allowed, was the
rock on which he split." These are certainly high authori-
ties, stating the specific occasion of this awful event; yet the
execution of the king was undoubtedly the act of a military
faction, condemned by the great body of the people.
The religious aspect of the nation under this prince requires
some discrimination, on account of the national convulsions.
In the former part of his reign, as we have related from un-
exceptionable evidence, great numbers of pious, learned, and
useful ministers, with multitudes of private Christians, were
driven from their homes, to seek their bread, and spend the
rest of their days, in a foreign land; so that by the numerous
emigrations of persons zealous for religion, together with the ty-
rannical suppression of the zealous efforts of those who outbrav-
ed the storm, the state of true religion, and even the open pro-
fession of it, was reduced within very narrow bounds. While
these painful depredations were committed on the church of
God in this country, the persecuted hosts carried their pi-
ety and principles across the Atlantic, and planted colonies
and Christian churches on the vast continent of America,
where the spirit and power of religion flourishes to this day.
During the latter part of this reign, episcopacy being over-
thrown, and presbyterianism being erected on its ruins, and the
* Warner, vol. ii. p. 497.
+ Welwood, p. 20, 37, 87.
-
492
HISTORY OF
country being in a state of continual agitation, no small con-
cern about religion was discovered in the senate, in the higher
ranks of society, and among the common people. The pro-
fession of religion became more general, and the zealous ener-
gies of faithful ministers less restrained, than at any period
since the rise of popery. Since bigotry and party-prejudice
ran so high, there was, no doubt, much chaff mixed with the
wheat, and it would now be difficult to separate the one from
the other; at the same time, religious truth unfettered with
old superstitions, evidently gained considerable ascendency
over the minds of the people.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE COMMONWEALTH.
SECTION I.
Impediments to Religious Emancipation continued.
ON
On the death of king Charles I., the government assumed
the form of a COMMONWEALTH, the supreme authority
being lodged in the parliament. This authority commenced
its operations by an act to disinherit the prince of Wales, for-
bidding all persons to proclaim him king of England, on pain
of high treason. The house of lords was voted to be useless;
and the office of king, not only unnecessary and burdensome,
but also dangerous to the liberty, safety, and welfare of the
nation. The executive power was lodged in a council of state,
consisting of thirty-eight persons, with full power to take care
of the public administration.*
* Kennet, vol. iii. p. 175.—Whitelock, p. 381.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
493
No very material change took place, during this period, in
the religious establishment of the nation. Episcopacy had
been for some time abolished, when presbyterianism became
the incorporated sect, as related in the foregoing chapter.
Presbyterianism being made the religion of the state was soon
found to be equally inimical to liberty as the prelacy; but,
though formally established, it was completely crippled in its
operations. The hostility of established episcopacy and pres-
byterianism, to the rights and privileges of Christians, of
which the nation had the most convincing proof, sufficiently
showed the danger of suffering any religious sect to obtain an
ascendency in the state. By such ascendency, the dominant
party, but especially the clergy, assumed too high a tone, and
betrayed a strong propensity to intolerance; but this estab-
lished presbyterian church was now deprived of power, and
consequently of its sting.
The oaths of allegiance and supremacy were turned into
an engagement; by which all persons who held any office in
church or state were required to swear," that they would be
faithful to the commonwealth of England, as the same is now
established, without king or house of lords."* Those who re-
fused this oath were deprived of the benefit of suing another at
law, of holding any place of public trust, and even of travel-
ling more than a certain number of miles from home. Those
persons whose views accorded in general with the present form
of government, took the oath without hesitation; but many of
the contrary party refused, and, for a time, laboured under
considerable difficulties. In some instances, however, sub-
scription was accepted with certain restrictions, as in the case
of Dr. Conant, who subscribed on the following conditions :—
“That I be not hereby understood to approve of what hath
been done in order unto, or under this present government, or
the government itself; nor will I be thought to condemn it :
they being things above my reach, and I not knowing the
grounds of the proceedings.-That I do not bind myself to
do any thing contrary to the word of God.-That I do not
hereby so bind myself, but that if God shall remarkably call
me to submit to any other power, I may be at liberty to obey
Whitelock, p. 433.
+ Life of Baxter, part i. p. 64.
494
HISTORY OF
that call, notwithstanding the present engagement. In this
sense, and in this sense only, I do promise to be true and
faithful to the present government, as it is now established,
without king or house of lords.”*
The oath of fidelity to the commonwealth was now the only
condition of churchmanship; consequently the terms of con-
formity were less rigid than at any former period. The op-
pressive statutes were in general relaxed or not acted upon,
and the covenant was laid aside, without prescribing any other
legislative qualifications. This was extremely galling to rigid
presbyterians, who could see no religion except through the
medium of their own established sect; and though the episco-
pal divines were forbidden to read the liturgy in form, they
might frame their public prayers as nearly resembling it as they
pleased, and, on this principle, many of them complied with the
government. It is declared by no less an authority than Dr.
George Bates, that numerous episcopal assemblies, where the
liturgy was read, enjoyed a connivance, till they were found
plotting against the government; nor would they have been
denied an open toleration, if they would have given security
for their peaceable behaviour, and not have meddled with the
affairs of government.†
The restless presbyterians carried their darling scheme of
uniformity to a very extraordinary length, a striking instance
of which appeared in their behaviour to the son of the late
king. The Scots having received him for their sovereign, re-
quired him to swear, "that he allowed and approved the so-
lemn league and covenant; and that he would establish the
presbyterian worship in all his dominions, observe it in his
own family, and never attempt any alteration." The young
king was made to sign a declaration, in which "he acknow-
ledged his own sins, and the sins of his father's house, parti-
cularly the sin of his father in marrying into an idolatrous fa-
mily; and that the blood shed in the late wars lay at his fa-
ther's door! He also expressed a deep sense of his own ill
education, and of his prejudice against the cause of God, con-
fessing all the former parts of his life to have been a course of
enmity against the word of God. He declared his detestation
* Biog. Britan, vol. iv. p. 64,
+Bates' Elen. part ii. p. 192.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
495
and abhorrence of all popery, superstition, idolatry, and pre-
lacy, and resolved not to tolerate any of them in his dominions.
He said, he would account them his enemies who opposed
the covenants, both of which he had taken without any sinis-
ter intention of attaining his own ends!" The young king
took the covenant no less than three times, with this tremen-
dous oath: "By the Eternal and Almighty God, who liveth
and reigneth for ever, I will observe and keep all that is con-
tained herein."*
It would certainly be difficult to find a more glaring in-
stance of prevarication in the history of any country. But,
perhaps, the prince was less blameable than the Scots, who
undoubtedly knew that the abominable oaths which they ex-
torted from him, were at war with all his feelings and senti-
ments. These presbyterians conducted this affair on the ab-
surd principle on which the imposition of religious tests is
usually founded, that the attestation of the judgment and con-
science necessarily accompanies the subscription of the hand!
These uncatholic measures involved the nation in fresh
troubles, and war was declared against the Scots. During
the conflict in the north, the government, which professedly
abhorred persecution, and pretended to allow liberty of con-
science, commanded all ministers to observe the days of public
humiliation, to fast and pray for the success of their arms, and
to keep the days of public thanksgiving for their victories,
upon pain of sequestration: so, says my author, "we all ex-
pected to be turned out ;" but this severity was executed only
in very few instances. Instead of praying and preaching for
them, he adds, "I laboured to make them understand what a
crime it was to force men to pray for the success of those who
were violating their covenant and loyalty, and going to kill
their brethren: also what it was to force men to give thanks
for all their bloodshed, and to make God's ministers and ordi-
nances vile, and serviceable to such crimes by forcing men to
run to God on such errands of blood and ruin: and what it is
to be such hypocrites as to persecute and cast out those who
preach the Gospel, while they pretend the advancement of the
Gospel, and the liberty of tender consciences: and what a
Hist. of Stuarts, vol. ii. p. 387, 391.
¶
496
HISTORY OF
means it was to debauch the conscience, and leave neither
tenderness nor honesty in the world, when the guides of the
flocks, and preachers of the Gospel, shall be noted for swal-
lowing down such heinous sins."*
The house of commons, called the parliament of England,
appointed that no minister should teach or preach any thing
relating to the affairs of state, but only preach Christ in since-
rity, and ordained penalties against those who should presume
to do otherwise, restraining the liberty of the pulpit. They also
made a declaration for the abolishing of tithes, but not till
some other equal maintenance should be provided, which
should tend to the advancement of godliness and the kingdom
of Jesus Christ. In the debates upon the proper maintenance
of ministers, it was proposed to be by an assessment of twelve
pence in the pound upon lands, with some allowance from the
deans and chapters' lands and impropriations; but the project
was never brought into practice. It was enacted to abolish the
name and office of dean, sub-dean, chapter, archdeacon, chan-
cellor, canon, prebend, and all other ecclesiastical titles and
offices, excepting those belonging to the two universities, and
the foundations of Westminster, Winchester, and Eton; and
to settle the lands and hereditaments in the hands of trustees,
called contractors, to sell and dispose of them for the benefit
of the public. It was also enacted, that out of the tithes be-
longing to the late estates of archbishops, bishops, deans, and
chapters, augmentations should be made to the small livings
of incumbents, so as to increase the maintenance of every mi-
nister to one hundred pounds a year.†
The parliament, to secure its reputation for justice and
piety, passed an act against incest, adultery, and fornication;
making the two former to be felony, and the last to be pu-
nished for the first offence with imprisonment, and for the se-
cond with death! These were very extraordinary measures,
deeply stained with intolerance and cruelty, for punishing the
crying sins of the times. Another act was passed against
common cursing and swearing, denouncing, for the first of-
fence, the penalty of thirty shillings on a lord, twenty on a
knight or baronet, ten on an esquire, six shillings and eight
* Life of Baxter, part i. p. 67.
+ Kennet, vol. iii. p. 178.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
497
+
pence on a gentleman, and three shillings and four pence on
every other person, and, for the second, the penalty to be
doubled. Another was also passed against heresies and blas-
phemies, that all persons found guilty should be committed to
prison for six months; and if they still persisted in their he-
retical and blasphemous opinions, they should be banished
from the country, and, upon their return, to suffer death as in
the case of felony !*
When a nation is agitated with internal commotions, especi-
ally when liberty is the object of dispute, the minds of men
are roused to uncommon exertions. If there be a soul which
has a spark of energy in it, that energy will be called into ac-
tive operation, and will frequently give birth to ideas of the
first importance to the happiness of individuals and of society,
which would not have been produced in a season of repose.
Oliver Cromwell, who had so much distinguished himself in
the army, refused to join any party, but declared to be for the
liberty of all. His army was an army of reasoners. They
disputed about religion, every man with his Bible in his hand:
and, since they had all been formerly under the compulsive
yoke of intolerance, they now broke their bonds asunder,
threw them indignantly away, and began to argue, that every
man had a right to think for himself, without constraint of
priest or king. Cromwell's soldiers had for some time argued
in favour of the rights of conscience and private judgment in
matters of religion; and that it was no part of the civil ma-
gistrate's office to restrain them by his control, but to confine
his jurisdiction wholly to the concerns of civil society.†
The intrepid army being completely victorious, the English
presbyterians were under painful apprehensions of the down-
fall of their endeared idol-presbyterianism. They had been
startled by the death of the king, but were much more alarm-
ed at the powerful ascendency of the army. Their only hopes
arose from the success of their Scotch brethren, with whose
efforts they felt strongly inclined to co-operate for the settle-
ment of prince Charles on the throne. Placed in these dubi-
ous circumstances, their zeal for their own cause induced many
presbyterian ministers and others to enter into a correspon-
* Kennet, vol. iii. p. 182.
VOL. I.
+ Life of Baxter, part i. p. 51, 53.
K k
498
HISTORY OF
dence with the prince and the Scots, and so into a conspiracy
for Charles's restoration to the crown. This plot was called
Love's plot; because Mr. Love, a presbyterian minister, was
a principal sufferer; but the vigilance of the commonwealth
discovered and defeated the design. So large a confederacy
could not easily be concealed from the watchful eyes of the
new government, which had its spies in all places. One of the
party being apprehended on suspicion, confessed, and disco-
vered the rest of the conspirators. Upon his information, war-
rants were issued for apprehending the whole of the confede-
rates; when most of them were taken and cast into prison, but
several absconded and withdrew from the country. Some of
the prisoners having petitioned for mercy, and promised sub-
mission to the government, were released; but Mr. Love and
Mr. Gibbons having been arraigned and condemned before a
new high court of justice, lost their heads on tower-hill. Thus,
the mad attempt to aid the idolized ecclesiastical establishment
was overthrown, and its leading projectors ruined.
The presbyterian worship and discipline by law established,
greatly sunk in the estimation of the people, and in the opi-
nion of the parliament, but especially in the affections of the
conquering army: and even the kirk of Scotland, which had
made high pretensions, grew into contempt.* The city of Lon-
don presented a petition to the parliament, in the name of the
"that
lord-mayor, aldermen, and common council, praying,
the precious truths of the Gospel might be preserved in puri-
ty: that the ministers thereof, being approved as learned, godly,
and void of offence, might be sent forth to preach the Gospel:
that their settled maintenance by law might be confirmed, and
their just properties preserved: that the universities might be
zealously countenanced and encouraged."
The churches of the congregational persuasion were, at the
same time, humble suitors to the same authority, for liberty
and protection against the domineering power of the presby-
terians; on which they obtained the vote of the house, " that
there should be a declaration issued for giving proper liberty
to all who feared God; for preventing abuses against magis-
trates; for the preservation of such as feared God among
* Kennet, vol. iii. p. 189.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
499
themselves, without imposing upon others; and for discoun-
tenancing blasphemies, damnable heresies, and licentious prac-
tice."*
}
Many other addresses and petitions were presented to the
parliament, praying for the general exercise of Christian free-
dom. Lieutenant-general Cromwell, before his embarking
for Ireland, sent letters to the parliament, recommending the
removal of the penal laws relating to religion; upon which the
house appointed a committee to make a report concerning a
method for easing tender consciences, and an act to be intro-
duced to appoint commissioners in every county, for the ap-
probation of able and well qualified persons to become minis-
ters, who could not comply with the present terms of ordina-
tion. General Fairfax and his council of officers presented a
petition to the same purpose, praying “that all penal statutes
formerly made, and late ordinances, whereby many conscien-
tious people were molested, and the propagation of the Gospel
hindered, might be removed. Not that the liberty desired by
them should extend to the toleration of popery, prelacy, the
Book of Common-prayer, public scorn, and the contempt of
God and his word: but they desired that all open acts of pro-
faneness, drunkenness, swearing, uncleanness, and the like,
might be vigorously prosecuted, and punished in all persons
whatsoever." The house thanked them for their petition, ac-
quainting them that what they desired was already under con-
sideration, and that their petition should hasten their proceed-
ings with all convenient speed. The house then resolved,
"that all penal statutes and ordinances, whereby many con-
scientious people are much molested, and the propagation of
the Gospel hindered, might be referred to the committee for
bringing in an act for the ease of tender consciences."+
In conformity to this resolution, an act was passed to take
away all the penal statutes on the score of religion. The pre-
amble sets forth," that divers religious and peaceable people,
well-affected to the commonwealth, have not only been molest-
ed and imprisoned, but brought into danger of abjuring their
country, or in case of return to suffer death as felons, by sun-
dry acts made in former times, against persons not coming to
+ Whitelock, p. 420.
*
Kennett, vol. iii. p. 192.
K k 2
500
HISTORY OF
church." It then enacts and ordains, "that all the clauses,
articles, and provisos in the ensuing acts of 1 Eliz., 23 Eliz.,
35 Eliz., and all and every branch, clause, article, or proviso,
in
any other act or ordinance of parliament, whereby any pe-
nalty or punishment is imposed, or meant to be imposed on any
person, for not repairing to their respective parish churches;
or for not keeping of holy days; or for not hearing Common-
prayer, shall be and are hereby wholly repealed and made
void. And to the end that no profane or licentious persons
may take occasion by the repeal of the said laws, to neglect
the performance of religious duties, it is further ordained, that
all persons not having a reasonable excuse, shall on every
Lord's day, and day of public thanksgiving or humiliation,
resort to some place of public worship; or be present at some
other place, in the practice of some religious duty of prayer or
preaching, reading or expounding the Scriptures."* This or-
dinance afforded great relief to many conscientious persons;
and the state was now at liberty to employ all such in their
service as would take the oaths to the civil government, with-
out any regard to their religious opinions.
-
The parliament tried various methods to reconcile the pres-
byterians to the present administration: persons were appoint-
ed to treat with them, and assure them of the protection of
government, and of the security of their ecclesiastical prefer-
ments according to law; but these measures being found inef-
fectual, an order was published, prohibiting ministers med-
dling with state affairs in the pulpit. The celebrated Milton
was appointed to write for the government, when he rallied
the seditious preachers with his eloquent pen; and all other
methods having failed, a committee was at length chosen to
receive information against such ministers as aspersed the au-
thority of the parliament, and an act was passed, that all such
persons should be sequestered from their ecclesiastical prefer-
ments.
The presbyterians supported themselves under these hard-
ships by their friendly alliance with the Scots, and their hope
of a favourable alteration by their assistance. In the remon-
strance of the general assembly of that kirk, they declared,
* Neal, vol. iv. p. 28.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
501
that the spirit which actuated the councils of those who ob-
structed the work of God, despised the covenant, corrupted the
truth, forced the parliament, murdered the king, changed the
government, and established such an unlimited toleration in
religion, could not be the spirit of righteousness and holiness.
They, therefore, warned the Scots against joining with them.
"The English," say they, "have no controversy with us, but
because the kirk and state have declared against their unlaw-
ful engagement; because we still adhere to the covenant, and
have borne our testimony against their toleration, and taking
away the life of the king."
The parliament, soon after, published a declaration on their
part, complaining of the revolt of the English and Scotch pres-
byterians, and of their taking part with the enemy, because
their church discipline was not made the standard of reforma-
tion. "But we are still determined," say they, "not to be
discouraged in our endeavours to promote the purity of reli-
gion, and the liberty of the commonwealth; and for the satis-
faction of our presbyterian brethren, we declare, that we will
continue all those ordinances which have been made for pro-
moting a reformation of religion, in doctrine, worship and dis-
cipline, in their full force; and will uphold the same, in order
to suppress popery, superstition, blasphemy, and all kinds of
profaneness. Only we conceive ourselves obliged to take away
all such acts and ordinances as are penal and coercive in mat-
ters of conscience. And because this has given so great of-
fence, we declare as in the presence of God, that by whomso-
ever this liberty shall be abused, we will be ready to testify our
displeasure against them, by an effectual prosecution of such
offenders."*
The parliament, still as solicitous as ever about religion, de-
voted one day in every week to consult upon ways and means
of promoting it. The inhabitants of the principality of Wales
were nearly destitute of the means of Christian instruction.
Their language was little understood; and their clergy were
so ignorant and inattentive to their cures, that they preached
scarcely one sermon in a quarter of a year. The people had
neither bibles nor catechisms for their instruction. The par-
Neal, vol. iv. p. 13.
502
HISTORY OF
liament, therefore, taking their case into consideration, passed
an act "for the better propagation and preaching of the Gos-
pel in Wales, and for ejecting scandalous ministers and school-
masters." Pursuant to this measure, there were soon one hun-
dred and fifty pious ministers in the principality, most of whom
preached three or four times a week; that in every market town
was placed one, and in most two schoolmasters, able and learn-
ed university-men; and that the tithes were all employed to
the maintenance of godly ministers, the payment of taxes, the
support of schoolmasters, and the fifths to the wives and chil-
dren of the ejected clergy.
The commonwealth was soon very powerful, and the nation
in a condition equally flourishing as under queen Elizabeth.*
The form of the government was altered contrary to law, and
without the consent of the people, the majority of whom were
still disaffected, preferring a mixed monarchy to an absolute
commonwealth. The government was a flagrant usurpation,
but the administration was in the hands of the ablest men En-
gland had beheld for many years.t
Cromwell being every where triumphant, his reputation so
increased, that he became the very soul of the parliament and
the commonwealth. He now perceived that a continuation of
the war was the contrivance of his enemies; and that their ob-
ject was to disarm him of power, and reduce him from a great
general to the condition of a private gentleman. They sought
to undermine his authority, and render him useless. For,
says my author, though he had excellent qualities, and, by his
valour and capacity, had raised the commonwealth to its pre-
sent grandeur, he was still feared. The parliament was ex-
ceedingly jealous, that his credit, already too great, would be-
come still greater, to the prejudice of the commonwealth ;
therefore his ruin would have been inevitable, had he not been
supported by the army. Cromwell clearly saw this, and ob-
tained private information of a conspiracy against his life.
Affairs were presently brought to such a crisis, that either the
parliament must be subdued, or he must be destroyed. To
decide in so critical a juncture could not long amuse an ambi-
tious mind. Cromwell, displeased at a design to requite his
* Rapin, vol. ii. p. 586.
+ Ibid.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
503
services with ingratitude like this, determined to risk every
thing in order to make himself master of the parliament, rather
than become their slave, who owed all their power to him.*
This was a new and delicate crisis: the civil and military
powers being engaged against each other, and resolved to
maintain their respective pretensions. The parliament having
treated the army with insolence and contempt, and its pro-
ceedings having become as odious to the people, as they were
disagreeable to the army, Cromwell believed he owed no far-
ther regard to the men who sought his ruin. The project be-
ing concerted, with the principal officers, he entered the parlia-
ment-house, with certain officers and soldiers; and, informing
the members that he was come to put an end to their power,
which they had so much abused, without further ceremony,
commanded them to depart; upon which they were immedi-
ately dissolved. As they walked out, the officers and soldiers
entered, after which he locked the door.†
This was certainly a most extraordinary measure; but what
will not men do to save their own lives, or the lives of their
friends? The nation, it should be recollected, was now divid-
ed into three violent parties; and it was scarcely possible to
adopt expedients to satisfy them all, whose principles and in-
terests were so opposite, as well on points of religion as on
those of civil government. Force, by giving a superiority to
one of them, was the only probable means of awing the other
two; so that Cromwell resolved to model the government ac-
cording to his own views, support his settlement by force, and
disregard the chimerical project of contending for every indi-
vidual in society. He clearly saw the necessity of a supreme
authority capable of commanding obedience, without which
the nation would have been involved in confusion, and that
this authority must be supported by the army; while he no
doubt believed himself more capable than any other person of
managing the reins of government. I pretend not here, says
Rapin, to justify all the actions of this great man, whose abi-
lity was never contested; but only to show, that, in this junc-
ture, he could have taken no other course, without throwing
the state into the most terrible confusion. Since, therefore,
ALE
-
Rapin, vol. ii. p. 589.
+ Ibid.
504
HISTORY OF
2
2
as matters stood, and England was to be governed by force,
was it more inconvenient to see the nation ruled by the greatest
general and statesman the kingdom had for many years pro-
duced, than by a presbyterian or independent parliament, or
by a king intoxicated with arbitrary power? The people had
made trial of these several governments, and found them in-
supportable; a fourth, therefore, must be tried.*
We shall make no remarks on the sentiments of the learned
historian. The only difficulty, at this crisis, arose from the
supposition made by the three parties respectively, that their
scheme of government was the most perfect. Cromwell dis-
regarded their respective pretensions, and was equally re-
proached and censured by them. The independents were
offended at him for overturning their democracy, which he
had erected. The presbyterians wished him to have restored
the parliament of 1648, which possessed the supreme autho-
rity of the nation. The king's party were exceedingly pleas-
ed with Cromwell's dissolution of the independent parliament,
without restoring the presbyterian: but to have given them
satisfaction, he must have restored the king to his throne, and
the church of England to its former splendour. It was, there-
fore, no wonder, that the three parties were equally opposed
to Cromwell's proceedings; but it is certainly questionable,
whether, in such situation of public affairs, what they respec-
tively desired was not both unjust and impracticable.
Amidst the clashing opinions and interests of different par-
ties, the presbyterians reflected severely on the independents
for asserting that uniformity ought to be pressed no further
than was agreeable to the consciences of men, and conducive
to general edification. "It seems to us," said the dominant
sect," that the independent brethren desire liberty, not only
for themselves, but for all men." Hence they stigmatized to-
leration "the great Diana of the independents." And why
not for all men? Is it not the natural and unalienable right
of all rational creatures, who are accountable to God alone in
matters of religion? Would to God that no worse a Diana
had ever been idolized! The independents took the lead in
recommending a principle so honourable and so just to the
*
Rapin vol. ii. p. 589.
I
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
505
esteem and approbation of the world. This principle is one of
the great bulwarks of our island; and were Britain to erect a
statue of gold in honour of the first patrons of this sentiment,
she would but imperfectly discharge the debt she owes to those
who have been the source of her wealth, her strength, her
glory, and her happiness.
The intolerance of the presbyterians received just punish-
ment, in the disgust with which it inspired the nation, and the
ruin with which it overwhelmed their cause. The leading men
in the army avowed themselves either independents, or pa-
trons of that toleration which had been denounced as the idol
of their communion. When Cromwell espoused the same
cause, and nominated their principal divines to be his chap-
lains, as well as to fill the most important places in the uni-
versities, their standing became secure, and their triumph
complete. Yet in the plenitude of their power, liberty, and
not authority, was their aim. Their churches were voluntary
associations supported by the influence of their principles,
which constitute the only foundation of religious liberty; while
the presbyterians enjoyed the revenues appropriated by the
political government to the endowment of religion.
The leading independents not only defended, but acted
upon these generous principles. Dr. Thomas Goodwin, who
was an independent, and one of the dissenting brethren in the
assembly of divines, was made president of Magdalen college,
Oxford, where he formed an independent church, of which the
celebrated Mr. Theophilus Gale and Mr. Stephen Charnock
were members. Mr. John Howe, who was then a student in
the college, and known to be an independent, was asked, why
he did not join them? To which he replied,
"because I un-
derstand you lay more stress upon some peculiarities, than I
approve. I can give others the liberty of their own way, with-
out censuring them, or indulging any hard thoughts of them :
but if you will admit me upon catholic principles, I will gladly
unite with you." Dr. Goodwin, with the greatest liberality of
mind, cordially embraced him, and told him it should be done
according to his wishes; and signified, that he knew it would
be greatly to the satisfaction and edification of all concerned:
upon which he became a member of their society. The doc-
506
HISTORY OF
1
tor's ready consent is an instance of greater liberality, than he
was thought by some to have possessed.*
The celebrated Dr. Owen wrote an essay on Toleration,
which embraced the grand principles of religious liberty with
as much precision as could be expected from an orthodox di-
vine of that contentious age; and his work may be considered
as a successful step towards a more mature and full view of
the subject. In his essay on church government, published
so early as the year 1646, he pleaded with great force for li-
berty of conscience and moderation towards men of different
persuasions. His future conduct was an admirable practical
comment on the liberality of his principles. When men are
advanced to places of power and authority, they often disco-
ver a magisterial air, and a severity of temper towards infe-
riors, and become partial in the distribution of their favours:
but we find a very different spirit influenced the heart, and
regulated the practice of this learned divine. After he was
promoted to the deanery of Christ's college, Oxford, and made
vice-chancellor of the university, his wonted moderation and
sweetness of disposition still adorned his public and private
character. Though his views were far from presbyterianism,
those livings which fell into his hands he generally gave to the
presbyterians. Nor was he ever wanting to oblige the episco-
palians, whom he suffered to meet quietly, about three hun-
dred every Lord's day, opposite his own door, where they ce-
lebrated divine service according to the liturgy of the church
of England; and though he was often urged to it, yet he
would never give them the least disturbance; and if at any
time they met with trouble or opposition, it was from other
hands, and always against his will."+
A new denomination of Christians arose about this time,
called Quakers-a term of reproach given them by their ene-
mies. George Fox, who had been cast into prison at Notting-
ham, was afterwards convened before Gervas Bennet, Esq.,
one of the justices of Derby, whom he charged to tremble at
the word of the Lord: for this expression the justice took oc-
casion to stigmatize him, and his friends, Quakers. This new
denomination abhorred the secularization of religion by the
* Life of Howe, p. 11.
+ Life of Owen, p. 11.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
507
alliance of church and state, and warmly protested against
every interference of the magistrate in religion, farther than
to protect the subject in the peaceable enjoyment of his prin-
ciples, as a criminal encroachment on the prerogative of God
and the rights of conscience.
Fox, the founder and apostle of quakerism, shared the same
fate at Derby as he had done at Nottingham, and continued
a considerable time in prison; when he addressed a letter to
the magistrates, who had committed him, saying—“ I beseech
you to consider what you do, and what the commands of God
require. They require you to do justice and mercy, to break
every yoke, and to let the oppressed go free. But who calleth
for justice, or loveth mercy, or contendeth for the truth? Is
not judgment turned backward, and doth not justice stand
afar off? Is not truth silenced in the streets, or can equity
enter? And do not they who depart from evil, make them-
selves a prey? Oh! consider what you do in time, and take
heed whom you imprison: for the magistrate is set for the
punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do
well.' I entreat you in time to take heed what you do: for
surely the Lord will come, and will make manifest both the
builders and the work. 6 • If it be of man, it will come to
naught; but if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it!"
The magistrates requiring him to enter into bonds in order
to his release, he absolutely refused, and wrote to them again,
exposing the unreasonable and oppressive usage he received.
He said, "would you have me to be bound to my good beha-
viour from drunkenness, or swearing, or fighting, or adultery?
The Lord hath redeemed me from all these things; and the
love of God hath brought me to loathe all wantonness, blessed
be his name. They who are drunkards, and fighters, and
swearers, have their liberty without bonds: and you lay
your law upon me, whom neither you nor any other can just-
ly accuse of these things, praised be the Lord. I can look at
no man for my liberty, but to the Lord alone, who hath the
hearts of all men in his hand." He also addressed the minis-
ters of Derby, who seem to have co-operated with the magis-
trates; and said, "You profess to be the ministers of Jesus
Christ, but you show by your fruits what your ministry is.
Every tree shows forth its fruit. The ministry of Jesus Christ.
508
HISTORY OF
is in mercy and love, to unloose them that are bound, to bring
out of bondage, and to let the captive go free. Where now
is your example, if the Scriptures be your rule, to imprison
men for religion? Have you any command for it from Jesus
Christ? If that were in you which you profess, you would
walk in their steps, who spake what you profess."*
From all these indubitable facts, the reader will clearly per-
ceive the powerful impediments to the progress of religious
freedom, and the inveterate opposition to the general exercise
of the rights of conscience. The government, professedly
founded on the principles of liberty, did not understand the
subject, but refused to allow every man to believe and worship
God according to the convictions of his own mind. Religion
was not yet completely emancipated from state politics. The
spirit of bigotry and domination still blinded the minds and
perverted the judgments of those in power. A learned and
sensible writer remarks, that "men have been very long in
discovering, and even yet seem scarcely to have discovered,
that true religion is of too delicate a nature to be compelled
by the coarse implements of human authority and worldly
sanctions. Let the law of the land restrain vice and injustice
of every kind, as ruinous to the peace and order of society,
for this is its proper province; but let it not tamper with reli-
gion, by attempting to enforce its exercises and duties. These,
unless they be free-will offerings, are nothing-they are worse.
By such an unnatural alliance, and ill-judged aid, hypocrisy
and superstition may, indeed, be greatly promoted, but genu-
ine piety never fails to suffer."+
SECTION II.
The Protectorship favourable to Liberal Principles.
By a due attention to approved historical records, we have
examined the principles and proceedings of the parliamentary
usurpation, and traced their influence' on the rights of con-
science, and the liberties of the country. We have briefly ad-
verted to the critical and dangerous state of the nation, toge-
ther with the total subversion of the constitution, by the supe-
* Sewel's Hist. vol. i. p. 46, 58.
+ Campbell, vol. i. p. 73.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
509
rior power of the general and his army. Not satisfied with
these great changes, a new form of government was adopted
in the year 1653, the general principles of which were con-
tained in a large instrument of forty-two articles, entitled,
"The Government of the Commonwealth of England, Scot-
land, and Ireland." This instrument appointed the govern-
ment to be in the hands of general Oliver Cromwell, as LORD
PROTECTOR, to be assisted in the public administration, by a
council of twenty-one persons. A parliament was to be chosen
out of the three kingdoms every three years, and not to be
dissolved without their consent in less than five months. It
was to consist of four hundred members for England and
Wales, thirty for Scotland, and thirty for Ireland; sixty of
whom should make a house.
The articles relating to religion, contained in this instru-
ment, are—“ That the Christian religion contained in the
Scriptures, be held forth and recommended as the public pro-
fession of these nations; and that as soon as may be, a provi-
sion less subject to scruple and contention, and more certain
than the present, be made for the encouragement and mainte-
nance of able and painful teachers for instructing the people,
for discovery and confutation of error, heresy, and whatever
is contrary to sound doctrine; and that, until such provision
be made, the present maintenance shall not be taken away or
impeached.—That, to the public profession held forth, none
shall be compelled by penalties or otherwise, but that endea-
vours be used to win them by sound doctrine, and the exam-
ple of a good conversation.-That such as profess faith in
God by Jesus Christ, though differing in judgment from the
doctrine, worship, or discipline publicly held forth, shall not
be restrained from, but shall be protected in, the profession of
their faith, and exercise of their religion; so as they abuse not
this liberty, to the civil injury of others, and to the actual dis-
turbance of the public peace on their parts: provided this li-
berty be not extended to popery or prelacy, nor to such as
under the profession of Christ hold forth and practise licen-
tiousness.―That all laws, statutes, ordinances, and clauses in
any law, statute and ordinance to the contrary of the aforesaid
liberty, shall be esteemed as null and void.”
Whitelock, p. 576.
*
*יי
510
HISTORY OF
The protector was installed with great magnificence, De-
cember 16, 1653, in the court of chancery, by order of the
council of officers, in the presence of the lord-mayor and al-
dermen of London, the judges, the commissioners of the great
seal, and other great officers, who were summoned to attend
on the occasion. Thus did this wonderful man, by surprising
management, supported only by the sword, advance himself
to the supreme government of the three kingdoms, without
the consent of parliament or the people. Whatever reasons
might be assigned for adopting this extraordinary measure, as
arising from the peculiar circumstances of the nation, or any
other consideration, certain it is, that the protectorship was a
most flagrant usurpation. This desperate measure was at that
time thought indispensably necessary, in order to preserve the
nation from fresh confusions, and from becoming a prey to the
common enemy.* We shall presently see, however, that even
an usurper could allow a larger portion of religious freedom,
than a despotic monarch; and the articles above recited are
certainly not deserving of any great degree of censure, though
no sufficient reason can be assigned why they did not recog-
nize equal and unrestricted liberty, even to " popery or pre-
lacy." These articles gave great disgust to all who felt the
sweets of secular and corrupt establishments, and to all the
patrons of ecclesiastical power and intolerance; but they were
peculiarly gratifying to the friends and patrons of human rights,
forming an important step towards religious emancipation.
Bishop Kennet seems exceedingly displeased at the exten-
sive latitude of these articles, especially, since they include no
test or barrier of an ecclesiastical establishment. "How little
religion was the concern," says he, "or so much as any longer
the pretence of Cromwell and his council of officers, appears
from hence, that in the large instrument of the government of
the commonwealth committed to the protector, which was the
very magna charta of the new constitution, there is not a word
of churches, or synods, or ministers, nor any thing but the
Christian religion in general, with liberty to all differing in
judgment from the doctrine, worship, or discipline publicly
set forth." Strange, indeed, that this should displease a
* Burnet, vol. i. p.
68.
+ Kennet, vol. iii. p. 193.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
511
Christian bishop! Without noticing the religious pretensions
of "Cromwell and his council," it will manifestly appear to
every unbiassed observer, that, notwithstanding the gross
usurpation of the government, this platform was incomparably
more friendly to the rights of conscience, and more favourable
to the church of God, than any form of government in this
country, from the days of Constantine and Theodosius, to the
days of the protectorship. It formed a strong barrier against
that ecclesiastical despotism and intolerance which had been
practised for many generations, expressly disallowing men
killing or controlling one another on account of their religion;
while it afforded every man perfect security in the unrestrain-
ed profession and propagation of his own religious opinions.
His lordship ought also to have recollected, that this liberty
was not intended to countenance any kind of immorality, or to
encourage those who injured others in their civil rights, or to
sanction those who disturbed the public peace; but expressly
prohibited every thing of the kind. Does Christianity autho-
rize more than this?
It will be necessary to inquire what use was made of this
magna charta of the new constitution ?" Let us hear the
sentiments of one who lived in those times, who was a compe-
tent judge of these matters, and who was very far from being
a friend of the protector or his government.
"I perceived,
says he, “that it was Cromwell's design to do good in the
main, and to promote the Gospel and the interest of godliness,
more than any had done before him, except in those particu-
lars which his own interest was against. It was the principal
means henceforth he trusted to for his own establishment, even
by doing good: that the people might love him, or, at least,
be willing to have his government for that good, who were
against it as it was an usurpation. Cromwell gave liberty to
all sects among us, and did not set up any party by force;
which gave abundant advantage to the Gospel, removing the
prejudices and terrors which hindered it; especially consider-
ing that godliness had countenance and reputation, as well as
liberty: whereas before, if it did not appear in all the fetters
and formalities of the times, it was the way to common shame
and ruin hearing sermons abroad when there were none, or
worse, at home; fasting and praying together; the strict ob-
66
"3
512
HISTORY OF
"For
servation of the Lord's day, and such like, went under the
dangerous name of puritanism, as well as opposing the bishops
and ceremonies. I know in these times you may meet with
men who confidently affirm, that all religion was then trodden
down, and heresy and schism were the only piety; but I give
warning to all ages, by the experience of this incredible age,
that they take heed how they believe those, whoever they be,
who speak for the interest of their own faction and opinions,
against those who were their real or supposed adversaries.
my part," he adds, "I bless God who gave me even
under an usurper, whom I opposed, such liberty and advan-
tage to preach the Gospel with success, which I cannot have
under a king, to whom I have sworn and performed true sub-
jection and obedience; yea, which no age since the Gospel
came into this land, did before possess, so far as I can learn
from history. Sure I am, that when it became a matter of
reputation and honour to be godly, it abundantly furthered
the success of the ministry; yea, I shall add this also for the
sake of posterity, that as much as I have said and written
against licentiousness, and for the magistrate's power in reli-
gion, and though I think that land most happy whose rulers.
use their authority for Christ, as well as for the civil peace;
yet in comparison with the rest of the world, I shall think that
land happy, where the people have but bare liberty to be as
good as they are willing to be: and if countenance and main-
tenance be added to liberty, and tolerated errors and sects be
but forced to keep the peace, and not to oppose the substan-
tials of Christianity, I shall not hereafter much fear such tole-
ration, nor despair that truth will bear down its adversaries.”*
This is, indeed, a very high eulogium on the protector's ad-
ministration from an eye witness, and an avowed adversary.
The wisdom and policy of the protector appeared in nothing
more than in his unwearied endeavours to make all religious
parties easy. He indulged the army in their enthusiastic rap-
tures, and sometimes joined in their prayers and sermons. He
countenanced the presbyterians, by assuring them he would
maintain the public ministry, and give them all due encourage-
ment. He supported the independents, by making them his
* Life of Baxter, part i. p. 71, 87,
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
513
chaplains; by preferring them to considerable livings in the
church and universities; and by joining them with others in
the examination of those who desired admission to benefices.
In point of policy the episcopalians were excepted from this
unrestricted toleration, which was one of the most obnoxious
features in the new constitution; yet their assemblies obtained
public connivance, and some of their clergy were indulged in
the public exercise of their ministry, without the fetters of
oaths, subscriptions, or engagements. The protector absolute-
ly forbade the clergy of every class inflaming the minds of the
people with political subjects, as not belonging to their profes-
sion; and when he perceived the active presbyterians assum-
ing too much to themselves, he never failed to mortify their
arrogance. He sometimes gloried in having curbed the inso-
lence of those, who would not suffer any to live but them-
selves. It was, indeed, happy for them, though unconscious
of it, that their imperious discipline was disarmed of its coer-
cive power; while they enjoyed nearly all the liberties and
privileges necessary to a religious profession.
The poet Milton, whose name has been already mentioned,
was much honoured and revered. A man of his principles.
and celebrity could not stand an idle spectator of these great
national transactions, when he again took up his pen with the
zeal of an apostle of religion and of liberty. His writings
breathe the most ardent spirit of freedom-the noblest enthu-
siasm for the welfare of the human race. They display a
power of reasoning, a richness and splendour of imagination,
which characterize a mind of the highest order. Milton was
made Latin secretary to Cromwell, whom he urged, with the
following splendid and forcible language, to the exercise and
permanent security of perfect religious freedom:
"Go on therefore, Cromwell, in your wonted magnanimity;
it fits
you well. Your country's deliverer, the founder of our
liberty, and at the same time its protector, you can assume no
other character more dignified or more august; for your ex-
ploits have surpassed not merely those of kings, but those even
which have been fabled of our heroes. Suffer not that liberty,
which you have gained with so many hardships, so many dan-
gers, to be violated by yourself, or in any wise impaired by
others. Indeed, without our freedom, you yourself cannot be
Ll
VOL. I.
514'
HISTORY OF
free: for such is the order of nature, that he who forcibly seizes
upon the liberty of others, is the first to lose his own is the
first to become a slave: and nothing can be more just than
this. But if the patron himself of liberty, and, as it were,
her tutelary genius-if he, than whom none is esteemed a
more just, a holier, or a better man, should at last offer vio-
lence to her whom he has defended, this must, of necessity,
be destructive and deadly, not to himself alone, but, in a man-
ner, to the very cause of all virtue and piety. Honour and
virtue themselves will appear to have faded away; hencefor-
ward, religious faith will be narrowed; reputation will be a
poor thing indeed; and a deeper wound than this, after that
first, it would not be possible to inflict upon human kind.
"You have taken upon you by far the heaviest burthen,
which will try you thoroughly; it will search you through
and through, and lay open your inmost soul; it will show what
is the predominant disposition of your nature, what is your
strength, what is your weight; whether there is indeed in you
that living piety, that faith, justice, and moderation of mind,
for which we have thought that you above all others deserved,
by the will of God, to be elevated to this sovereign dignity.
To rule by your council three most potent nations; to be de-
sirous of leading the people from corrupt institutions to a bet-
ter plan of life and of discipline than they had before; to send
out your anxious mind, your thoughts, to the remotest parts;
to watch, to foresee, to cavil at no toil, to despise all the blan-
dishments of pleasure, to shun the pomp of wealth and power
-these are those arduous things, in comparison of which war
is a play-game; these will drive against you like a mighty
wind, and shake your steadiness; these require a man who is
upheld by divine help, who is admonished and taught by little
less than divine converse. All these things and more, I doubt
not, you frequently meditate upon, and revolve in your mind;
also, by what means you may give effect to those momentous
considerations, and restore to us our liberty safe, and aug-
mented.
"It is my earnest wish that you would give permission to
those who are inclined to freedom of inquiry, to publish what
they have to communicate at their own peril, without the pri-
vate inquisition of any magisterial censor: for nothing could
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
515
contribute so much to the growth of truth; nor would all
science be for ever measured out to us in the bushel, and be
bestowed at the good pleasure of the half-learned, whether
arising from their censure, their envy, their narrow-minded-
ness, or from their having detected superstition in others. It
is my fervent wish, that you should not be afraid to listen
either to truth or falsehood, of whatever description they may
be; but that you should listen the least of all to those, who
never fancy themselves free, unless they deprive others of their
freedom; who labour at nothing with so much zeal and earn-
estness, as to enchain not the bodies only, but the consciences.
of their brethren; and to introduce into church and state the
worst of all tyrannies-the tyranny of their own misshapen
customs and opinions.
"I could earnestly wish," he adds, "that you should leave
the church to itself, and have the prudence to relieve yourself
and the magistrates from that burthen, which is one half, and
at the same time, most remote from your province; and that
you should not suffer the two powers, the ecclesiastical and the
civil, which are so totally distinct, to commit whoredom toge-
ther; and, by their intermixed and false riches, to strengthen
indeed in appearance, but in reality to undermine, and at last
to subvert one another. I could wish, that you would take
away all power from the church-and power will never be
wanting as long as there shall be money, the poison of the
church, the quinsey of truth; as long as there shall be hire
for preaching the Gospel, coercively collected from those who
have no disposition to pay it; that you should cast out of the
church those money-changers, who sell not doves, but the
Holy Spirit himself."*
•
1
* Milton's Frose Works, vol. ii. p. 434–440.
MUS
This was a seasonable and instructive lesson to the protec-
tor. How far did he apply to himself, and improve in his own
practice, these invaluable instructions of his friendly monitor?
Cromwell, it ought to be recollected, had shown himself fa-
vourable to religious liberty when he was general of the ar-
my. His liberal address to the parliament has been already
noticed. When he was with the army in Scotland, in the
year 1650, to moderate the turbulent kirk ministers, he ad-
L12
516
HISTORY OF
1
dressed them by letter in these words:-"The ministers of
England are supported, and have liberty to preach the Gospel,
though not to rail, nor, under pretence thereof, to over-top the
civil power, or debase it as they please. No man hath been
troubled in England or Ireland for preaching the Gospel, nor
has any minister been molested in Scotland since the coming
of the army. Speaking the truth becomes the ministers of
Christ. When ministers pretend to a glorious reformation,
and lay its foundation in getting to themselves power, and can
make worldly mixtures to accomplish it, such as their late
agreement with the king, and hope by him to carry on their
designs, they may know that the Sion promised and hoped for,
will not be built with such untempered mortar.
When they
trust purely to the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of
God, which is powerful to bring down strong holds, and every
imagination that exalteth itself, which alone is able to square
and fit the stones for the New Jerusalem; then, and not be-
fore, and by that means and no other, shall Jerusalem the city
of the Lord be built, the Sion the holy one of Israel, which
shall be the praise of the whole earth."
peo-
The Scotch ministers answered this letter, upon which
Cromwell returned the following reply:-" We look upon
ministers as helpers of, not lords over, the faith of God's
ple. I appeal to their consciences, whether any denying their
doctrines and dissenting shall not among them incur the cen-
sure of sectary; and what is this but to deny Christians their
liberty, and assume the infallible chair? Where do you find
in Scripture that preaching is included in your function?
Though an approbation from men has order in it, and may do
well; yet he who hath not a better than that, hath none at
all. I hope He who ascended up on high may give his gifts
to whom he please; and if those gifts be the seal of mission,
be not envious though Eldad and Medad prophesy. You
know who bids us covet earnestly the best gifts, but chiefly
that we may prophesy. Which the apostle there explains to
be a speaking to instruction, edification, and comfort, of which
the instructed, edified, and comforted can best tell the energy
and effect. If such evidence be, I say again, take heed you
envy not, for your own sakes, lest you be guilty of a greater
fault than Moses reproved in Joshua, for envying for his sake.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
517
Indeed you err through the mistake of the Scriptures. Ap-
probation is an act of conveniency in respect of order, not of
necessity, to give faculty to preach the Gospel. Your pre-
tended fear lest error should step in, is like the man that
would keep all the wine out of the country lest men should
get drunk. It will be found an unjust and unwise jealousy to
deny a man the liberty he hath by nature, upon the supposi-
tion that he may abuse it."*
The Scots accused Cromwell of allowing persons unordain-
ed to preach in the public congregations, to which he said-
“Are you troubled that Christ is preached? Does this scan-
dalize the reformed kirks, and Scotland in particular? Is it
against the covenant? Away then with the covenant. I
thought the covenant and these men would have been willing
that
any should speak good in the name of Christ: if not, it
is no covenant of God's providing; nor the kirk you speak so
much of, the spouse of Christ."+
Cromwell openly declared, on many public occasions, his
strong disapprobation of all encroachments on the rights of
conscience, recommending the exercise of forbearance and un-
restricted religious liberty to all. In his speech delivered in
the council-chamber at Whitehall, July 4, 1653, he said—
"I beseech but I think I need not, have a care over the
whole flock. Love the sheep; love the lambs; love all; be ten-
der to all; cherish and countenance all, in all things that are
good; and if the poorest Christian, the most mistaken Chris-
tian, shall desire to live peaceably and quietly under you: I
say, if any shall desire but to lead a life of godliness and ho-
nesty, let him be protected."‡
you,
The foregoing extracts, derived from the most approved
authorities, exhibit Cromwell's views of religious emancipation
in the most favourable light. He evidently wished the force
of human control to cease, and every man to be left to his own
unbiassed choice, in all things pertaining to religion and the
worship of God. These were his sentiments and recommen-
dations previous to his exaltation to the protectorship; and
not long after his exaltation, addressing the parliament, he
*Whitelock, p. 472, 473.
+ Collier, vol. ii. p. 864.
+ Milton's State Papers, p. 112.
-518
HISTORY OF
said-"Is not liberty of conscience in religion a fundamental?
So long as there is liberty for the supreme magistrate to exer-
cise his conscience in erecting what form of church govern-
ment he is satisfied he should set up, why should he not give
it to others? Liberty of conscience is a natural right, and he
that would have it, ought to give it, having liberty to settle
what he likes for the public. This, indeed, hath been the va-
nity of our contests, that every sect saith, Give me liberty;'
but give it him, and to the utmost of his power he will not
yield it to any body else. Where then is our ingenuity?
Truly that is a thing which ought to be very reciprocal. The
magistrate hath his supremacy, and he may settle religion ac-
cording to his conscience. I may say to you, and I can say
it, all the money in the nation would not have tempted men
to fight as they have done, if they had not had hopes of liber-
ty, better than they had from episcopacy, or than would have
been afforded them by a Scotch or an English presbytery, if
it had been as sharp and rigid as it threatened when it was
first set up. This, I say, is a fundamental; and it ought so
to be it is for us, and the generations to come."*
C
The protector thus extended liberty to all religious deno-
minations, as the natural right of mankind, as a principle of
the law of nature, and as a fundamental article of Christianity.
In his speech at the dissolution of the parliament in 1654, he
adverted to the same excellent sentiments, reproaching the
members for their intolerance, as follows:
"When you were entered upon this government, if you
had made such good and wholesome provisions for the wel-
fare of the people of these nations, for the settling of such
matters in religion as would have upheld and given counte-
nance to a godly ministry, and yet would have given a just
liberty to godly men of different judgments, men of the same
faith with them whom you call the orthodox ministry in En-
gland, as it is well known the independents are, and many
under the form of baptism, who are sound in the faith, only
may perhaps be different in judgment in some lesser matters,
yet as true Christians both looking at salvation only by faith
in the blood of Christ, men professing the fear of God, having
* Sewel, vol. i. p. 145.
墫
​RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
519
recourse to the name of God, as to a strong tower: I say you
might have had opportunity to have settled peace and quiet-
ness amongst all professing godliness, and might have been
instrumental, if not to have healed the breaches, yet to have
kept the godly of all judgments from running one upon ano-
ther, and by keeping them from being overrun by a common
enemy, rendered them and these nations, both secure, happy,
and well satisfied.
"Are these things done, or any things towards them? Is
there not yet upon the spirits of men a strange itch? Nothing
will satisfy them, unless they can put their fingers upon their
brethren's consciences, to pinch them. To do this was no part
of the contest we had with the common adversary; for reli-
gion was not the thing at first contended for, but God brought
it to that issue at last, and gave it unto us by way of redun-
dancy, and at last it proved to be that which was most dear to
us and wherein consisted this, more than in obtaining that
liberty from the tyranny of the bishops to all species of pro-
testants, to worship God according to their own light and con-
sciences? For want of which, many of our brethren forsook
their native countries to seek their bread from strangers, and
to live in howling wildernesses; and for which, also, many
who remained here were imprisoned and otherwise abused,
and made the scorn of the nation.
"How proper was it for those who were sound in the faith
to labour for liberty, for just liberty, that men should not be
trampled upon for their consciences? Had they not laboured
very lately under the weight of persecutions? and was it fit
for them to sit heavy upon others? Is it ingenuous to ask li-
berty, and not to give it? What greater hypocrisy, than for
those who were oppressed by the bishops, to become the
greatest oppressors themselves as soon as their yoke was re-
moved? I could wish that they who call for liberty now, also,
had not too much of that spirit, if the power were in their
hand. As for profane persons, blasphemers, such as preach
sedition-their sins being open, makes them subjects of the
magistrate's sword, which he ought not to bear in vain."*
It is a question of no great moment to the historian of reli-
* Whitelock, p. 614.
520
HISTORY OF
gious freedom, whether Cromwell adopted these admirable
sentiments from principle or interest; being the sentiments of
an open usurper, they are no less excellent or commendable on
that account. They are worthy of the admiration and appro-
bation of persons in all ranks of society, and would be no dis-
grace to princes and prelates, to nobles and statesmen in mo-
dern times. And what were the views of the majority in the
parliament, whom the protector so pointedly censured? This
we learn from their own proceedings. These sage statesmen
passed a vote, "That without the consent of the lord pro-
tector and parliament no laws shall be made for the restrain-
ing of such tender consciences as differ in doctrine, worship,
and discipline from the public profession, and shall not abuse.
this liberty, to the civil injury of others, or the disturbance of
the public peace." They, at the same time, agreed to grant
liberty of conscience "to all who shall not maintain atheism,
popery, prelacy, profaneness, or any damnable heresies, to be
enumerated by the parliament."*
In perfect conformity to these degrading and despotic re-
strictions, under the semblance of liberty and moderation, are
those principles contained in their famous "petition and ad-
vice" to the protector, declaring—“ That the true protestant
Christian religion as it is contained in the holy Scriptures of
the Old and New Testament, and no other, be held forth and
asserted, for the public profession of these nations; and that
a confession of faith to be agreed upon by your highness and
parliament, according to the rule and warrant of the Scrip-
tures, be asserted, held forth, and recommended to the people
of these nations, that none may be suffered or permitted by
opprobrious words or writing, maliciously or contemptuously
to revile or reproach the confession of faith to be agreed upon
as aforesaid; and such who profess faith in God the Father,
and in Jesus Christ his eternal Son, the true God, and in the
Holy Spirit, God co-equal with the Father, and the Son, one
God blessed for ever, and do acknowledge the holy Scriptures
of the Old and New Testament to be the revealed will and
word of God, and shall in other things differ in doctrine, wor-
ship, or discipline, from the public profession held forth, en-
* Whitelock, p. 609, 610.
!
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
521
deavours shall be used to convince them by sound doctrine
and a good conversation: but that they may not be compelled
thereto by penalties, nor restrained from their profession, but
protected from all injury and molestation in the profession of
their faith and exercise of their religion, whilst they abuse not
this liberty to the civil injury of others, or the disturbance of
the public peace; so that this liberty be not extended to po-
pery or prelacy, or to the countenance of such as publish hor-
rible blasphemies, or practise licentiousness under the profes-
sion of Christ; and such persons as agreed not in matters of
faith with the public profession aforesaid, shall not be capable
of receiving the public maintenance appointed for the ministry."*
In the debates of the parliament upon the instrument of
government, it was observed, that by the thirty-seventh article
all who professed faith in God by Jesus Christ should be pro-
tected in their religion. This was interpreted to mean an
agreement in fundamentals. Upon which it was voted, that
all should be tolerated, or indulged, who professed the funda-
mentals of Christianity; and a committee was appointed to
nominate certain divines to draw up a catalogue of fundamen-
tals to be presented to the house. From the list of articles
which they presented to the parliament, it appears that these
divines intended to exclude all deists, papists, arians, socinians,
antinomians, quakers, and some others. Into such difficulties
and absurdities do wise and good men plunge themselves, when
they openly usurp the kingly office of Jesus Christ, and at-
tempt to restrain that liberty which is the birthright of every
rational creature. It is unwarrantable presumption for any
body of men to attempt to discriminate all the fundamental
points of the Christian religion. But why should the civil
magistrate protect only those who profess "faith in God by
Jesus Christ;" If a colony of English merchants should settle
among Mahometans or Chinese, should we not expect the go-
vernments of those countries to protect them in their religion,
so long as they invaded no man's property-so long as they
paid due submission and obedience to the civil government
under which they lived? Why then should Christians deny
the same liberty to one another? Are they the only persons
who may indulge in persecution?
*Whitelock, p. 660.
+ Life of Baxter, part ii. p. 197.
522
HISTORY OF
The members of the parliament, however, were not all pa-
trons of intolerance. Remarkably instructive was the speech
of lord commissioner Fiennes, at the opening of the second
session, in which he warned the house of " the rock on which
many had split, which was a spirit of imposing upon men's
consciences, where God leaves them a latitude, and would
have them free. The prelates and their adherents, nay, their
master and supporter, with all his posterity, have split upon it.
The bloody rebels in Ireland, who would endure no religion
but their own, have split upon it; and we doubt not that the
prince of those satanical spirits will in due time split upon it,
and be brought to the ground with his bloody inquisition.
But, as God is no respecter of persons, so he is no respecter of
forms; but in what form soever the spirit of imposition appears,
he would testify against it. If men, though otherwise good, will
turn ceremony into substance, and make the kingdom of Christ
to consist in circumstances, in discipline, and in forms; if uni-
formity in these things dissolve unity among brethren; and if
they carry their animosities to so high a degree of asperity,
that if one say Sibboleth instead of Shibboleth it shall be ac-
counted ground enough to cut his throat, though one of their
brethren if they account those as heathens, who are not un-
der their ordinances; and all men the seed of the serpent, who
are not within such a circle or of such an opinion, in vain do
they protest against the persecution of God's people, when
they make the definition of God's people so narrow, that their
persecution is as broad as any other, and usually more fierce,
because commonly edged with a sharper temper. Many of these
may by God's mercy meet together in heaven; but certainly
had they power, they would not suffer one another to live
on earth! Blessed be God, therefore, who in mercy to us and
them, hath placed the power in such hands as to make it their
business to preserve peace, and hinder them from biting and
devouring one another. It is good to hold forth a certain
profession of the truth, but not so as to exclude those who
cannot in all points come up to it, from the privileges which
belong to them as Christians, much less which belong to them
as men.”*
}
* Whitelock, p. 669.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
523
The protector was professedly an independent in points re-
lating to church government; leaving every man at liberty to
embrace the religion of his own voluntary choice, and refusing
to persecute the people on account of their religious opinions
or practice. He connived at the assemblies of those who still
remained attached to the church of England; and, says Rapin,
"if they were not favoured with the free and public exercise
of their religion, it was because they were considered by him
as royalists, always ready to form plots in the king's favour,
and from whom, consequently, he had great reason to secure
himself." He was averse to a union with the national estab-
lishment, considering all protestant churches as parts of the
church of Christ; and, without attempting to establish inde-
pendency by force and violence, he discovered on all occasions,
his great zeal for the protestant religion.*
It has been affirmed by no less an authority than Burnet,
that Cromwell had it in contemplation to establish a council
in imitation of the congregation de propaganda fide at Rome,
to have its watchful eye upon what passed through the whole
world, in connexion with the protestant religion. A fund was
to have been settled upon this council of ten thousand pounds
a year, for its ordinary expenditure, besides a salary of five
hundred pounds a-piece to four secretaries. This, he says,
was a noble project; and adds, that Cromwell said in council,
that he hoped he should make the name of an Englishman
as great as ever that of a Roman had been."+ So that if his
government, says Rapin, be compared with those of the last
two kings, there will appear a very great disparity with regard
to the glory and reputation of the English nation. James I.
and Charles I. seemed to have studied to disgrace the English
name, whereas Cromwell, in the space of four or five years
carried the glory of his nation as far as possible, and in that re-
spect was not inferior to Elizabeth. It may be further added
from the authority of Dr. George Bates, that the state of the
episcopal church now seemed deplorable, yet it cannot be
denied, but that milder courses were used, than under the
rigid tyranny of others that went before."S
+
66
Rapin, vol. ii. p. 600.
‡ Rapin, vol. ii. p. 600.
+ Burnet, vol. i. p. 77, 81.
§ Bates' Elen. part ii. p. 193.
524
HISTORY OF
The unrestricted liberty which the protector allowed to all
denominations of Christians, could not fail to secure their esteem
of his distinguished liberality and good sense, how much soever
they might abhor his usurpation, or disapprove of any other
part of his conduct. We will not be the apologists of Cromwell
in every thing. Elated with success, and raised to a giddy emi-
nence, he became enamoured with the bauble of empire, and,
in numerous instances, betrayed a spirit utterly unworthy of his
high station. Nevertheless he was the constant and determin-
ed patron of unlimited religious freedom. If persecution will
sometimes make a wise man mad, a release from its iron hand
will inspire sentiments of gratitude, from whatever quarter
it may come. No sooner was the nation delivered from the
tyranny of the bishops, than it passed under the yoke of the
presbyterians-a yoke equally burdensome and grievous, till
it was broken by Oliver Cromwell, who declared himself THE
FRIEND AND PATRON OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
The protector and his council checked the progress of into-
lerance, and promoted to the widest possible extent, the gene-
rous sentiments of Christian freedom. They commonly
gave out, that they could not understand what the magis-
trate,” as such, “ had to do in matters of religion; and they
thought that all men should be left to their own consciences,
and that the magistrate could not interpose in such matters
without ensnaring himself in the guilt of persecution.”*
The approbation of public preachers had hitherto been re-
served in the hands of one denomination; but the protector
observing some inconvenience in this method, and being un-
willing to entrust the qualification of candidates throughout
England to the presbyterians alone; who, from their deep-
rooted prejudice, were under strong temptations to be partial
to those of their own persuasion, contrived a middle way by
joining the various parties together, and entrusting this busi-
ness to certain commissioners of each denomination, men of
approved abilities and integrity as any in the nation. This
was done by public ordinance, the preamble of which sets
forth, "that whereas, for some time there hath not been any
certain course established for supplying vacant places with
* Life of Baxter, part ii. p. 193.
66
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
525
=
able and suitable persons to preach the Gospel, by reason
whereof the rights and titles of patrons have been prejudiced,
and many weak, scandalous, popish, and ill-affected persons
have intruded themselves, or been brought in; for the remedy
of which it is ordained by his highness the lord protector, by
and with the consent of his council, that every person who
shall, after the 25th of March, 1654, be presented, nominated,
chosen, or appointed to any benefice with care of souls, or to
any public lecture in England or Wales, shall, before he be
admitted, be examined and approved by the persons hereafter
named, to be a person, for the grace of God in him, for his
holy and unblameable conversation, and for his knowledge
and utterance, able and fit to preach the Gospel."*
The commissioners appointed by this ordinance were called
Tryers, composed of presbyterians, independents, and bap-
tists. To such as were approved the commissioners gave an
instrument in writing under a common seal, by virtue of which
they were put in full possession of the livings to which they
were nominated, as if they had been admitted by institution
and induction. It was also provided, that all who presented
themselves for approbation should produce a certificate signed
by at least three persons of known integrity, one of whom to
be a preacher of the Gospel, testifying, on their personal know-
ledge, the holy and good conversation of the person to be ad-
mitted; which certificate was to be registered and filed. All
penalties for not subscribing or reading the articles of religion,
according to 13 Eliz. were to cease and be made void.
The tryers no doubt committed some mistakes, which, in
their critical situation, it was scarcely possible to avoid. We
shall not attempt to justify all their proceedings. They had
a difficult task to perform; they lived in times when Chris-
tian liberty was very little understood; they had to deal with
men of all characters, and widely different principles in reli-
gion and politics; and those who were not approved would of
course complain of improper usage. Had this power been
lodged with the bishops of those times, or with the lofty pres-
byterians, would they not have had their shibboleth, for which
they would have been called a spiritual inquisition? The
* Scobel, p. 336.
526
HISTORY OF
reader is furnished with the following character of them from
the pen of an avowed adversary:
"Because this assembly of tryers is most heavily accused
and reproached by some men, I shall speak the truth of them,
and suppose my word will be taken, because most of them
took me for one of their boldest adversaries, and because I
was known to disown their power. The truth is, that though
their authority was null, and though some few over-busy and
over-rigid independents among them were too severe against all
arminians, and too particular in inquiring after evidences of
sanctification in those whom they examined; and somewhat
too lax in their admission of unlearned and erroneous men,
who favoured antinomianism and anabaptism; yet, to give
them their due, they did abundance of good to the church.
They saved many congregations from ignorant, ungodly,
drunken teachers-that sort of men who intend no more in the
ministry than to say a sermon, as readers say their Common-
prayers on Sunday, and all the rest of the week go with the
people to the ale-house, and harden them in their sin; and
that sort of ministers who either preached against a holy life,
or preached as men who were never acquainted with it, or as
those who used the ministry only as a common trade: these
they usually rejected, and in their stead admitted of any that
were able, serious preachers, and lived a godly life, of what
tolerable opinion soever they were; so that though many of
them were a little partial to the independents, separatists, fifth
monarchy-men, and anabaptists, and against the prelatists and
arminians; yet so great was the benefit above the hurt which
they brought to the church, that many thousands of souls
blessed God for the faithful ministers whom they let in, and
were grieved when the prelatists afterwards cast them out.”*
To humble the clergy still more, and keep them within the
proper bounds of their spiritual function, the protector, by the
advice of his council, published an ordinance "for ejecting
scandalous, ignorant, and insufficient ministers and school-
masters." The ordinance appointed certain commissioners for
every county, to whom were joined certain assistants, and em-
powered any five or more to call before them any public
-
* Life of Baxter, part i. p. 72.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
527
preacher, lecturer, parson, vicar, curate, or school-master,
who was reputed ignorant, scandalous, insufficient, or negli-
gent; and to receive all articles or charges that should be ex-
hibited against them; and to proceed to the examination and
determination of such offences, according to certain prescribed
regulations. The party ejected might not preach or teach
school in the parish whence he was ejected; but convenient
time was allowed for his removal, and the fifths were reserved
for the support of his family.
Cromwell was determined to promote complete religious
emancipation. "It is certain," says a learned prelate, "that
the protector was for liberty, and the utmost latitude to all
parties, so far as consisted with the peace and safety of his
person and government; therefore he was never jealous of
any cause or sect on account of heresy or falsehood, but on
his wiser accounts of political peace and quiet:-and even the
prejudice he had against the episcopal party, was more for
their being royalists, than for being of the good old church.”
Hence, when he was urged to suppress the episcopal assem-
blies by force, he refused, saying, "To disturb them is con-
trary to that liberty of conscience which he and his friends.
always acknowledged and defended.”*
Such indeed was the protector's latitude, that he was willing
to secure freedom to the Jews, who petitioned for the liberty
of their religion, and for carrying on their trades in this coun-
try. Manassa Ben Israel, one of their principal rabbi's, with
some others, came from Amsterdam to London for this pur-
pose, whom the protector treated with great respect, when he
summoned an assembly of divines, lawyers, and merchants, to
consult upon this business. The divines were to consider it
as a case of conscience; the lawyers to report how far it was
consistent with the laws of England; and the merchants to
give their opinion whether the measure would be to the ad-
vantage of trade and commerce. The protector was of opi-
nion that their introduction under certain limitations would
contribute to the benefit of the country; and he told the di-
vines, that since there was a promise in the Scriptures relating
to the conversion of the Jews, the preaching of the Gospel, as
我
​* Bp. Kennet, vol. iii. p. 206.
:
•
1
528
HISTORY OF
now in England, without idolatry and superstition, might
prove the means of its accomplishment: adding, that "since
we pray to God for the conversion of the Jews, why should
we banish them from society, as if we, who are enlightened by
the bright beams of the Gospel, ought to be afraid of our reli-
gion because of the Jews?" Some of the divines contradict-
ed and opposed these dignified sentiments with considerable
"heat and anger;" yet Cromwell overruled their intolerance,
and the Jews, after a banishment of three hundred and sixty-
four
years, were restored to the exercise of their trade, and to
a toleration of their worship in England.
*
Henry Cromwell, son of the protector, and lord-deputy of
Ireland, discovered his enlightened liberality and correct views
of religious freedom, equally with the most distinguished per-
sons of the age. The unbiassed historian cannot forbear pay-
ing a tribute of approbation to the character and principles of
this amiable young man. He was a genuine lover and firm
promoter of unrestricted spiritual emancipation, by openly re-
jecting all impositions in religion. This honourable character
he displayed on many occasions; one instance will, no doubt,
be gratifying to the reader. In a letter which he addressed to
general Fleetwood, he desired him to remember the evil con-
sequence that had always followed the imposition of religion,
then added :—" What will not the laws of an imposing in-
dependent or anabaptist, be as imposing as the laws of an im-
posing prelate or presbyter? Dear brother, let us not fall into
the sins of other men, lest we partake of their plagues. Let it
be so carried, that all the people of God, though under differ-
ent forms, yea, even those whom you count without, may en-
joy their birthright and civil liberty, and that no one party
may tread upon the neck of another. What have these sheep
done,” he asks, "that their blood should be the price of our
lust and ambition ?"+
The protector did not confine his liberality and influence
within the shores of Britain, but extended his concern to other
countries. Most worthy efforts had for some time been made
to promote the conversion of the Indians in America, particu-
larly by the indefatigable Elliot and his coadjutors. This im-
* Bates' Elen. part ii. p. 211. + Thurloe's Papers, vol. vii. p. 454.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
529
3X
portant object met with great encouragement among the pious
colonists, and the Lord inclined multitudes of respectable per-
sons in England to espouse the cause, who made liberal con-
tributions in its support. Cromwell warmly patronized the
good work, and ordered public collections to be made through-
out England, to aid the propagation of the Gospel among the
poor Indians. The sum raised was considerable. In addition
to other stock, lands were purchased to the annual amount of
seven or eight hundred pounds; and a corporation was ap-
pointed to superintend the great work of promoting the con-
version of the Indians to Christianity.*
VOL. I.
Whilst the protector defended the various denominations of
Christians, and even Jews, within the British dominions, and
encouraged the propagation of Christianity among uncivilized
Pagans, he extended his care and munificence to oppressed
humanity in all other places. His professed zeal for the pro-
testant religion made him the friend and patron of persecuted
protestants in distant parts of the world. The dukes of Savoy
had hitherto generally discovered a favourable disposition
towards their Waldensian subjects, who dwelt in the valleys
of Piedmont, and, in more instances than one, had protected
them against the designs of their enemies. Early in the year
1655, a document was published, since known by the title of
"The Order of Gastaldo," which too plainly proved that this
disposition no longer existed. Gastaldo, acting under the au-
thority of the court of Savoy, commanded all members of the
reformed religion, without exception, inhabiting the valleys,
to withdraw within three days of the publication of this edict,
on pain of confiscation of property and death! It was also de-
clared, that in the places to which they withdrew, the mass
should be celebrated, and that all attempts to dissuade the
protestants from turning papists, should be punished with
death! Every effort was employed by the proscribed Walden-
ses, to avert the storm, but in vain. Their only remaining
alternative was to abandon their houses and properties, and to
retire with their wives and children, aged parents, and help-
less infants, the halt, the lame, and the blind, to traverse the
country through the rain and snow, encompassed with a thou-
-
* Life of Baxter, p. 290.
M m
K
530
HISTORY OF
sand difficulties. A dreadful tragedy ensued. The valleys of
Piedmont became the scene of rapine and blood. They re-
sounded not as formerly, with the voice of devotional praise, but
with the triumphant cries of ruffians, the shrieks of the violat-
ed, the moans of the wounded, and the groans of the dying.
The munificent efforts of Cromwell on this mournful occa-
sion cannot fail to be highly gratifying to the generous feel-
ings of every mind possessed of the common sympathies of
humanity; as they reflect more true honour on our country,
than many of those incidents in its history, to which its great-´
est glory is supposed principally to belong. On receiving the
melancholy intelligence, he employed the pen of the celebrated
Milton, and addressed the most earnest and powerful appeals
to the various protestant princes of Europe, to interest them-
selves in favour of the persecuted Piedmontese. He appoint-
ed a day of fasting and humiliation to be observed throughout
the kingdom, and patronized a national collection in aid of the
sufferers, by presenting a donation of TWO THOUSand pounds
from his own private purse.
The sum total of the collections
amounted to THIRTY-EIGHT THOUSAND, TWO HUNDRED AND
FORTY-ONE POUNDS, TEN SHILLINGS AND SIX-PENCE; which
was certainly a great sum at that time, and gives us a favour-
able impression of the liberality of our forefathers.* Sir Sa-
muel Morland, a man well qualified for so important a mis-
sion, was despatched to the courts of France and Savoy, to
negociate for the interests of the distressed Waldenses. He
was the bearer of communications from the protector to those
foreign courts, addressing the duke of Savoy in the following
words:
"We have received letters from several places near your
dominions, informing us that the subjects of your royal high-
ness, professing the reformed religion, have of late, by your
express order and command, been required, under pain of
death and the confiscation of their estates, to abandon their
houses, possessions, and dwellings, within three days after the
publication of that order, unless they would pledge themselves
to relinquish their religious profession, and become catholics
within twenty days! And that when, with all becoming hu-
→
* Jones' Waldenses, p. 543.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
531
mility, they addressed themselves to your royal highness, pe-
titioning for a revocation of that order, and a reception to for-
mer favour, with a continuance of such liberties as were grant-
ed them by your most serene predecessors, a part of your army
fell upon them, most cruelly massacred many, imprisoned
others, banishing the rest into desert places and mountains co-
vered with snow, where some hundreds of families are reduced
to such extremity, that it is to be feared they will all miserably
perish in a short time with hunger and cold.
"When intelligence was first brought us that a calamity so
awful had befallen those most miserable people, it was impos-
sible for us not to feel the deepest sorrow and compassion.
For, as we are, not only by the ties of humanity, but also by
religious fellowship and fraternal relation, united to them, we
conceived we could neither satisfy our own minds, nor dis-
charge our duty to God, nor the obligations of brotherly kind-
ness and charity, as professors of the same faith, if, while deep-
ly sympathizing with our afflicted brethren, we should fail to
use every endeavour that was within our reach, to succour
them under so many unexpected miseries.
"We, in the first place, therefore, most earnestly desire and
entreat your highness that you would reconsider the acts and
ordinances of your most serene predecessors, and the indul-
gences which were by them granted from time immemorial,
and ratified to their subjects of the valleys. In granting and
confirming which, as on the one hand they unquestionably did
that which in itself was well-pleasing to God, who intends that
the law and liberty of conscience shall remain wholly in his
own power; so, on the other, it cannot be doubted but that
they had a respect also to the merit of their subjects, whom
they had always found faithful in war and obedient in time of
peace. As your serene highness has imitated the example of
your predecessors, in all other things that have been so gra-
ciously and gloriously achieved by them, so we beseech you
again and again that you would abrogate this edict, and any
other that has been issued for the disquieting of your subjects
on account of their religion; that you would restore them to
their native homes, and the possession of their properties; that
you would confirm to them their ancient rights and liberties,
cause reparation to be made to them for the injuries they have
M m 2
532
HISTORY OF
sustained, and adopt such means as may put an effectual stop
to their vexatious proceedings. In doing this, your royal high-
ness will perform what is acceptable to God, comfort and revive
these miserable and distressed people, and give satisfaction to
all your neighbours professing the reformed religion, and es-
pecially of ourselves, who shall regard your favour and cle-
mency towards them as the effect and fruit of our mediation,
which we shall consider ourselves bound to requite by a return
of every good office, while it will also be the means of not only
laying a foundation for our good correspondence and friend-
ship, but also of increasing it between this commonwealth and
your dominions. This we promise ourselves from your justice
and clemency: whereunto we desire God to incline your heart
and mind, and so we sincerely pray that he would confer on
you and on your people peace and truth, and that he would
prosper you in all your affairs."*
It must afford peculiar pleasure to every benevolent mind
to reflect on the great interest that was discovered for the fate
of the oppressed Waldenses by nearly all the protestant states
of Europe, which addressed letters to the duke of Savoy, de-
claring their abhorrence of his sanguinary massacre, and in-
terceding for his persecuted subjects. The annals of Europe
scarcely afford a similar instance of cordial and mutual co-
operation, among the different nations, as, at this juncture,
appeared in behalf of these poor persecuted people. Their
case was clearly understood, and generally and deeply felt. It
was purely a case of persecution for religion and conscience
and, considering all the circumstances, it was an instance of
such atrocious and brutal outrage, as the world had seldom
witnessed. It came home to the breasts of all the protestants.
in Europe, and they took a lively interest to bring it to a ter-
mination; when a treaty was at length obtained, though it was
afterwards shamefully violated by the barbarous catholics.†
e;
The reader has been already reminded of the rise of the
quakers; whose principles and conduct were in some respects
so novel and so contrary to the notions which then prevailed,
that they often provoked the intolerance of the magistrates.
They, however, inculcated submission to the laws in all cases
* Jones, p. 534.
+ Ibid. p. 546-555.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
533
wherein conscience was not violated. They held, that as
Christ's kingdom was not of this world, it was not the busi-
ness of the civil magistrate to interfere in matters of religion;
but to maintain the external peace and good order of society.
They required no subscription to articles of religion, but re-
jected all human confessions of faith, claiming perfect liberty
of worship. In their letter to the protector, they complained,
that though there were no penal laws then in force, constrain-
ing men to comply with the established religion; yet their
friends were imprisoned for refusing to take an oath; for not
paying tithes; for preaching in the open markets, and other
public places; while some were whipped as vagabonds, and as
a reward for their plain speeches to the magistrates.* Like
most other sects, their infancy was stained with some trivial
improprieties, which at this time were magnified to great enor-
mities, and were supposed to justify the injuries heaped upon
them, by those who had not learned the true doctrine of Chris-
tian liberty. The protector worthily interposed in their favour,
and ordered many of them to be released from prison.+
Towards the close of this period, the independents petition-
ed Cromwell for liberty to hold a synod, in order to prepare
and publish to the world a uniform confession of their faith.
They were become a considerable body, their churches being
greatly increased both in town and country, by the numerous
additions of substantial persons; but they had never agreed
to adopt any standard of faith or discipline. The presbyterians
had urged them to this measure; as their brethren in New
England had done ten years ago; nor were the English inde-
pendents insensible of its advantages. Hitherto, say they,
"there have been no associations of our churches, no meetings
of our ministers to promote the common interest: our churches
are like so many ships launched singly, and sailing alone in
the vast ocean of these tumultuous times, exposed to every
wind of doctrine; under no other conduct than the word and
Spirit, and their particular and principal brethren, without as-
sociations among themselves, or so much as holding out a com-
mon light to others, by which to know where they are." To
remedy these inconveniences, some of their divines had pro-
Sewel, vol. i. p. 141.
+ Gough, vol. i. p. 179.
534
HISTORY OF
******
posed a general and friendly correspondence among the
churches; and, as nearly all sects of Christians had published
a confession of their faith, they apprehended that a similar
measure from them might be no unacceptable service. On these
grounds they petitioned the protector for liberty to assemble;
and, though opposed by certain persons at court, as tending
to promote a separation between them and the presbyterians,
the protector gave his consent.
The consultations having terminated, they published "A
Declaration of their Faith and Order;" at the end of which
they treat of "the institution of churches, and the order ap-
pointed in them by Jesus Christ," containing the following li-
beral and dignified sentiments :-"That every particular so-
ciety of visible professors agreeing to walk together in the
faith and order of the Gospel is a complete church, and has
full power within itself to elect and ordain all church officers,
to exclude all offenders, and to perform all other acts relating
to the edification and well-being of the church.-That the
method of ordaining officers, namely pastors and teachers or
elders is after their election, by the suffrage of the church, to
set them apart with fasting and prayer, and the imposition of
the hands of the eldership, though if there be no imposition of
hands, they are nevertheless rightly constituted ministers of
Christ but they do not allow that ordination to the work of
the ministry, though it be by persons rightly ordained, con-
veys any office-power, without the previous election of the
church."
They disallowed the power of stated synods, presbyteries,
convocations, and assemblies of divines, over particular
churches; but admitted that, in cases of difficulty, or differ-
ence of opinion, churches might meet together by their mes-
sengers in synods or councils, to consider and give advice,
but without exercising any jurisdiction. They agreed that
churches consisting of persons sound in the faith and of good
conversation, ought not to refuse communion with each other,
though they walked not in all things according to the same
rule of church order; and if they judged other churches to
be true churches, and even less pure, they might receive to
occasional communion such members of those churches as
were credibly testified to be godly, and to live without offence.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
535
!
"These opinions," say they, " may appear new to a great
many people, because they have not been openly and publicly
professed in this country; but we are able to trace the foot-
steps of an independent congregational way, in the most an-
cient practice of the church, and in the writings of the sound-
est protestant divines. Our principles," they add, “ do not in
the least interfere with the authority of the civil magistrate,
nor do we concern ourselves on any occasion with him, any
further than to implore his protection, for the preservation of
the peace and liberty of our churches. We have always main-
tained, that, among all Christian states and churches, there
ought to be forbearance, and mutual indulgence to Christians
of all persuasions, who keep to, and hold fast, the necessary
foundations of faith and holiness."
They concluded by expressing their unfeigned thankfulness
to the present governors, for permitting those who could not
comply with the presbyterian establishment to enjoy the liberty
of their consciences, with equal encouragement and protection
as others; and that this liberty was established by law, so long
as they did not disturb the public peace. "This should en-
gage us," say they, "to promote the honour and prosperity of
such a government, to be peaceably disposed one towards ano-
ther, and to love as brethren: for as much as the differences
between presbyterians and independents are differences be-
tween fellow-servants, neither of whom having authority from
God or man, to impose their opinions upon the other.”
These are dignified sentiments, the only foundation of reli-
gious liberty, and show, that though the doctrine of Christian
freedom was in general very imperfectly understood, there
was at least one respectable denomination of Christians, who
recognised the doctrine of complete religious emancipation.
Had all parties discovered this catholic spirit, and acted on
these honourable principles, discord and confusion would have
been prevented-universal peace and prosperity promoted.
The various important national transactions wonderfully con-
tributed to diffuse and nourish the spirit of free inquiry, and
to secure that degree of Christian freedom which England
had never witnessed since the rise of antichrist. We wish,
however, to be distinctly understood. We do not mean by
these remarks to express an unqualified approbation of all the
繕​ぶら
​L
4.
536
HISTORY OF
5
measures of the present government, or even of the form of
government itself, much less of the usurpation by which it
was maintained; but that the government, then founded on
more catholic principles, secured the Christian's rights and li-
berties more effectually than at any former period. Let it not
be imagined, that this superior religious freedom was a privi-
lege at all peculiar to the commonwealth, or to the protector-
ship; for the most perfect religious emancipation may be
equally guaranteed and enjoyed under a king, lords, and com-
mons, as under any other form of government in the world.
The protector's health, through excessive toil and fatigue,
began at length to decline; and having finished his days, he
died September 3, 1658, in the sixtieth year of his age, hav-
ing been protector four years and eight months. Never was
man more highly extolled, or more severely censured, accord-
ing as men's passions or interests had the ascendency over
their judgments. The king's party abhorred him as a perfi-
dious hypocrite; the presbyterians thought him little better;
but the advocates of liberality lost their greatest friend by the
death of Cromwell, who was not only the unrivalled patron of
religious liberty, but a balance to the prevailing lofty notions
of ecclesiastical power.
Richard Cromwell, son of Oliver, succeeded him in the of-
fice of protector; when numerous addresses of congratulation
were sent him from all parts of the country. He was a person
of a calm and peaceable spirit, but destitute of courage; there-
fore unfit to be at the head of the nation in these boisterous
times. He was highly caressed by the presbyterians, yet he
set out on the principles of liberty, declaring that all pious
ministers and others should enjoy their liberties according to
law, without suffering the least molestation for their religion.
The young protector called a parliament, which did very little
business; and finding the nation involved in difficulties, he
tamely resigned his high dignity and government, after enjoy-
ing it only eight months. The nation being so wearied with
changes as not to feel, or so subdued by military power as not
to dare to show, any preference of the form of its government,
and general Monk declaring in favour of the royal cause, king
Charles II. was presently invited and restored to the throne of
his ancestors.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
537
The exact state of religion, during this period, is not very
easy to ascertain. By some writers it is depreciated to the
lowest possible degree; and by others it is exalted beyond all
conception. Those who are accurately acquainted with the
productions of the divines, who flourished under the common-
wealth, will reject, without hesitation, the current tales of umi-
versal fanaticism; still the picture of wonderful piety, which
others have given of this period, is perhaps too highly colour-
ed. The usurper, says Echard, performed several great and
laudable things. He restored public justice nearly to its an-
cient dignity and splendour. The judges discharged their
duties without covetousness, according to law and equity; and
the laws, with few exceptions, had full and free course in all
courts, without impediment or delay. The outward manners
of the people seemed to be really reformed; and the protector's
court was regulated by the strictest discipline; where drunk-
enness, whoredom, and bribery, were either banished or se-
verely punished. Commerce revived and flourished, and the
arts of peace were cultivated throughout the nation. No man
affected to have a more tender regard for the clergy than the
protector; and he gave it out, " that it was his only wish and
desire to see the church in peace, and that all would gather
together into one sheepfold, under one Shepherd, Jesus Christ,
and mutually love one another."*
The numerous public fasts were observed with singular
strictness, and the Lord's day was never so much honoured as
at this time. The sermons and other theological productions
which were published by the divines of this age, in point of
solid literature, sound divinity, and practical utility, will not
shrink from a comparison with those of any other period. The
universities were the temples of religion, as well as the groves
of the muses; and, upon the whole, Christian piety was consi-
derably promoted during the existence of the commonwealth.
Whatever judgment, therefore, may be formed of the pro-
tector's exaltation and character, we are indebted, under a
gracious overruling Providence, to this man for the preserva-
tion of the protestant religion among us.†
During the interval between Cromwell's death and the re-
Echard, p. 719.
+ Haweis, vol. iii. p. 30.
་
ARANKUNST
538
HISTORY OF
A.
storation, the presbyterians advanced in power; upon which
Milton, the zealous champion of liberty, apprehensive of the
return of former intolerance, resumed his elegant pen, and
endeavoured to ward off the threatening danger. With this
great object in view, he published his "Treatise of Civil
Power in Ecclesiastical Causes;" which he addressed to the
parliament convened by Richard Cromwell, and in which he
endeavoured to prove, that the interference of the magistrate
in religious affairs was unlawful.
"It is the general consent of all protestant writers," says
he, “that neither the traditions, councils, nor canons of any
visible church, much less the edicts of any magistrate or civil
session, but the Scripture only, can be the rule or final judge
in matters of religion, and that only in the conscience of every
individual Christian. This protestation made by the first
public Reformers of our religion against the imperial edicts of
Charles the fifth, imposing ecclesiastical traditions, gave the
first occasion to the name Protestant; and with that name
hath ever been received this doctrine, which prefers the Scrip-
ture before the church, and acknowledges none but the Scrip-
ture to be sole interpreter of itself to the conscience. If any
man pretend that the Scripture judges to his conscience for
other men, he makes himself greater not only than the church,
but also than the Scripture, than the consciences of other men
—a presumption too high for any mortal. On this ground do
all true protestants account the pope antichrist, that he as-
sumes to himself this infallibility over both conscience and
Scripture; sitting in the temple of God,' opposed to God,
6
exalting himself above all that is called God, or is worship-
ped;' not only above all judges and magistrates, but also above
God himself, by giving law to Scripture, to conscience, and
even to the Spirit of God. Seeing then that in matters of re-
ligion, none on earth can judge or determine against the con-
sciences of believers, our Saviour's interference is, that in
those matters they can neither command nor use constraint,
lest they run rashly on a pernicious consequence, of which he
has forewarned them in the parable; Lest while ye gather
up the tares, ye root up
also the wheat with them. Let both
grow together until the harvest: and in the time of harvest I
will say to the reapers, gather ye together first the tares."
6
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
539
two reasons.
"It is unlawful for the civil magistrate to use force in mat-
ters of religion, because to judge in such things, though the
civil magistrate were able, yet hath he no right. Christ hath
a government of his own, sufficient of itself to all his ends and
purposes in governing his church, but widely different from
that of the civil magistrate; and this difference principally
consists in this, that he governs not by outward force: for
1. Because this government deals only with the
inward man and his actions, which are all spiritual, and so not
liable to outward force. 2. To show us the divine excellence
of his spiritual kingdom, able, without worldly force, to sub-
due all the powers and kingdoms of this world, which are up-
held wholly by outward force. That the inward man, which
consists of his understanding and will, and that his actions
thence proceeding, by the work of divine grace upon them,
are the whole of religion under the Gospel, will appear plainly
by considering what that religion is; whence we shall perceive
still more plainly that it cannot be forced. What evangelical
religion is, we are informed in two words; Faith and Charity,
or Belief and Practice. That one of these flows from the un-
derstanding, the other from the will, or both jointly from both,
is evident from common sense, unquestioned principles, and
the plain testimony of Scripture. Flesh and blood hath not
revealed it unto thee, but my Father which is in heaven.' Our
practice, as it is religious, and not merely civil, is produced by
the same divine agency, and is declared to be the fruit of the
Spirit. Nay, the whole of our religious practice is contained
in charity, or our love to God and our neighbour, no way to
be forced, yet is it the fulfilling of the law. If then both our
belief and practice, which comprehend the whole of religion,
flow from faculties of the inward man which are free and un-
constrained, and if our practice flow not only from faculties
endued with freedom, but also from love and charity, which
are incapable of force, how can such religion as this admit of
human force? or how can force be in any way applied to such
religion, without frustrating and making void, both the reli-
gion and the Gospel? To compel persons to an outward pro-
fession, without inward religion, is not advancing religion,
but compelling them to hypocrisy. To uphold religion other-
wise than to defend the religious from outward violence, is
•
There are
tr30.
540
HISTORY OF
¿
doing no service to Christ or his kingdom; but is disparaging
and degrading it from a divine and spiritual kingdom, to a
kingdom of this world: but Christ says, 'My kingdom is not
of this world: If my kingdom were of this world, then would
my servants fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews."
This proves that the kingdom of Christ is not governed by
outward force."*
Thus, this celebrated writer reasoned on the unlawfulness.
of the magistrate's coercively enforcing religion upon his sub-
jects. We submit the learned poet's arguments to the unbi-
assed consideration of the judicious reader, and shall conclude
this volume with a few remarks. Having so copiously stated,
from approved historical records, the long and arduous strug-
gle against ecclesiastical power, it may very probably be ask-
ed, whether those who claimed that power could ever satisfac-
torily show the grounds of their high authority? Did they
venture to rest their title to the exercise of so extraordinary
and awful a prerogative, upon any disputable premises, any
obscure traditions, any mere human assumptions, any docu-
ments unsupported by truth? Did they infer this vast power
from any principle capable of being turned against themselves?
They ought certainly to have received the broad seal of hea-
ven, authorizing them to enforce their decrees and dogmas,
and challenging with commanding evidence the faith and sub-
mission of mankind; otherwise they ought never to have ven-
tured to enforce and constrain men, by those harsh and deadly
measures which the ministers of Jesus Christ must have felt
reluctant to employ. Have those then, in every age, who have
claimed ecclesiastical power, shown their divine commission,
with the seal of God upon their instructions, so as to leave no
room for the scrupulous to doubt, and to convince the incre-
dulous by its irresistible evidence? Have they been able to
show by an immediate appeal to every man's understanding
and conscience, that the finger of God had appointed them to
the high office? Have they been able at all times to produce
the divine attestation to their credentials, as the vicegerents of
the Deity?
Alas! on all these points they have absolutely failed. All
who have restrained liberty of conscience, and have claimed a
* Milton's Prose Works, vol. i. p. 129–143.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
541
<
sons.
right so to do, because they possessed the power, have never
yet produced their divine commission, but have refused to ac-
knowledge a similar right in others. Among all those who
have made this extraordinary claim, no one church or sect has
ever appeared to be possessed of that faculty or ability, by
which religious truth might be necessarily and intuitively per-
ceived, in themselves; or by which they might ascertain the
precise degree of criminality in the mental errors of other per-
The men who have made this lofty claim, and the men
who have rejected it, were all creatures formed of the same
dust, living on the same earth, gifted with the same intellect;
not one possessing an infallible comprehension of mind, not
one of them could guarantee even himself against the wiles
and warpings of error.
All have erred; all have been frail;
all have found the same common grave; all have been endow-
ed with the same mental powers; and all have appealed to the
common Maker and Governor of mankind: yet, extraordinary
as it may seem, they have all deemed it right, a duty they
owed to God, or a gratification to their minds, whenever they
have had the power, to take their turn in the service of into-
lerance. Forgetting the humility which the Gospel teaches,
the lenity it displays towards human frailties, the patience
and clemency of its Founder, the veneration due to the
rogative of Deity, and the sacred functions of the supreme
Judge, they have unwisely rushed into his seat, unhesitat-
ingly pronounced his decisions, and instantly called for fire
from heaven; and when it has failed to descend at their com-
mand, they have called up the unhallowed flames from be-
neath, to inflict those holy restraints which they deemed just-
ly due to the mental and religious delinquency of their un-
happy victims !!
pre-
Were it possible for any party of Christians to produce the
most unequivocal testimony to the correctness of their religious
opinions, it would not thence follow that other parties ought
to be persecuted for not believing those opinions, or be re-
strained in the slightest degree from the free exercise of their
judgments in believing otherwise. The right to persecute, it
should be remembered, is not conveyed by that sacred volume
which imparts accurate and precise knowledge of God and his
salvation. So that, supposing we had infallibly ascertained
*52*7.
ܐ
0
542
HISTORY OF
}
the sense of Scripture, we should not by that means have ac-
quired any additional right to coerce our Christian brethren,
or to prevent them in the free exercise of those faculties, for
the use or abuse of which they are accountable only at the bar
of Omniscience. The New Testament is absolutely silent on
these three points :-the degrees of guilt involved in specula-
tive error-the party to whom the supposed right of punish-
ing religious delinquents is delegated—and the fact of such a
delegation. These three points, therefore, must necessarily
become the matter of a new revelation from heaven, before
the claim of ecclesiastical power can have any foundation to
rest upon, and before any degree of religious interference or
restraint, by any human power, can be justified from Scripture.
The love of power, impatience of contradiction, the pleasure
of dictation, the giddy insolence inspired by worldly wealth
and secular superiority, are the hateful principles to which in-
tolerance has always been indebted for its existence and its
support. These principles acting with more or less violence
in men of different denominations, while the sharpness of their
tempers was only partially meliorated by the Gospel, have led
most men into this dangerous error, that, with power in their
hands, it was their duty to compel men to be of their religious
persuasion. That these principles, connected with that world-
ly aggrandizement at which the Romish church has constantly
aimed, should inspire her breast with intolerance, is nothing
marvellous; but that men setting out with a professed abju-
ration of her principles, and her spirit, and all her other evils,
taking their stand solely on the Holy Scriptures, and aiming
at a direct imitation of the Saviour's example-that men seek-
ing a reformation of the spirit and practice, as well as the doc-
trine and ceremonies of the ancient church, should rush head-
long into similar intolerance, while it excites our wonder and
regret, it ought to be held up as a beacon to posterity.
Let it be frankly acknowledged, since it appears on the evi-
dence of indubitable fact, that the protestantism of most of the
Reformers, was little less fierce than the popery which they
endeavoured to overthrow, while their own system in one of
its fundamental principles still needed a radical reformation.
They might assert for themselves the right of private judg-
ment, but they did not allow that right in others, especially to
:
{
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
548
the extent that impartial justice required. The Reformers
from popery, the Reformers from episcopacy, the Reformers
from presbyterianism, have all in a greater or lesser degree,
violated the sacred and invaluable right of religious freedom.
No very considerable effort was made during the progress of
these various reformations, to ascertain the extent of the rights
of conscience, or to maintain that enlightened religious liberty,
which, we regret to add, is still not universally understood.
The views of mankind upon this subject, as upon many other
grand and important principles, have been only very gradually
enlightened.
It becomes us as individuals, and as Christian societies to
cherish a spirit of forbearance and kindness towards those who
differ from us. This the Gospel strongly inculcates; and when
charity is happily mixed with a love and zeal for truth, it
cannot go too far: but charity forms no part of civil legisla-
tion and enactment. The guarantee of religious liberty is not
charity. If the governments of the world have obtruded upon
the prerogative of the King of kings, by legislating in his
name, raising some of his subjects to secular power and dis-
tinction, and depressing, persecuting, or destroying others
equally worthy of protection, they have thus far usurped his
authority and his throne; and every act by which they relin-
quish what they ought never to have assumed, is not the be-
stowment of a favour, but the restoration of a right. It is
yielding back to Jesus Christ what had been unjustly wrested
from his hands, and allowing his sheep the pasturage and wa-
ters of life, of which ecclesiastical tyranny had deprived them.*
A right to dictate and enforce in religion, implies an exist-
ing superiority. But that superiority which is absolutely es-
sential to dictate and coerce on religious subjects can belong
only to the Creator; and for any human being to assume the
right of dictation in religion, is an arrogant invasion of the di-
vine prerogative. He who admits the authoritative interfer-
ence of man, with the affairs of religion and conscience, allows
an impious innovation on the rights of God, and consents to
rob the Deity of that intellectual and spiritual dominion which
is peculiar to his omniscience. The intervention of any infe-
rior authority over conscience, or of any restraint of religious
* Legend, p. 68.
544
HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
belief and practice, is the height of injustice, and admits nei-
ther explanation nor palliation. Here, an infringement upon
liberty destroys the moral character of man, and produces
anarchy of the worst kind among the works of God: espe-
cially since all our actions are good or evil, only as they have,
or have not, their origin in liberty of choice. If we are to
answer for our faith and actions before the tribunal of God,
and yet be summoned before the tribunal of men, and forced
to believe and practise what they prescribe, we shall be placed
in the most miserable dilemma :-our spiritual guardians will
be guilty of injustice and cruelty which can only be estimated
by the fearful retribution at the bar of God.
The nature and requirements of the Gospel are wholly per-
sonal, and its religion is a personal religion, of equal import-
ance to every living soul. Its appeals are all directed to the
judgment, conscience, and affections of every individual. The
acceptance of it must be unforced by any human power, and
its subjects must be willing subjects. It must produce distinct
personal conviction; and, upon this secure basis, it must en-
force, without human coercion, all the duties of personal obe-
dience. It refuses, in the most explicit terms, those acts of
religious worship which rest on the slender ground of hu-
man authority:-"Their fear towards me is taught by the
precepts of men."" Howbeit, in vain do they worship me,
teaching for doctrines the commandments of men." He who
searches and tries the heart, rejects and abhors that fear and
that worship which is taught by human injunctions. Every
human addition commanding and enforcing Christian worship,
is a presumptuous intrusion upon sacred things, a drawback
upon the essence of Christian piety, and an impious encroach-
ment on the Divine prerogative. We are, however, very far
from asserting the innocence of mental error; yet the infinite
intelligence alone can establish the standard of its judgment,
and ascertain the degree of its criminality. It is impossible for
human beings to exercise compulsive interference, directly or
indirectly, with individual conviction on religious subjects,
without openly robbing men of their dearest rights, flagrantly
subverting their strongest obligations, and impiously invading
the prerogative of the Deity.
END OF VOLUME I.
Printed by H. Mozley, Derby.

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