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IN CTESIPHONTA.
ΑΙΣΧΙΝΟΥ
ΚΑΤΑ ΚΤΗΣΙΦΩΝΤΟΣ
AESCHINES
IN CTESIPHONTA
EDITED WITH NOTES AND INDICES
SOBY
T. GWATĶIN, M.A.,
LATE FELLOW OF ST JOHN'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE,

EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH, M.A.,
LATE FELLOW AND ASSISTANT TUTOR OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE,
CAMBRIDGE.
London:
MACMILLAN AND CO.
AND NEW YORK.
1890
[All Rights rescrved.]
Cambridge:
PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. & SONS,
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
PREFACE.
ABOUT ten years ago Mr Gwatkin undertook to
edit this Oration. The stereotyped text had been
revised and settled by him; notes on about the first
160 sections had been set up in type, and were
waiting for final correction, when Mr Gwatkin un-
fortunately found that the pressure of other engage-
ients made it hopeless for him to finish the work.
The publishers some time last year therefore asked
me to undertake the completion of the edition, as
having recently been engaged on a revision of the
it. I have now done what I could in compliance
with this wish. The notes in type have been finally
revised by me alone for the press; and therefore if
there are any errors in them the blame must be
mine, while Mr Gwatkin should be credited with the
great learning and industry implied in their com-
position.
For the notes on the last 100 sections I am
wholly responsible, as well as for those on the text,
for the Introduction, Appendices, and Indices. I
have been able also to introduce a certain number
of changes in the text in view of more recent criticism.
I fear that the result may strike some critics as not
PREFACE.
being very homogeneous; but I hope that with what-
ever defects inseparable from dual authorship, which
has not in this case brought with it the advantages
of mutual revision, or those resulting from humana
incuria, something may be found to have been done
to throw light on an interesting monument of anti-
quity, which has been somewhat neglected owing to
its necessary rivalry with a greater than itself.
The books most used have been: (1) The editions
of Bremi, 1845. Baiter and Sauppe, 1839–50.
Ferd. Schultz, 1865. G. and W. Simcox, 1872. C.
Weidner, 1872 and 1878. F. Franke (Teubner),
1883. Rufus B. Richardson (founded on Weidner),
1889. (2) Schäfer's Demosthenes und seine Zeit.
F. Blass die Attische Beredsankeit. Schömann, der
Attische Process (ed. 1883–7): ' Mitchell's Indices
Graecitatis in Oratores Atticos. Meisterhans, Gram-
matik der Attischen Inschriften (1888). L. Leutz, die
Präposition bei den Attischen Rednern (1886–8). R.
C. Jebb, Attic Orators (1876). J. P. Mahaffy, Greek
Literature (1883).
Thirlwall's History is constantly referred to, as
well as that of Grote (ed. 1869); Shilleto's edition of
the de Falsa Legatione has also been considerably
used, as well as the usual Dictionaries of Antiquities
and Biography. For persons no better help can be
namen (1884).
The fact of the text being stereotyped, as I said,
prevented the introduction of large alterations. I
am not altogether sorry for it. A diligent study
PREFACE.
vii
of the bold and numerous emendations introduced
into the text by Weidner has not encouraged, but
rather deterred me from any wish to rival such a per-
formance. The manuscripts no doubt are far from
perfect; but they contain generally the oldest and
most authentic testimony which we possess, and when
we once decide to treat their authority with con-
tempt, we are left face to face with a problem which,
to say the least of it, we have somewhat insufficient
ineans of solving
EVELYN S. SHUCKBURGH,
Cambridge, 1890.
02
INTRODUCTION.
AESCHINES was a man of brilliant natural gifts, who
played a part in a great national crisis perhaps not much
less creditably than most of his contemporaries, but whose
misfortune it has been to have been matched with a con-
summate artist, and to have left work which it is for ever
impossible to view except in comparison with that of his
greater rival. Thus in spite of his natural facility, his
vivid presentation of facts, and the strength of his denun-
ciation, his oratory remains that of an amateur (où avv
ÉVTEXvos1); while that of Demosthenes in comparison has
the advantage of genius trained by the principles of art
and the discipline of experience. Aeschines would have
been the first to acknowledge this. He often warns his
hearers against the professional artifices of Demosthenes 2;
while he describes himself as being an unprofessional
speaker, who had merely had the education and followed
only the pursuits of an ordinary citizen, without any claim
to special genius or great acquirements 3: and when he was
afterwards requested by the Rhodians to teach them the
art of Rhetoric, according to the biographers, he replied that
he did not know it himself 4. But we may easily exagge-
i Dionysius de vet. Script.
2 See e.g. in Ctesiph. 8 200; in Timarch. $ 170.
3 ιδιώτης ών και τους μετρίοις υμών όμοιος...παρ' υμίν έτράφην,
¿v Taís ' metÉpais Olatpißais Beßiwka, de F. Leg. § 181–2.
4 ένθα δεομένων Ροδίων την τέχνην αυτους διδάξαι την ρη-
Topikv, aproaodai eimóvta uno' aŭrdv cidéval. 'Tit. Aesch.
Auct. Incert.
Any
INTRODUCTION..
rate this view of Aeschines. Though he was not a profes-
sional loyoypápos, he lived in an age when everyone
who aspired to have any influence in public affairs was an
orator with more or less knowledge of technical rules.
Few men of ordinary cultivation in our day would be
incapable, if compelling circumstances arose, of expressing
their views in a fairly readable Magazine Article; and few
educated Athenians of the age of the Orators would under
like circumstances be incapable of composing a speech
more or less conforming to the rules of art. And though
Aeschines may have had only the ordinary training of a
respectable citizen, he was not a man of ordinary genius;
and when he attempted oratory, as the obvious weapon of
political life, shewed at once that, with the defects of the
amateur, - such as an occasional writer may display in
comparison with a trained journalist,—he had the root of
the matter in him. If we turn from the question of
artistic excellence, leaving the palm undisputed in the
possession of Demosthenes, and consider the moral quali-
ties displayed by the two orators, it seems more difficult to
decide. Partisan feeling is not quite dead after more than
2000 years. Historians, who believe in the patriotic virtue
and the political sagacity of Demosthenes, must needs
denounce the invectives of Aeschines as audacious fictions
or malignant calumnies: get it would not be difficult to
convict Demosthenes of perversions of fact not less shame-
certain passages in Cicero's Second Philippic, is to be
found more deliberately malicious, and more in violation
(as it would seem to us) of every principle of good taste
or humanity, than the celebrated description of Aeschines
mother in the de Corona. But such comparisons are not
very fruitful. The change of sentiment in our age in regard
to such mutual recriminations is in some respects so great,
that it is not now easy to make the necessary abatement
in forming our estimate of the character of the man who
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xi
could utter such words without loss of self-respect or of
reputation among his contemporaries. It seems best to
put them as far from us as we can, and to endeavour to
glean from the speeches on both sides, as well as from
other sources, such facts as may enable us to conceive of
the man himself, his conduct, and his place in literature.
Aeschines2, of the deme Cothodicae of the tribe Oeneis,
was a son of Atrometus and Glaucothea. His Omimo 97
father was 94 years old in B.C. 343, and had B.č. 389.
Birthl and
therefore seen a remarkable series of events at parentage of
Aeschines.
Athens. Born five years before the outbreak
of the Peloponnesian war he had seen Athens at the height
of her power, and in the hour of her direst distress; as well
as her partial rise again to something of her old position,
after Conon's victories and restoration of her walls (B.C. "
394—3). The war had cost him, we are not told how,
1 In his speech in Tim. § 49 Aeschines says that he was
in his 45th year, i.e. in B.C. 345.
2 The sources for a life of Aeschines, meagre enough, are
(1) His own speeches, and the de Falsa Legatione and de
Corona of Demosthenes. (2) A biography in the Lives of
the Ten Orators attributed to Plutarch. (3) Two biographies,
one by Apollonius of Alabanda (?) of the 1st century B. C., and
another by some unknown grammarian. (4) Philostratus
Vit. Sophist. 1, 18. (5) Two short articles in Suidas. (6)
Two notices in Photius Bibliotheca; cod. 61 and 264. Of
these the most ancient seems to be that of the Pseudo-Plu-
tarch; next to that the most independent and fair is that of
Apollonius, for he at least gives Aeschines' own view of himself
as well as that of Demosthenes.
Of modern books, besides the various Greek Histories, such
as those of Thirlwall, Grote, and Curtius, accounts of Aeschines
will be found in A. Westermann, Historia Gracc. Eloq. $ 58–9;
F. Blass, die Attische Beredsamkeit, vol. III. pt. ii. p. 129 sqq.;
Schäfer, Demosthenes und seine Zeit (throughout the three
volumes); Prof. Mahaffy, Greek Literature, vol. II. p. 393 sqq.;
Prof. Jebb, Attic Orators, vol. II. p. 293 sqq.
xii
INTRODUCTION.
his means of livelihood, and had prevented him from
following his favourite pursuit of training for the great
games. He had shared in the banishment of the consti-
tutional party by the Thirty in B.C. 404—3, and in its
return? He seems to have been then engaged in some of
those military operations in Asia Minor which followed
the attack of Tissaphernes or the Ionian cities in B.C. 399;
but in what capacity and under what commander we are
not told, though his son says that he distinguished himself
for personal bravery. The mother of our Orator was
Glaucothea (or, as it is sometimes found, Glaucis or Leu-
-cothea),-daughter of Glaucos of Acharnae, and sister of
Cleobulus. It seems certain that neither Atrometus nor
Glaucothea were members of wealthy or distinguished
families, and Aeschines nowhere makes any such claim.
Yet his father's family was not mean; it belonged to a
phratry which used the same altars with the Eteobutadae
(a family of some distinction which was accustomed to
supply the Priestess of Athene Polias 3), and therefore was
no doubt more or less remotely connected with it in blood.
And though Atrometus was poor, Aeschines appears to
have had the ordinary education of a boy of respectable
parents. He was strong and vigorous in body, and after
attaining the legal age for the docimasia 4 (about 15) might
i Aeschin. F. L. SS 78, 147.
2 ÅPLOTEÚELV ŠV. TOS Kivdúvols. The name Atrometus is
shortened by Demosthenes (de Cor. § 129) to Tromes. Apol-
lonius says that this latter was his original name, which he
improved by the addition of the first syllable. This is pos.
sible, as the name Tromes (trembler) would be looked upon
as ill-omened.
3 Aeschines, F. L. § 147. For the Eteobutadae, see Har-
pocrat. s. V., Athenaeus 6, 244 e. It was a proverb of those
who boasted of high birth to say ¢ 'Eteoßoutadŵy ëNKELS TÓ
J'évos. Apostolius, 7, 52.
4 See Append. B.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xiii
have devoted some year or two to the athletic exercises
which were the customary employment of youths between
the time of puberty and that of full citizenship. But,
according to his own statement, he served at once for two
years in the local guard or militia, the trepitrolol, in which
every freeman had to do one, or perhaps two, years dutyi.
His father seems meanwhile to have been keep-
Aeschines in
ing a boys' school to support his family, which the repírodou
B.C. 373—2 (?)
consisted of three sons, Philochares, Aeschines ***
and Aphobetus; and Demosthenes thinks it a telling sub-
ject of reproach to remark that Aeschines as a boy assisted
his father in the school2. It seems to be between this
period and about B.C. 367 that Aeschines began to exert
himself to gain his own living. Having a clear and excellent
voice (Nauspóowvos) and good personal appear- Clerk and
ance, he obtained employment as clerk (ypau- Actor.
uateús), first apparently to some of the inferior magistrates
and then to the Ecclesia 3. And it seems probable that it
was also in this period that he endeavoured to utilise his
i There was a tradition that Aeschines attended the lec-
tures of Plato and Isocrates; but his biographers deny it.
Demetrius Phalereus even said that he was a pupil of Socrates,
who died ten years before his birth. The whole tradition
seems to depend upon a confusion with the Socratic Aeschines
the son of Lysanias (Plat. Apol. c. 22.]
metus (or Tromes, as he calls him) was a slave assisting
Elpias in the school seems mere malice.
3 What truth there may be in the repeated assertion of
Demosthenes that Aeschines' mother was a priestess in certain
disreputable private mysteries, and that he assisted her in
them, we cannot tell. Aeschines never denies or notices the
insult, though he asserts the respectability of her family.
There was probably therefore some fact on which the assertion
is founded, and of which Demosthenes has given the most
hostile interpretation possible.
xiv
INTRODUCTIO.V.
a soldier.
good voice by joining a company of Tragic Actors, who
played both in Athens and the provinces. The Actors
with whom he was associated were the best of the day;
but he never seems to have risen to taking the chief parts,
and was compelled to leave the stage owing apparently to
an accident. When playing the part of Denomaus and
pursuing Pelops he stumbled and fell, had to be assisted
to his feet by the Chorus-master Sannio, and was conse-
quently hissed off the stagel.
But events in Greece, between the 13th and 23rd year
e of the life of Aeschines, were leading up to such
B.C. 378–368.
Aeschines as measures on the part of Athens as were likely
were to give him the opportunity of distinguishing
himself in other scenes. A revival of her old maritime
supremacy, though on a much reduced scale, had been
commenced in B.C. 378 by the formation of the new
League of states, whose synedri were to meet at Athens,
and whose contribution or syntaxis was to be paid into
the Athenian exchequer for the support of the common
interests. The Spartan supremacy in the various Hellenic
cities, always oppressive and unpopular, and rendered
odious for the last nine years by the disgraceful concessions
to Persia of the peace of Antalcidas (B.C. 387), was systemati-
cally attacked, until by the Peace of Callias, early in B.C. 371,
it was practically brought to an end. But the battle
of Leuctra shortly afterwards in the same year changed
the position of affairs. Sparta was no longer formidable;
but the Theban Government interfered in every direction.
Its policy in the Peloponnese might have been viewed with
comparative indifference at Athens; but the establish-
ment of a Theban supremacy in Euboea was a menace to
the Athenians which they could not bear with equanimity.
1 See the first Life. Mahaffy comments on this, 'a very
likely misfortune to happen on the Greek stage, with the un-
natural padding and heightening of the human form'.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. XV
And when the restoration of Mantinea, and the founda-
tion of Megalopolis by Epaminondas threatened ..
B.C. 370.
Sparta with the formidable opposition of an Alliance
with Sparta.
offensive and defensive alliance. An Athenian force was
despatched (B.C. 370—369] to hold the line of the Oneian
range and prevent the march of Epaminondas into Pelo-
ponnese. Epaminondas forced his way through and was
soon after rewarded by the adhesion of Sicyon. But
Phlius remained faithful to Sparta, and was consequently
subjected to a succession of attacks. The war went on in
a desultory fashion for two years; the Spartans were sup-
ported by a contingent sent by Dionysius of Syracuse,
and inflicted a defeat upon the Arcadians [the "Tearless
Battle' B.C. 368]. Then followed the second expedition of
Epaminondas into Peloponnese, which combined the cities
for a time in hostility to Sparta ; though his departure was
followed by fresh disturbances. No city had suffered more
than Phlius. It was subjected to attacks from
Sicyon, which was allied with Thebes, from Beattiere
Battle at the
Argos, Pellene, and Arcadia. But it held to Nemea B.C.
Sparta, in spite of the periodical wasting of its
crops and other hardships which its people had to endure,
and won more than one success over its invaders. In B.C.
368 the Athenian general Chares was stationed at Corinth
with an army partly of mercenaries and partly of Athe-
nian citizens, and aided the Phliasians in conveying the
provisions to their town rendered necessary by the wasting
of their own territory. Among the Athenian youths
serving under Chares was Aeschines (aet. 23), and in an
engagement in the dry bed of the stream Nemea, where
an ambuscade of the enemy was forced, he behaved (he
says) with such gallantry as to receive the public com-
mendation of the commanders 1.
1 Aesch. F. L. 168 epi Tņu Neueada kalovuévno xapádpav.
367.
xvi
INTRODUCTION.
Of what Aeschines was doing for the next four years
we have no information. Chares was hastily
The Thebans
in Oropus summoned home in the next year on account of
B.C. 366.
the sudden seizure of Oropus by some exiles in
the interests of Thebes. Aeschines probably accompanied
him ; but no fighting took place. The Athenian expedition
returned finding that none of the allies came to its assist-
ance, and the question of Oropus was left to be decided by
arbitration? The attention of the Athenians was now
turned in a different direction. While Corinth and Phlius
made a separate peace with Thebes, the Athenians entered
upon negociations with the Persian king Artaxerxes to
have Amphipolis declared Athenian territory. In this
they were successful. But Amphipolis had to be won by
arms in spite of the Royal rescript. Timotheus was sent
out with a fleet, and in the course of the years
The expedı.. B.C. 365 and 364 conquered Samos, established
theus B.C. Athenian authority in part of the Chersonese,
and made himself master of many towns in Chal-
cidice. But he failed to take Amphipolis; and when he
turned to attack the Thracian Cotys, in order to secure
the Athenian hold on the Chersonese, he found himself
threatened by a Theban fleet which Epaminon-
Epaminon., das had persuaded his countrymen to send with
dus in the
IIellespont him, in order to defeat the aggrandizement of
the Athenian power,—an interposition in a new
sphere of energy, which, though it did not lead to any
marked success on the part of the Thebans, caused great
bitterness of feeling in Athens. In the same year Pelopi-
das led a Theban army into Thessaly to attack the tyrant
365-4.
B.C. 363.
Xenophon, Hell. 7, 2, 15, 20 [in 4, 2, 15 he calls it ý xapáopa 1
Grote x. 31,-Diod. Sic. [xv. 75] says that Chares defeated
the Argives in two battles. If Aeschines had been in both he
would probably have mentioned it.
i Xen. Hell. 4, 1, 1.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xvii
lopidas
in
Fresh
dis-
Alexander of Pherae. This expedition, though it cost
the life of Pelopidas, was eminently successful. Death of Per
Alexander had to submit to Theban supremacy, when compte
as had all the cities of Thessaly.
363.
Such being the formidable nature of the Theban
power, and its animus being so decidedly the
hostile to Athens, it was natural that the turbances in
Peloponnese.
Athenians should be ready to oppose the exten-**
sion of its influence. The opportunity soon came. While
the events alluded to above had been taking place, the
Peloponnese had been torn by intrigues. Sparta wanted
to recover Messene, the Eleians Triphylia. Thus in B.C.
366—5 there was war between Elis and the Arcadians,
which brought on an invasion of Arcadia by the Spartans
(B.C. 365), and a battle near Olympia, at the very time of
the Festival, between the Eleians (who had been excluded)
and the Arcadians (B.Ç, 364). The Arcadians seized the
treasures at Olympia to pay their men, and then fell to
quarrelling among themselves. The general result in the
Arcadian towns was the increased power of the wealthier
classes, who could alone afford to devote themselves to the
war, and a consequent inclination manifested to make
invitations to Thebes to come and prevent such a settle.
ment (B.C. 363—2). The anti-Theban party in Arcadia
protested against the sending of a Theban army without
invitation, and contrived to get a peace between them-
selves and Elis confirmed in the Pan-Arcadian assembly
(B.C. 362). The view of these proceedings held by Epami-
nondas and the Theban Government was that the Arca-
1 In advising hostility to Athens, as the dangerous rival
now that Sparta was humbled, Epaminondas was reported
to have said ως δεί τα της Αθηναίων ακροπόλεως προπύλαια
METEVEYKELv eis tu tpootaglay cñs Kaquelas. Aesch. F. L.
$ 105.
xviii
INTRODUCTION.
without their concurrence; and that it would inevitably
break down what it had been their policy to set up,-a
power in Peloponnese capable of counteracting the claims
of Sparta. A fresh invasion was therefore decided upon:
e and in the spring of B.C. 362 Epaminondas
Battle of
Mantinea marched to Tegea, and was there joined by his
B.C. 362.
Peloponnesian allies. The Spartans under
Agesilaus were stationed at Mantinea, which, further
north on the road from Sparta than Tegea, had to be
reached by them along a circuitous route. After an
unsuccessful attempt at surprising Sparta itself, Epami-
nondas was obliged to give battle at Mantinea, which lay
between him and home. Immediately after his return
from the unsuccessful attempt on Sparta he sent his
cavalry on to surprise Mantinea. This he would have
effected, if it had not been for the opportune appearance
of the Athenians, who had marched through the Isthmus;
and appeared on the brow of the hill just as the Theban
cavalry came in sighti. The next day the battle was
fought, in which Epaminondas fell. Though the victory
was with the Thebans, the death of that great man
nullified its effects, and a peace was made which practi-
cally ended the Theban supremacy. Aeschines (aet. 27)
fought at Mantinea, as he affirms, with honour and in
a manner worthy the city; yet, according to Diodorus, the
Athenian cavalry, though behaving well, were as a matter
of fact beaten and forced from their ground, until sup-
ported by the Eleian cavalry?
The three years which follow (B.C. 362–359) are a
blank as far as our knowledge of the life of Aeschines
goes. The Athenians were busied in Thrace with Cerso-
bleptes 3, the successor of Cotys, but there is no indication
i Polyb. 9, 8.
2 Diodor. xv. 85.
3 Grote x. p. 136 sqq.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xix
summer
of
358.
of Aeschines being in service there. In B.C. 359 the crown
of Macedonia was obtained by Philip II.,
Philip II. be-
an event which was to have so decisive an comes king of
Macedonia
influence on all Greek politics, and was so between the
largely to affect among others the career of our B.C. 359 ană
Orator.
In B.C. 358 however the arms of Athens found
employment nearer home. After the battle of Leuctra
(B.C. 371) the Theban supremacy had been exercised in
Euboea to the detriment of the Athenian interests, in whose
League of 378 B.C. most of the Euboean towns had shared.
The seizure also of Oropus by exiles in B.C. 366, already
mentioned, had been effected at the instigation of Themi-
son of Eretrial, and was a mark of the animus of the anti-
Athenian and philo-Theban party. But, as usual in Greek
sity with time, and when the prestige of Thebes sank
gradually after the death of Epaminondas (362 B.C.), it
soon became possible for Athens to once more assert her
influence in the island.
In B.C. 358 the Thebans sent a force into Euboea to
surprise the rising party of opposition to them.
Expedition
Urgent messages were sent to Athens for help; into Euboca
B.C. 358.
and with unusual promptitude a fleet and army
was despatched within five days, apparently under the chief
command of Timotheus, Diocles and Chares having also
commands in the expedition, which in 30 days reduced the
Theban army to retire under terms 2; the Euboean towns
being restored to independence. In this expedition
Demosthenes served as a volunteer Trierarch, and Aes-
states the fact without comment, we may suppose that he
did not gain any special distinction.
i Aesch. in Ctes. $ 85.
2 Aeschin, l. c.; F. L. $ 169.
XX
INTRODUCTION.
B.C. 358-34
The next nine years, though embracing events of
240 momentous consequences to Greece, are again a
blank in our knowledge of the life of Aeschines.
These include the most important working time of a man's
life (from 30 to 40); and as neither Aeschines nor his
father was rich, we must suppose that in them he gained
by some reputable employment a sufficient competence,
and conducted himself in such a way as to be marked out
for state employment when occasion arose. He may have
again been employed as a clerk, and so gained practical
acquaintance with public business. Meanwhile Athens
had been weakened by the loss of important members of
the confederacy, as the result of the Social War (B.C. 358—
355); but Philip had step by step been rising to be
supreme in Greece. Though he did not retain his hold on
Amphipolis in 359 B.C., and was nominally at
The en
croaching peace with Athens, his successes in Thrace,
policy of
Philip.
and his diplomacy in the Chalcidic peninsula
(B.C. 356), were gradually beginning to excite
the attention and alarm of Athenian statesmen. But by
the time this alarm was roused Philip had already to a
great extent secured his position. The first note of warn-
ing is in the speech of Demosthenes on the liberty of
the Rhodians?, delivered in B.C. 352, or possibly in the
i There seem to have been two phases in his career
as a clerk. Demosthenes speaks of it as preceding his em-
ployment on the stage; and this may be what Apollonius
means by his apôtov úteypajućTevde tais åpxais xpóvov tiva
συν τώ αδελφώ 'Αφοβήτη. ήν δε επονείδιστον τούτο το έργον.
But the writer in Photius (cod. 61) speaks of a clerkship
after the stage-work, and of a more dignified kind—ÉT ELTA
έγραμμάτευε τη βουλη. So the author of the anonymous Life
may mean this, óvta dè hapirpopwvov ypadjatelloa. 'Aploto @vtu
και μετά τούτον Εύβούλω. και αναγινώσκοντα ψηφισμάτων όμου
και νόμων έμπειρον γενόμενον επιθέσθαι τα βήματι.
2 $ 24.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xxi
Second expe-
following year, and by that time Philip had already
secured valuable possessions in Thrace, had interfered
with effect to create a strong anti-Attic confederation in
the Chalcidic peninsula, had secured Pydna (358), Methone
(353), Pagasae (353),_thus commanding the Macedonian
and Thessalian coasts; had seized on the opportunity
offered by the distracted state of central Greece, caused by
the Sacred War, - which as much as the Peloponnesian war
seems to merit the description given of the latter as 'the
suicide of Hellas,'-to interfere in Thessaly, and even to
attempt to pass Thermopylae and enter Phocis (B.C. 352);
and was on the eve of that attempt to complete his line of
coast by securing the Chalcidic Peninsula, which called
forth the Olynthiac Orations of Demosthenes (B.C. 349).
It was in these circumstances that the Athenians
undertook a second interference in Euboea, by
sending an expedition thither under the com- dition into
Euboea un-
mand of Phocion, in which Aeschines shared, der Phocion
and in which he gained a substantial increase sobe os
of reputation. It was caused by the request of Plutarchus,
now despot of Eretria, who professed to be acting in the
Athenian interests against intrigues promoted by Philip.
Demosthenes appears to have suspected the honesty of
Plutarchus and accordingly opposed the sending of the ex-
pedition?. But it was supported by the party of Eubulus,
and was despatched in February. Phocion found nothing
but treachery in Euboea, and he and his army appear to
have been in extreme peril, and to have been drawn into
a dangerous position near Tamynae, a town of uncertain
site some few miles South of Eretria. There the enemy's
army under Callias of Chalcis, assisted by a small force
sent by Philip, attacked, and by the rashness or treason of
i Dem. in Mid. $ 110, de Pace § 4, 7pWtos kal jóvos mapan-
θον, άντείπον και μόνον ού διεσπάσθην υπό των επί μικρούς λήμμασι
πολλά και μεγάλα υμάς αμαρτάνειν πεισάντων.
2 Aesch. in Ctes. g 87.
B.C. 349.
xxii
INTRODUCTION.
Plutarchus nearly inflicted a defeat on Phocion's army.
The day was saved however by the picked Athenian troops
(oiéríNEKTOL), and among them Aeschines (aet. 39) so distin-
guished himself, as to be selected to take the news of the
Aeschines
mission to
crown1
He now had acquired sufficient reputation to be
sce intrusted with serious public duties; and now
sent on a first seems to have come forward definitely as
Arcadia B.c. an active politician. While the expedition in
348-7.
Euboea was taking place Philip had been
actively engaged in Chalcidice; he first took a town there
in B.C. 349, and early in B.C. 348 had taken Olynthus,
Demosthenes in vain urging his countrymen to send relief;
and finally destroyed the Chalcidic towns, selling 10,000
of the inhabitants into slavery. Though so supine in sup-
porting the Chalcidians, the Athenians did take some
steps to secure a league in the South, to resist Philip if he
followed up his successes in the North by attempting
interference in Peloponnesus. Aeschines (aet. 40-1)
seems to have been prominent at this time in denouncing
the intrigues of Philip, especially in Arcadia?; and ac-
cordingly was despatched with others on a mission
thither. He pleaded for a combination against Philip
before the “ten-thousand' at Megalopolis), where he was
answered by Hieronymus speaking in the interests of
Philip. He gave a flourishing account of his arguments on
his return; and moved great indignation by the description
of a piteous spectacle which he had witnessed on his way
i Plutarch, Phocion, XII.—XIII. Aesch. F. L. 169. Grote,
XI. 144. Thirlwall, v. 262.
? Dem. F. L. § 10, ļoti Toivur oùTOS ó mpūros 'Aonvalwr
αισθόμενος Φίλιππον, ως τότε δημηγορων έφη, επιβουλεύοντα τοις
"Ελλησι και διαφθείροντά τινας των εν 'Αρκαδία προεστηκότων.
3 Aesch. F. L. & 157 • Tous duplovs 'Apkádwv vovbetw. Dem.
1. c.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xxiii
back. He saw one Atrestidas travelling with a company
of Olynthian captives, about 30 women and boys, brought
from the Macedonian court; and he denounced Philip's
cruelty in the bitterest terms. He acknowledges himself
that he did all he could to incite the Arcadians to join the
Athenians in a war against Philip?, and he justifies his
subsequent change of policy by alleging that he found
the utmost diversity of sentiment and action in Pelopon-
nese ; and that while none were willing really to help
Athens, some were actually ready to join in the attack
upon her, and many were looking upon the war as a means
of enriching themselves. In these circumstances he
advised the people to make the peace.
Convinced therefore that a peace with Philip was ne-
cessary he consented to serve among the ten am-
First embas-
bassadors who in November, B.C. 347, were elected sy to Philin
on the motion of Philokrates to treat with him.
with propu-
sals of peare
Informal negotiations had already taken place ; B.C. 346 (Feb-
puary).
and various reports of Philip's pacific inclina-
tions had reached Athens. But besides this there was
grave reason to fear that he would soon be much nearer
than ever to the Attic frontier. The Thebans in B.C. 347
had invoked his aid against the Phocians, to put an end
to the Sacred War; and a Macedonian army was already
besieging Halus in Thessaly: and the Phocians in alarm
sent to the Athenians begging them to occupy the pass of
Thermopylae. But Phalaecus, the chief man in Phocis, did
not join in this wish; and refused to allow the Athenian
general Proxenus to take possession of the pass3. Thus
1 Demosth. F. L. § 348. Aesch. F. L. § 79. Thirlwall,
v. 326; Grote, xi. 171.
2 F. L. $ 79. The Pseudo-Plutarch seems to attribute to
Aeschines' conduct of this negociation the beginning of his
public reputation.
3 Aesch. F. L. 133. Aeschines would not be serving with
Proxenus, as it was only oi uéxpl Tplákovta črn who were ordered
xxiv
INTRODUCTION.
both parties were inclined to make terms,—the Athenians
because they dreaded that by the weakness or treachery of
Phalaecus Philip would become master of Phocis, and
Philip because his chief object was to secure a hold on
Thermopylae, with the ulterior purpose of making himself
master of Phocis; and, in order to do so, wished to have
the opposition of Athens out of the way. These events
happened at the end of B.C. 347. By February in the next
year the ten Athenian ambassadors were ready to start to
visit Philip? Their names were Ctesiphon, Aristodemus,
Phrynon, Iatrocles, Philocrates, Demosthenes, Aeschines,
Nausicles, Dercylus and Cimon, along with Aglaocreon of
Tenedos, to represent the allies whose synedri met at
Athens in virtue of the league of 378.
The purpose of this embassy--which was to be the
ose turning point in the career of Aeschines and in
First embassy
to Philip B.č. his relations with Demosthenes-was not to
make the peace, but to ascertain from Philip on
what terms the peace could be made. The points on which
anxiety was felt may be summed up in the two words-
Thrace and Phocis. In regard to the first the Athenians
had two objects, (1) to secure that Philip should not at-
346.
regards the rest of Thrace he should not entirely destroy
the position of their ally Cersobleptes, and should restore
to them the possession of Amphipolis. As to Phocis, the
on this service. Phalaecus, instead of giving up the posts
which secured the pass --Alponus, Thronium, and Nicaea, -
even imprisoned the Phocian ambassadors who had been to
Athens.
1 Among the reasons inducing the Athenians to consent
to this embassy was the fact that Philip had been behaving
with great liberality in the matter of the release of various
Athenian citizens who had fallen into his hands, especially
iu respect to those for whose release Aristodemus had been
sent to negociate.
LIFE AVD TIMES OF AESCHINES. XXV
question was whether they could make such a peace as
could prevent Philip's passage of Thermopylae, and his
interference—in accordance with the invitation of Thebes-
in the Sacred War, to the destruction of their allies the
Phocians. Of what actually occurred on it we have only
the account given by Aeschines himselft, in one of the
most graphic narratives to be found in the remains of
Attic Oratory. Demosthenes in his speech in the prose-
cution of Aeschines has little or nothing to say on it; for
his charge against him does not relate to his conduct then,
but to that of a subsequent period,-his report at Athens
and his conduct on the second embassy. Besides, if the
account of Aeschines is to be accepted, Demosthenes would
have good reason for touching as lightly as possible on the
details of the first embassy.
According to Aeschines, then, Demosthenes took pains
on the way to Pella to cultivate intimacy with
Demosthenes
himself, and with Aglaocreon and Iatrocles, and and Aeschi-
to warn them against the dishonesty of Philo- first embassy
crates, though he had been actually nominated
ambassador by him. He made himself also disagreeable
and offensive in various ways during the journey, and spoko
boastfully of the 'inexhaustible fountain of arguments
whereby he would confound Philip and close up his mouth
with an unsoaked rush,' and would persuade him to re-
store Amphipolis. But when they were admitted to an
audience with Philip these vainglorious boasts were falsi-
fied. The ambassadors had arranged that they would
address Philip in order of age, and accordingly Demosthe-
nes was to speak last. Aeschines, when his turn came,
says that he addressed Philip in a speech of considerable
length, in which he dwelt on the old friendship between his
ancestors and Athens, and the support which he himself
had received from her in the early days of his reign, and
nes
on
the
ogether.
1 F. L. & 20-43.
xxvi
INTRODUCTION.
what an ill-return had been made to the city by his guar-
dian Ptolemy in the matter of Amphipolis. On the subject
of Amphipolis, he then tried to shew how it had been from
time immemorial acknowledged as an Athenian possession,
and had been formally allowed to be so by Philip's own
father Amyntas.
“After this and some other speeches it came to the
'turn of Demosthenes to speak. Every one was on the
'alert expecting a superb display of oratory; for, as we
'heard afterwards, Philip himself as well as his courtiers
'had been informed of his extravagant professions. With
'an audience thus all expectation, up gets this creature,
Sand, after a prelude obscurely expressed and dead with
'fear, before he had got far on with his subject, suddenly
• became silent, hesitated, and finally broke down alto-
'gether. Seeing his condition Philip intreated him not
(to be alarmed, and not to imagine that such a contre-
"temps had the same effect as it would have in a theatre.
'Pray,' said he, take your time, recollect yourself at your
' ease, and deliver what you intended to say. But having
once got confused, and lost the thread of his notes, he
could not recover himself; tried once more to resume his
speech, and once more broke down. There was a general
silence; and the herald bade us withdraw. But when
'we ambassadors were alone together, our admirable De-
'mosthenes with a very gloomy expression of countenance
said that I had ruined the city and the allies. When the
other ambassadors no less than myself expressed astonish-
'ment at this, and demanded why he said so, he asked me
"whether I had forgotten the state of affairs at Athens,
and that the people were in extreme distress and very
anxious for the peace. Or do you,' said he, 'plume your-
self on the fifty ships that have been voted but will never
be manned ? For you have irritated Philip; and the result
of what you have said will not be that war gives place to
peace, but peace to war, though not open war."
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xxvii
Aeschines' reply was interrupted by a second summons
to the presence of Philip, who, as he asserts, addressed his
answer almost entirely to his speech, without making any
reference to Demosthenes, at which the latter orator was
deeply chagrined.
"But when we were on our way home from our mission
all of a sudden he began much to our surprise to talk to
each one of us with an air of affectionate politeness. I
never knew before the meaning of the words 'monkey,'
downy,' jack o' both sides.' Thanks to his instruction
'however there is no knavery that I do not understand now.
"Taking each of us separately aside in turn, he promised to
'get up a subscription for one, assistance in his private
'business to another, election as strategus to another:
while as for me, he kept following me about with congra-
'tulations on my extraordinary ability, and praises of the
speech I had delivered, until I was tired and bored with
“his compliments. And when we were all dining together
'at Larissa he kept jesting at himself and the fiasco he
had made of his speech, declaring Philip to be the clever-
'est man under the sun; and when I capped this by some
remark about his having shown a wonderfully good me-
'mory in his answer to our speeches ; and when Ctesiphon,
'the eldest of us, said that old as he was and many as
were the years he had lived, he had never seen anyone
so agreeable and charming, our Sisyphus clapped his
“hands and remarked “Neither you nor our friend here?
‘(meaning me), 'Ctesiphon, would venture to tell the Athe-
nians that Philip was a clever speaker and had a good
'memory!'-Being quite off our guard and having no
(suspicion of the trap he was setting for us, which I will
explain to you presently, he induced us to enter into a
kind of arrangement that we would tell you these impres-
sions of ours; and in my case he added an earnest
'intrcaty that I would not forget to say that Demosthenes
“had as well as myself put in a word about Amphipolis?'
1 F. L. & 40–43.
Xxviii
INTRODUCTION.
1
This is the way in which Aeschines 'accounts for the
favourable terms in which he among others made his
report of the interview with Philip; and he proceeds to
describe his astonishment when Demosthenes got up, and,
affirming that the only report needed was the letter from
ceeded to contradict in detail the impressions of Philips
personal ability and charm which Ctesiphon and Aeschines
(according to agreement, as Aeschines says) had described.
It is perhaps too much to believe that Aeschines was of
such guileless simplicity as to be taken in entirely by such a
device on the part of Demosthenes as he describes; and at
any rate he condemns himself in owning to having given a
report on any one's suggestion, rather than on his own
genuine impression; and Grote further criticises his con-
duct as an ambassador by remarking, that it does not speak
well for his good sense if he made Amphipolis the main
subject of his address to Philip. Amphipolis had been
too long in Philip's hands, and it was too valuable to him
as covering the rich goldfields of Pangaeus, to allow of any
chance of its restoration. The two points that were really
of importance, and within the range of practical politics,
were to keep Philip out of the Chersonese, and North of
Thermopylae. The former might be effected by a peace
arranged on the basis of a status quo, each party keeping
only be secured by including the Phocians in the number
of the Athenian allies, who were not to be attacked hence-
forward. But to do this was for the Athenians to range
themselves in opposition to Thebes and all the members of
the Amphictyonic League, who were prepared to use to the
utmost the help of Philip for the punishment of these
hated enemies. And though Philip wished to disarm the
enmity and opposition of Athens, he had no intention,
as soon appeared, of covenanting himself out of the right
of acting as champion of the Amphictyonic Council, and
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xxix
putting an end to the Sacred War by crushing Phocis if
necessary. The peace now recommended in consequence
of the embassy of the ten really gave up this point: for
Phocis was to be left out of the treaty; that is, Athens
formally renounced any obligation to assist the Phocians,
whatever measures the Amphictyonic Council, or Philip
acting in its name, might choose to take against them.
Even the security of the Chersonese was weakened; for
though Philip was debarred by the treaty from attack-
ing towns in it belonging to Athens, yet his hands were
left freer by the Thracian Cersobleptes, whose son was a
hostage in Philip's hands, not being included in the Athe-
nian alliance, but making terms separately. This in fact
left Philip free to act in all parts of Thrace, except the
Chersonese, wholly without reference to Athens.
The Peace, therefore, was not very glorious or satisfac-
tory to the Athenians: and such no doubt the
orators felt to be the case, though it was impos- of Ane temas
sible to deny that, unless the people were willing Chargthenes
to fling in their forces boldly with the Phocians, gainst Acs.
chines of a
and risk all in an armed opposition to Thebes change of
and Philip, which their mistrust of the Phocian
leader Phalaecus, if nothing else, prevented, some peace
was necessary. It was in these circumstances that De-
mosthenes charges Aeschines with his first act of tergiver-
sation. According to it decree proposed by Demosthenes
himself there were to be two meetings of the assembly; in
the first the subject of the Peace was to be debated, in the
second the votes were to be taken. In the first Demosthe-
nes says that Aeschines vehemently opposed the peace
proposed by Philocrates, saying that 'while a single Athe-
nian remained alive he would never advise this peace,
although a peace of some sort was necessary': but that on
the second day he took quite the opposite view, spoke
vehemently on the other side, exhorted the Athenians 'not
to be for ever dwelling on the glorics of their ancestors, nor
XXX
INTRODUCTION.
to undertake the support of other Greeks who had never
supported them?' Aeschines replies that the charge of
Demosthenes involves an impossibility, as, in accordance
with his own decree, the second meeting was to be for
voting and not for speaking? But, unfortunately for this
apparently telling retort of Aeschines, he himself some
years later complained that at the second day's meeting 'De-
mosthenes monopolised the bema, leaving no one else any-
thing to say; and made a speech, questioned Antipater,
and carried the decree of Philocrates 3.' If this latter state-
ment is true, and Aeschines says that he remembered it
distinctly owing to certain particularly disagreeable expres-
sions of Demosthenes, it does a good deal to destroy his
first defence grounded on the fact that there was no speak-
ing on that day. Still a statement made 16 years after-
wards is less trustworthy in itself than one made when the
affair was recent; and it is evident that Aeschines was at
this time no more uncertain in his view than were others,
He did not like the peace, and yet he feared to reject it,
and warned his countrymen against rashly undertaking
distant expeditions, like the disastrous invasion of Sicily;
and advised them, while they emulated the glories of their
ancestors, to avoid their mistakes. The two views, whether
put forward on the same or on two following days, are not
inconsistent, and do not necessarily imply the corruption
insinuated by Demosthenes. They seem rather to indicate
the divided feelings which were shared by the people at
large; who would fain have opposed Philip and humbled
Thebes, but were uncertain of their ability to sustain such a
contest, and beguiled themselves with hopeful theories as to
Philip's real intentions. Demosthenes seems to have been
conscious that at this stage of the proceedings there was
little to say against Aeschines. His real denunciations are
i Dem, F. L. 17.
2 Aeschines, F. L. &S 63—5. Cp. 74–6.
3 Aesch. in Ctes. $ 71.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xxxi
pril - June),
reserved for the conduct of the Second Embassy, which was
sent to receive the sworn ratification of Philip
and his allies, when the people had decreed the second time
Peace. He charges all the ambassadors alike
the oaths (4-
with treasonable delay in not proceeding at once B.C. 346.
on their mission, and thus allowing Philip to possess him-
self of additional strongholds in Thrace before he took the
oaths; but he charges Aeschines personally with deceiving
the people by a report in which he assured them that he
the interests of the city; that in a few days they would
hear of Thebes being besieged and isolated from the rest of
Boeotia ; of the restoration of Thespiae and Plataea; of
the wealth taken from Delphi being repaid by the Thebans;
and finally that, in return for the surrender of Amphipolis
to Philip, he would guarantee their hold over Euboea, and
something else which they had still more at heart, -mean-
ing by this hint Oropus! Aeschines makes but a poor
answer to this charge. He tries to explain that all he said
was that these things were the true interests of Athens ;
and that they were what he had striven for, though for-
tune and Philip were too strong for him: and he denies
point blank,with what truth it is impossible to say,
that he had had secret intercourse with Philip, and had
acted in collusion with him in the composition of the
letter which was sent back with the ambassadors and
served to put the people off their guard2.
The mutual recriminations oi the orators3 will always
1 Demosth. F. L. 22–25.
2 Aeschines, F. L. 118–127.
3 There was an old tradition that the speeches on the
embassy, though written, were never delivered. Pseud.-Plut.
vit. x. Or. 342 c cioi g oi paol ovyypával MèY TOùs pñtopas TOUS
λόγους, εμποδών δε γενομένων των περί Χαιρώνειαν μηκέτι την
diknu cloendelv. The length of the speech of Demosthenes is
certainly more fitted for a pamphlet.
xxxii
INTRODUCTION.
leave a residuum of doubt in the mind as to the true share
of blame attaching to all sides alike who were engaged in
the transaction: but there is no doubt that the practical
result was that the Athenian people were lulled into a false
security ; that the Phocians found that they had no help
to look for from Athens; and that Philip was able to secure
Thermopylae on the surrender of the Phocian Phalaecus.
On the embassy, sent to announce to Philip the Athenian
abandonment of their support of the Phocians, Demosthe-
nes refused to serve ; and Aeschines was, or feigned to be,
too ill to go (June, B.C. 346). But the next
Aeschinesizin month when Philip was already in Phocis, and
in Phocis.
was proceeding to inflict upon the Phocian
Os amon
July, B.C. 346. Y
cities, in the name of the Amphictyons, the
penalty of their sacrilege, Aeschines recovered his health
sufficiently to visit him, apparently on the strength of his
affirms that he did so without authority or commission
from the people; and that then he joined in the celebra-
tion of the Pythian games under the presidency of Philip,
in which the Athenians had expressly refused to take part1.
Aeschines on the other hand affirms that he exerted him-
self successfully to save the lives of the Phocians, whom
Philip was urged by others to execute, and that the exiled
Bosotians and Phocians testified to the services which he
had rendered to them in this their hour of supreme
danger? There is no good reason to doubt
Was Aeschi-
on this last assertion : but it does not acquit Aes-
able or poli- chines of the main charge, that he had been won
over by Philip; and, at any rate, by certain sup-
pressions and plausible representations to the people, had
played into his hands. The only defence that can be urged
for him, and which, it may be, secured his acquittal by a
22Cs treasura
tic?
1 Demosth. F. L. & 138–141.
2 Aesch. F. L. & 142. See Grote, XI. 223. Thirlwall, vi. 5.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xxxiii
narrow majority?, is that he yielded to what he thought a
necessity; that he had come to regard the supremacy of
Philip as inevitable, and to believe that properly manipu-
lated it might be made to yield certain advantages to dis-
tracted Hellas. Such a view we know to have been held
by the venerable and respected rhetorician Isocrates, who
about this time composed the address to Philip?,
The view of
still extant, in which he urged him to look upon Isocrales
himself as the champion of Greece, and to turn
his arms with the whole authority of Greece at his back
upon the common enemy, the king of Persia, whose power,
at that time threatened by revolts in Egypt, Phoenicia
and Cyprus, had recovered something of its old force, and
was still holding in subjection the fair lands of the Asiatic
Hellenes. Such an opportunist policy may not have been
great or noble, but it was one which a practical statesman
may have thought the only possible one in the circumstan-
ces: still it does not really justify tortuous intrigues and
disingenuous suppressions.
Whatever may be the true account of his motives, from
this time forward Aeschines is to be regarded
Macedoniz-
as a persistent partisan of the Macedonian go- ing policy of
deschines
vernment: and, if we are to believe Demosthe- from B.C. 346
nes, he was throughout this period regarded by -339
the better part of the citizens as a traitor, a feeling which
found expression in the action of the Areopagus in quash-
ing his election as a syndic to advocate the Athenian claim
to the management of Delos, tried before the Amphictyonic
Council in B.C. 3453. But in the next five years there seems
to have been little in the actual things done by Aeschines
1 A majority of 30. He was supported by Eubulus as a
ouvúyopos, Pseudo-Plut. vit. x. Or. 342 c. Cp. Photius Cod.
61 άτε δή Ευβούλου του δημαγωγού, ο υπηρέτησε, συναγωνισαμένου
aútą.
2 Isocrates, Orat. v.
3 Demosth. de Cor. SS 134-135.
xxxiv
INTRODUCTION.
that Demosthenes was able to lay hold upon. He had an-
ticipated the prosecution, threatened against him for his
conduct on the embassy, by securing the ruin, and apparent-
ly the suicide, of one of those who menaced it. In his
speech against Timarchus (B.C. 345) he had taken occasion
also, as far as possible, to prejudice his hearers against the
private character of Demosthenes, and to prepare them to
reject the accusation which he was about to bring against
himself when he stood his audit (eüouva) for his enibassy ;
but of overt acts in this period Demosthenes can find
nothing to attack except an instance of opposition to the
patriotic side, and of support of Philip, in the case of the
mission from Byzantium of the orator Python (probably
in B.C. 341)1; and again his intercourse with Anaxīnus,
supposed to be a spy of Philip's, but whom Aeschines
asserts to have been in Greece only for the peaceful pur-
pose of making purchases for Philip's wife Olympias 2.
He indeed says that he has endless other cases to bring
forward [uvpía toivuv ētepeittelv éxwv], but that is only an
oratorical etcetera, which may be taken to mean generally
that there is nothing else which will much bear discussion.
About Midsummer B.C. 341 the peace of B.C. 346, which
B.C. 339.
Aeschines
m- after another Philip had roused the suspicions
phissian war and distrust of the Athenians, was finally
brought to an end by an open declaration of
war, induced by his siege of Perinthus, by his entering the
Chersonese, and the capture of Athenian merchantmen by
his cruisers. The Athenians perhaps expected or hoped
that the war would be fought at a distance from their
territory; but the outbreak of another Sacred War soon
brought Philip southward again; and this Sacred War
i Dem. de Cor. $ 136.
2 Dem. de Cor. § 137. Aesch. in Ctes. 123. [Plutarch]
vit. X. Or. 818.
3 Dem. de Cor. $ 73. Grote, XI. 259 sqq.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. XXXV
.
Demosthenes charges Aeschines with having deliberately
helped to bring about, with the express purpose of giving
Philip an excuse for interference?. Aeschines on the other
hand maintains that he acted on this occasion from pure
zeal for the honour of the god and the sanctity of the
Delphic territory, as well as from a proper feeling of indig-
nation at the injury done to the honour of Athens: and
that the act of impiety on the part of the Amphissians had
been passed over by others, and among them by Demo-
sthenes, for the sake of bribes received from Amphissa.
In February B.C. 339 Aeschines was one of the Pylagorae
at the spring meeting of the Amphictyonic Council
at Delphi? There he was told that the Amphissian dele-
gates, in order to please the Thebans, were about to
propose the levying of a fine upon the Athenians on the
ground of their having after Plataea (479 B.C.) set up
certain gilt shields in the New Temple before it was
dedicated), or, as Grote thinks, for having caused the
inscription "dedicated by the Athenians, out of the spoils
of Persians and Thebans engaged in joint battle against
the Greeks”—to be regilded, and put up again in a new
cell or chapel without the necessary ceremonies,-the
insult to the Thebans being thus rendered again con-
spicuous. This animus on the part of the Amphissians
was soon betrayed by a speech of one of their number
denouncing the Athenians for having espoused the cause
of the sacrilegious Phocians, and recommending that their
delegates should be expelled as under a curse (évayeis).
Aeschines retaliated in a long speech in which he de-
nounced the Amphissians for having cultivated the sacred
Cirrhaean plain, which had been declared dedicate to the
i Demosth. de Cor. SS 143—151 ÛTÓ's ÈO TLV Ó ovykata-
σκευάσας και πάντων είς ανήρ των μεγίστων αίτιος κακών.
2 Aeschin. in Ctes. SS 106–129.
3 For the nature of the act here described, see notes to
$ 116, and Grote, XI. 277.
xxxvi
INTRODUCTION.
god, and ordered to be left fallow ever since the 1st Sacred
War in the 6th century. The Amphictyons proclaimed
a crusade, and were resisted in arms by the Amphissians.
A fresh council was summoned, -to which on the advice
of Demosthenes the Athenians refused to send delegates, -
e
co
Amphictyonic Council to come forward as their champion.
With whatever motive therefore Aeschines had acted, the
result of his policy had undoubtedly been to bring Philip
once more South of Thermopylae. For Philip promptly
availed himself of the invitation of the Amphi-
ematerial and ctyons; one evening in the spring of B.C. 338
battle a
Chaeroneia
the Athenians were startled by the news that
(August) B.C. he had seized and was fortifying Elateia, which
338.
commanded the passes over Mount Oetal. The
news caused the most painful excitement at Athens.
Philip was again close upon the Attic frontier; and there
was no doubt that, if he were not stopped, before many
For the moment his partisans were coved, and amidst the
gloomy or perhaps treasonable silence of the usual
speakers Demosthenes came forward with energetic pro-
posals for warlike preparations; urging that an alliance
should be made with Thebes, and that the fortifications
of Athens should be restored. Demosthenes asserts that
in these circumstances Aeschines did not say a word, either
by way of attacking his decree, or by way of warning to
the people of the danger into which they were running?.
Against this charge Aeschines has naturally little to say3,
except to point to the disastrous result of the policy of
Demosthenes as consummated by the battle of Chaeroneia
(Aug. B.C. 338), and the death of so many citizens in that
struggle.
i Dem. de Cor. $S 169–179.
2 Dem. de Cor. SS 179—191.
3 Aesch, in Ctes. SS 137–147.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xxxvii
But though the effect of Chaeroneia was to confirm the
supremacy of Philip it does not seem to have
Aeschines
enhanced the influence of Aeschines; he was after the
battle of
indeed put forward as the mouthpiece of a Chaeroneia
B.C. 338.
party to attack Demosthenes by prosecuting ..
Ctesiphon for illegality in proposing to crown Demosthenes
for his services (B.C. 337); yet in the seven years which
elapsed between the notice given of this impeachment and
the actual trial of the case (B.C. 337-330), there is no
evidence of Aeschines taking a leading part in Athenian
politics. Demosthenes affirms that he was in the pay of
Alexander after Philip's death (B.C. 336), as he had been
in that of Philip? But whether that was so or not, when
Alexander advanced into Greece in the autumn of 336,
and, obtaining the submission of the cities, was nominated
as his father had been two years before, commander-in-
chief of all Greece for the meditated invasion of Persia,
no speech or motion of Aeschines is recorded. He of
course did not share in the intrigue with Darius, in
which Demosthenes was deeply engaged. Darius sent
300 talents as a subvention to the people, to enable
them to form a coalition in Greece against Alexander,
and so prevent the contemplated expedition into Persia.
This money was refused by the state, but Aeschines
affirms that Demosthenes received 70 talents, which he
appropriated, and refused to refund or to use for public
purposes 2. The Persian alliance was now the one hope of
the anti-Macedonian party; and we must imagine Aeschi-
victorious progress of Alexander from the moment of his
crossing the Hellespont (B.C. 334) to his final triumph over
Darius (B.C. 330), which made him lord of all Asia 3. But
. 1 Dem. de Cor. 8 297.
? Bao lekòv Xpvolov, Aesch. in Ctes. SS 173, 209, 239.
3 The destruction of Thebes (B.C. 335), though acquiesced
in by the Macedonizing party as a stern necessity, must have
xxxviii
INTRODUCTION..
it was the final defeat of the anti-Macedonian movement
in the Peloponnese under Agis of Sparta by Alexander's
lieutenant Antipater (B.C. 331) that seems to have en-
couraged the enemies of Demosthenes to bring into Court
the prosecution of Ctesiphon which had been in abeyance
since B.C. 337-6. Alexander had indeed won most of his
great victories, Granicus (334 B.C.), Issus (B.C. 333), Tyre
(B.C. 332), Arbela (331 B.C.); but the final defeat and death
of Darius was not yet known at Athens when the speeches
were deliveredi. The Conqueror was still far out of sight,
and there were still all the chances of a long and distant
campaign in favour of a collapse of his mighty power as
sudden as had been its rise. Therefore the voice of orators
had still some significance, and Greece at large was able
still to take an interest in a controversy, which would
have little meaning except in a free state and before a
sovereign people.
In these circumstances this great trial at length corn-
menced. It drew an immense concourse from
Impeacha
ment of all parts of Greece. For “this was to be some-
Ctesiphon,
summer of "thing more than a dazzling display or an
B.C. 330.
“exchange of personalities. It was to be a
"public verdict, after full hearing, on an issue which
“came home, for good or evil, to every Greek city, to
“every hearth, almost to every conscience : and for this
“verdict all Greece was in suspense 2.” The speech
delivered by Aeschines in these circumstances was in some
respects worthy of the occasion; but the faults and weak-
nesses with which it was defaced were brought into pro-
actually weakened their moral influence in the several states;
and was such a shock to Hellenic feeling, that we can see,
I think, that Aeschines is exceedingly careful in alluding to
it to do so in sympathetic and moderate terms: see in Ctes.
$ 133.
1 Aesch. in Ctes. $ 132.
2 Prof. R. C. Jebb, The Attic Orators, vol. II, p. 400.
LIFE AND TIMES OF AESCHINES. xxxix
minence by the consummate skill and power of the answer
which it provoked. Where it was strong, that is on the
two legal points, it did not appeal to any deep feeling on
the part of the audience; and when it came to the subject
which deeply moved the hearers, the question of the right
or wrong of the Demosthenic policy, it laboured under two
fatal disadvantages,-it dealt almost entirely in assertion,
and malignant interpretation unsupported by proofs; and
secondly the speaker had not the courage, in view of the
popular feeling, boldly to set forth a policy counter to that
of Demosthenes. It was easy to point out the fatal re-
sults of the Demosthenic measures. Athens had failed and
suffered ; Philip had prevailed, and Alexander was master
of the situation; but the hearts of the audience were with
the orator who still maintained that, while all was lost,
their honour was safe. Nor does Aeschines ever venture
distinctly to trace out the policy which he or his party
would have preferred to pursue. Perhaps he had no
distinct idea of what that policy should be. It could only
have been one of temporary expedients and careful com-
pliance; of taking shelter while the Macedonian storm
lasted, and waiting till better times should come. Such a
policy admits of no definite scheme; it depends on the
necessities of the hour; and can only be judged by the ulti-
mate result. Therefore while Demosthenes is attacked and
defended on a multitude of definite points in an active
policy, as well as with the failure of its sum total, it is
generally abstention in the time of need, rather than overt
acts, which is laid to the charge of Aeschines.
As to the speech itself its construction is loose and
irregular, and does not contain ang narrative passages as
lively as some in the same Orator's speech on the Falsa
Legatio. The lengthy and somewhat conventional prooe-
mium was criticised adversely by the ancients: there is no
regular statement of the subject of the indictment (Topó-
Deois): such as there is gives only an imperfect enumera-
d 2
x1
INTRODUCTION.
tion of the points. This is partly explained, if the theory
of Blass and others be right that we have here the draft of
the speech as drawn in 336, emended by fresh suggestions
in 330, and still further emended after the trial had
actually taken place, and before publication. But also the
regular divisions of a speech are not well observed. The
main body of it, the narratio et demonstratio, extends from
§ 13 to 176; and all the rest is, as Blass says, 'Epilogue in
the widest sense of the term'; yet from § 176 to 230 there
are matters which more properly belong to the previous
dirision, and technically the Epilogue does not begin until
$ 230. Finally, the peroration is unduly long, and weak-
ened and spoilt by the final section. The following is an
outline of the argument and arrangement of the speech.
1-8 Prooemium.
The elaborate preparations and display of partisan feeling
on the side of the defendant is only another illustration of
the vital importance to a democracy of a strict enforcement of -
the laws, and specially of the law concerning the ypadin
παρανόμων.
9-167 Narratio et demonstratio.
9-12. The law prohibiting the crowning of any one still
ÚTreúduvos is necessary to prevent the absurdity of a man being
crowned by the people and soon afterwards being convicted of
13-15. The Law forbids the crowning of officers before
they have passed their εύθυνα: and Demosthenes as τειχοποιός
had an office [an αρχή, not a mere επιμέλεια or διακονία] within
the meaning of the act. [16] The law therefore is plainly
against him.
17—23. Demosthenes' plea of having been crowned for a
1 Blass, III. 2, p. 184, says that here ought to have followed
in 330 a reference to the fact that Demosthenes was úteúduvos
at the time of Ctesiphon's proposal. Instead of which we
have an answer to a second objection, that, namely, founded
THE SPEECH AGAINST CTESIPHON. xli
benefaction, not for his conduct in his office, will not hold
good.
24—27. Demosthenes was doubly ÜTEÚBuvos, (1) as Teixo-
TOLÒS, and (2) as ó ÉTÈ TQ Dewplkợi.
28——31. Nor is it a valid answer to say that as TELXOTTOLÒS
he was elected by his tribe and not by the demus: the law
embraces that case also.
32–48. Ctesiphon has infringed another law,—that
namely which forbids the proclamation of a crown in the
theatre. They will plead in answer that there are two laws,
the latter of which authorises this proceeding. It is impossible
that two contradictory laws should exist together. I will
show you that the latter does not apply to this case 3.
49–50. The third infringement of the law on Ctesiphon's
part is the proposal to crown Demosthenes on the ground of
lis valuable public services. This is illegal because the law
1
on the distinction of αρχή and επιμέλεια. He therefore sup-
poses that an answer to a first objection originally stood here
and was cut out. But what then do the words—upiv lóyov,
πρίν ευθύνας δούναι, γέγραφε μεταξύ Δημοσθένης άρχοντα στε-
pavoûv—mean?
1 This post is only mentioned here and in Dem. de Cor.
&$ 113, 118. The reference to it here seems, as Blass says,
an afterthought suggested by the necessity of showing that
Demosthenes had an undoubted office (åpxń), the other being
only to be denominated an åpxń by straining the sense.
2 This too Blass thinks to have been inserted in the 2nd
edition of the speech delivered in 330, as distinct from that
originally composed in 336, on the ground that it is not men-
tioned in the earlier part of the speech. It seems to me not
easy to decide whether this really points to two drafts of the
speech, or merely to his less careful or less skilful preparation.
Aeschines himself professes to speak more or less impromptu
in comparison with the elaborate and professional preparation
of Demosthenes, see above p. ix. n. 2.
3 For a discussion and fuller statement of Aeschines' argu-
ment on this head see App. A.
xlii
INTRODUCTION.
1
forbids entering falsehoods on the public records. I must
therefore show that in public and private life alike Demo-
sthenes is unworthy.
51–53. The scandals of Demosthenes' private life are
numerous, and so generally known that what I have to fear is
not disbelief, but staleness.
54—167. The public career of Demosthenes. I will
consider this in four periods, $$ 54-6: I. (B.C. 357–346)
from the first remonstrances to Philip in the matter of Am.
phipolis to the peace of Philocrates, SS 57–78. II. (B.C.
346—340) from the peace of Philocrates to the outbreak of
the Amphissian war, SS 79–105. III. (B.C. 340–338) from
the beginning of the Amphissian war to the battle of Chae-
roneia, ss 106-158. IV. (B.C. 338-330) from the battle of
Chaeroneia to the time of speaking, SS 159–1671.
1.With regard to the first division he accuses Demosthenes
of having, in conjunction with Philocrates and those bribed
by Philip, injured the state in a threefold manner at the
conclusion of the peace, besides having grossly flattered the
Macedonian ambassadors. In passing to the second sub-
division, he first of all explains why D. had become the enemy
of Philip after the peace; and accuses him of having brought
about the new war. When D. appeals to the union effected
by him with Euboea and Thebes, to the "walls of iron and
steel” with which he had fortified the country, Aeschines
retorts, in regard to Euboea, with a far-fetched and broad
statement, according to which D. was merely the paid ac-
complice of his friend Callias of Chalcis, and had basely
sacrificed the interests of Athens. Evidently the suspicion of
Callias and his brother, for whom Demosthenes at that time
was trying to obtain citizenship, is here a secondary view.
Unfortunately we do not know from any other source when
this happened [Hyper. Dem. Col. XVII., Dein. I. § 44). But
it is striking that not only at the beginning of the section
(§ 84) do the “iron walls” refer to an expression in the de
Corona [S 299], but also soon afterwards another part of the
same speech is quite unmistakeably imitated [$ 85, de Cor.
(D
THE SPEECH AGAINST CTESIPHON. xliii
TI
168–170. The character of a truly popular statesman
(NUOTIKÒS).
171–176. How Demosthenes falls short of this.
§ 100], a peculiarity which is repeated in regard to the other
· point mentioned in the same clause, the alliance with the
Thebans. We may add that, judging from the Demosthenic
reply, Aeschines threw suspicion on the Euboeans and Byzan.
tines, and the alliance with them, of which in the speech as it
exists we do not find a word (Dem. de Cor. SS 95, 238, 240).
It would therefore appear that in re-editing the speech he
must have partly altered, partly excised, a good deal in these
sections, probably the latter (as Schäfer suggests) in considera-
tion of the feelings of the Hellenic states, amongst whom he
was then living. In the third subdivision the first accusation
is for impiety toward the Delphic temple. He dilates on the
old war against Cirrha, the consecration of its territory, and
the sin of the Amphissians in cultivating it, who indeed
bribed D. to keep silence about it. He gives full particulars of
his own appearance at Delphi, and of how D. kept the Athe-
nians from the holy war against Amphissa...then he dilates
further on the godlessness of D., and the almost supernatural
working of fate which had now reversed the balance of
power; had so highly exalted the Macedonians, the liberators
of the Delphic temple; and on the other hand had so abased
Athens: and that too since D., the hated of the gods, had
been at the head of affairs. This paragraph cannot have been
written earlier than 330. What follows, that the Theban
alliance owed its existence to the circumstances of the times,
and not, as D. boasts, to his eloquence, may be of still later
date: as not only is reference made to assertions of D. [S 1371
but there is also a certain contact with another passage in the
de Corona [$ 129, Aesch. $ 138]. Then he reproaches D. with
having injured Athens in the formation of the alliance, with
having conducted the war arbitrarily and perversely, and with
having prevented the peace offered by Philip. Then he comes
to the battle, and tries to show how unseemly and unreason-
able in every way it would be to crown a man who was the
originator of such misfortunes,' Blass.
xliv
INTRODUCTION.
(D
177—260 Epilogue.
177–189. Comparison of the rewards given to famous
men of old with that now proposed for Demosthenes?.
190—200. The strictness of the proceedings on ypapai
Tapavbuwv compared with their laxity now.
201-212. This strictness the jurors should maintain now
by refusing to hear anything but arguments on the legal
issues, and therefore should not allow Demosthenes to be
called as a ouvúyopos, or, if they do allow it, should insist on
his answering the speech in the same order and spirit as
that in which it was delivered: and should disregard all
the side issues he may raise, all his oratorical tricks and
affected emotion.
213—214. Ctesiphon and Demosthenes are mutually dis-
trustful of each other. Each declares that the danger lies
in the other's bad character.
215—229. A defence of the speaker's own conduct against
the anticipated attacks of Demosthenes?. His abstention from
continual interference in public business is the result of his
moderation. That he brings the accusation to please Alexander
is disproved by the fact that notice of it was given before
Philip's death. If he was like a physician finding fault after
the patient's death, Demosthenes was an orator who failed
his country in the hour of danger...
230-233. Recapitulation (the Epilogue proper). Why
then acquit him? Not from the legality of the decree, nor
for the good character of Ctesiphon, nor for the merits of
i The illustration as to the pugilist Philammon 'evidently
introduced after the trial'. See Dem, de Cor. 319. .
2 • All this is in part, if not throughout, identical with the
de Corona: one passage clearly belongs to the subsequent re-
vision ($ 225). But the most curious thing is the statement
that D. intended to compare the eloquence of Aeschines to the
song of the Sirens: for this does not occur in the de Corona,
though it appears to have been really said, and only not in-
serted in the published speech; while Aeschines introduced it
THE SPEECH AGAINST CTESIPHONVOY
. xlv
Demosthenes. By voting him a crown you will transfer the
shame of Demosthenes to the city.
234-235. It is necessary to the safety of the democracy
to keep statesmen subordinate to the law, lest they develope
into national dangers.
236_240. Setting aside the question of legality, how has
Demosthenes deserved the crown? His services as to the
fortifications were stained with sacrilege; and the Theban
alliance was the result of circumstances, not of his diplomacy.
241–2. As to calling Demosthenes,—what more nauseous
than to hear him sing his own praises? You had better
conduct your own defence, Ctesiphon. You cannot plead in-
experience; for you have lately undertaken a foreign mission.
243-6. No special oratory is needed to bring out the
merits of a really deserving man, such as Chabrias, Iphicrates,
or Timoleon. Demosthenes, so far from a crown, deserves to
be driven over the frontier like the lifeless objects which have
been used in murder.
247–251. Final appeal to the jurors. All eyes are upon
you. The character of the state depends on that of the men
whom she delights to honour. The way to avoid granting
honours which dishonour the state is to demand proofs of
the recipient's worthiness. If you don't do so, you will have
individuals becoming over-powerful, the state weak.
252—254. Much less serious acts of treason than those
involved in the cowardice and mischievous policy of De-
mosthenes have brought their authors into trouble.
255_-260. Final peroration. It is your country that will
be affected by your vote. Do not let private feelings sway
you: contrast with his empty boasts the glorious services of
the heroes of old: and show yourselves true sons of those
men who punished with death the man who brought Persian
gold into the country, though not for himself. I have spoken
my utmost. It rests with you to vote for the right.
Such was the speech, which in this final controversy of
free Athens, in spite of the influence of the Macedonian
monarchy, and in spite of the splendid and winning voice
xlvi
INTRODUCTION.
of the speaker, failed to convince an Athenian court.
Aeschines did not obtain the necessary fifth part of the
drachmae. It cannot be supposed that he or his friends
were unable to pay this sum (about £40); or that he
would have refused to do so from mere contumacy. He
had lost the power of ever bringing such an action
again, and he must have felt that it was the end of his
career as an Athenian citizen ; and that it was better
to live elsewhere. If he could not persuade his fellow-
citizens that he was right, when Alexander was in the
full tide of his success, what would be his case if news
reached Greece that Alexander were defeated or dead ? He
therefore determined, forfeiting his citizenship by non-pay-
ment, to put himself immediately under the protection of
Alexander. He retired to Ephesus, from which town the
road through Sardis to central Asia began, and waited for
the return of the king. He was therefore not at Athens to
witness his rival's disgrace and recall (B.C. 325—4). But we
have no particulars of his life at Ephesus, either as to what
he did, or on what he lived, whether by teaching as after-
wards at Rhodes, or on the bounty of the Macedonian king.
We are only told that in the confusion which followed the
death of Alexander he retired to Rhodes and there 'set up
a school and taught, not apparently a school of rhetoric,
for he told the Rhodians that he did not know the art
of rhetoric, but a more elementary school1. Presently, for
1 Plutarch, Dem. c. 24, says that he lived tepi 'Pódov ka?
'Iwviav COOLOTEÚWv. He therefore probably gave paid lectures
of some sort. The assertion of the Pseudo-Plutarch, Vit. x
Or. 343 D. that he was the founder of the Rhodian school of
Oratory-το Ροδιακόν διδασκαλείον κληθέν–is a manifest anachro-
nism. The so-called Rhodian School does not seem to have
been famous until about about B.C. 100, and at any rate it
was the growth of the political importance of Rhodes, which
did not begin until the time of the successors of Alexander.
LAST YEARS OF AESCHINES. xlvii
reasons of which we again know nothing, he left Rhodes
for Samos, where he died in his 75th year (about B.C. 314),
nearly eight years after the death of Demosthenes1. The
only anecdote of this portion of his life which we have
is that narrated in the biography of the Pseudo-Plutarch.
"He read, we are told, 'to the Rhodians his speech against
Ctesiphon; and when all his hearers expressed their aston-
ishment that he should have been defeated after such a
speech, he said: “You would not be surprised if you had
heard the reply of Demosthenes." The last hope, perhaps
the last wish, of a return to Athens ended with the death
of Alexander. Even if he had been by nature inclined to
take an active part in politics, which seems not to have
been the case, there was little in the state of things at
Athens to tempt him to desire to return; and he was pro-
bably more content to follow his peaceful occupation in
places where the ‘Macedonian question' was no longer a
cause of vehement debate or social division. Three ora-
tions of his have come down to us, the genuineness of
which has not, as far as I know, been impugned. They
all bear the stamp of the same mind, and have similar
merits and defects. Of these the speech on the embassy is
the most graphic and lively. The subject of that against
Timarchus renders it revolting to modern readers ; but it
contains a good deal that is of interest, and is expressed in
clear and direct language. That against Ctesiphon is the
most laboured, but not to my mind as effective as the de
Falsa Legatione. A fourth oration, lóyos Anniakós, was
anciently in existence, attributed to Aeschines, but was
early declared spurious.
Aeschines was married to a daughter of Philodemus,
son of Philon, and had two sons and one daughter. But of
his domestic life we know absolutely nothing.
1 According to one story he was put to death by Antipater,
who however died three or perhaps six years before him (B.C.
320 or 317) according to the received chronology.
Vi
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE LIFE
OF AESCHINES.
Aeschines born, son of Atrometus ('Tromes'
Dem. de Cor. 8 129] and Glaucothea [or
Glaucis or Leucothea] de F. L. & 147–9.
98 387 Peace of Antalcidas.
Birth of Philip.
382
Birth of Demosthenes.
100 379 The Olynthian confederacy dissolved by the
Spartans.
378
New maritime confederacy formed, under
Athens [o úved pol, oúvtažes].
101 374–3 (?) Aeschines serves in the Trepimodoi.
102 371
Peace (of Callias) between Sparta and Athens.
Battle of Leuctra. Thebans establish su-
premacy in Euboea.
370 Restoration of Mantineia and founding of
Megalopolis.
103 368-6 Philip a hostage at Thebes.
[368—359 Alexander, tyrant of Pherae).
367 Aeschines (aet. 23) serves under Chares at
Corinth, and is engaged in the convoy
(Trapanout) of provisions to Phlius [F. L.
§ 163. Xen. Hell. 7, 2, 15–20. Diod.
xv. 75. Grote x. 31–49].
366
Thebans occupy Oropus by means of the
Eretrian Themison [Xen. Hell. 7, 4, 1].
Corinth and Phlius make a separate peace
with Thebes. The Athenians intrigue with
Artaxerxes to have Amphipolis declared
Athcnian territory.
LIFE OF A ESCHINES.
xlix
01.
B.C.
104 363
Chersonese; carries on war with king
Cotys of Thrace, and in Chalcidice, but
fails to take Amphipolis.
Death of Pelopidas in Thessaly. Expedition
of Epaminondas to Byzantium.
Death of Artaxerxes Mnemon and succession
of Darius Codomannus. Battle of Man-
tinea and death of Epaminondas. Acs-
362
105
359
358
357
Philip becomes king of Macedonia.
Murder of Cotys. The Athenians at war
with Cersoblebtes and Charidemus in the
Thracian Chersonese.
Philip takes and then evacuates Amphipolis:
but, as the Athenians do nothing, he again
takes it professedly in the interests of
Athens.
First expedition into Euboea, to destroy the
Theban influence there, under Diocles and
Chares. Aeschines (aet. 31) engaged [F. L.
$ 169, cp. in Ctes. 85. Dem. Arist. § 206.
Grote, XI. 20. Thirlw. v. 227].
Social war begun by revolt of Chios, Rhodes,
and Byzantium.
The Phocians seize Delphi. Sacred war.
Birth of Alexander.
Social war ended, the revolting cities being
acknowledged independent.
Demosthenes begins speaking.
Condemnation of Timotheus.
Philip seizes Pagasae and besieges Methone.
Philip defeats Onomarchus, liberates Phe-
rae, but is stopped at Thermopylae by an
Athenian fleet.
The first Philippic of Demosthenes.
Second expedition into Euboea, under Pho-
355
354
353
352
107
cion, at the request of Plutarch of Eretria,
351
3504349
INTRODUCTION.
01. B.C.
supported by Eubulus and opposed by
Demosthenes. At the battle of Tamynae
Aeschines (aet. 39) served in the TíNEKTOL
who secured the victory, and was selected
to take home news of the victory [Dem.
in Mid. $ 110. Aesch. F. L. § 169. Grote,
XI. 144. Thirlw. v, 262].
Philip taking towns in the Chalcidic pe-
ninsula.
349 Philip attacks Olynthus. The Olynthiac Orations
of Demosthenes.
Aeschines (aet. 40) begins to take part in public
affairs, and advises war with Philip.
108 348 Philip takes Olynthus.
347 Aeschines (aet. 42) goes on a mission to the Pelo-
ponnese to form a coalition against Philip [Dem.
F. L. § 10. Grote, XI. 171. Thirlw. v. 326–7].
Death of Plato.
346 The first embassy to Philip proposed by Aris.
todemus, Neoptolemus, and Ctesiphon [Dem.
F. L. § 12]. Aeschines (aet. 43) serves on it.
Peace arranged (March on the basis of status quo.
Decree of Timarchus against exporting arms and
ship-stores to Philip.
Philip takes various places in Thrace [Grote, XI.
207].
Second Embassy (April-June).
In June Philip takes the oaths at Pherae.
Later in June Phalaecus surrenders Thermopylae
to Philip; and the Phocian cities submit. A
third embassy is sent, on which Demosthenes
refuses to serve, and Aeschines does not go
owing to sickness. The ambassadors fail to see
Philip.
July. Aeschines visits Philip in Phocis, and asserts
that he saved the lives of many Phocians (Dem.
F. L. 380. Aesch. F. L. 139–142. Grote, XI.
228. Thirlw. VI. 5]. End of the Sacred War.
LIFE OF AESCHINES.
li
01. B.C.
345 Aeschines (aet. 44) elected deputy to plead the
cause of the Athenians in the dispute about
Delos; but his election is quashed by the Areo-
pagus [Dem. de Cor. § 131]. Aeschines pro-
secutes Timarchus.
109 344 An Athenian expedition into Acarnania. The
mission of Python of Byzantium to Athens.
The 2nd Philippic of Demosthenes.
343 Philip takes Halonnesus.
Mission of Hegesippus to Philip [in Ctes. § $3.
Grote, xi. 251].
342 Philip in Thrace.
Speeches of Demosthenes and Aeschines on the
Embassy. Aeschines (aet. 47) acquitted by a
narrow majority.
341 Diopeithes in the Chersonese; dispute with Philip
as to Cardia. The 3rd Philippic and on the
Chersonese' of Demosthenes [Grote, XI. 255].
Expedition into Euboea under Phocion. Exe-
cution of Anaxinus of Oreus, as a supposed spy
of Philip [in Ctes. $ 223–4].
110 340 Demosthenes at Byzantium.
Midsummer. War declared with Philip [Grote, XI.
259].
Demosthenes carries his trierarchic Law. .
339 Aeschines (aet. 50) at the Amphictyonic council,
in February, advises the punishment of the Am-
phissians [in Ctes. $ 106 sqq. Grote, xi. 272].
phictyons, marches south and seizes and fortifies
Elateia [Dem. de Cor. § 169 sqq. Aesch. in
Ctes. $ 140].
August. Battle of Chaeroneia.
Death of Isocrates.
337 Ctesiphon proposes to crown Demosthenes for his
public services.
Aeschines (aet. 52) gives notice of a ypaon mapa-
νόμων.
INTRODUCTION.
01.
B.C.
S
111 336 Philip assassinated in July) by Pausanias. Alei.
ander elected general of the Greeks in the Persian
war.
335 Thebes revolts in the Spring while Alexander is
in Thrace, and is destroyed in September.
334 Alexander crosses the Hellespont in the Spring.
Antipater left regent of Macedonia.
Battle of the Granicus (May).
333 Agis king of Sparta negotiates with the officers
of the king of Persia, and receives 30 talents
and 10 triremes: he forms a league of states
against Macedonia.
Battle of Issus [November).
112 332 Tyre taken by Alexander after seven months' siege,
Alexandria founded.
331 Battle of Arbela (October).
About the same time Agis is defeated and killed by
Antipater near Megalopolis [in Ctes. $ 165.
Justin, XII. 1].
330 The trial of Ctesiphon on Aeschines' impeachment
comes on shortly before the Pythian games [in
Ctes. § 254], that is, in January or February.
Aeschines retires to Ephesus [aet. 58).
July. Darius killed.
113. 325 Harpalus comes to Athens from Babylonia.
114 324 Demosthenes imprisoned on a charge of receiving
bribes. He escapes to Troezen.
320 Death of Alexander. ,
Demosthenes returns to Athens.
Aeschines (aet. 65) retires to Rhodes.
Lamian War.
322 Battle of Cranon.
Death of Demosthenes and Aristotle.
115 317 Death of Phocion and Antipater.
116 314 Aeschines (aet. 75) dies at Samos.
ΚΑΤΑ ΚΤΗΣΙΦΩΝΤΟΣ.
ΥΠΟΘΕΣΙΣ.
53 Κτησιφών έγραψε ψήφισμα στεφανώσαι Δημοσθένης
Δημοσθένους Παιανιέα χρυσό στεφάνων και αναγορεύσαι
τον στέφανον εν τω θεάτρο Διονυσίοις τραγωδων, ότι
διατελεί τα άριστα και λέγων και πράττων τω δήμω των
'Αθηναίων. τούτο το ψήφισμα εγράψατο Αισχίνης παρα- 5
νόμων, και εισάγει κεφάλαια γενικά τρία, εν μέν ότι
υπεύθυνον όντα τον Δημοσθένην έστεφάνωσε του νόμου
κελεύοντος μη εξειναι υπεύθυνον άρχοντα στεφανούν,
περί ουσίας, δεύτερον δε ότι εν τω θεάτρω ανεκήρυξε τον
στέφανον απαγορεύοντος του νόμου μηδένα στεφανούν 10
εν τω θεάτρω, περί ποιότητος, τρίτον και τελευταίον, ότι
και τα ψευδή έγραψεν εν τω ψηφίσματι ουκ είναι γαρ
καλον και αγαθόν τον Δημοσθένην, ουδε άξιον του
στεφάνου, και τούτο εις το παράνομον ανακτέον, επειδη
και νόμος εστίν ο κωλίων τα ψευδή γράφειν εν τοις 15
ψηφίσμασιν· έστι δε περί ποιότητος. υποφορας δε
λαμβάνει τρεις προς μεν το πρώτον δισσως έρούντος
Δημοσθένους, ότι ουκ ήν άρχων ουδέ έστιν αρχή ή των
τειχών οικοδομη αλλα διακονία της και επιμέλεια, ει δε
και αρχή, τω γε επιδεδωκέναι εκ των ιδίων και μηδέν 20
ειληφέναι εκ της πόλεως ουκ ήν υπεύθυνος, περί ποιό-
τητος αμφότερα προς δε τούτο ο Αισχίνης εισάγει
ÆSCHINES
25
30
35
στοχαστικόν κεφάλαιον, ου μέντοι κατασκευάζει· ει δε
και παρ' εαυτού επέδωκεν, αλλ' είχε παρα της βουλής
εις τουτο δέκα τάλαντα, περί ουσίας. προς δε το δεύτε-
ρον κεφάλαιον παρεχομένου Δημοσθένους νόμον έτερον,
κελεύοντα ανακηρύττειν εν τω θεάτρω αν ψηφίσηται και
δημος, Αισχίνης ου περί των πολιτικών αυτών είναι
φησιν άλλα περί των ξενικών στεφάνων, περί ουσίας.
προς δε το τρίτον πολλά κατά μέρος. oίεται δε τον
Δημοσθένην εις τέσσαρας καιρούς διηρηκέναι την απο-
λογίαν, τα πράγματα καθ' έκαστα είς τούτους μερίσαντα.
πρώτον μεν ούν φησιν είναι καιρόν τον του πολέμου του
πρώτου του προς Φίλιππον περί Αμφιπόλεως γενομένου,
δεύτερον δε τον της ειρήνης, τρίτον δε τον του πολέμου
του δευτέρου και της περί Χαιρώνειαν ήττης, τέταρτον
δε τον παρόντα καιρον τον περί των προς Αλέξανδρος
πολιτευμάτων. εν μέν ούν το πρώτο αίτιον αυτόν φησι
γεγονέναι της ειρήνης, αισχράς ούσης και αδόξου, και
του μη μετα κοινού των Ελλήνων συνεδρίου την πόλιν
αυτην πεποιήσθαι εν δε τω δευτέρω, ότι τον πόλεμον
τον προς Φίλιππον αυτος παρασκεύασεν εν δε τω τρίτω,
ότι του ιερού πολέμου και των περί Φωκέας συμβάντων
αίτιος εγένετο, και της ήττης της εν Χαιρωνεία, πείσας
μετα Θηβαίων αραμένους τον πόλεμον προς Φίλιππος
παρατάξασθαι εν δε το τελευταίω, ότι κατ' αυτόν προς
'Αλέξανδρον ούκ έπολιτεύσατο. μετα ταύτα και του
βίου παντος του Δημοσθένους κατηγορεί, και δη και
Κτησιφώντος εν ολίγοις, εν οίς άξιοι αυτον υπέρ εαυτού
τον Κτησιφώντα απολογείσθαι. τα μεν ούν κεφάλαια
ταυτ' εστίν ενίκα δε τον αγώνα Δημοσθένης.
40
45
60
Μέμφονται μέντοι τινές τον Αισχίνην ότι ουκ ενδιέ-
τριψεν εν τω παρανόμω, αλλά και της πολιτείας κατη-
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
Τούτο δρος της και
ήν αυτον ατα σπουδάζωοιπον μέρος της
υπεξεν· έπει στεφανου
γορεί του Δημοσθένους, καλώς πεπολιτευμένου του
ανδρός. αυτος δε τουναντίον τούτω μάλιστα ισχυρίζεται, 55
λέγων ούτως «έστι δ' υπόλοιπον μέρος της κατηγορίας
εφ' ώ μάλιστα σπουδάζω· τούτο δ' έστιν η πρόφασις δι'
ην αυτον άξιοι στεφανούσθαι.” μήποτε δε άριστα τούτο
έπραξεν· επειδή γαρ είχε δόξαν μεγάλην παρα πάσι και
υπόληψιν ο Δημοσθένης ως λαμπρότατα πεπολιτευ- 60
μένος, είκότως ώήθη ψυχρούς και ουδενός αξίους φανή-
σεσθαι τους περί των παρανόμως λόγους, ει μη δόξαν
αυτοίς έμποιήσει την εναντίαν, ως άρα ο Δημοσθένης
κακόνους έστι τω δήμω και αισχρώς και επιμέμπτως
πεπολίτευται. δια τούτο εσπούδασε περί τούτο μάλιστα, 65
και εν τούτω τώ μέρει της κατηγορίας το πλείστον
ενδιέτριψε, μέμψαιτο δ' άν τις το προοίμιον ως τραγικών
και περιττόν και επιλόγω μάλλον έoικός.
Η στάσις του λόγου έστι πραγματική έγγραφος,
ώσπερ και η του υπέρ του στεφάνου. τα δε κεφάλαια 70
δηλονότι της πραγματικής περιέχει άπερ και εκεί, οίον
το νόμιμον τεμνόμενον εις τρείς νόμους, το δε δίκαιον εις
τέσσαρας καιρούς. όρα δε πώς επιλογικώς ήρξατο από
συνηγόρων εκβολής, ώσπερ και Δημοσθένης.
Τινές είπαν ότι ουκ έχει κατασκευής το προοίμιον: 75
ουκούν ουδε συμπέρασμα δει ζητειν. αλλ' ουκ έστιν
ακατάσκευον· έστι γαρ αυτου κατασκευη υπέρ του τα
μέτρια και τα συνήθη μη γίγνεσθαι εν τη πόλει. ει γαρ
η αιτία της προτάσεώς έστιν η κατασκευή, δια δε το τα
μέτρια μη γίγνεσθαι εν τη πόλει αι δεήσεις, κατασκευή εο
αν είη. έχει δε και συμπέρασμα, “έγω δε πεπιστευκως
ήκω” έως του «μείζον των νόμων και των δικαίων.”
Την μέν παρασκευήν οράτε, ώ Αθηναίοι, και την
παράταξιν, όση γεγένηται, και τας κατά την αγο-
1-2
ASCHIVES
ραν δεήσεις, αίς κέχρηνταί τινες υπέρ του τα μέτρια
και τα συνήθη μη γίγνεσθαι εν τη πόλει εγώ δε
πεπιστευκώς ήκω πρώτον μεν τους θεούς δεύτερον δε
τους νόμους και υμίν, ηγούμενος ουδεμίαν παρα-
σκευήν ισχύειν παρ' υμίν μείζον των νόμων και των
2 δικαίων. έβουλόμην μέν ούν, ώ Αθηναίοι, και την
βουλήν τους πεντακοσίους και τας εκκλησίας υπό
των έφεστηκότων ορθώς διοικείσθαι, και τους νόμους
ούς ένομοθέτησεν ο Σόλων περί της των ρητόρων
ευκοσμίας ισχύειν, ίν' εξήν πρώτον μεν τω πρεσβυ-
τάτω των πολιτών, ώσπερ οι νόμοι κελεύουσι, σω- 34
φρόνως επί το βήμα παρελθόντι άνευ θορύβου και
ταραχής έξ έμπειρίας τα βέλτιστα τη πόλει συμβου-
λεύειν, δεύτερον δ' ήδη και των άλλων πολιτών τον
:
εκάστου γνώμην αποφαίνεσθαι· ούτω γαρ άν μου
δοκεί ή τε πόλις άριστα διοικείσθαι αί τε κρίσεις
3 ελάχισται γίγνεσθαι. επειδή δε πάντα τα πρότερον
ώμολογημένα καλώς έχειν νυν καταλέλυται, και
γράφoυσί τέ τινες ραδίως παρανόμους γνώμας, και
ταύτα έτεροί τινες τα ψηφίσματα επιψηφίζουσιν
ουκ εκ του δικαιοτάτου τρόπου λαχόντες προεδρεύειν
αλλ' εκ παρασκευής καθεζόμενοι, άν δέ τις των
άλλων βουλευτών όντως λάχη κληρούμενος προ-
εδρεύειν και τας υμετέρας χειροτονίας ορθώς αναγο-
ρεύη, τούτον oι την πολιτείαν κοινήν ουκέτι αλλ'
ιδίαν αυτών ηγούμενοι απειλούσιν εισαγγέλλειν,
καταδoυλoύμενοι τους ιδιώτας και δυναστείας εαυτούς
4 περιποιούμενοι, και τας κρίσεις τας μεν εκ των νόμων
καταλελύκασι τας δ' εκ των ψηφισμάτων μετ' οργής
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 5
κρίνουσι, σεσίγηται μεν το κάλλιστον και σωφρο-
νέστατον κήρυγμα των εν τη πόλει «τις αγορεύειν
βούλεται των υπέρ πεντήκοντα έτη γεγονότων και
πάλιν εν μέρει των άλλων Αθηναίων,” της δε των
ρητόρων ακοσμίας ουκέτι κρατείν δύνανται ούθ' οι
νόμοι ούθ' οι πρυτάνεις ούθ' οι πρόεδροι ούθ' η
προεδρεύουσα φυλή, το δέκατον μέρος της πόλεως.
τούτων δ' εχόντων ούτως, και των καιρών όντων τη 5
πόλει τοιούτων οποίους τινας αυτούς υμείς υπολαμ-
βάνετε είναι, εν υπολείπεται μέρος της πολιτείας,
εί τι κάγώ τυγχάνω γιγνώσκων, αι των παρανόμων
γραφαί. ει δε και ταύτας καταλύσετε ή τους κατα-
λύουσιν επιτρέψετε, προλέγω υμίν ότι λήσετε κατά
μικρόν της πολιτείας τισι παραχωρήσαντες. ευ γαρ 6
ίστε, ο Αθηναίοι, ότι τρείς είσι πολιτείαι παρά
πάσιν ανθρώποις, τυραννίς και ολιγαρχία και δημο-
κρατία, διοικούνται δ' αι μεν τυραννίδες και ολιγαρ-
χίαι τους τρόπους των εφεστηκότων, αι δε πόλεις αι
δημοκρατούμενοι τους νόμοις τοις κειμένοις. μηδείς
ούν υμών τούτ' αγνοείτω, αλλά σαφώς έκαστος
επιστάσθω, ότι όταν είσίη εις δικαστήριον γραφής
παρανόμων δικάσων, εν ταύτη τη ημέρα μέλλει την
ψήφον φέρειν περί της εαυτού παρρησίας. διόπερ
και ο νομοθέτης τούτο πρώτον έταξεν εν τω των
δικαστών όρκω, ψηφιούμαι κατά τους νόμους,”
έκεϊνό γε ευ ειδώς, ότι, όταν διατηρηθώσιν οι νόμοι
τη πόλει, σώζεται και η δημοκρατία. α χρη δια- 7
μνημονεύοντας υμάς μισείν τους τα παράνομα γρά-
φοντας, και μηδέν ηγείσθαι. μικρόν είναι των τοιού-
των αδικημάτων άλλ' έκαστον υπερμέγεθες, και
ÆSCHINES
τούθ' υμών το δίκαιον μηδένα ανθρώπων εξαιρεί-
σθαι, μήτε τας των στρατηγών συνηγορίας, οι επί
πολύν ήδη χρόνον συνεργούντές τισι των ρητόρων.
λυμαίνονται την πολιτείαν, μήτε τας των ξένων δεή-
σεις, ούς αναβιβαζόμενοί τινες έκφεύγουσιν εκ των
δικαστηρίων, παράνομον πολιτείαν πολιτευόμενοι
αλλ' ώσπερ αν υμών έκαστος αισχυνθείη την τάξιν
λιπείν ήν αν ταχθή εν τω πολέμω, ούτω και νυν
αισχύνθητε εκλιπείν την τάξιν ην τέταχθε υπό των
νόμων φύλακες της δημοκρατίας τήνδε την ημέραν.
πολίται παρακαταθέμενοι την πόλιν υμίν και την
πολιτείαν διαπιστεύσαντες οι μεν πάρεισι και έπα-
κούουσι τήσδε της κρίσεως, οι δε άπεισιν επί των
ιδίων έργων ούς αισχυνόμενοι, και των όρκων ούς
ωμόσατε μεμνημένοι και των νόμων, εάν εξελέγξω-
μεν Κτησιφώντα και παράνομα γεγραφότα και ψευ-
δη και ασύμφορα τη πόλει, λύετε ώ Αθηναίοι τας
παρανόμους γνώμας, βεβαιούτε τη πόλει την δημο-
κρατίαν, κολάζετε τους υπεναντίως τω νόμω και τη
πόλει και το συμφέροντα τω υμετέρω πολιτευομέ-
νους, κάν ταύτην έχοντες την διάνοιαν ακούσητε των 55
μελλόντων ρηθήσεσθαι λόγων, εύ οίδ' ότι δίκαια
και εύορκα και συμφέροντα υμίν αυτοίς ψηφιείσθε
και πάση τη πόλει.
9 Περί μεν ούν της όλης κατηγορίας μετρίως μου
ελπίζω προειρησθαι περί δε αυτών των νόμων οι
κείνται περί των υπευθύνων, παρ' ους το ψήφισμα
τούτο τυγχάνει γεγραφώς Κτησιφών, διά βραχέων
είπείν βούλομαι. έν γάρ τοις έμπροσθεν χρόνοις
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 7
άρχοντές τινες τας μεγίστας αρχάς και τις προσό-
δους διοικούντες, και δωροδοκούντες περί έκαστα
τούτων, προσλαμβάνοντες τούς τε εκ του βουλευτη-
ρίου ρήτορας και τους έκ του δήμου πόρρωθεν προ-
κατελάμβανον τας ευθύνας επαίνους και κηρύγμασιν,
ώστ' εν ταις ευθύναις των αρχόντων εις την μεγίσ-
την μεν απορίαν αφικνείσθαι τους κατηγόρους, πολύ .
δε έτι μάλλον τους δικαστές, πολλοί γαρ πάνυ των 10
υπευθύνων επ' αυτοφώρω κλέπται των δημοσίων
χρημάτων όντες εξελεγχόμενοι διεφύγγανον εκ των
δικαστηρίων. εικότως ήσχύνοντο γαρ οίμαι οι
δικασταί, ει φανήσεται και αυτός ανήρ εν τη αυτη
πόλει, τυχόν δε και εν τω αυτώ ενιαυτό, πρώην μέν
ποτε αναγορευόμενος εν τοις αγώσιν ότι στεφανού-
ται αρετής ένεκα και δικαιοσύνης υπό του δήμου
χρυσό στεφάνω, ο δε αυτός ανήρ μικρών επισχων
έξεισιν εκ του δικαστηρίου κλοπής ένεκα τας ευθύνας
ώφληκώς ώστε ηναγκάζοντο την ψήφον φέρειν οι
δικασταί ου περί του παρόντος αδικήματος αλλ'
υπέρ της αισχύνης του δήμου. κατιδών δέ τις ταύτα 11
νομοθέτης τίθησι νόμον και μάλα καλώς έχοντα,
τον διαρρήδην απαγορεύοντα τους υπευθύνους μη
στεφανούν. και ταύτα ούτως ευ προκατειληφότος
του νομοθέτου εύρηνται κρείττους λόγοι των νόμων,
ούς ει μή τις υμίν έρεί, λήσετε εξαπατηθέντες. τού-
των γάρ τινες των τους υπευθύνους στεφανούντων
παρά τους νόμους οι μέν φύσει μέτριοί είσιν, ει δή
τίς έστι μέτριος των τα παράνομα γραφόντων αλλ'
ούν προβάλλονται γέ τι προ της αισχύνης. προσ-
εγγράφoυσι γαρ προς τα ψηφίσματα στεφανούν τον
ÆSCHINES
υπεύθυνος επειδαν λόγον και ευθύνας της αρχής δώ.
12 και η μεν πόλις το ίσον αδίκημα αδικείται (προκατα-
λαμβάνονται γαρ επαίνους και στεφάνοις αι ευθύναι),
ο δε το ψήφισμα γράφων ενδείκνυται τους ακούουσιν
ότι γέγραφε μεν παράνομα, αισχύνεται δε εφ' οίς
ημάρτηκε. Κτησιφών δέ, ώ'Αθηναίοι, υπερπηδήσας
τον νόμον τον περί των υπευθύνων κείμενον, και την
πρόφασιν ήν έγω αρτίως προείπον υμίν ανελών, πριν
λίγον, πριν ευθύνας δούναι, γέγραφε μεταξύ Δημο-
σθένην άρχοντα στεφανούν.
13 Λέξoυσι δε ω 'Αθηναίοι και έτερον λόγον υπε-
ναντίον το αρτίως ειρημένω, ως άρα όσα τις αι-
ρετός ών πράττει κατά ψήφισμα, ουκ έστι ταύτα
αρχή αλλ' επιμέλειά της και διακονία αρχάς δε φή-
σουσιν εκείνας είναι ας οι θεσμοθέται αποκληρoύσιν
εν τω Θησείω, κάκείνας ας ο δήμος είωθε χειροτονείν
έν αρχαιρεσίαις, στρατηγούς και ιππάρχους και τας
μετά τούτων αρχάς, τας δ' άλλας ταύτας πραγ-
14 ματείας προστεταγμένας κατά ψήφισμα. εγω δε
προς τους λόγους τους τούτων νόμον υμέτερον παρ-
έξομαι, όν υμείς ένομοθετήσατε λύσειν ηγούμενου
τας τοιαύτας προφάσεις, ενώ διαρρήδην γέγραπται,
τας χειροτονητάς” φησιν “αρχάς” απάσας ενί περι-
λαβών ονόματι ο νομοθέτης, και προσειητων αρχάς
απάσας είναι άς ο δήμος χειροτονεί, “ και τους επι-
στάτας” φησί των δημοσίων έργων” (έστι δε ο
Δημοσθένης τειχοποιός, επιστάτης του μεγίστου
των έργων) και πάντας όσοι διαχειρίζουσί τι των
της πόλεως πλέον ή τριάκονθ' ημέρας, και όσοι λαμ-
βάνουσιν ηγεμονίας δικαστηρίων” (οι δε των έργων
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEMΙ.
. 9
56 επιστάται πάντες ηγεμονία χρώνται δικαστηρίου),
τί τούτους κελεύει ποιείν ; ου διακονεϊν άλλ' άρχειν 15
δοκιμασθέντας έν το δικαστηρίω, επειδή και αι κλη-
ρωται αρχαί ουκ αδοκίμαστοι αλλά δοκιμασθείσαι
άρχoυσι, και λόγος και ευθύνας έγγράφειν προς τον
γραμματέα και τους λογιστάς, καθάπερ και τας
άλλας αρχάς, κελεύει. "Οτι δε αληθή λέγω, τους
νόμους αυτούς υμίν αναγνώσεται.
ΝΟΜΟΙ.
"Όταν τοίνυν, ώ Αθηναίοι, ο μεν νομοθέτης 16
αρχάς ονομάζη, ούτοι δε προσαγορεύωσι πραγμα-
τείας και επιμελείας, υμέτερον έργον εστίν απομνη-
μονεύειν και αντιτάττειν τον νόμον προς την τούτων
αναίδειαν, και υποβάλλειν αυτοίς, ότι ου προσδέ-
χεσθε κακούργον και σοφιστήν οίόμενον ρήμασι τους
νόμους αναιρήσειν, αλλ' όσο άν τις άμεινον λέγη
παράνομα γεγραφώς, τοσούτω μείζονος οργής τεύξε-
ται. χρή γαρ, ώ Αθηναίοι, το αυτό φθέγγεσθαι τον
ρήτορα και τον νόμον· όταν δε ετέραν μέν φωνήν
αφιή ο νόμος ετέραν δε ο ρήτωρ, τω του νόμου δικαίω
χρή διδόναι την ψήφον, ου τη του λέγοντος αναι-
σχυντία.
Προς δε δή τον άφυκτον λόγον, όν φησι Δημο- 17
σθένης, βραχέα βούλομαι προειπείν. λέξει γάρ ου-
τος «τειχοποιός είμι ομολογώ άλλ' επιδέδωκα τη
πόλει μνάς εκατόν και το έργον μείζον εξείργασται.
τίνος ούν είμι υπεύθυνος; ει μή τίς έστιν ευνοίας
εύθυνα.” προς δη ταύτην την πρόφασιν ακούσατε
μου λέγοντος και δίκαια και συμφέροντα, έν γαρ
ΟΧυντα•
10
ÆSCHINES
ταύτη τη πόλει ούτως αρχαία ούση και τηλικαύτη
το μέγεθος ουδείς έστιν ανυπεύθυνος των και οπωσ-
18 ούν προς τα κοινά προσεληλυθότων. διδάξω δ' υμάς
πρώτον επί των παραδόξων· οίον τους ιερείς και τας
ιερείας υπευθύνους είναι κελεύει ο νόμος, και συλ-
λήβδην άπαντας και χωρίς εκάστους κατά σώμα,
τους τα γέρα μόνα λαμβάνοντας και τας ευχάς υπέρ
υμών προς τους θεούς εύχομένους, και ου μόνον ιδία
αλλά και κοινή τα γένη, Ευμολπίδας και Κήρυκας
19 και τους άλλους άπαντας. πάλιν τους τριηράρχους
υπευθύνους είναι κελεύει ο νόμος ου τα κοινά δια-
χειρίσαντας ουδ' άπό τών υμετέρων προσόδων πολλά
μέν ύφαιρουμένους βραχέα δε κατατιθέντας, επι-
διδόναι δε φάσκοντας, αποδιδόντας δε υμίν τα υμέ-
τερα, άλλ' ομολογουμένως τας πατρώας ουσίας είς
την προς υμάς ανηλωκότας φιλοτιμίαν. ου τοίνυν
μόνοι οι τριήραρχοι, αλλά και τα μέγιστα των εν τη
πόλει συνεδρίων υπό την των δικαστηρίων έρχεται
20 ψήφον. πρώτον μεν γαρ την βουλήν την εν 'Αρείω
πάγω έγγράφειν προς τους λογιστής ο νόμος κελεύει
λόγον και ευθύνας διδόναι, και τον εκεί σκυθρωπόν
και των μεγίστων κύριον άγει υπό την υμετέραν
ψήφον. ουκ άρα στεφανωθήσεται η βουλή ή εξ
'Αρείου Πάγου, ουδε γαρ πάτριον αυτοίς εστιν. ουκ
άρα φιλοτιμούνται και πάνυ γε, άλλ' ουκ αγαπώσιν
εάν τις παρ' αυτούς μή αδική, αλλ' εάν τις εξαμαρ-
τάνη κολάζουσιν οι δε υμέτεροι ρήτορες τρυφώσι.
πάλιν την βουλήν τους πεντακοσίους υπεύθυνον
21 πεποίηκεν ο νομοθέτης. και ούτως ισχυρώς απιστεί
τους υπευθύνους, ώστ' ευθυς άρχόμενος των νόμων
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 11
λέγει, “αρχήν υπεύθυνον” φησί “μη αποδημεϊν.” ω
Ηράκλεις, υπολάβοι άν τις, ότι ήρξα, μη αποδη-
μήσω; ίνα γε μη προλαβών χρήματα της πόλεως ή
πράξεις δρασμώ χρήση. πάλιν υπεύθυνον ουκ έα
την ουσίαν καθιερούν ουδε ανάθημα αναθείναι ουδ'
εκποίητον γενέσθαι ουδε διαθέσθαι τα εαυτού ουδ'
άλλα πολλά ενί δε λόγω ενεχυράζει τας ουσίας και
νομοθέτης τας των υπευθύνων, έως αν λόγον απο-
δώσει τη πόλει. ναί, αλλ' έστι τις άνθρωπος δς ούτ' 22
είληφεν ουδέν των δημοσίων ούτ' ανήλωκε, προσ-
ήλθε δε πρός τι των κοινών. και τούτον αποφέρειν
57 κελεύει λόγον προς τους λογιστάς. και πως ο γε
μηδέν λαβών μηδ' αναλώσας άπoίσει λόγον τη
πόλει; αυτός υποβάλλει και διδάσκει ο νόμος α χρη
γράφειν' κελεύει γαρ αυτό τούτο έγγράφειν, ότι
ανεύθυνον δε και ανεξέταστον και αζήτητον ουδέν
έστι των εν τη πόλει. "Ότι δε αληθή λέγω, αυτών
ακούσατε των νόμων.
ΝΟΜΟΙ.
"Όταν τοίνυν μάλιστα θρασύνηται Δημοσθένης 23
λέγων ως δια την επίδοσιν ουκ έστιν υπεύθυνος,
εκείνο αυτό υποβάλλετε: " ουκ ούν έχρήν σε ώ Δη-
μόσθενες εάσαι τον των λογιστών κήρυκα κηρύξαι
το πάτριον και έννομον κήρυγμα τούτο, τίς βούλεται
κατηγορείν: έασoν αμφισβητήσαί σοι τον βουλόμε-
νον των πολιτών ως ουκ επέδωκας, άλλ' από πολλών
ών έχεις εις την των τειχών οικοδομίαν μικρά κατέ-
θηκας, δέκα τάλαντα εις ταύτα εκ της πόλεως είλη- .
19
ÆSCHINES
φώς. μη άρπαζε την φιλοτιμίαν, μηδε εξαιρού των
δικαστών τας ψήφους εκ των χειρών, μηδ' έμπροσ-
θεν των νόμων άλλ' ύστερος πολιτεύου. ταύτα γάρ
ορθού την δημοκρατίαν.”
24 Προς μεν ούν τας κενάς προφάσεις, ας ουτοι
προφασιούνται, μέχρι δεύρο ειρήσθω μοι» ότι δε
όντως ήν υπεύθυνος ο Δημοσθένης όθ' ούτος εισή-
νεγκε το ψήφισμα, άρχων μεν την επί τω θεωρικό
αρχήν, άρχων δε την των τειχοποιών, ουδετέρας δέ
πω των αρχών τούτων λόγον υμίν ουδ' ευθύνας δε-
δωκώς, ταύτ' ήδη πειράσομαι υμάς διδάσκειν εκ των
δημοσίων γραμμάτων. Καί μοι ανάγνωθι επί τίνος
άρχοντος και ποίου μηνός και εν τίνι ημέρα και εν
ποία εκκλησία έχειροτονήθη Δημοσθένης την αρχήν
την επί τω θεωρική.
ΔΙΑΛΟΓΙΣΜΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΗΜΕΡΩΝ.
Ουκούν ει μηδέν έτι περαιτέρω τούτου δείξαιμι,
δικαίως αν αλίσκοιτο Κτησιφών αιρεϊ γαρ αυτόν
ουχ η κατηγορία ή έμή αλλά τα δημόσια γράμματα.
25 Πρότερον μεν τοίνυν, ω 'Αθηναίοι, αντιγραφεύς
ήν χειροτονητός τη πόλει, δς καθ' εκάστην πρυτα-
νείαν απελογίζετο τας προσόδους τω δήμω" διά δε
την προς Εύβουλος γενομένην πίστιν υμίν οι επί
το θεωρικόν κεχειροτονημένοι ήρχον μέν πριν ή
τον Ηγήμονος νόμον γενέσθαι την του αντιγραφέως
αρχήν, ήρχον δε την των αποδεκτών, και νεώριον
και σκευοθήκην ώκοδόμουν, ήσαν δε και οδοποιοι
και σχεδόν την όλην διοίκησιν είχον της πόλεως,
26 και ου κατηγορών αυτών ουδ' επιτιμών λέγω, αλλ'
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 13
εκείνο υμίν ενδείξασθαι βούλομαι, ότι ο μεν νομο-
θέτης, εάν τις μιάς αρχής της ελαχίστης υπεύθυνος
ή, τούτον ουκ έα πριν αν λόγους και ευθύνας δώ
στεφανούν, ο δε Κτησιφών Δημοσθένην τον συλ-
λήβδην απάσας τας Αθήνησιν άρχάς άρχοντα ουκ
Ως τοίνυν και την των τειχοποιών άρχήν ήρχεν 27
όθ' ούτος το ψήφισμα έγραψε, και τα δημόσια
χρήματα διεγείριζε και επιβολάς επέβαλλε καθάπερ
οι άλλοι άρχοντες, και δικαστηρίων ηγεμονίας έλάμ-
βανε, τούτων υμίν αυτον Δημοσθένης και Κτησι-
φώντα μάρτυρας παρέξομαι. επί γαρ Χαιρώνδου
άρχοντος θαργηλιώνος μηνός δευτέρα φθίνοντος έκ-
κλησίας ούσης έγραψε ψήφισμα Δημοσθένης άγο-
ραν ποιήσαι των φυλών σκιροφοριώνος δευτέρα
ισταμένου και τρίτη, και επέταξεν εν τω ψηφίσματα
εκάστη των φυλών ελέσθαι τους επιμελησομένους
των έργων επί τα τείχη και ταμίας, και μάλα ορθώς,
ίν' η πόλις έχοι υπεύθυνα σώματα, παρ' ών έμελλε
των ανηλωμένων λόγον απολήψεσθαι. Και μοι
λέγε τα ψηφίσματα.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ.
Ναι, αλλ' αντιδιαπλέκει προς τούτο ευθύς 28
λέγων ως ούτ' έλαχε τειχοποιός ούτ' έχειροτονήθη
υπό του δήμου. και περί τούτου Δημοσθένης μεν
και Κτησιφών πολύν ποιήσονται λόγον· ο δε γε
νόμος βραχύς και σαφής και ταχύ λύων τας τούτων
58 τέχνας. μικρά δε υμίν υπέρ αυτών πρώτον προ-
ειπείν βούλομαι. έστι γαρ ώ Αθηναίοι των περί 29
τας αρχάς είδη τρία, ών έν μέν και φανερώτατον οι
14
ÆSCHINES
κληρωτοί και οι χειροτονητοι άρχοντες, δεύτερον δε
όσοι τι διαχειρίζουσι των της πόλεως υπέρ τριά-
κοντα ημέρας και οι των δημοσίων έργων επιστάται
τρίτον δ' εν τω νόμω γέγραπται, και εί τινες άλλοι
αίρετοι ηγεμονίας δικαστηρίων λαμβάνουσι, και τού-
30 τους άρχειν δοκιμασθέντας. επειδάν δ' αφέλη τις
τους υπό του δήμου κεχειροτονημένους και τους
κληρωτούς άρχοντας, καταλείπεται, ούς αι φυλαι
και αι τριττύες και οι δήμοι έξ εαυτων αιρούνται
τα δημόσια χρήματα διαχειρίζειν, τούτους αιρετούς
άρχοντας είναι. τούτο δε γίγνεται όταν, ώσπερ νύν,
επιταχθή τι ταις φυλαίς, ή τάφρους εξεργάζεσθαι
ή τριήρεις ναυπηγείσθαι. "Οτι δε αληθή λέγω, εξ
αυτών των νόμων μαθήσεσθε.
NOMOI.
31 'Αναμνήσθητε δη τους προειρημένους λόγους, ότι
ο μέν νομοθέτης τους εκ των φυλών άρχειν κελεύει
δοκιμασθέντας εν τω δικαστηρίω, η δε Πανδιονίς
φυλή άρχοντα και τειχοποιον απέδειξε Δημοσθένην,
δς εκ της διοικήσεως εις ταύτα έχει μικρού δείν δέκα
τάλαντα, έτερος δ' απαγορεύει νόμος άρχήν υπεύ-
θυνον μη στεφανούν, υμείς δε ομωμόκατε κατά τους
νόμους ψηφιείσθαι, ο δε ρήτωρ γέγραφε τον υπεύ-
θυνον στεφανούν ού προσθείς « επειδάν δω λόγον
και ευθύνας”, εγώ δε εξελέγχω το παράνομον μάρ-
τυρας άμα τους νόμους και τα ψηφίσματα και τους
αντιδίκους παρεχόμενος. πώς oύν άν τις περιφα-
νέστερον επιδείξειεν άνθρωπον παρανομώτατα γε-
γραφότα;
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 15
“Ως τοίνυν και την ανάρρησιν του στεφάνου 32
παρανόμως εν τοψηφίσματι κελεύει γίγνεσθαι, και
τούθ' υμάς διδάξω. ο γαρ νόμος διαρρήδην κελεύει,
εάν μέν τινα στεφανου η βουλή, εν τω βουλευτηρίω
ανακηρύττεσθαι, εάν δε ο δήμος, εν τη εκκλησία,
άλλοθι δε μηδαμού. Και μου λέγε τον νόμον.
ΝΟΜΟΣ.
Ούτος ο νόμος, ώ Αθηναίοι, και μάλα καλώς 33
έχει. ου γάρ (oίμαι) ώετο δείν ο νομοθέτης τον ρήτορα
σεμνύνεσθαι προς τους έξωθεν, άλλ' αγαπάν εν αυτη
τη πόλει τιμώμενον υπό του δήμου και μη εργο-
λαβείν εν τοις κηρύγμασιν. ο μεν ούν νομοθέτης
ούτως· ο δε Κτησιφών πώς; Αναγίγνωσκε το ψή-
φισμα.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ.
'Ακούετε, ώ 'Αθηναίοι, ότι ο μεν νομοθέτης κελεύει 34.
εν τω δήμω εν Πυκνί τη εκκλησία ανακηρύττειν τον
υπό του δήμου στεφανούμενον, άλλοθι δε μηδαμού,
Κτησιφών δε εν τω θεάτρω, ου τους νόμους μόνον
υπερβας αλλά και τον τόπον μετενεγκών, ουδε εκ-
κλησιαζόντων Αθηναίων αλλά τραγωδών αγωνιζο-
μένων καινών, ουδ' εναντίον του δήμου αλλ' εναντίον
των Ελλήνων, ίν' ημίν συνειδώσιν οίον άνδρα τιμώ-
μεν. ούτω τοίνυν περιφανώς παράνομα γεγραφώς, 35
παραταχθείς μετα Δημοσθένους επoίσει τέχνας τους
νόμοις· ας εγώ δηλώσω και προερώ υμίν, ίνα μη
λάθητε εξαπατηθέντες. ούτοι γάρ, ως μέν ουκ άπα-
γορεύουσιν οι νόμοι τον υπό του δήμου στεφανούμε-
16.
ÆSCHINES
νον μη κηρύττειν έξω της εκκλησίας, ουχ έξουσι
λέγειν, οίσουσι δε εις την απολογίαν τον Διονυσια-
κον νόμον, και χρήσoνται του νόμου μέρει τινί κλέ-
36 πτοντες την ακρόασιν υμών, και παρέξονται νόμον
ουδέν προσήκοντα τήδε τη γραφή, και λέξουσιν ως
εισί τη πόλει δύο νόμοι κείμενοι περί των κηρυγ-
μάτων, είς μέν δν νυν εγώ παρέχομαι διαρρήδην
απαγορεύων τον υπό του δήμου στεφανούμενον μη
κηρύττεσθαι έξω της εκκλησίας. έτερον δ' είναι
νόμον φήσουσιν εναντίον τούτω, τον δεδωκότα
εξουσίαν ποιείσθαι την ανάρρησιν του στεφάνου
τραγωδοίς εν τω θεάτρο, εάν ψηφίσηται ο δήμος
κατά δή τούτον τον νόμον φήσουσι γεγραφέναι τον
37 Κτησιφώντα. εγώ δε προς τας τούτων τέχνας
παρέξομαι συνηγόρους τους νόμους τους υμετέ-
ρους, όπερ διατελώ σπουδάζων παρά πάσαν την 59
κατηγορίαν, ει γαρ τούτό έστιν αληθές και τοιούτον
έθος παραδέδωκεν υμών εις την πολιτείαν ώστ'
ακύρους νόμους εν τοις κυρίους αναγεγράφθαι και
δύο περί μιάς πράξεως υπεναντίους αλληλοις, τι
αν έτι ταύτην είπoι τις είναι την πολιτείαν, έν ή
ταυτά προστάττουσιν οι νόμοι ποιείν και μη ποιεϊν;
38 αλλ' ουκ έχει ταύθ' ούτως: μήθ' υμείς ποτε εις
τοσαύτην αταξίαν των νόμων προβαίητε, ούτε
ημέληται περί των τοιούτων το νομοθέτη τω την
δημοκρατίας καταστήσαντι, αλλά διαρρήδην προσ-
τέτακται τους θεσμοθέταις καθ' έκαστον ενιαυτόν
διορθoύν εν τω δήμω τους νόμους, ακριβώς εξετά-
σαντας και σκεψαμένους εί τις αναγέγραπται νόμος
εναντίος ετέρω νόμω ή άκυρος εν τοις κυρίοις, ή εί
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 17
πού είσι νόμοι πλείους ενός αναγεγραμμένοι περί
γεγραφότας έν σανίσιν εκτιθέναι κελεύει πρόσθεν
των επωνύμων, τους δε πρυτάνεις ποιείν εκκλησίαν
επιγράψαντας “νομοθέταις,” τον δ' επιστάτης των
προέδρων διαχειροτονίαν διδόναι τώ δήμω, και τους
μεν αναιρεϊν των νόμων τους δε καταλείπειν, όπως
αν είς ή νόμος και μη πλείους περί εκάστης πράξεως.
Και μου λέγε τους νόμους.
NOMOI.
Εί τοίνυν, ώ Αθηναίοι, αληθής ήν και παρά τού- 40
των λόγος και ήσαν δύο κείμενοι νόμοι περί των
κηρυγμάτων, εξ ανάγκης oίμαι των μεν θεσμο-
θετών εξευρόντων των δε πρυτάνεων αποδόντων τους
νομοθέταις ανήρητ’ αν ο έτερος των νόμων, ήτοι ο
την εξουσίαν δεδωκώς ανειπείν ή και απαγορεύων:
οπότε δε μηδέν τούτων γεγένηται, φανερώς δή που
εξελέγχονται ου μόνον ψευδή λέγοντες αλλά και
παντελώς αδύνατα γενέσθαι. όθεν δε δή το ψεύ- 41
δος τούτο επιφέρουσιν, εγώ διδάξω υμάς προειπων
ών ένεκα οι νόμοι ετέθησαν οι περί των εν τω θεάτρο
κηρυγμάτων. γιγνομένων γάρ τών έν άστει τραγω-
δών ανεκήρυττόν τινες, ου πείσαντες τον δήμον, οι μεν
ότι στεφανούνται υπό των φυλετών, έτεροι δ' υπό
των δημοτών· άλλοι δέ τινες υποκηρυξάμενοι τους
αυτών οίκέτας άφίεσαν ελευθέρους, μάρτυρας [της
απελευθερίας τους Έλληνας ποιούμενοι, ο δ' ήν 42
επιφθονώτατον, προξενίας τινές ευρημένοι εν ταις
έξω πόλεσι διεπράττοντο αναγορεύεσθαι ότι στεφα-
18
ÆSCHINES
νού αυτούς ο δήμος, ει ούτω τύχοι, ο των Ροδίων ή
Χίων ή και άλλης τινός πόλεως αρετής ένεκα και
ανδραγαθίας. και ταύτ' έπραττον ουχ ώσπερ οι
υπό της βουλής της υμετέρας στεφανούμενοι ή υπό
του δήμου, πείσαντες υμάς και μετα ψηφίσματος,
πολλήν χάριν καταθέμενοι, αλλ' αυτοι προελόμενοι
συνέβαινε τους μεν θεατάς και τους χορηγούς και
τους αγωνιστάς ενοχλείσθαι, τους δε ανακηρυττο-
μένους έν τω θεάτρω μείζοσι τιμάσθαι των υπό του
δήμου στεφανουμένων. τοίς μέν γαρ απεδέδεικτο
τόπος η εκκλησία, εν ή χρήν στεφανούσθαι, και
απείρητο άλλοθι μηδαμου κηρύττεσθαι' οι δε ανηγο-
ρεύοντο ενώπιον απάντων των Ελλήνων κακείνοι
μεν μετα ψηφίσματος, πείσαντες υμάς, ούτοι δ'
44 άνευ ψηφίσματος. συνιδών δή τις ταυτα νομοθέτης
τίθησι νόμον ουδέν επικοινωνούντα τα περί των υπό
του δήμου στεφανουμένων νόμω, ούτε λύσας εκείνον
(ουδε γαρ η εκκλησία ενοχλείτο αλλά το θέατρον)
ούτ' εναντίον τους πρότερον κειμένοις νόμοις τιθείς
(ου γαρ έξεστιν), αλλά περί των άνευ ψηφίσματος
υμετέρου στεφανουμένων υπό των φυλετών και δη-
μοτών και περί των τους οικέτας απελευθερούντων
και περί των ξενικών στεφάνων, και διαρρήδην άπα-
γορεύει μήτ' οίκέτην απελευθερούν εν τω θεάτρο
μήθ' υπό των φυλετών ή δημοτών αναγορεύεσθαι
στεφανούμενον, μήθ' υπ' άλλου (φησί) μηδενός, ή
45 άτιμον είναι τον κήρυκα. όταν ουν αποδείξη τους 60
μέν υπό της βουλής στεφανουμένοις εις το βουλευ-
τήριον αναρρηθήναι, τοις δ' υπό του δήμου στεφα-
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 19
νουμένοις εις την εκκλησίαν, τοϊς δ' υπό των δημο-
των στεφανουμένους και φυλετών απείπη μη κηρύτ-
τεσθαι τους τραγωδούς, ίνα μηδείς ερανίζων στε-
φάνους και κηρύγματα ψευδή φιλοτιμίαν κτάται,
προσαπείπη δε εν τω νόμω μηδ' υπό άλλου μηδενός
ανακηρύττεσθαι, απούσης βουλής και δήμου και φυ-
λετών και δημοτών, όταν δε τις ταύτα αφέλη, τι
το καταλειπόμενόν έστι πλήν οι ξενικοί στέφανοι;
"Ότι δ' αληθή λέγω, μέγα σημείον υμίν τούτου εξ 46
αυτών των νόμων επιδείξω. αυτόν γάρ τον χρυσούν
στέφανον, ος αν εν τω θεάτρω τώ εν άστει αναρ-
ρηθή, ιερόν είναι της Αθηνάς κελεύει ο νόμος,
αφελόμενος τον στεφανούμενον. καίτοι τίς αν υμών
τολμήσειε τοσαύτην ανελευθερίαν καταγνώναι του
δήμου των Αθηναίων; μη γαρ ότι πόλις, άλλ' ουδ'
αν ιδιώτης ουδε εις ούτως αγεννης γένοιτο, ώστε ον
αυτός έδωκε στέφανον άμα ανακηρύττειν και αφαι-
ρεΐσθαι και καθιερούν. αλλ', oίμαι, διά το ξενικόν
είναι τον στέφανον και η καθιέρωσις γίγνεται, ίνα
μηδείς άλλοτρίαν εύνοιαν περί πλείονος ποιούμενος
της πατρίδος χείρων γένηται την ψυχήν. αλλ' ουκ 47
εκείνον τον εν τη εκκλησία στέφανον αναρρηθέντα
ουδείς καθιερού, αλλ' έξεστι κεκτησθαι, ίνα μή μόνον
αυτός αλλά και οι εξ εκείνου, έχοντες εν τη οικία το
υπόμνημα, μηδέποτε κακοί την ψυχήν εις τον δήμον
γίγνωνται. και διά τούτο προσέθηκεν ο νομοθέτης
μη κηρύττεσθαι τον αλλότριον στέφανον εν τω
θεάτρω, εαν μη ψηφίσηται ο δήμος, ίν' η πόλις ή
βουλομένη τινα των υμετέρων στεφανούν πρέσβεις
πέμψασα δεηθη του δήμου, ίνα κηρυττόμενος μείζω
,
*
"Υ "
2-2
20
ÆSCHINES
χάριν είδη των στεφανούντων υμίν, ότι κηρύξαι
επετρέψατε. "Οτι δ' αληθή λέγω, των νόμων αυτών
ακούσατε.
NOMOI.
48 Επειδάν τοίνυν εξαπατώντες υμάς λέγωσιν ως
προσγέγραπται εν τω νόμω εξείναι στεφανούν, εάν
ψηφίσηται ο δήμος, απομνημονεύετε αυτούς υπο-
βάλλειν· ναι, εί γέ σε τις άλλη πόλις στεφανοί εί
δε ο δημος ο Αθηναίων, αποδέδεικταί σοι τόπος
όπου δεί τούτο γενέσθαι, απείρηταί σοι έξω της
εκκλησίας μη κηρύττεσθαι. το γαρ “ άλλοθι δε
μηδαμου” και τι έστιν όλην την ημέραν λέγε" ου γαρ
αποδείξεις ως έννομα γέγραφεν.
49 "Έστι δε υπόλοιπόν μοι μέρος της κατηγορίας,
εφ' ώ μάλιστα σπουδάζω· τούτο δε έστιν η πρό-
φασις δι' ήν αυτόν άξιοι στεφανούσθαι. λέγει γαρ
ούτως εν τώ ψηφίσματα, και τον κήρυκα αναγο-
ρεύειν εν τω θεάτρω προς τους Έλληνας ότι στεφα-
νοι αυτόν ο δήμος και των Αθηναίων αρετής ένεκα
και ανδραγαθίας” και το μέγιστον « ότι διατελεί λέ-
50 γων και πράττων τα άριστα το δήμω.” απλούς δή
παντάπασιν και μετά ταύτα ημίν λόγος γίγνεται, και
υμίν ακούσασι κρίναι ευμαθής: δεϊ γαρ δή που τον
μεν κατηγορούντα εμέ τούθ' υμίν επιδεικνύναι, ώς
εισιν οι κατα Δημοσθένους έπαινοι ψευδείς και ως
ούτ' ήρξατο λέγειν τα βέλτιστα ούτε νύν διατελεί
πράττων τα συμφέροντα τω δήμω. κάν τούτ' έπι-
δείξω, δικαίως δή που την γραφήν αλώσεται Κτησι-
φών· άπαντες γαρ απαγορεύουσιν οι νόμοι μηδένα
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 21
ψευδή γράμματα έγγράφειν εν τούς δημοσίοις ψη-
φίσμασι. τω δ' απολογουμένω τουναντίον τούτου
δεικτέον εστίν. υμείς δ' ημίν έσεσθε των λόγων
κριται. έχει δ' ούτως.
Εγώ τον μέν βίον τον Δημοσθένους εξετάζειν 51
μακροτέρου λόγου έργον ηγούμαι είναι. τί γάρ δεί
νύν ταύτα λέγειν, ή τα περί την του τραύματος γρα-
φήν αυτό συμβεβηκότα, ότ' εγράψατο είς "Αρειον
πάγον Δημομέλην τον Παιανιέα ανεψιόν όντα εαυτώ,
και την της κεφαλής επιτομήν· ή τα περί την Κη-
φισοδότου στρατηγίαν και τον των νεών έκπλουν
€1 τόν εις “Ελλήσποντον, ότε είς ών των τριηράρχων 52
Δημοσθένης και περιάγων τον στρατηγόν επί της
νεως και συσσιτων και συνθύων και συσπένδων, και
τούτων αξιωθείς διά το πατρικός αυτο φίλος είναι,
ουκ ώκνησεν απ’ εισαγγελίας αυτού κρινομένου περί
θανάτου κατήγορος γενέσθαι και ταύτα ήδη τα περί
Μειδίαν και τους κονδύλους ούς έλαβεν εν τη ορχή-
στρα χορηγός ών, και ως απέδοτο τριάκοντα μνών
άμα τήν τε εις αυτόν ύβριν και την του δήμου κατα-
χειροτονίαν, ήν εν Διονύσου κατεχειροτόνησε Μει-
δίου. ταύτα μεν ούν μοι δοκώ και τάλλα τα τούτοις 53
όμοια υπερβήσεσθαι, ου προδιδους υμάς ουδε τον
αγώνα καταχαριζόμενος, αλλ' εκείνο φοβούμενος μή
μοι παρ' υμών απαντήση το δοκείν μεν αληθή
λέγειν, αρχαία δε και λίαν ομολογούμενα. καίτοι ώ
Κτησιφών, ότι τα μέγιστα των αισχρών ούτως!
έστι πιστα και γνώριμα τους ακούουσιν, ώστε τον
κατήγορον μη δοκείν ψευδή λέγειν άλλα παλαιά και
λίαν προωμολογημένα, πότερ' αυτόν δεί χρυσώστε-
22
ASCHINES
φάνω στεφανωθήναι ή ψέγεσθαι και και σε τόν ψευδή
και παράνομα τολμώντα γράφειν πότερα χρή κατα-
Ο φρονείν των δικαστηρίων ή δίκην τη πόλει διδόναι ;
54 Περί δε των δημοσίων αδικημάτων πειράσομαι σα-
φέστερον ειπείν. και γαρ πυνθάνομαι μέλλειν Δη-
μοσθένην, επειδαν αυτοίς ο λόγος αποδοθη, κατα-
ριθμείσθαι προς υμάς ως άρα τη πόλει τέτταρες ήδη
γεγένηνται καιροί εν οίς αυτός πεπολίτευται. Εν
ένα μεν και πρώτον, ως έγωγε ακούω, καταλογίζεται
εκείνον τον χρόνον εν ώ προς Φίλιππον υπέρ 'Αμ-
φιπόλεως επολεμούμεν τούτον δ' αφορίζεται τη
γενομένη ειρήνη και συμμαχία, ήν Φιλοκράτης και
“Αγνούσιος έγραψε και αυτός ούτος μετ' εκείνου, ως
55 εγώ δείξω. δεύτερον δέ φησι γενέσθαι δν ήγομεν
χρόνον την ειρήνην, δηλονότι μέχρι της ημέρας
εκείνης έν ή καταλύσας την υπάρχουσαν ειρήνην τη
πόλει και αυτός ούτος ρήτωρ έγραψε τον πόλεμον
τρίτον δε δν επολεμούμεν χρόνον μέχρι της άτυχίας
της έν Χαιρωνεία, τέταρτον δε τον νυν παρόντα
καιρόν. ταύτα δε καταριθμησάμενος, ως ακούω,
μέλλει με παρακαλείν και επερωτών οποίου τούτων
των τεττάρων αυτού καιρών κατηγορώ και πότε αυ-
τον ου τα βέλτιστά φημι τω δήμω πεπολιτεύσθαι
κάν μη θέλω αποκρίνασθαι άλλ' εγκαλύπτωμαι και
: αποδιδράσκω, εκκαλύψειν μέ φησι προσελθών και
άξειν επί το βήμα και αναγκάσεις αποκρίνασθαι.
56 ίν' ούν μήθ' ούτος ισχυρίζηται υμείς τε προειδήτε,
σθενες και των άλλων πολιτών όσοι δη έξωθεν περι-
εστασι και των Ελλήνων όσοις επιμελές γέγονεν
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 23
επακούειν τήσδε της κρίσεως (ορώ δε ουκ ολίγους
παρόντας, αλλ' όσους ουδείς πώποτε μέμνηται προς
αγώνα δημόσιον παραγενομένους)-αποκρίνομαι ότι
απάντων των τεττάρων καιρών κατηγορώ σου, ούς
συ διαιρη, κάν οί τε θεοί θέλωσι και οι δικασται εξ 57
ίσου ημών ακούσωσι κάγώ δύνωμαι απομνημονεύσαι
ά σοι σύνoιδα, πάνυ προσδοκώ επιδείξεις τους δι-
κασταϊς της μέν σωτηρίας τη πόλει τους θεούς
αιτίους γεγενημένους και τους φιλανθρώπως και
μετρίως τους της πόλεως πράγμασι χρησαμένους,
των δε ατυχημάτων απάντων Δημοσθένης [αίτιον
γεγενημένον.] και χρήσομαι τη του λόγου τάξει
ταύτη ήν τούτον πυνθάνομαι ποιείσθαι μέλλειν,
λέξω δε πρώτον περί του πρώτου καιρού και δεύτερον
περί του δευτέρου και τρίτον περί του εφεξής και
τέταρτον περί των νυν καθεστηκότων πραγμάτων.
και δη επανάγω εμαυτόν επί την ειρήνην, ήν συ και
Φιλοκράτης εγράψατε.
Υμίν γαρ εξεγένετ' άν, ώ 'Αθηναίοι, την προτέ- 58
ραν εκείνην ειρήνην ποιήσασθαι μετά κοινού συνε-
62 δρίου των Ελλήνων, εί τινες υμάς είασαν περι-
μείναι τας πρεσβείας ας ήτε εκπεπομφότες κατ'
εκείνον τον καιρόν εις την Ελλάδα, παρακαλούντες
επί Φίλιππον,-μετασχεϊν Ελληνικού συνεδρίου
και προϊόντος του χρόνου παρ' εκόντων των Ελ-
λήνων απολαβείν την ηγεμονίαν· και τούτων απε-
στερήθητε διά Δημοσθένης και Φιλοκράτης και τας
τούτων δωροδοκίας, ας έδωροδόκησαν συστάντες επί
το δημόσιον το υμέτερον· ει δέ τισιν υμών εξαίφνης 59
ακούσασιν άπιστότερος προσπέπτωκεν ο τοιούτος
24
ÆSCHINES
λόγος, εκείνως την υπόλοιπον ποιήσασθε ακρόασιν,
ώσπερ όταν περί χρημάτων ανηλωμένων διά πολλού
χρόνου καθεζώμεθα επι τους λογισμούς. ερχόμεθα
δή που ψευδείς οίκοθεν ενίοτε δόξας έχοντες κατά
των λογισμών· αλλ' όμως επειδάν και λογισμός συγ-
κεφαλαιωθή, ουδείς υμών έστιν ούτω δύσκολος την
φύσιν, όστις ουκ απέρχεται τούθ' ομολογήσας και
έπινεύσας αληθές είναι και τι αν αυτός ο λογισμός
60 αίρη. ούτω και νυν την ακρόασιν ποιήσασθε, ει
τινες υμών εκ των έμπροσθεν χρόνων ήκουσιν οίκοθεν
τοιαύτην έχοντες την δόξαν, ως άρα ο Δημοσθένης
ουδέν πώποτε είρηκεν υπέρ Φιλίππου συστας μετά
Φιλοκράτους,-όστις ούτω διάκειται, μήτ' απογνώτω
μηδέν μήτε καταγνώτω πρίν αν ακούση' ου γαρ
δίκαιον. άλλ' εάν εμού διά βραχέων ακούσητε
υπομιμνήσκοντος τους καιρούς. και το ψήφισμα
παρεχομένου και μετα Φιλοκράτους έγραψε Δημο-
σθένης, εάν αυτός και της αληθείας λογισμός εγκατα-
λαμβάνη τον Δημοσθένην πλείω μέν γεγραφότα
ψηφίσματα Φιλοκράτους περί της εξ αρχής ειρήνης
61 και συμμαχίας, καθ' υπερβολήν δε αισχύνης κεκο-
λακευκότα Φίλιππον και τους παρ' εκείνου πρέσβεις,
αίτιον δε γεγονότα τω δήμω του μη μετά κοινού
συνεδρίου των Ελλήνων ποιήσασθαι την ειρήνην,
έκδοτον δε[Φιλίππωπεποιηκότα Κερσοβλέπτης τον
Θράκης βασιλέα, άνδρα φίλον και σύμμαχον τη
πόλει,-εάν ταύθ' υμίν σαφώς επιδείξω, δεήσομαι
υμών μετρίαν δέησιν· έπινεύσατέ μοι προς θεών τον
πρώτον των τεττάρων καιρών μη καλώς αυτόν πεπο-
λιτευσθαι. λέξω δε όθεν μάλιστα παρακολουθήσετε.
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
25
"Έγραψε Φιλοκράτης έξείναι Φιλίππη δεύρο 62
κήρυκα και πρέσβεις πέμπειν περί ειρήνης· τούτο
το ψήφισμα εγράφη παρανόμων. ήκον οι της κρί-
σεως χρόνου κατηγόρει μεν Λυκίνος και γραψάμενος,
απελογείτο δε Φιλοκράτης, συναπελογείτο δε και
Δημοσθένης: απέφυγε Φιλοκράτης. μετά ταύτα
επήει χρόνος Θεμιστοκλής άρχων ενταύθ' εισέρ-
χεται βουλευτής εις το βουλευτήριον Δημοσθένης,
ούτε λαχών ούτ' επιλαχών, αλλ' εκ παρασκευής
πριάμενος, ίν' είς υποδοχήν άπαντα και λέγοι και
πράττοι Φιλοκράτει, ως αυτό έδειξε το έργον. νικά 63
γαρ έτερον ψήφισμα Φιλοκράτης, ενώ κελεύει ελέ-
σθαι δέκα πρέσβεις, οίτινες αφικόμενοι προς Φίλιπ-
πον αξιώσουσιν αυτόν δεύρο πρέσβεις αυτοκρά-
Δημοσθένης. κακείθεν επανήκων επαινέτης ήν της
ειρήνης, και ταυτα τοις άλλοις πρέσβεσιν απήγ-
γελλε, και μόνος των άλλων βουλευτών έγραψε
σπείσασθαι το κήρυκι το από του Φιλίππου και
τοίς πρέσβεσιν, ακόλουθα γράφων Φιλοκράτει· ο
μέν γε την εξουσίαν έδωκε του δεύρο κήρυκα και
πρέσβεις πέμπεσθαι, ο δε τη πρεσβεία σπένδεται.
τα δε μετά ταύτα ήδη μοι σφόδρα προσέχετε τον 64
νούν, επράττετο γαρ ου προς τους άλλους πρέσβεις
τους πολλά συκοφαντηθέντας ύστερον έκ μετα-
βολής υπό Δημοσθένους, αλλά προς Φιλοκράτης
και Δημοσθένην (είκότως τους άμα μεν πρεσβεύ-
οντας, άμα δε τα ψηφίσματα γράφοντας), πρώτον
μεν όπως μη περιμείνετε τους πρέσβεις ούς ήτε
εκπεπομφότες παρακαλούντες επί Φίλιππον, ίνα
26
ÆSCHINES
μη μετά των άλλων Ελλήνων αλλ' ιδία ποιήσησθε 63
65 την ειρήνην· δεύτερον δ' όπως μή μόνον την ειρήνην
αλλά και συμμαχίαν είναι ψηφιείσθε προς Φίλιπ-
πον, ίν' εί τινες προσέχοιεν τώ πλήθει το υμετέρω,
εις την εσχάτην εμπέσoιεν αθυμίαν ορώντες υμάς
αυτους μεν παρακαλούντας επί τον πόλεμον, οίκοι
δε μή μόνον ειρήνην αλλά και συμμαχίαν έψη-
φισμένους ποιείσθαι· τρίτον δε όπως Κερσοβλέπτης
και Θράκης βασιλεύς μή έσται ένορκος, μηδε μετέ-
σται της συμμαχίας και της ειρήνης αυτώ. παρηγ-
66 γέλλετο δ' επ' αυτόν ήδη στρατεία και ταύθ' ο
μεν εξωνούμενος ουκ ήδίκει (προ γαρ των όρκων και
των συνθηκών άνεμέσητον ήν αυτώ πράττειν τα
συμφέροντα), οι δ' αποδόμενοι και κατακoινωνή-
σαντες τα της πόλεως ισχυρά μεγάλης οργής ήσαν
άξιοι. ο γαρ μισαλέξανδρος νυνι φάσκων είναι και
τότε μισοφίλιππος Δημοσθένης, και την ξενίαν έμοί
προφέρων την Αλεξάνδρου, γράφει ψήφισμα, τους
67 καιρούς της πόλεως υφαιρούμενος, εκκλησίαν ποιείν
τους πρυτάνεις τη ογδόη ισταμένου του ελαφη-
βολιώνος μηνός, ότ' ήν το 'Ασκληπιό η θυσία και
και προάγων, εν τη τερά ημέρα, και πρότερον ουδείς
μέμνηται γενόμενον, τίνα πρόφασιν ποιησάμενος ;
ίνα, φησίν, εαν ήδη παρώσιν οι του Φιλίππου πρέσ-
βεις, βουλεύσηται ο δήμος ως τάχιστα περί των
προς Φίλιππον, τοίς ούπω παρουσι πρέσβεσι προ-
καταλαμβάνων την εκκλησίας και τους χρόνους
υμών υποτεμνόμενος και το πράγμα κατασπεύδων,
ίνα μη μετα των άλλων Ελλήνων επανελθόντων
των υμετέρων πρέσβεων αλλά μόνοι ποιήσησθε την
CONTRÀ CTESIPHONTEM. 27
ειρήνην. μετά δε ταύτα, ώ Αθηναίοι, ηκαν οι του 68
Φιλίππου πρέσβεις: οι δε υμέτεροι απεδήμουν
παρακαλούντες τους Έλληνας επί Φίλιππον. έν-
ταύθ' έτερον ψήφισμα νικά Δημοσθένης, ενώ γρά-
φει μη μόνον υπέρ της ειρήνης αλλά και συμμαχίας
υμάς βουλεύσασθαι, μη περιμείναντας τους πρέσ-
βεις τους υμετέρους αλλ' ευθις μετά τα Διονύσια
τα εν άστει, τη ογδόη και ενάτη επί δέκα. "Οτι δ'
αληθή λέγω, ακούσατε των ψηφισμάτων.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ.
Επειδή τοίνυν, ώ 'Αθηναίοι, παρεληλύθει τα 69
Διονύσια, έγίγνοντο δε αι εκκλησίαι, εν δε τη προ-
τέρα των εκκλησιών ανεγνώσθη δόγμα κοινόν των
συμμάχων,-ου τα κεφάλαια διά βραχέων εγω
προερώ. πρώτον μεν γαρ έγραψαν υπέρ ειρήνης
υμάς μόνον βουλεύσασθαι, το δε της συμμαχίας
όνομα υπερέβησαν, ουκ επιλελησμένοι, αλλά και
την ειρήνην αναγκαιοτέραν ή καλλίω υπολαμβά-
νοντες είναι έπειτα απήντησαν όρθώς ίασόμενοι το
Δημοσθένους δωροδόκημα, και προσέγραψαν εν τω 70
δόγματι εξείναι το βουλομένα των Ελλήνων εν
τρισι μησιν εις την αυτήν στήλην αναγεγράφθαι :
μετ' 'Αθηναίων και μετέχειν των όρκων και των
συνθηκών, δύο μέγιστα προκαταλαμβάνοντες, πρώ-
τον μεν τον χρόνον τον της τριμήνου ταϊς των
Ελλήνων πρεσβείαις ικανόν γενέσθαι παρασκευά-
ζοντες, έπειτα την των Ελλήνων εύνοιαν τη πόλει
μετά κοινού συνεδρίου κτώμενοι, ίν' εί παραβαί-
νοιντο αι συνθήκαι, μη μόνοι μηδ' απαράσκευοι
ÆSCHINES
πολεμήσαιμεν, ά νύν ημίν παθείν συνέβη διά Δη-
μοσθένην· "Ότι δ' αληθή λέγω, εξ αυτού του δόγ-
ματος ακούσαντες μαθήσεσθε.
ΔΟΓΜΑ ΣΥΜΜΑΧΩΝ.
71 Τούτω τώ δόγματι συνειπείν ομολογώ, και πάν-
τες οι εν τη προτέρα των εκκλησιών δημηγορούντες:
και ο δήμος απήλθε τοιαύτην τινά δόξαν ειληφώς,
ας έσται μεν η ειρήνη, περί δε συμμαχίας ουκ
άμεινον είη διά την των Ελλήνων παράκλησιν
βουλεύσασθαι, έσται δε κοινή μετά των Ελλήνων
απάντων. νυξ εν μέσω, και παρέμεν τη υστεραία
εις την εκκλησίαν. ενταύθα δη προκαταλαβών
Δημοσθένης το βήμα, ουδενί των άλλων παραλιπών
λόγων, εί ταύθ' οι Φιλίππου μη συμπευσθήσονται
πρέσβεις, ουδε γιγνώσκειν έφη την ειρήνην απούσης
72 συμμαχίας. ου γαρ έφη δείν (και γάρ το ρήμα
μέμνημαι ως είπε, διά την αηδίαν του λέγοντος άμα
και του ονόματος) απορρηξαι της ειρήνης την συμ-
μαχίαν, ουδε τα των Ελλήνων αναμένειν μελλή-
ματα, άλλ' ή πολεμείν αυτους ή την ειρήνην ιδία
ποιείσθαι. και τελευτων επί το βήμα παρακα-
λεσας 'Αντίπατρον έρωτήματ’ ήρώτα, προειπων
μέν α έρήσεται, προδιδάξας δε α χρή κατά της
πόλεως αποκρίνασθαι. και τέλος ταύτ' ένίκα, το
μεν λόγω προσβιασαμένου Δημοσθένους, το δε ψή-
73 φισμα γράψαντος Φιλοκράτους. ο δε ήν υπόλοι-
πον αυτούς, Κερσοβλέπτης και τον επί Θράκης
τόπον έκδοτον ποιήσαι, και τούτ' έπραξαν έκτη
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
29
φθίνοντος του ελαφηβολιώνος, πριν επί την υστέραν
απαίρειν πρεσβείαν την επί τους όρκους Δημο-
σθένην· ο γάρ μισαλέξανδρος και μισοφίλιππος υμίν
ουτοσί ρήτωρ δις έπρέσβευσεν έν Μακεδονία, εξον
μηδέ άπαξ, ο νυνι κελεύων των Μακεδόνων κατα-
πτύειν. εις δε την εκκλησίαν, τήν τη έκτη λέγω,
καθεζόμενος βουλευτής ών εκ παρασκευής, έκδοτον
Κερσοβλέπτης μετα Φιλοκράτους εποίησε. λαν- 74
θάνει γαρ ο μέν Φιλοκράτης εν ψηφίσματι μετά
των άλλων γραμμάτων παρεγγράψας, ο δ' επιψη-
φίσας, Δημοσθένης, [ενώγέγραπται] “αποδούναι δε
τους όρκους τους πρέσβεσι τοις παρά Φιλίππου εν
τηδε τη ημέρα τους συνέδρους των συμμάχων.”
παρά δε Κερσοβλέπτου σύνεδρος ουκ εκάθητο:
γράψας δε τους συνεδρεύοντας ομνύναι τον Κερσο-
βλέπτην ου συνεδρεύοντα εξέκλεισε των όρκων.
"Οτι δ' αληθή λέγω, ανάγνωθι μοι τίς ήν ο ταύτα 75
γράψας και τίς ο ταύτα επιψηφίσας πρόεδρος.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ. ΠΡΟΕΔΡΟΣ.
Καλόν, ο Αθηναίοι, καλόν ή των δημοσίων
γραμμάτων φυλακή ακίνητον γάρ έστι και ου συμ-
μεταπίπτει τους αυτομολoύσιν εν τη πολιτεία, άλλ'
απέδωκε τώ δήμω, οπόταν βούληται, συνιδείν τους
πάλαι μεν πονηρούς εκ μεταβολής δ' αξιoύντας
είναι χρηστούς.
Υπόλοιπον δέ μοι έστι την κολακείαν αυτού 76
διεξελθεϊν. Δημοσθένης γαρ ενιαυτόν βουλεύσας
ουδεμίαν πώποτε φανείται πρεσβείαν εις προεδρίαν
καλέσας, αλλά τότε μόνον και πρώτον πρέσβεις εις
30
ÆSCHINES
προεδρίαν έκάλεσε και προσκεφάλαια έθηκε και
φοινικίδας περιεπέτασε και άμα τη ημέρα ηγείτο
τους πρέσβεσιν εις το θέατρον, ώστε και συρίττε-
σθαι διά την άσχημοσύνης και κολακείαν" και ότ'
απήεσαν, εμισθώσατο αυτούς τρία ζεύγη ορικά και
προϋπεμψεν εις Θήβας, καταγέλαστον την πόλιν
ποιών. "Ινα δ' επί της υποθέσεως μείνω, λαβέ μοι
το ψήφισμα το περί της προεδρίας.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ.
77 Ούτος τοίνυν, ώ Αθηναίοι, ο τηλικούτος το μέ-
γεθος κόλαξ πρώτος διά των κατασκόπων των παρά
Χαριδήμου πυθόμενος την Φιλίππου τελευτην των
μέν θεών συμπλάσας εαυτώ ενύπνιον κατεψεύσατο,
ως ου παρά Χαριδήμου το πράγμα πεπυσμένος
αλλά παρα του Διός και της Αθηνάς, ούς μεθ'
ημέραν επιορκών νύκτωρ φησίν εαυτώ διαλέγεσθαι
και τα μέλλοντα έσεσθαι προλέγειν, εβδόμην δ'
ημέραν της θυγατρός αυτό τετελευτηκυίας, πριν
πενθήσαι και τα νομιζόμενα ποιήσαι, στεφανω-
σάμενος και λευκήν εσθήτα λαβών εβoυθύτει και
78 παρενόμει, την μόνην ο δείλαιος και πρώτην αυτόν
πατέρα προσειπούσαν απολέσας. και ου το δυστύ-
χημα όνειδίζω, αλλά τον τρόπον εξετάζω. ο γαρ
μισότεκνος και πατηρ πονηρός ουκ άν ποτε γένοιτο
τατα σώματα μη στέργων ουδέποθ' υμάς περί
πλείονος ποιήσεται τους αλλοτρίους, ουδέ γε ο ιδία
πονηρές ούκ άν γένοιτο δημοσία χρηστός, ουδ' όστις
εστίν οίκοι φαύλος, ουδέποτ' ήν εν Μακεδονία κατά 63
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 31
την πρεσβείαν καλός κάγαθός: ου γάρ τον τρόπον
αλλά τον τόπον μόνον μετήλλαξεν.
Πόθεν ούν επί την μεταβολήν ήλθε των πραγ- 79
μάτων (ούτος γάρ έστιν ο δεύτερος καιρός), και τι
ποτ' έστι το αίτιον ότι Φιλοκράτης μέν από των
αυτων πολιτευμάτων Δημοσθένει φυγάς απ’ εισαγ-
γελίας γεγένηται, Δημοσθένης δε επέστη των άλλων
κατήγορος, και πόθεν ττοθ' ημάς εις τας άτυχίας
ο μιαρός άνθρωπος εμβέβληκε, ταύτ' ήδη διαφερόν-
τως αξιόν έστιν ακούσαι. ως γάρ τάχιστα είσω 80
Πυλών Φίλιππος παρήλθε και τάς τε έν Φωκεύσι
πόλεις παραδόξως αναστάτους εποίησε, Θηβαίους
δε, ως τόθ' υμίν έδόκει, περαιτέρω του καιρού και
του υμετέρου συμφέροντος ισχυρούς κατεσκεύασεν,
υμείς δε εκ των αγρών φοβηθέντες εσκευαγωγήσατε,
εν ταις μεγίσταις δ' ήσαν αιτίαις οι πρέσβεις οι
περί της ειρήνης πρεσβεύσαντες, πολύ δε των
άλλων διαφερόντως Φιλοκράτης και Δημοσθένης
διά το μή μόνον πρεσβεύειν αλλά και τα ψηφί-
σματα γεγραφέναι, συνέβη δ' εν τοις αυτούς χρόνους 81
διαφέρεσθαι τι τον Δημοσθένης και Φιλοκράτης
σχεδόν υπέρ τούτων υπέρ ών και υμείς αυτούς
υπωπτεύσατε διενεχθήναι,--τοιαύτης δε έμπιπτού-
σης ταραχής μετά των συμφύτων νοσημάτων αυτώ
ήδη τα μετά ταύτα έβουλεύετο, μετά δειλίας και
της προς Φιλοκράτην υπέρ της δωροδοκίας ζηλο-
τυπίας, και ηγήσατο, ει των συμπρεσβευόντων και
του Φιλίππου κατήγορος αναφανείη, τον μέν Φι-
λοκράτης προδήλως απολείσθαι, τους δε άλλους
συμπρέσβεις κινδυνεύσειν, αυτός δ' ευδοκιμήσεις
ÆSCHINES
και προδότης ών των φίλων και πονηρός πιστός
82 τω δήμω φανήσεσθαι. κατιδόντες δ' αυτόν οι τη
της πόλεως προσπολεμούντες ησυχία άσμενοι παρε-
κάλουν επί το βήμα, τον μόνον άδωροδόκητον ονομά-
ζοντες τη πόλει και δε παριών αρχάς αυτούς ενεδίδου
πολέμου και ταραχής. ούτός έστιν, ώ Αθηναίοι, ο
πρώτος εξευρών Σέρριον τείχος και Δορίσκον και
'Eργίσκην και Μυρτίσκην και Γάνος και Γανίδα,
χωρία ων ουδε τα ονόματα ήδειμεν πρότερον. και
εις τούτο φέρων περιέστησε τα πράγματα, ώστ' ει
μεν μη πέμποι Φίλιππος πρέσβεις, καταφρονείν
* αυτόν έφη της πόλεως, ει δε πέμποι, κατασκόπους
83 πέμπειν αλλ' ού πρέσβεις. ει δέ επιτρέπειν εθέλοι
πόλει τινί ίση και ομοία περί των εγκλημάτων, ουκ
είναι κριτήν ίσον ημίν έφη και Φιλίππω. Αλόννη-
σον εδίδου: οδ' απηγόρευε μη λαμβάνειν, ει δίδωσιν
αλλά μη αποδίδωσι, περί συλλαβών διαφερόμενος.
και το τελευταίος στεφανώσας τους μετά 'Αριστοδή-
μου εις Θετταλίας και Μαγνησίαν παρά τας της
ειρήνης συνθήκας επιστρατεύσαντας την μεν ειρήνην
διέλυσε, την δε συμφοράν και τον πόλεμον παρε-
σκεύασεν.
84 Ναι, αλλά χαλκούς και αδαμαντίνοις τείχεσιν,
ως αυτός φησι, την χώραν ημών ετείχισε, τη
των Ευβοέων και Θηβαίων συμμαχία. άλλ',
και Αθηναίοι, περί ταύτα τρία μέγιστα ήδίκησθε
και μάλιστα ήγνοήκατε. σπεύδων δ' ειπείν περί
της μεγίστης συμμαχίας της των Θηβαίων, ίν'
εφεξής είπω, περί των Ευβοέων πρώτων μνησθή-
σομαι.
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 33
Υμείς γάρ, ώ Αθηναίοι, πολλά και μεγάλα ήδικη- 85
μένοι υπό Μνησάρχου του Χαλκιδέως, του Καλλίου
και Ταυροσθένους πατρός, ούς ούτος νυνι μισθον
λαβών Αθηναίους είναι τολμά γράφειν, και πάλιν
υπό Θεμίσωνος του Ερετριέως, ός ημών ειρήνης
ούσης 'Ωρωπόν αφείλετο, τούτων εκόντες επιλαθό-
μενοι, επειδή διέβησαν είς Εύβοιαν Θηβαίοι κατα-
δουλώσασθαι τας πόλεις πειρώμενοι, έν πέντε ημέ-
ραις έβοηθήσατε αυτούς και ναυσι και πεζή δυνάμει,
και πριν τριάκονθ' ημέρας διελθείν υποσπόνδους
Θηβαίους αφήκατε, κύριοι της Ευβοίας γενόμενοι,
και τάς τε πόλεις αυτές και τας πολιτείας απέδοτε
66 ορθώς και δικαίως τους παρακαταθεμένοις, ουχ ηγού-
μενοι δίκαιον είναι την οργήν απομνημονεύειν εν
το πιστευθήναι. και τηλικαύθ' υφ' υμών εύ πεπον- 86
θότες οι Χαλκιδείς ου τας ομοίας υμίν απέδοσαν
χάριτας, αλλ' επειδή τάχιστα διέβητε εις Εύβοιας
Πλουτάρχω βοηθήσοντες, τους μεν πρώτους χρόνους
αλλ' ούν προσεποιoύνθ' υμίν είναι φίλοι, επειδή δε
τάχιστα είς Ταμύνας παρήλθομεν και το Κοτύλαιον
ονομαζόμενος όρος υπερεβάλλoμεν, ενταύθα Καλλίας
ο Χαλκιδεύς, ον Δημοσθένης μισθών λαβών ένεκω-
μίαζεν, ορών το στρατόπεδον το της πόλεως είς τινας 87
δυσχωρίας κατακεκλειμένον, όθεν μη νικήσασι μάχην
ουκ ήν αναχώρησις ουδε βοηθείας ελπίς ούτ' εκ γής
ούτ' έκ θαλάττης, συναγείρας εξ απάσης της Ευ-
βοίας στρατόπεδον και παρα Φιλίππου δύναμιν
προσμεταπεμψάμενος, και τ' αδελφός αυτου Ταυρο-
σθένης, ο νυνι πάντας δεξιούμενος και προσγελών,
τους Φωκικούς ξένους διαβιβάσας, ήλθον εφ' ημάς
34
ÆSCHINES
88 ως αναιρήσοντες, και ει μή πρώτον μεν θεών τις
έσωσε το στρατόπεδον, έπειθ' οι στρατιώται οι
υμέτεροι και πεζοί και ιππείς άνδρες αγαθοί εγένοντο
και παρά τον ιππόδρομον τον έν Ταμύναις εκ παρα-
τάξεως μάχη κρατήσαντες αφεΐσαν υποσπόνδους
τους πολεμίους, εκινδύνευσεν άν η πόλις αίσχιστα
παθείν ου γαρ το δυστυχήσαι κατά πόλεμον μέγισ-
τόν έστι κακόν, αλλ' όταν τις πρός ανταγωνιστές
αναξίους αυτού διακινδυνεύων αποτύχη, διπλασίαν
εικός είναι την συμφοράν. άλλ' όμως υμείς τοιαύτα
89 πεπονθότες πάλιν διελύσασθε προς αυτούς. τυχών
δε παρ' υμών συγγνώμης Καλλίας και Χαλκιδείς
μικρόν διαλιπών χρόνον πάλιν ήκε φερόμενος εις
την εαυτού φύσιν, Ευβοϊκόν μέν τω λόγω συνέδριον
εις Χαλκίδα συνάγων, ισχυράν δε την Εύβοιαν εφ'
υμάς έργω παρασκευάζων, εξαίρετον δ' αυτώ τυραν-
νίδα περιποιούμενος. και ταύτης ελπίζων συναγω-
νιστήν Φίλιππον λήψεσθαι απήλθεν εις Μακεδονίαν
και περιήει μετα Φιλίππου, και των εταίρων είς
90 ωνομάζετο. αδικήσας δε Φίλιππον κακείθεν απο-
δρας υπέβαλλεν εαυτόν φέρων Θηβαίοις. εγκατα-
λιπών δε κακείνους, και πλείους τραπόμενος τροπάς
του Ευρίπου, παρ' ον ώκει, είς μέσον πίπτει της τε
Θηβαίων έχθρας και της Φιλίππου, απορών δ' και
τι χρήσαιτο αυτό, και παραγγελλομένης επ' αυτόν
ήδη στρατείας, μίαν ελπίδα λοιπήν κατείδε σωτη-
ρίας ένορκον λαβείν τον 'Αθηναίων δημoν, σύμμαχον
ονομασθέντα βοηθήσειν, εί τις επ' αυτόν ίοι: ο πρό-
91 δηλον ήν εσόμενον, ει μη υμείς κωλύσαιτε. ταύτα
δε διανοηθείς αποστέλλει δεύρο πρέσβεις Γλαυκέτην
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
35
και Εμπέδωνα και Διόδωρον τον δολιχοδρομήσαντα,
φέροντας το μεν δήμω ελπίδας κενάς, Δημοσθένει δ'
αργύριον και τους περί αυτόν. τρία δ' ήν ά άμα
εξωνείτο, πρώτον μεν μη διασφαλήναι της προς υμάς
συμμαχίας" ουδέν γαρ ήν το μέσον, ει μνησθείς των
προτέρων αδικημάτων ο δήμος μη προσδέξαιτο την
συμμαχίαν, άλλ' υπήρχεν αυτώ ή φεύγειν εκ Χαλ-
κίδος ή τεθνάναι έγκαταληφθέντι: τηλικαύται δυνά-
μεις επ' αυτόν επεστράτευον, ή τε Φιλίππου και η
Θηβαίων. δεύτερον δ' ήκον οι μισθοί τω γράψαντι
την συμμαχίαν υπέρ του μη συνεδρεύειν 'Αθήνησι
Χαλκιδέας, τρίτον δε ώστε μη τελεϊν συντάξεις. και 92
τούτων των προαιρέσεων ουδεμιάς απέτυχε Καλ-
λίας, αλλ' ο μισοτύραννος Δημοσθένης, ως αυτός
προσποιείται, όν φησι Κτησιφών τα βέλτιστα λέ-
γειν, απέδοτο μεν τους καιρούς τους της πόλεως,
έγραψε δ' εν τη συμμαχία βοηθείν ημάς Χαλκιδεύσι,
ρημα μόνον αντικαταλλαξάμενος αντί τούτων, εύφη-
μίας ένεκα προσγράψας Χαλκιδέας βοηθείν“εάν τις
67 ίη επ' Αθηναίους:” τάς δε συνεδρίας και τας συν- 93
τάξεις, εξ ών ισχύσειν ο πόλεμος ήμελλεν, άρδην
απέδοτο, καλλίστοις ονόμασιν αίσχιστας πράξεις
γράφων και τα λόγω προσβιβάζων υμάς, τας μεν
βοηθείας ως δει την πόλιν πρότερον ποιείσθαι τους
αεί δεομένοις των Ελλήνων, τας δε συμμαχίας
υστέρας ποιείσθαι μετά τας ευεργεσίας. "Ινα δ' ευ
ειδήτε ότι αληθή λέγω, λαβέ μοι την Καλλίου
γραφής και την συμμαχίαν, και ανάγνωθι το ψή-
φισμα.
3-2
ÆSCHINES
ΡΙΧΟ
O
94 Ούπω τοίνυν τούτ' έστι δεινόν, ει καιροί πέπραν-
ται τηλικούτοι και συνεδρίαι και συντάξεις, αλλά
πολύ τούτου δεινότερον υμίν φανήσεται ο μέλλω
λέγειν. είς γαρ τούτο προήχθη Καλλίας μέν ο Χαλ-
κιδεύς ύβρεως και πλεονεξίας, Δημοσθένης δέ, δν
επαινεί Κτησιφών, δωροδοκίας, ώστε τας εξ 'Ωρεου
συντάξεις και τας εξ 'Ερετρίας, τα δέκα τάλαντα,
δρώντων φρονούντων βλεπόντων έλαθον υμών ύφε-
λόμενοι, και τους εκ των πόλεων τούτων συνέδρους
παρ' υμών μεν ανέστησαν, πάλιν δε εις Χαλκίδα και
το καλούμενον Ευβοϊκόν συνέδριον συνήγαγον. ον
δε τρόπον και δι' οίων κακουργημάτων, ταύτ' ήδη
95 άξιόν έστιν ακούσαι. αφικνείται γαρ προς υμάς
ουκέτι δι' αγγέλων αλλ' αυτός ο Καλλίας, και παρ-
ελθών εις την εκκλησίαν λόγους διεξήλθε κατεσκευα-
σμένους υπο Δημοσθένους. είπε γαρ ως ήκοι εκ
Πελοποννήσου νεωστί σύνταγμα συντάξας εις εκατόν
ταλάντων πρόσοδον επί Φίλιππον, και διελογίζετο
όσον εκάστους έδει συντελεϊν, Αχαιούς μεν πάντας
και Μεγαρέας εξήκοντα τάλαντα, τας δ' εν Ευβοία
96 πόλεις απάσας τετταράκοντα. εκ δε τούτων των
χρημάτων υπάρξειν και ναυτικής και πεζην δύνα-
μιν είναι δε πολλούς άλλους των Ελλήνων ους βού-
λεσθαι κοινωνείν της συντάξεως, ώστε ούτε χρημά-
των ούτε στρατιωτών έσεσθαι απορίαν. και ταύτα
μεν τα φανερά έφη δε και πράξεις πράττειν ετέρας
δι' απορρήτων, και τούτων είναι τινας μάρτυρας των
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
37
ημετέρων πολιτών, και τελευτων ονομαστί παρεκά-
λει Δημοσθένης και συνειπείν ήξίου. ο δε σεμνώς 97
πάνυ παρελθών τόν τε Καλλίαν υπερεπήνει τα τε
απόρρητον προσεποιήσατο είδέναι την δ' εκ Πελο-
ποννήσου πρεσβείαν, ήν έπρέσβευσε, και την εξ
'Ακαρνανίας έφη βούλεσθαι υμίν απαγγείλαι, ήν δ'
αυτώ κεφάλαιον των λόγων πάντας μέν Πελοπον-
νησίους υπάρχειν, πάντας δ' 'Ακαρνάνας συντεταγ-
μένους επί Φίλιππον υφ' εαυτού, είναι δε το σύν-
ταγμα χρημάτων μέν εις εκατόν νεών ταχυναυτουσών
πληρώματα και εις πεζούς στρατιώτας μυρίους και
ιππείς χιλίους, υπάρξειν δε προς τούτους και τας 98
πολιτικές δυνάμεις, εκ Πελοποννήσου μέν πλέον
η δισχιλίους οπλίτας, έξ 'Ακαρνανίας δε ετέρους
τοσούτους δεδόσθαι δε από πάντων τούτων την
ηγεμονίαν υμίν πραχθήσεσθαι δε αυτα ουκ εις μα-
κράν αλλ' εις την έκτην επί δέκα του ανθεστηριώνος
μηνός ειρήσθαι γαρ εν ταις πόλεσιν υφ' εαυτού και
παρηγγέλθαι πάντας ήκειν συνεδρεύσοντας Αθήναζε
εις την πανσέληνον. και γαρ τούτο άνθρωπος ίδιον 99
και ου κοινον ποιεί. οι μεν γάρ άλλοι αλαζίνες
όταν τι ψεύδωνται, αόριστα και ασαφή πειρώνται
λέγειν, φοβούμενοι τον έλεγχον Δημοσθένης δ' όταν
αλαζονεύηται, πρώτον μεν μεθ' όρκου ψεύδεται εξώ-
λειαν επαρόμενος εαυτώ, δεύτερον δέ, και εί οίδεν
ουδέποτε εσόμενα, τολμά λέγειν αριθμών εις οπότ'
έσται, και αν τα σώματα ουχ εώρακε, τούτων τα
ονόματα λέγει, κλέπτων την ακρόασιν και μιμού-
μενος τους ταληθή λέγοντας. διό και μάλιστα αξιός
έστι μισείσθαι, ότι πονηρός ών και τα των χρηστών:
38
ÆSCHINES
ί
100 σημεία διαφθείρει. ταύτα δ' είπων δίδωσιν άνα-
γνώναι ψήφισμα το γραμματεί μακρότερον μέν της
Ιλιάδος, κενώτερον δε των λόγων ους είωθε λέγειν
και του βίου δν βεβίωκε, μεστόν δ' ελπίδων ουκ
έσομένων και στρατοπέδων ουδέποτε συλλεγησο- 68
μένων: απαγαγών δ' υμάς άποθεν από του κλέμμα-
τος και ανακρεμάσας από των ελπίδων, ενταύθα δη
συστρέψας γράφει κελεύων ελέσθαι πρέσβεις εις
(
γαρ έδει δεηθήναι) μηκέτι διδόναι την σύνταξιν υμίν
τα πέντε τάλαντα αλλά Καλλία, και πάλιν ετέρους
αιρείσθαι εις 'Ωρεών [προς τους 'Ωρείτας πρέσβεις,
οίτινες δεήσονται τον αυτόν 'Αθηναίοις φίλον και
101 εχθρόν νομίζειν. έπειτα αναφαίνεται πάλιν άπας
ών εν τω ψηφίσματα προς το κλέμματι, γρά-
ψας τα πέντε τάλαντα τους πρέσβεις άξιούν τους
'Ωρείτας μη υμίν αλλά Καλλία διδόναι. "Ότι δ'
αληθή λέγω, αφελών τόν κόμπον και τας τριήρεις
και την αλαζονείαν ανάγνωθι και του κλέμματος
άψαι, ο υφείλετο ο μιαρός και ανόσιος άνθρωπος,
όν φησι Κτησιφών και εν τώδε τα ψηφίσματι δια-
τελεϊν λέγοντα και πράττοντα τα άριστα το δήμο
των Αθηναίων.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ.
102 Ουκούν τας μέν τριήρεις και την πεζών στρατιάν
και την πανσέληνον και τους συνέδρους λόγω ηκού-
σατε, τας δε συντάξεις των συμμάχων, τα δέκα τά-
λαντα, έργω απωλέσατε.
103 Υπόλοιπον δέ μοι έστιν ειπείν ότι λαβών τρία
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 39
τάλαντα μισθόν την γνώμην ταύτην έγραψε Δημο-
σθένης, τάλαντον μέν έκ Χαλκίδος παρά Καλλίου,
τάλαντον δ' εξ Ερετρίας παρά Κλειτάρχου του
τυράννου, τάλαντον δε εξ 'Ωρεού, δι' ο και καταφανής
έγένετο, δημοκρατουμένων των 'Ωρειτών και πάντα
πραττόντων μετα ψηφίσματος. εξανηλωμένοι γάρ
εν τω πολέμω και παντελώς απόρως διακείμενοι
πέμπουσι προς αυτόν Γνωσίδημον τον Χαριγένους
υιόν του δυναστεύσαντός ποτε εν 'Ωρεώ, δεησόμενον
αυτού το μεν τάλαντον αφιέναι τη πόλει, επαγγελ-
λόμενον δ' αυτό χαλκήν εικόνα σταθήσεσθαι εν
'Ωρεώ· ο δε απεκρίνατο το Γνωσιδήμω ότι έλα- 104
χίστου χαλκού ουδέν δέοιτο, το δε τάλαντον διά του
Καλλίου εισπράττειν. αναγκαζόμενοι δε οι 'Ωρείται
και ουκ εύπορούντες υπέθεσαν αυτό του ταλάντου
τας δημοσίας προσόδους, και τόκον ήνεγκαν Δημο-
σθένει του δωροδοκήματος δραχμήν του μηνός της
μνάς, έως το κεφάλαιον απέδοσαν. και πάντ' επρά-
χθη μετα ψηφίσματος του δήμου. "Οτι δε ταληθή 105
λέγω, λαβέ μοι το ψήφισμα των 'Ωρειτών.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ.
Τούτ' έστι το ψήφισμα, ο Αθηναίοι, αισχύνη
μέν της πόλεως, έλεγχος δε ου μικρός των Δημοσθέ-
νους πολιτευμάτων, φανερά δε κατηγορία του Κτησι-
φώντος» τον γαρ ούτως αισχρώς δωροδοκούντα ουκ
έστιν άνδρα γεγονέναι αγαθόν, α τετόλμηκεν ούτος
γράψαι εν τώ ψηφίσματα.
'Ενταύθ' ήδη τέτακται και ο τρίτος των καιρών, 106
μάλλον δ' ο πάντων πικρότατος χρόνος, εν ώ Δημο-
40
ÆSCHINES
σθένης απώλεσε τας των Ελλήνων και της πόλεως
πράξεις ασεβήσας μεν εις το ιερόν το έν Δελφούς,
άδικον δε και ουδαμώς ίσης την προς Θηβαίους συμ-
μαχίαν γράψας. άρξομαι δε από τών εις τους θεούς
αυτού πλημμελημάτων λέγειν.
107 "Έστι γάρ, ώ Αθηναίοι, το Κιρραίον ωνομασμέ-
νον πεδίων και λιμήν ο νυν εξάγιστος και επάρατος
ώνομασμένος. ταύτην ποτέ την χώραν κατώκησαν
Κιρραίοι και Κραγαλίδαι, γένη παρανομώτατα, οι
εις το ιερόν το εν Δελφούς και τα αναθήματα ήσέ-
βουν, εξημάρτανον δε και εις τους 'Αμφικτύονας.
αγανακτήσαντες δ' επί τούς γενομένοις μάλιστα μέν,
ως λέγεται, οι πρόγονοι οι υμέτεροι, έπειτα δε και οι
άλλοι 'Αμφικτύονες μαντείαν εμαντεύσαντο παρά τα
θεώ, τίνι χρή τιμωρία τους ανθρώπους τούτους
108 μετελθείν. και αυτούς αναιρεί η Πυθία πολεμείν
Κιρραίοις και Κραγαλίδαις πάντ' ήματα και πάσας
νύκτας, και την χώραν αυτών εκπορθήσαντας και
αυτούς άνδραποδισαμένους αναθεϊναι το 'Απόλλωνα
το Πυθίω και 'Αρτέμιδι και Λητού και Αθηνά Προ- 60
ναία επί πάση αεργία, και ταύτην την χώραν μήτ'
αυτους εργάζεσθαι μήτ' άλλον εάν. λαβόντες δε τον
χρησμόν οι 'Αμφικτίονες εψηφίσαντο Σόλωνος εί-
πόντος Αθηναίου την γνώμην, ανδρος και νομοθε-
τήσαι δυνατού και περί ποίησιν και φιλοσοφίαν δια-
τετριφότος, επιστρατεύειν επί τους εναγείς κατά την
109 μαντείαν του θεού και συναθροίσαντες δύναμιν ικα-
νην των 'Αμφικτυόνων εξηνδραποδίσαντο τους ανθρώ-
πους και τον λιμένα έχωσαν και την πόλιν αυτών
κατέσκαψαν και την χώραν αυτών καθιέρωσαν κατά
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEMη
.
. 41
την μαντείαν και επί τούτοις όρκον ώμοσαν ισχυρών
μήτ' αυτοί την ιεράν γήν εργάσεσθαι μήτ' άλλη επι-
τρέψειν, αλλά βοηθήσειν τω θεώ και τη γη τη τερά
και χειρί και ποδι και φωνή και πάση δυνάμει. και 110
ουκ απέχρησεν αυτοίς τούτον μόνον τον όρκον ομόσαι,
αλλά και προστροπής και αράν ισχυρών υπέρ τού-
των εποιήσαντο. γέγραπται γαρ ούτως εν τη αρά,
“εί τις τάδε" φησί “παραβαίνοι ή πόλις ή ιδιώτης
ή έθνος, εναγης” φησίν « έστω του Απόλλωνος και
της Αρτέμιδος και Λητούς και Αθηνάς Προναίας.”
και επεύχεται αυτούς μήτε γην καρπούς φέρειν, μήτε 111
γυναίκας τέκνα τίκτεινγονεύσινέoικότα άλλα τέρατα,
μηδε βοσκήματα κατά φύσιν γονας ποιείσθαι, ήτταν
δε αυτούς είναι πολέμου και δικών και αγορών, και
εξώλεις είναι και αυτούς και οικίας και γένος το
εκείνων. “και μήποτε” φησίν «οσίως θύσαιεν το
'Απόλλωνι μηδε τη 'Αρτέμιδι μηδε τη Λητου μηδ'
'Αθηνά Προναία, μηδε δέξαιντο αυτοϊς τα τερά.”
"Οτι δ' αληθή λέγω, ανάγνωθι την του θεού μαντείαν. 112
ακούσατε της αράς. αναμνήσθητε των όρκων, ούς
υμών οι πρόγονοι μετά των 'Αμφικτυόνων συνώ-
μοσαν.
ΜΑΝΤΕΙΑ.
[ου πριν τήσδε πόληος έρείψετε πύργον ελόντες,
πρίν γε θεου τεμένει κυανώπιδος 'Αμφιτρίτης
κύμα ποτικλύζη, κελαδούν ιεραϊσιν επ ακταις.]
ΑΡΑ. ΟΡΚΟΙ.
Ταύτης της αράς και των όρκων και της μαν- 113
τείας γενομένης, αναγεγραμμένων έτι και νύν, οι
Λοκροί οι 'Αμφισσείς, μάλλον δε οι προεστηκότες
42
ÆSCHINES
αυτών, άνδρες παρανομώτατοι, έπειργάζοντο το πε-
δίον, και τον λιμένα τον εξάγιστον και επάρατον
πάλιν ετείχισαν και συνώκισαν, και τέλη τους κατα-
πλέοντας εξέλεγον, και των αφικνουμένων εις Δελ-
φους πυλαγόρων ένίους χρήμασι διέφθειραν, ών εις
114 ην Δημοσθένης. χειροτονηθείς γαρ υφ' υμών πυλα-
γόρας λαμβάνει δισχιλίας δραχμάς παρά των 'Αμ-
φισσέων υπέρ του μηδεμίαν μνείαν περί αυτών έντους
'Αμφικτύοσι ποιήσασθαι. διωμολογήθη δ' αυτό και
εις τον λοιπόν χρόνον αποσταλήσεσθαι 'Αθήναζε
του ενιαυτου εκάστου μνάς είκοσι των εξαγίστων και
έπαράτων χρημάτων, εφ' ώτε βοηθήσειν τοις 'Αμφισ-
σεύσιν 'Αθήνησι κατά πάντα τρόπον· όθεν μάλλονή
πρότερον συμβέβηκεν αυτώ, ότου αν προσάψηται
ανδρος ιδιώτου ή δυνάστoυ ή πόλεως δημοκρατουμέ-
νης, τούτων εκάστους ανιάτους κακούς περιβάλλειν.
115 σκέψασθε δή τον δαίμονα και την τύχην, ως περι-
εγένετο της των 'Αμφισσέων ασεβείας. επί γαρ Θco-
φράστου άρχοντος, ιερομνήμονος όντος Διογνήτου
"Αναφλυστίου, πυλαγόρους ύμείς εϊλεσθε Μειδίαν τε
εκείνον τον 'Αναγυράσιον, δν έβουλόμην αν πολλών
ένεκα ζην, και Θρασυκλέα τον Λέκκιον, και τρίτον
δη μετά τούτων εμέ. συνέβη δ' ημίν αρτίως μεν εις
Δελφούς αφίχθαι, παραχρήμα δε τον ιερομνήμονα
Διόγνητον πυρέττειν το δ' αυτό τούτο συνεπεπτώκει
και το Μειδία. οι δ' άλλοι συνεκάθηντο 'Αμφικτύο-
116 νες. εξηγγέλλετο δ' ημίν παρά των βουλομένων εύ-
νοιαν ενδείκνυσθαι τη πόλει, ότι οι 'Αμφισσείς υπο- 70
πεπτωκότες τότε και δεινώς θεραπεύοντες τους Θη-
βαίους εισέφερον δόγμα κατά της υμετέρας πόλεως,
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
πεντήκοντα ταλάντoις ζημιώσαι τον δήμον των Αθη-
ναίων, ότι χρυσάς ασπίδας ανέθηκε προς τον καινόν
νεων πριν εξαράσασθαι, και επέγραψεν το προσ-
ήκον επίγραμμα «Αθηναίοι από Μήδων και Θη-
βαίων ότε ταναντία τούς"Έλλησιν εμάχοντο.” μετα-
πεμψάμενος δε με ο ιερομνήμων ήξίου εισελθείν εις
το συνέδριον και είπείν τι προς τους 'Αμφικτυονας
υπέρ της πόλεως, και αυτόν ούτω προηρημένον.
αρχομένου δε μου λέγειν και προθυμότερόν πως 117
είσεληλυθότος εις το συνέδριον, των άλλων πυλαγό-
ρων μεθεστηκότων, αναβοήσας τις των 'Αμφισσέων,
άνθρωπος ασελγέστατος και (ως εμοί εφαίνετο) ου-
δεμιάς παιδείας μετεσχηκώς, ίσως δε και δαιμονίου
τινός εξαμαρτάνειν αυτόν προαγομένου, “αρχήν δε
γε” έφη “ώ άνδρες “Έλληνες, ει έσωφρονείτε, ουδ'
άν ωνομάζετο τούνομα του δήμου των Αθηναίων εν
ταΐσδε ταις ημέραις, αλλ' ως εναγείς εξείργετ' αν εκ
του ιερού” άμα δε εμέμνητο της των Φωκέων συμ- 118
μαχίας, ήν ο Κρωβύλος εκείνος έγραψε, και άλλα
πολλά και δυσχερή κατά της πόλεως διεξήει λέγων,
α εγώ ούτε τότ' έκαρτέρουν ακούων ούτε νύν ήδέως
μέμνημαι αυτών. ακούσας δε ούτω παροξύνθην ως
ουδεπώποτ' εν τώ έμαυτού βίω. και τους μεν άλ-
λους λόγους υπερβήσομαι επήλθε δέ μοι[επί την
γνώμην]μνησθήναι της των 'Αμφισσέων περί την
γήν την ιεράν ασεβείας, και αυτόθεν έστηκώς εδείκ-
νυον τοϊς 'Αμφικτύοσιν υπόκειται γαρ το Κιρραίον
πεδίον τώ ιερώ και έστιν ευσύνοπτον. “οράτ',” έφην 119
εγώ, ώ άνδρες 'Αμφικτύονες, εξειργασμένον τούτο
το πεδίον υπό των 'Αμφισσέων και κεραμεία ενω-
44
ÆSCHINES
κοδομημένα και αύλια: οράτε τοίς οφθαλμοίς τον
εξάγιστον και επάρατον λιμένα τετειχισμένον· ίστε
τούτους αυτοί (και ουδέν ετέρων δείσθε μαρτύρων)
τέλη πεπρακότας και χρήματα λαμβάνοντας εκ του
Γερούλιμένος” άμα δε αναγιγνώσκειν έκέλευον αυτοίς
120 την άραν την γενομένην, και διωριζόμην ότι « εγώ
μεν υπέρ του δήμου του Αθηναίων και του σώματος
και των τέκνων και οικίας της έμαυτού βοηθω κατά
τον όρκον και τω θεώ και τη γη τη τερά και χειρι
και ποδι και φωνή και πάσιν οίς δύναμαι, και την
πόλιν την ημετέραν τα προς τους θεούς αφοσιω
υμείς δ' υπέρ υμών αυτών ήδη βουλεύεσθε. ενήρκται
μεν τα κανά, παρέστηκε δε τοίς βωμούς τα θύματα,
μέλλετε δ' αιτείν τους θεούς ταγαθά και κοινή και
121 ιδία. σκοπείτε δε ποία φωνή, ποία ψυχή, ποίοις
όμμασι, τίνα τόλμαν κτησάμενοι τας ικεσίας ποιή-
σεσθε, τούτους παρέντες ατιμωρήτους τους εναγείς
και ταϊς άραϊς ενόχους. ου γαρ δι' αινιγμάτων αλλ'
έναργώς γέγραπται εν τη αρά κατά τε των ασεβη-
σάντων, α χρή παθείν αυτούς, και κατά των επι-
τρεψάντων, και τελευταίον [εν τη αρα γέγραπται,
μηδ' οσίως θύσαιεν οι μη τιμωρούντες, φησί, το
'Απόλλωνι μηδε τη 'Αρτέμιδι μηδε τη Λητου μηδ'
122 'Αθηνά Προναία, μηδε δέξαιντο αυτοίς τα τερά.”
τοιαύτα και προς τούτοις έτερα πολλά διεξελθόντος
έμου, επειδή ποτε απηλλάγην και μετέστην εκ του
συνεδρίου, κραυγή πολλή και θόρυβος ήν των 'Αμ-
φικτυόνων, και λόγος ήν ουκέτι περί των ασπίδων
ας ημείς ανέθεμεν, άλλ' ήδη περί της των 'Αμφισ-
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
45
σέων τιμωρίας. ήδη δε πόρρω της ημέρας [ούσης]
προελθών ο κήρυξ ανείπε, Δελφών όσοι επί διετες
ηβώσι, και δούλους και ελευθέρους, ήκειν άμα τη
ημέρα έχοντας άμας και δικέλλας προς το Θυτείον
εκεί καλούμενον και πάλιν ο αυτός κήρυξ αναγόρευε
τους ιερομνήμονας και πυλαγόρους ήκειν εις τον
71 αυτον τόπον βοηθήσοντας το θεό και τη γη τη ιερά
«« ήτις δ' αν μη παρή πόλις, είρξεται του ιερού και
εναγής έσται και τη αρά ένοχος.” τη δε υστεραία 123
ήκομεν έωθεν εις τον προειρημένον τόπον, και κατέ-
βημεν εις το Κιρραίον πεδίον, και τον λίμενα κατα-
σκάψαντες και τας οικίας έμπρήσαντες αναχωρού-
μεν. ταύτα δε ημών πραττόντων οι Λοκροί οι
'Αμφισσείς, εξήκοντα στάδια αποθεν οικούντες Δελ-
φών, ήκον προς ημάς μεθ' όπλων πανδημεί και εί
μη δρόμω μόλις έξεφύγομεν εις Δελφούς, εκινδυνεύ-
σαμεν άν απολέσθαι. τη δε επιούση ημέρα Κότ- 124
τυφος και τας γνώμας επιψηφίζων εκκλησίαν επoίει
των 'Αμφικτυόνων εκκλησίαν γαρ ονομάζουσιν,
όταν μη μόνον τους πυλαγόρους και τους ιερομνή-
μονας συγκαλέσωσιν, αλλά και τους συνθύοντας και
χρωμένους τω θεώ. ενταύθ' ήδη πολλαι μεν έγίγ-
νοντο των 'Αμφισσέων κατηγορίαι, πολύς δ' έπαινος
ήν κατά της ημετέρας πόλεως τέλος δε παντός του
λόγου ψηφίζονται ήκειν τους ιερομνήμονας προ της
επιούσης πυλαίας εν ρητώ χρόνω είς Πύλας, έχον-
τας δόγμα καθ' ό τι δίκας δώσουσιν οι 'Αμφισσείς
υπέρ ών εις τον θεόν και την γην την ιεράν και τους
'Αμφικτυονας εξήμαρτον. "Οτι δε αληθή λέγω,
αναγνώσεται υμίν ο γραμματεύς το ψήφισμα.
ASCHINES
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ. .
125 Του δόγματος τούτου αποδοθέντος υφ' ημών
εν τη βουλή και πάλιν εν τη εκκλησία, και τας
πράξεις ημών αποδεξαμένου του δήμου και της πό-
λεως πάσης προαιρουμένης ευσεβείν, και Δημοσθέ-
νους υπέρ του μεσεγγυήματος του εξ 'Αμφίσσης
αντιλέγοντος, και εμου φανερώς εναντίον υμών εξε-
λέγχοντος, επειδή εκ του φανερού την πόλιν άνθρω-
πος ουκ ήδύνατο σφήλαι, εισελθών εις το βουλευ-
τήριον και μεταστησάμενος τους ιδιώτας εκφέρεται
126 προβούλευμα εις την εκκλησίαν, προσλαβών την
του γράψαντος απειρίαν. το δ' αυτό τούτο και εν τη
εκκλησία διεπράξατο επιψηφισθήναι και γενέσθαι
δήμου ψήφισμα ήδη επαναστάσης της εκκλησίας,
άπεληλυθότος εμού (ου γαρ άν ποτε επέτρεψα) και
των πολλών δε αφειμένων" ου το κεφάλαιόν έστι,
«« τον ιερομνήμονα” φησί «των Αθηναίων και τους
πυλαγορους τους αεί πυλαγορούντας πορεύεσθαι εις
Πύλας και εις Δελφούς εν τοις τεταγμένους χρόνους
υπό των προγόνων,” ευπρεπώς γε τα ονόματι, αλλά
τω έργω αισχρώς" κωλύει γαρ εις τον σύλλογον τον
έν Πύλαις απαντάν, ος εξ ανάγκης προ του καθήκον-
127 τος έμελλε χρόνου γίγνεσθαι. και πάλιν εν τω αυτό
ψηφίσματι πολυ και σαφέστερον και πικρότερον
πρόσταγμα γράφει, «τον ιερομνήμονα” φησί των
'Αθηναίων και τους πυλαγόρους τους αεί πυλαγο-
ρούντας μη μετέχειν τους εκεί συλλεγομένους μήτε
λόγων μήτε έργων μήτε δογμάτων μήτε πράξεως
μηδεμιάς.” το δε μη μετέχειν τί έστι; πότερα τάλη-
θες είπω ή το ήδιστον ακούσαι; το αληθές έρώ το
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 47
γαρ αεί προς ηδονήν λεγόμενον ούτωσι την πόλιν
διατέθεικεν. ουκ έα μεμνήσθαι των όρκων, ούς ημών
οι πρόγονοι ώμοσαν, ουδε της αράς ουδε της του θεού
μαντείας.
Ημείς μέν ούν, ώ Αθηναίοι, κατεμείναμεν διά 128
τούτο το ψήφισμα, οι δ' άλλοι 'Αμφικτύονες συνε-
λέγησαν εις Πίλας πλήν μιας πόλεως, ής εγω ούτ'
αν τούνομα είπoιμι, μήθ' αι συμφοραι παραπλήσιοι
γένοιντο αυτής μηδενί των Ελλήνων. και συνελθόν-
τες εψηφίσαντο επιστρατεύειν επί τους 'Αμφισσέας,
και στρατηγόν εϊλοντο Κόττυφον τον Φαρσάλιον τον
τότε τας γνώμας έπαψηφίζοντα, ουκ επιδημούντος εν
Μακεδονία Φιλίππου, άλλ' ουδ' εν τη Ελλάδι παρ-
όντος, αλλ' εν Σκύθαις ούτω μακράν απόντος· δν
αυτίκα μάλα τολμήσει λέγειν Δημοσθένης ως εγώ
επί τους "Ελληνας επήγαγον. και παρελθόντες τη 129
πρώτη στρατεία και μάλα μετρίως έχρήσαντο τοίς
12 'Αμφισσεύσιν· αντί γάρ των μεγίστων αδικημάτων
χρήμασιν αυτούς έζημίωσαν, και ταυτ' εν ρητώ χρόνω
προείπον τω θεώ καταθείναι, και τους μεν εναγείς
και των πεπραγμένων αιτίους μετεστήσαντο, τούς δε
δι' ευσέβειαν φυγόντας κατήγαγον επειδή δε ούτε
τα χρήματα εξέτινον το θεό τούς τ' εναγείς κατή-
γαγον και τους ευσεβείς κατελθόντας διά των 'Αμφι-
κτυόνων εξέβαλον, ούτως ήδη την δευτέραν στρα-
τείαν επί τους 'Αμφισσείς εποιήσαντο, πολλώ χρόνο
ύστερον, έπανεληλυθότος Φιλίππου έκ της επί τους
Σκύθας στρατείας, των μεν θεών την ηγεμονίαν της
ευσεβείας ημίν παραδεδωκότων, της δε Δημοσθένους
δωροδοκίας εμποδών γεγενημένης.
48
ÆSCHINES
130 'Αλλ' ού προϋλεγον, ου προεσήμαινον ημίν οι
θεοί φυλάξασθαι, μόνον ουκ ανθρώπων φωνάς προσ-
κτησάμενοι; ουδεμίαν τοι πώποτε έγωγε μάλλον
πόλιν εώρακα υπό μέν των θεών σωζομένην, υπό δέ
των ρητόρων [ενίων]απολλυμένην. ουχ ικανόν ήν το
τους μυστηρίοις φανές σημείον φυλάξασθαι, και των
μυστων τελευτή; ου περί τούτων 'Αμεινιάδης μεν
προϋλεγεν ευλαβείσθαι και πέμπειν είς Δελφούς έπ-
ερησομένους τον θεόν ό τι χρή πράττειν, Δημοσθέ-
νης δε άντέλεγε φιλιππίζειν την Πυθίαν φάσκων,
απαίδευτος ών και απολαύων και εμπιπλάμενος της
131 διδομένης υφ' υμών αυτώ εξουσίας; ού το τελευταίον
αθύτων και ακαλλιερήτων των ιερών όντων έξέπεμψε
τους στρατιώτας επί τον πρόδηλον κίνδυνον, καίτοι
γε πρώην άπετόλμησε λέγειν ότι παρά τούτο Φιλιπ-
πος ουκ ήλθεν ημών επί την χώραν, ότι ουκ ήν αυτό
καλά τα τερά. τίνος ούν ζημίας άξιος εί τυχεϊν, ώ
της Ελλάδος αλυτήριε; ει γαρ ο μεν κρατών ουκ
ήλθεν εις την των κρατουμένων χώραν, ότι ουκ ήν
αυτώ καλά τα τερά, συ δ' ουδέν προειδώς των
μελλόντων έσεσθαι πριν καλλιερήσαι τους στρα-
τιώτας εξέπεμψας, πότερον στεφανούσθαι σε δεί επί
ταϊς της πόλεως άτυχίαις ή υπερωρίσθαι;
132 Τοιγάρτοι τί των ανελπίστων και απροσδοκήτων
εφ' ημών ου γέγονεν ; ου γάρ βίον γε ημείς ανθρώ-
πινον βεβιώκαμεν, αλλ' εις παραδοξολογίαν τοις έσο-
μένοις μεθ' ημάς έφυμεν. ουχ ο μεν των Περσών
βασιλεύς, και τον "Αθω διορύξας, και τον Ελλήσποντον
ζεύξας, ο γην και ύδωρ τους "Ελληνας αιτών, ο τολ-
μών εν ταις επιστολαίς γράφειν ότι δεσπότης έστιν
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 49
απάντων ανθρώπων αφ' ηλίου ανιόντος μέχρι δυο-
μένου, νύν ου περί του κύριος είναι διαγωνίζεται, .
αλλ' ήδη περί της του σώματος σωτηρίας, και τους
αυτούς δρώμενα της τε δόξης ταύτης και της επί
τον Πέρσην ηγεμονίας ήξιωμένους, οι και το εν
Δελφοίς τερον ήλευθέρωσαν. Θήβαι δέ, Θηβαι, 133
πόλις αστυγείτων, μεθ' ημέραν μίαν εκ μέσης της
Ελλάδος ανήρπασται, ει και δικαίως, περί των όλων
ουκ ορθώς βουλευσάμενοι, αλλά τήν γε θεοβλάβειαν
και την αφροσύνην ουκ άνθρωπίνως αλλά δαιμονίως
κτησάμενοι. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δ' οι ταλαίπωροι, προσ-
αψάμενοι μόνον τούτων των πραγμάτων εξ αρχής
περί την του ιερού κατάληψιν, οι των Ελλήνων
ποτέ αξιoύντες ηγεμόνες είναι, νυν ομηρεύσοντες και
της συμφοράς επίδειξιν ποιησόμενοι μέλλουσιν ως
'Αλέξανδρον αναπέμπεσθαι, τούτο πεισόμενοι και
αυτοι και η πατρίς ό τι αν εκείνω δόξη, και εν τη
του κρατούντος και προηδικημένου μετριότητι κριθή-
σονται. ή δ' ημετέρα πόλις, η κοινή καταφυγή των 134
“Ελλήνων, πρός ήν αφικνούντο πρότερον εκ της Ελ-
λάδος αι πρεσβείαι, κατά πόλεις έκαστοι παρ' ημών
την σωτηρίαν ευρησόμενοι, νύν ουκέτι περί της των
Ελλήνων ηγεμονίας αγωνίζεται αλλ' ήδη περί του
της πατρίδος εδάφους. και ταύθ' ημίν συμβέβηκεν
εξ ότου Δημοσθένης προς την πολιτείαν προσελήλυ-
θεν. εν γαρ περί των τοιούτων Ησίοδος ο ποιητής
αποφαίνεται. λέγει γάρ που παιδεύων τα πλήθη και
73 γωγών μη προσδέχεσθαι. λέξω δε κάγώ τα έπη δια 135
τούτο γάρ οίμαι ημάς παίδας όντας τας των ποιητών
50
'
γνώμας έκμανθάνειν, ίν' άνδρες όντες αυταίς χρώμεθα
ός κεν αλιτραίνη και ατασθαλα μηχανάαται.
τοισιν δ' ουρανόθεν μέγ επήγαγε πημα Κρονίων,
λιμον ομού και λοιμόν, αποφθινύθουσι δε λαοί:
ή των γε στρατόν εύρυν απώλεσεν ή και γε τείχος,
ή νέας εν πόντο αποτίνυται ευρύοπα Ζεύς.
136 εάν δε περιελόντες του ποιητού το μέτρον τας γνώ-
μας εξετάζητε, οίμαι υμίν δόξειν ου ποιήματα Ησιό-
δου είναι αλλά χρησμόν εις την Δημοσθένους πολι-
τείαν και γαρ ναυτική και πεζή στρατιά και πόλεις
άρδην εισίν άνηρπασμέναι εκ της τούτου πολιτείας.
137 'Αλλ' οίμαι, ούτε Φρυνώνδας ούτε Ευρύματος ούτ'
άλλος ουδείς πώποτε των πάλαι πονηρών τοιούτος
μάγος και γόης εγένετο, ός, ω γη και θεοί και δαί-
μονες και άνθρωποι όσοι βούλεσθε ακούειν ταληθή,
τολμά λέγειν βλέπων εις τα πρόσωπα τα υμέτερα,
ως άρα Θηβαίοι την συμμαχίαν ημίν εποιήσαντο ου
διά τον καιρόν, ου διά τον φόβον τον περιστάντα
αυτούς, ου διά την υμετέραν δόξαν, αλλά διά τας
138 Δημοσθένους δημηγορίας. καίτοι πολλές μέν πρότε-
ρον πρεσβείας έπρέσβευσαν εις Θήβας οι μάλιστα
οικείως εκείνοις διακείμενοι, πρώτος μέν Θρασύβου-
λος ο Κολλυτεύς, ανήρ έν Θήβαις πιστευθείς ως
ουδείς έτερος, πάλιν Θράσων ο 'Ερχιεύς, πρόξενος ών
Θηβαίοις, Λεωδάμας ο 'Αχαρνεύς, ουχ ήττον Δημο-
σθένους λέγειν δυνάμενος άλλ' έμοιγε και ήδίων,
139 'Αρχέδημος ο Πήληξ, και δυνατός ειπείν και πολλά
κεκινδυνευκως εν τη πολιτεία διά Θηβαίους, 'Αρισ-
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 51
τοφών ο Αζηνιεύς, πλείστον χρόνον την του βοιωτιά-
ζειν υπομείνας αιτίαν, Πύρρανδρος ο 'Αναφλύστιος,
δς έτι και νύν ζη. αλλ' όμως ουδείς πώποτε αυτούς
έδυνήθη προτρέψασθαι εις την υμετέραν φιλίαν. το
δ' αίτιον οίδα μέν, λέγειν δ' ουδέν δέομαι δια τας
ατυχίας αυτών. άλλ' οίμαι επειδή Φίλιππος αυτών 140
αφελόμενος Νίκαιαν Θετταλούς παρέδωκε, και τον
πόλεμον ον πρότερον εξήλασεν εκ της χώρας της
Βοιωτών, τούτον πάλιν τον αυτόν πόλεμον επήγαγε
διά της Φωκίδος επ' αυτάς τας Θήβας, και το τε-
λευταίον Ελάτειαν καταλαβών έχαράκωσε και φρου-
ραν εισήγαγεν, ενταύθ' ήδη, έπει το δεινόν αυτών
ήπτετο, μετεπέμψαντο Αθηναίους, και υμείς εξήλ-
θετε και εισήειτε εις τας Θήβας έν τοίς όπλοις διε-
σκευασμένοι, και οι ιππείς και οι πεζοί, πριν περί
συμμαχίας μίαν μόνην συλλαβήν γράψαι Δημοσθέ-
νην. ο δ' εισάγων ήν υμάς εις τας Θήβας καιρός 141
και φόβος και χρεία συμμαχίας, αλλ' ου Δημοσθέ-
νης, επεί περί γε ταύτας τας πράξεις τρία τα πάντων
μέγιστα Δημοσθένης εις υμάς εξημάρτηκε, πρώτον
μεν ότι Φιλίππου το μεν ονόματι πολεμούντος
υμίν, τω δ' έργω πολυ μάλλον μισούντος Θηβαίους,
ως αυτά τα πράγματα δεδήλωκε, και τί δεί τα πλείω
λέγειν; ταύτα μεν τα τηλικαύτα το μέγεθος απεκρύ-
ψατο, προσποιησάμενος δε μέλλειν την συμμαχίαν
γενήσεσθαι ου διά τους καιρούς αλλά διά τας αυτού 142
πρεσβείας πρώτον μεν συνέπεισε τον δήμον μηκέτι
βουλεύεσθαι επί τίσι δεί ποιείσθαι την συμμαχίαν,
αλλ' αγαπάν μόνον ει γίγνεται, τούτο δε προλαβών
έκδοτον μεν την Βοιωτίαν πάσαν εποίησε Θηβαίοις,
4--2
52
ÆSCHINES
γράψας εν τω ψηφίσματι, εάν τις αφιστήται πόλις
από Θηβαίων, βοηθείν 'Αθηναίους Βοιωτούς τους εν
Θήβαις, τους ονόμασι κλέπτων και μεταφέρων τα.
πράγματα, ώσπερ είωθεν, ως τους Βοιωτούς έργω 74
κακώς πάσχοντας την των ονομάτων σύνθεσιν των
Δημοσθένους αγαπήσοντας, αλλ' ου μάλλον εφ' οίς
143 κακώς πεπόνθεσαν αγανακτήσοντας δεύτερον δε των
εις τον πόλεμον αναλωμάτων τα μέν δύο μέρη υμίν
ανέθηκεν, οίς ήσαν απωτέρω οι κίνδυνοι, το δε τρίτον
μέρος Θηβαίοις, δωροδοκών εφ' εκάστοις τούτων, και
την ηγεμονίαν τήν μέν κατά θάλατταν εποίησε κοι-
νήν, το δ' άνάλωμα ίδιον υμέτερον, την δε κατά
γην, ει μη δεί ληρείν, άρδην φέρων ανέθηκε Θηβαίοις,
ώστε παρά τον γενόμενον πόλεμον μη κύριον γενέ-
σθαι Στρατοκλέα τον ημέτερον στρατηγόν βουλεύ-
144 σασθαι περί της των στρατιωτών σωτηρίας. και
ταυτ' ουκ εγω μεν κατηγορώ έτεροι δε παραλείπου-
σιν, αλλά κάγώ λέγω και πάντες επιτιμώσι και
υμείς συνιστε και ουκ οργίζεσθε. εκείνο γαρ πεπόν-
θατε προς Δημοσθένην συνείθισθε ήδη ταδικήματα
τα τούτου ακούειν, ώστε ου θαυμάζετε. δεί δε ουχ
ούτως, αλλ' αγανακτείν και τιμωρείσθαι, ει χρή τα
λοιπά τη πόλει καλώς έχειν.
145 Δεύτερον δε και πολύ τούτου μείζον αδίκημα
ήδίκησεν, ότι το βουλευτήριον το της πόλεως και
την δημοκρατίαν άρδην ελαθεν υφελόμενος και μετ-
ήνεγκεν εις Θήβας εις την Καδμείαν, την κοινω-
νίαν των πράξεων τοϊς Βοιωτάρχαις συνθέμενος και
τηλικαύτην αυτός αυτώ δυναστείαν κατεσκεύασεν,
ώστ' ήδη παριών επί το βήμα πρεσβεύσειν μεν έφη
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
53
όποι αν αυτό δοκή, κάν μη υμείς έκπέμπητε, ει δέ 146
τις αυτών των στρατηγών αντείποι, καταδoυλoύμενος
τους άρχοντας και συνεχίζων μηδεν αυτώ αντιλέγειν
διαδικασίαν έφη γράψειν τω βήματα προς το στρατή-
γιον" πλείω γάρ υμάς αγαθά υφ' εαυτού έφη από
του βήματος πεπονθέναι ή υπό των στρατηγών εκ
του στρατηγίου. μισθοφορών δ' εν τω ξενικό κε-
ναΐς χώραις, και τα στρατιωτικά χρήματα κλέπτων
και τους μυρίους ξένους εκμισθώσας 'Αμφισσείσι
πολλά διαμαρτυρομένου και σχετλιάζοντος εν ταις
εκκλησίαις έμού, προσέμιξε φέρων άναρπασθέντων
των ξένων τον κίνδυνον απαρασκεύω τη πόλει. τί 147
γάρ άν οίεσθε Φίλιππον εν τοις τότε καιρούς εύξα-
σθαι ; ου χωρίς μέν προς την πολιτικήν δύναμιν
χωρίς δ' εν 'Αμφίσση προς τους ξένους διαγωνίσα-
σθαι, άθύμους δε τους Έλληνας λαβείν τηλικαύτης
πληγής προγεγενημένης και τηλικούτων κακών αϊ-
τιος γεγενημένος Δημοσθένης ουκ αγαπάει μη δίκην
δέδωκεν, αλλ' ει μή και χρυσό στεφάνω στεφανω-
θήσεται αγανακτεί ουδ' ικανόν έστιν αυτώ εναντίον
υμών κηρύττεσθαι, αλλ' ει μή των Ελλήνων έναν-
τίον αναρρηθήσεται, τουτ' ήδη αγανακτεί. ούτως, ως
έoικε, πονηρά φύσις μεγάλης εξουσίας επιλαβομένη
δημοσίας απεργάζεται συμφοράς.
Τρίτον δε και των προειρημένων μέγιστόν έστιν 148
ο μέλλω λέγειν. Φιλίππου γαρ ου καταφρονούντος
των Ελλήνων, ουδ' άγνοούντος (ού γαρ ήν ασύνετος)
ότι περί των υπαρχόντων αγαθών εν ημέρας μικρό
μέρει διαγωνιείται, και διά ταύτα βουλομένου ποιή-
σασθαι την ειρήνης και πρεσβείας αποστέλλειν μέλ-
54
ÆSCHINES
λοντος, και των αρχόντων των εν Θήβαις φοβουμέ-
νων τον έπιόντα κίνδυνον (είκότως ου γαρ ρήτωρ
άστράτευτος και λιπών την τάξιν αυτούς ενoυθέ-
τησεν, αλλ' ο Φωκικός πόλεμος δεκαετής γεγονός
149 αείμνηστον παιδείαν αυτούς έπαίδευσε), τούτων δε
εχόντων ούτως αισθόμενος Δημοσθένης, και τους
Βοιωτάρχας υποπτεύσας μέλλειν ειρήνην ιδία ποιεί-
σθαι χρυσίον άνευ αυτού παρα Φιλίππου λαβόντας,
αβίωτον ήγησάμενος είναι εί τινος απολειφθήσεται
δωροδοκίας, αναπηδήσας εν τη εκκλησία, ουδενός άν-
θρώπων λέγοντας ούθ' ως δεί ποιείσθαι προς Φίλιπ-
πον ειρήνην ούθ' ως ου δεί, αλλ, ως ώετο, τούτο κή-
ρυγμά τι τοϊς Βοιωτάρχαις προκηρύττων αναφέρειν
150 αυτά τα μέρη των λημμάτων, διώμνυτο την 'Αθηνών
(ήν, ως έoικε, Φειδίας ενεργολαβείν ειργάσατο και
ενεπιορκεϊν Δημοσθένει) ή μην εί τις έρεί ως χρή 75
προς Φίλιππον ειρήνην ποιήσασθαι απάξειν εις το
δεσμωτήριον επιλαβόμενος των τριχών, απομιμού-
μενος την Κλεοφώντος πολιτείαν, δς επί του προς
Λακεδαιμονίους πολέμου, ως λέγεται, την πόλιν
απώλεσεν. ώς δ' ου προσεύχον αυτώ οι άρχοντες οι
εν ταις Θήβαις, αλλά και τους στρατιώτας τους
υμετέρους πάλιν ανέστρεψαν εξεληλυθότας, ένα βου-
151 λεύσησθε περί της ειρήνης, ενταύθα παντάπασιν
έκφρων εγένετο, και παρελθών επί το βήμα προδό-
τας των Ελλήνων τους Βοιωτάρχας απεκάλεσε, και
γράψειν έφη ψήφισμα και τους πολεμίοις ουδέποτ' αν-
τιβλέψας πέμπειν υμάς πρέσβεις εις Θήβας αιτή-
σοντας Θηβαίους δίοδον επί Φίλιππον, υπεραισχυν-
θέντες δε οι έν Θήβαις άρχοντες μη δόξωσιν ως
τας Τον έφη ψήν υμάς
Φίλιππ
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
αληθώς είναι προδόται των Ελλήνων, από μέν της
ειρήνης απετράποντο, επί δε την παράταξιν ώρ-,
μησαν.
"Ενθα δη και των αγαθών ανδρών άξιόν έστιν 152
επιμνησθήναι, ούς ούτος αθύτων και ακαλλιερήτων
όντων των ιερών εκπέμψας επί τον πρόδηλον κίνδυ-
νον ετόλμησε τους δραπέταις ποσί και λελοιπόσι
την τάξιν αναβάς επί τον τάφον των τετελευτηκό-
των εγκωμιάζειν την εκείνων αρετήν. ώ πρός μεν
τα μεγάλα και σπουδαία πάντων ανθρώπων αχρη-
στότατε, προς δε την εν τοις λόγοις τόλμαν θαυμα-
σιώτατε, επιχειρήσεις αυτίκα μάλα, βλέπων εις τα
τούτων πρόσωπα, λέγειν ως δεί σε επί ταϊς της
πόλεως συμφοραίς στεφανούσθαι, εάν δ' ούτος
λέγη, υμείς υπομενείτε, και συναποθανείται τους
τελευτήσασιν, ως έoικε, και η υμετέρα μνήμης γέ- 153
νεσθε δή μοι μικρόν χρόνον την διάνοιαν μη εν τω
δικαστηρίω αλλ' εν τω θεάτρω, και νομίσαθ' οράν
προιόντα τον κήρυκα και την εκ του ψηφίσματος
ανάρρησιν μέλλουσαν γίγνεσθαι, και λογίσασθε
πότερ’ οίεσθε τους οικείους των τελευτησάντων
πλείω δάκρυα αφήσειν επί ταϊς τραγωδίαις και τους
ηρωικούς πάθεσι τους μετά ταύτ' έπεισιoύσιν ή επί
τη της πόλεως αγνωμοσύνη. τίς γάρ ουκ άν άλγή- 154
σειεν άνθρωπος “Έλλην και παιδευθείς ελευθερίως,
αναμνησθείς εν τω θεάτρω εκείνό γε, ει μηδέν έτε-
ρον, ότι ταύτη ποτέ τη ημέρα μελλόντων ώσπερ
νυνι των τραγωδών γίγνεσθαι, ότ' εύνομείτο μάλλον
η πόλις και βελτίοσι προστάταις έχρητο, προ-
ελθών ο κήρυξ και παραστησάμενος τους ορφανους
56
ÆSCHINES
ών οι πατέρες ήσαν έν τω πολέμω τετελευτηκότες,
νεανίσκους πανοπλία κεκοσμημένους, εκήρυττε το
κάλλιστον κήρυγμα και προτρεπτικώτατον προς
αρετήν, ότι τούσδε τους νεανίσκους, ών οι πατέρες
ετελεύτησαν εν τω πολέμω άνδρες αγαθοί γενόμενοι, -
μέχρι μέν ήβης ο δήμος έτρεφε, νυνί δε καθοπλίσας
τηδε τη πανοπλία αφίησιν αγαθή τύχη τρέπεσθαι
155 επί τα εαυτών, και καλεί εις προεδρίαν. τότε μεν
ταυτ' εκήρυττεν, άλλ' ού νύν, αλλά παραστη-
σάμενος τον της ορφανίας τους παισιν αίτιον τί ποτ'
ανερεί ή τί φθέγξεται ; και γαρ εάν αυτά διεξία τα
έκ τού ψηφίσματος προστάγματα, αλλ' ου το γ' εκ
της αληθείας αισχρόν σιωπηθήσεται αλλά τάναντία
δόξει τη του κήρυκος φωνή φθέγγεσθαι, ότι τόνδε
τον άνδρα, ει δή και ούτος ανήρ, στεφανου ο δήμος
των Αθηναίων αρετής ένεκα τον κάκιστον, και
άνδραγαθίας ένεκα τον άνανδρον και λελοιπότα την
156 τάξιν. μη προς του Διός και των άλλων θεών,
εκετεύω υμάς, ώ Αθηναίοι, μη τρόπαιον ίστατε αφ'
υμών αυτών εν τη του Διονύσου ορχήστρα, μηδ'
αιρείτε παρανοίας εναντίον των Ελλήνων τον δήμον
των Αθηναίων, μηδ' υπομιμνήσκετε των ανιάτων
και ανηκέστων κακών τους ταλαιπώρους Θηβαίους,
ούς φυγόντας διά τούτον υποδέδεχθε τη πόλει, ών
ιερά και τέκνα και τάφους απώλεσεν η Δημοσθένους
157 δωροδοκία και το βασιλικός χρυσίον· αλλ' επειδή
τους σώμασιν ού παρεγένεσθε, αλλά ταϊς γε δια-
νοίαις αποβλέψατ' αυτών εις τας συμφοράς, και
νομίσαθ' οράν αλισκομένην την πόλιν, τειχών
κατασκαφάς, έμπρήσεις οικιών, αγομένας γυναίκας
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 57
και παίδας εις δουλείαν, πρεσβύτας ανθρώπους,
πρεσβύτιδας γυναίκας, οψέ μεταμανθάνοντας την
ελευθερίαν, κλαίοντας, ικετεύοντας υμάς, όργιζομέ-
νους ου τους τιμωρουμένοις αλλά τους τούτων
αιτίοις, επισκέπτοντας μηδενί τρόπω τον της Ελ-
λάδος αλιτήριον στεφανούν, αλλά και τον δαίμονα
και την τύχην την συμπαρακολουθούσαν το άν-
θρώπω φυλάξασθαι, ούτε πόλις γαρ ούτ' ιδιώτης 158
ανήρ ουδείς πώποτε καλώς απήλλαξε Δημοσθένει
συμβούλω χρησάμενος. υμείς δ', ώ Αθηναίοι, ουκ
αισχύνεσθε εί επί μεν τους πορθμέας τους είς Σα-
λαμίνα πορθμεύοντας νόμον έθεσθε, εάν τις αυτών
άκων εν τω πόρω πλοίον ανατρέψη, τούτω μη
εξείναι πάλιν πορθμεί γενέσθαι, ίνα μηδείς αυτο-
σχεδιάζη είς τα των Ελλήνων σώματα, τον δε την
Ελλάδα και την πόλιν άρδην ανατετρoφότα, τούτον
"Ινα δ' είπα και περί του τετάρτου καιρού και 159
των νυνί καθεστηκότων πραγμάτων, εκείνο υμάς
υπομνήσαι βούλομαι, ότι Δημοσθένης ου την από
στρατοπέδου μόνον τάξιν έλιπεν αλλά και την εκ
της πόλεως.... τριήρη προσλαβών υμών, και τους
"Ελληνας ήργυρολόγησε. καταγαγούσης δ' αυτόν
εις την πόλιν της απροσδοκήτου σωτηρίας τους μεν
πρώτους χρόνους υπότρομος ήν άνθρωπος, και
παριών ημιθνής επί το βήμα ειρηνοφύλακα υμάς
αυτόν εκέλευε χειροτονείν υμείς δε [κατά μέν τους
πρώτους χρόνους ουδ' επί τα ψηφίσματα είάτε το
Δημοσθένους επιγράφειν όνομα, αλλά Ναυσικλεί
58
ÆSCHINES.
160 αξιολ. επειδή δ' ετελεύτησε μέν Φίλιππος, Αλέξαν-
δρος δ' εις την αρχήν κατέστη, πάλιν αυ τερατευόμε-
νος τερά μεν ιδρύσατο Παυσανίου, είς αιτίαν δε ευαγ-
γελίων θυσίας την βουλήν κατέστησεν, επωνυμίαν
δ' 'Αλεξάνδρα Μαργίτην ετίθετο, απετόλμα δε
λέγειν ως ου κινηθήσεται έκ Μακεδονίας: αγαπάς
γάρ αυτόν έφη έν Πέλλη περιπατούντα και τα
σπλάγχνα φυλάττοντα. και ταύτα λέγειν έφη ουκ
εικάζων, αλλ' ακριβώς είδώς ότι αίματός έστιν η
αρετη ωνία, αυτός ουκ έχων αίμα και θεωρών τον
'Αλέξανδρον ουκ εκ της Αλεξάνδρου φύσεως αλλ'
161 εκ της εαυτού άνανδρίας. ήδη δ' εψηφισμένων
Θετταλών επιστρατεύειν επί την υμετέραν πόλιν,
και του νεανίσκου το πρώτον παροξυνθέντος εικό-
τως, επειδή περί Θήβας ήν το στρατόπεδον, πρε-
σβευτής υφ' υμών χειροτονηθείς, αποδράς εκ μέσου
του Κιθαιρώνος ήκεν υποστρέψας, ούτ' εν ειρήνη
ούτ' εν πολέμω χρήσιμον εαυτόν παρέχων. και το
πάντων δεινότατον, υμείς μέν τούτον ου προϋδοτε,
ουδ' ελάσατε κριθήναι έν τω των Ελλήνων συνεδρίω,
ούτος δ' υμάς νυν προδέδωκεν, είπερ αληθή έστιν α
162 λέγεται. ως γάρ φασιν οι Πάραλοι και οι πρεσβεί-
σαντες προς Αλέξανδρον (και το πράγμα είκότως
πιστεύεται), έστι τις 'Αριστίων Πλαταϊκός, και του
'Αριστοβούλου του φαρμακοπώλου υιός, εί τις άρα
και υμών γινώσκει. ούτός ποτε ο νεανίσκος ετέρων
την όψιν διαφέρων[γενόμενος]ώκησε πολύν χρόνον
εν τη Δημοσθένους οικίας και τι δε πράττων ή πά-
σχων, αμφίβολος η αιτία και το πράγμα ουδαμώς
εύσχημον εμοί λέγειν. ούτος, ως εγώ ακούω, ήγνο-
co Xpno jipucis
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
59
ημένος όστις ποτ' έστι και πώς βεβιωκώς, τον
"Αλέξανδρον υποτρέχει και πλησιάζει εκείνω. δια
τούτου γράμματα πέμψας ως 'Aλέξανδρον άδειάν
τινα εύρηται και διαλλαγές και πολλήν κολακείαν
πεποίηται. εκείθεν δε θεωρήσατε ως όμοιόν εστι 163
το πράγμα τη αιτία. ει γάρ τι τούτων εφρόνει
Δημοσθένης και πολεμικώς είχεν, ώσπερ και φησί,
προς Αλέξανδρον, τρείς αυτό καιροί κάλλιστοι
77 παραγεγόνασιν, ων ουδενί φαίνεται κεχρημένος. είς
mapagayoncor, mouere pulve a kex
μέν ο πρώτος, ότ' εις την αρχήν ου πάλαι καθεστη-
κώς Αλέξανδρος απαρασκεύων αυτώ των ιδίων
όντων εις την Ασίαν διέβη, ήκμαζε δ' και των Περ-
σών βασιλεύς και ναυσι και χρήμασι και πεζή
στρατιά, άσμενος δ' αν υμάς εις την συμμαχίαν
προσεδέξατο δια τους επιφερομένους αυτώ κινδύ-
νους. είπάς τινα ενταύθα λόγον, Δημίσθενες, ή
έγραψάς τι ψήφισμα; βούλει σε θω φοβηθήναι
και χρήσασθαι τοσαυτου τρόπω; καίτοι ρητορικήν
δειλίαν δημόσιος καιρός ουκ αναμένει· αλλ' επειδή 164
πάση τη δυνάμει Δαρείος κατεβεβήκει, ο δ' 'Αλέξ-
σανδρος ήν απειλημμένος εν Κιλικία πάντων ένδεής,
ως έφησθα σύ, αυτίκα μάλα δ' ήμελλεν, ώς ήν και
ταρά σου λόγος, συμπατηθήσεσθαι υπό της Περσι-
κής ίππου, την δε σην αηδίαν ή πόλις ουκ εχώρει
και τας επιστολές ας εξηρτημένος εκ των δακτύλων
περιήεις, επιδεικνύων τισι το εμόν πρόσωπον ως
εκπεπληγμένου και άθυμούντος, και χρυσόκερων
αποκαλών και κατεστέφθαι φάσκων εί τι πταισμα
συμβήσεται 'Αλεξάνδρω, ουδ' ενταύθα έπραξας
ουδέν, άλλ' είς τινα καιρόν ανεβάλλoυ καλλίω.
60
ÆSCHINES.
165 υπερβάς τοίνυν άπαντα ταύτα υπέρ των νυνι καθε-
στηκότων λέξω. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μέν και το ξενικόν
επέτυχον μάχη και διέφθειραν τους περί Κόρραγον
στρατιώτας, Ηλείοι δ' αυτούς συμμετεβάλοντο και
'Αχαιοί πάντες πλην Πελληναίων και Αρκαδία
πάσα πλην Μεγάλης πόλεως, αύτη δε επολιορκείτο
και καθ' εκάστην ημέραν επίδοξος ήν αλώναι, ο δ'
'Αλέξανδρος έξω της άρκτου και της οικουμένης
ολίγου δείν πάσης μεθειστήκει, ο δε Αντίπατρος
πολύν χρόνον συνήγε στρατόπεδον, το δ' έσόμενον
άδηλον ήν. ενταύθ' ημίν απόδειξιν ποίησαι, Δη-
μόσθενες, τί ποτ' ήν ά έπραξας ή τί ποτ' ήν α
έλεγες· και ει βούλει, παραχωρώ σοι του βήματος,
166 έως αν είπης. επειδή δε σιγάς, ότι μέν απορείς,
συγγνώμην έχω σοι, ά δε τότ' έλεγες, εγώ νύν λέξω.
ου μέμνησθε αυτου τα μιαρά και απίθανα ρήματα,
α πως ποθ' υμείς ώ σιδήρεοι εκαρτερείτε ακροώ-
μενοι; ότ' έφη παρελθών “αμπελουργούσί τινες
την πόλιν,” “άνατετμήκασί τινες τα κλήματα του
δήμου,” “υποτέτμηται τα νεύρα των πραγμάτων”
“φορμορραφούμεθα,” «επί τα στενά τινες ώσπερ τας
167 βελόνας διείρουσι” ταύτα δε τί έστιν, ω κίναδος;
ρήματα και θαύματα; και πάλιν ότε κύκλω περιδινών
σεαυτόν επί του βήματος έλεγες ως αντιπράττων
"Αλεξάνδρα «ομολογώ τα Λακωνικά συστήσαι,
ομολογώ Θετταλούς και Περραιβούς αφιστάναι.”
συ γαρ άν κώμην αποστήσαις; συ γαρ αν προσέλ-
θοις μη ότι πρός πόλιν, αλλά προς οικίαν όπου
κίνδυνος πρόσεστιν; αλλ' ει μέν που χρήματα
αναλίσκεται, προσκαθιζήσει, πράξιν δε ανδρος ου
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
61
πράξεις: εάν δ' αυτόματόν τι συμβή, προσποιήση
και σαυτόν επί το γεγενημένον επιγράψεις: αν δ'
έλθη φόβος της, αποδράση: έαν δε θαρρήσωμεν,
δωρεάς αιτήσεις και χρυσοίς στεφάνους στεφανού-
σθαι.
Ναι, αλλά δημοτικός έστιν. έαν μεν τοίνυν προς 168
την ευφημίαν των λόγων αυτού αποβλέπετε, εξαπα-
τηθήσεσθε ώσπερ και πρότερον εάν δ' εις την φύσιν
και την αλήθειαν, ουκ εξαπατηθήσεσθε. εκείνως δε
απολάβετε παρ' αυτού τον λόγον. εγώ μεν μεθ'
υμών λογιούμαι και δεί υπάρξαι έν τη φύσει το
δημοτικό ανδρι και σώφρονι, και πάλιν αντιθήσω
ποιόν τινα είκός έστιν είναι τον ολιγαρχικόν άνθρω-
πον και φαύλον υμείς δ' αντιθέντες εκάτερα τούτων
θεωρήσατ' αυτόν, μη oπoτέρου του λόγου αλλ' όπο-
τέρου του βίου εστίν. οίμαι τοίνυν άπαντας αν 169
όμολογήσαι υμάς τάδε δείν υπάρξαι το δημοτικό,
πρώτον μεν ελεύθερον αυτόν είναι και προς πατρός
και προς μητρός, ίνα μη διά την περί το γένος ατυ-
78 χίαν δυσμενής και τους νόμοις οι σώζουσι την δημο-
κρατίαν, δεύτερον δ' από των προγόνων ευεργεσίαν
τινά αυτό προς τον δήμον υπάρχειν, ή το γ' αναγ-
καιότατον μηδεμίαν έχθραν, ίνα μη βοηθών τοϊς των
προγόνων ατυχήμασι κακώς επιχειρή ποιείν την
πόλιν. τρίτον σώφρονα και μέτριον χρή πεφυκέναι 170
αυτόν προς την καθ' ημέραν δίαιταν, όπως μη διά
την ασέλγειαν της δαπάνης δωροδοκή κατά του δή-
μου, τέταρτον ευγνώμονα και δυνατόν είπείν καλών
γάρ τήν μέν διάνοιαν προαιρείσθαι τα βέλτιστα, την
δε παιδείαν τήν του ρήτορος και τον λόγον πείθειν
62
ÆSCHINES
τους ακούοντας" ει δε μή, τήν η ευγνωμοσύνην αει
προτακτέον του λόγου. πέμπτον ανδρείον είναι την
ψυχήν, ίνα μή παρά τα δεινά και τους πολέμους έγ-
καταλείπη τον δήμον. τον δ' ολιγαρχικόν πάντα
δεί ταναντία τούτων έχειν' τί γαρ δεί πάλιν διεξι-
έναι; σκέψασθε δή τί τούτων υπάρχει Δημοσθένει:
ο δε λογισμός έστω επί πάσι δικαίοις.
171 Τούτω πατηρ μεν ήν Δημοσθένης και Παιανιεύς,
ανήρ ελεύθερος» ου γαρ δεί ψεύδεσθαι" τα δ' από
της μητρός και του πάππου του προς μητρός πως
έχει αυτό; εγω φράσω. Γύλων ήν εκ Κεραμέων.
ούτος προδούς τους πολεμίοις Νύμφαιον το εν τω
Πόντο, τότε της πόλεως εχούσης το χωρίον τούτο,
φυγάς εκ της πόλεως εγένετο θανάτου καταγνω-
σθέντος αυτού, την κρίσιν ουχ υπομείνας, και αφι-
172 των τυράννων τους ωνομασμένους Κήπους, και γαμεί
γυναίκα πλουσίαν μεν νή Δία και χρυσίον επιφερο-
μένην πολύ, Σκύθιν δε το γένος, εξής γίγνονται αυτο
θυγατέρες δύο, ας εκείνος δεύρο μετά πολλών χρη-
μάτων στείλας συνώκισε την μεν ετέραν οτιδήποτε,
ίνα μη πολλούς απεχθάνομαι την δ' ετέραν έγημε
παριδών τους της πόλεως νόμους Δημοσθένης και
Παιανιεύς, εξ ης υμίν ο περίεργος και συκοφάντης
Δημοσθένης γεγένηται. ουκούν από μέν του πάππου
[του προς μητρός πολέμιος αν είη τώ δήμω (θάνατον
γάρ αυτου των προγόνων κατέγνωτε), τα δ' από της
μητρός Σκύθης, βάρβαρος ελληνίζων τη φωνή· όθεν
173 και την πονηρίαν ουκ επιχώριός έστι. Περί δε την
καθ' ημέραν δίαιταν τίς έστιν; έκ τριηράρχου λογο-
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 63
γράφος ανεφάνη, τα πατρώα καταγελάστως πρoέμε-
νος: άπιστος δε και περί ταύτα δόξας είναι και τους
λόγους εκφέρων τους αντιδίκους ανεπήδησεν επί το
βήμα πλείστον δ' έκ της πόλεως ειληφως αργύριον
ελάχιστα περιεποιήσατο. νύν μέντοι το βασιλικών
χρυσίον επικέκλυκε την δαπάνην αυτού, έσται δ'
ουδε τούθ' έκανόν: ουδείς γαρ πώποτε πλούτος τρό-
που πονηρού περιεγένετο. και το κεφάλαιον, τον
βίον ουκ εκ των ιδίων προσόδων πορίζεται αλλ' έκ
των υμετέρων κινδύνων. περί δ' ευγνωμοσύνης και 174
λόγου δύναμιν πως πέφυκε ; δεινός λέγειν, κακός
βιώναι. ούτω γαρ κέχρηται και το εαυτού σώματι
και παιδοποιία, ώστ' εμέ μη βούλεσθαι λέγειν &
τούτω πέπρακται ήδη γάρ ποτε είδον μισηθέντας
τους τα των πλησίον αισχρά λίαν σαφώς λέγοντας.
έπειτα τι συμβαίνει τη πόλει και οι μεν λόγοι καλοί,
τα δ' έργα φαύλα. προς δε ανδρίαν βραχύς μου λεί- 175
πεται λόγος. ει μεν γαρ ήρνείτο μη δειλός είναι η
υμείς μη συνήδειτε, διατριβήν ο λόγος άν μοι παρ-
έσχεν: επειδή δε και αυτός ομολογεί εν ταις εκκλη-
σίαις και υμείς συνιστε, λοιπόν υπομνήσαι τους
περί τούτων κειμένους νόμους. ο γαρ Σόλων και
παλαιός νομοθέτης εν τοίς αυτούς επιτιμίοις φετο
δείν ενέχεσθαι τον αστράτευτον και τον λελοιπότα
την τάξιν και τον δειλόν ομοίως εισί γάρ και δειλίας
γραφαί. καίτοι θαυμάσειεν άν τις υμών ει εισι
φύσεως γραφαί. εισίν. τίνος ένεκα; ίν' έκαστος
ημών τας εκ των νόμων ζημίας φοβούμενος μάλλον
79 ή τους πολεμίους αμείνων αγωνιστής υπέρ της πα-
τρίδος υπάρχη. ο μεν τοίνυν νομοθέτης τον αστρά- 176
64
ÆSCHINES
τευτον και τον δειλών και τον λιπόντα την τάξιν έξω
των περιρραντηρίων της αγοράς εξείργει, και ουκ
εά στεφανούσθαι ουδ' εισιέναι εις τα ιερά τα δημο-
τελή συ δε τον αστεφάνωτον εκ των νόμων κελεύεις
ημάς στεφανούν, και το σαυτού ψηφίσματι τον ου
προσήκοντα εισκαλείς τους τραγωδοίς εις την ορχή-
στραν, εις το ιερόν του Διονύσου τον τα ιερά διά
δειλίαν προδεδωκότα.
"Ινα δε μη αποπλανώ υμάς από της υποθέσεως,
εκείνο μέμνησθε όταν φη δημοτικός είναι. θεωρείτο
αυτού μη τον λόγον αλλά τον βίον, και σκοπείτε μη
τίς φησιν είναι άλλα τίς έστιν.
177 Επει δε στεφάνων ανεμνήσθην και δωρεών, έως
έτι μέμνημαι, προλέγω υμίν, άνδρες Αθηναίοι, ει μη
καταλύσετε τας άφθόνους ταύτας δωρεάς και τους
εική διδομένους στεφάνους, ούθ' οι τιμώμενοι χάριν
υμίν είσονται ούτε τα της πόλεως πράγματα επαν-
ορθωθήσεται τους μεν γαρ πονηρούς ου μή ποτε
βελτίoυς ποιήσετε, τους δε χρηστους εις την εσχά-
την αθυμίαν έμβαλείτε. ότι δ' αληθή λέγω, μεγάλα
178 τούτων οίμαι σημεία δείξειν υμίν. ει γάρ τις υμάς
έρωτήσειε πότερον υμίν ένδοξοτέρα δοκεί η πόλις
είναι επί των νυνι καιρών ή επί των προγόνων,
άπαντες αν ομολογήσαιτε, επί των προγόνων. άνδρες
δε πότερον τότε άμείνους ήσαν ή νυνί, τότε μεν
διαφέροντες, νυνί δε πολλά καταδεέστεροι. δωρεαι
δε και στέφανοι και κηρύγματα και σιτήσεις έν πρυ-
τανείω πότερον τότε ήσαν πλείους ή νυνί, τότε μεν
ήν σπάνια τα καλά παρ' ημίν και το της αρετής
όνομα τίμιον νύν δ' ήδη καταπέπλυται το πράγμα,
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEMΙΙ ο
. 65
και το στεφανούν έξ έθους αλλ' ουκ εκ προνοίας
ποιείσθε. ουκ ούν άτοπον ουτωσι διαλογιζομένοις 179
τας μέν δωρεάς νύν πλείους είναι, τα δε πράγματα
της πόλεως τότε μάλλον ή νύν ισχύειν, και τους
άνδρας νυν μεν χείρους είναι, τότε δ' άμείνους; εγω
δε τούθ' υμάς επιχειρήσω διδάσκειν. οίεσθ' άν ποτε
ω Αθηναίοι εθελήσαί τινα έπασκείν εις τα 'Ολύμπια
ή εις άλλον τινά των στεφανιτών αγώνων παγκρά-
τιον ή και άλλο τι των βαρυτέρων άθλων, εί ο στέ-
φανος εδίδοτο μη το κρατίστα αλλά το διαπραξ-
αμένω; ουδείς άν ποτ' ήθέλησεν έπασκεϊν. νύν δ' οί- 180
μαι διά το σπάνιον και το περιμάχητον και το καλόν
σώματα παρακαταθέμενοι και τας μεγίστας ταλαι-
πωρίας υπομείναντες διακινδυνεύειν. υπολάβετε
τοίνυν υμάς αυτούς είναι άγωνοθέτας πολιτικής άρε-
της, κακείνο εκλογίσασθε, ότι εάν μεν τας δωρεάς
ολίγοις και αξίοις και κατά τους νόμους διδώτε,
πολλούς αγωνιστάς έξετε της αρετής, εάν δε το
βουλομένω και τους διαπραξαμένους χαρίζησθε, και
τας επιεικείς φύσεις διαφθερείτε. "Οτι δε ορθώς 181
λέγω, έτι μικρό σαφέστερον υμάς βούλομαι διδάξαι.
πότερον υμίν αμείνων ανήρ είναι δοκεί Θεμιστοκλής
και στρατηγήσας ότε τη Σαλαμίνι ναυμαχία τον Πέρ-
σην ενικάτε, ή Δημοσθένης και την τάξιν λιπών;
Μιλτιάδης δε και την εν Μαραθώνι μάχην τους βαρ-
βάρους νικήσας, ή ούτος; έτι δ' οι από Φυλής φεύ-
γοντα τον δήμον καταγαγόντες; 'Αριστείδης δ' και
δίκαιος, και την ανόμοιον έχων επωνυμίαν Δημο-
σθένει; άλλ' έγωγε με τους θεούς τους Ολυμπίους 182
66
ASCHINES
ουδ' εν ταις αυταίς ημέραις άξιον ηγούμαι μεμνή-
σθαι του θηρίου τούτου και εκείνων των ανδρών.
επιδειξάτω τοίνυν Δημοσθένης εν τω αυτού λόγω εϊ
που γέγραπταί τινα των ανδρών τούτων στεφανώσαι.
αχάριστος άρ' ήν ο δήμος και ούκ, αλλά μεγαλόφρων,
κάκεϊνοί γε οι μη τετιμημένοι της πόλεως άξιοι: ου
γαρ ώοντο δείν εν τοις γράμμασι τιμάσθαι άλλ' εν τη
μνήμη των εύ πεπονθότων, ή απ' εκείνου του χρόνου
μέχρι τήσδε της ημέρας αθάνατος ούσα διαμένει. δω- 80
ρεάς δε τίνας ελάμβανον, ών άξιόν εστι μνησθήναι.
183 Ησάν τινες κατά τους τότε καιρούς οι πολύν
πόνον υπομείναντες και μεγάλους κινδύνους επί το
Στρυμόνι ποταμώ ενίκων μαχόμενοι Μήδους: ούτου
δεύρο αφικόμενοι τον δήμον ήτησαν δωρεάν, και
έδωκεν αυτοίς ο δήμος τιμάς μεγάλας, ως τότ' έδόκει,
τρείς λιθίνους Ερμάς στήσαι εν τη στοά τη των
“Ερμών, εφ' ώτε μη επιγράφειν τα ονόματα τα
εαυτών, ίνα μή των στρατηγών αλλά του δήμου
184 δοκή είναι το επίγραμμα. "Οτι δ' αληθή λέγω, εξ
αυτών των ποιημάτων είσεσθε. επιγέγραπται γαρ
επί τω μεν πρώτα των “Ερμών
ήν άρα κακείνοι ταλακάρδιοι, οι ποτε Μήδων
παισιν επ' Ήϊόνι, Στρυμόνος αμφί δοάς,
λιμόν τ' αίθωνα κρατερόν τ' επάγοντες "Αρηα
πρώτοι δυσμενέων ευρoν αμηχανίην.
ηγεμόνεσσι δε μισθον 'Αθηναίοι τάδ' έδωκαν
αντ’ ευεργεσίης και μεγάλης αρετής.
μάλλόν τις τάδ' ιδών και έπεσσομένων εθελήσει
αμφί ζυνοϊσι πράγμασι μόχθον έχειν.
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 67
επί δε το τρίτο επιγέγραπται Ερμή
185
έκ ποτε τήσδε πόληος άμ' 'Ατρείδησι Μενεσθευς
ηγείτο ζάθεον Τρωικόν αμ πεδίον,
όν ποθ' "Ομηρος έφη Δαναών πύκα χαλκοχιτώνων
κοσμητήρα μάχης έξοχον άνδρα μολεϊν.
ούτως ουδέν αεικές Αθηναίοισι καλείσθαι
κοσμητας πολέμου τ' αμφί και ηνορέης.
έστι που το των στρατηγών όνομα; ουδαμού, αλλά
το του δήμου.
Προσέλθετε δή τη διανοία και εις την στοάν την 186
ποικίλην απάντων γαρ υμίν των καλών έργων τα
υπομνήματα εν τη αγορά ανάκειται. τί ούν έστιν,
ω Αθηναίοι, και εγώ λέγω; ενταύθα ή έν Μαραθώνι
μάχη γέγραπται. τίς ούν ήν ο στρατηγός; ουτωσι
μεν ερωτηθέντες άπαντες αποκρίναισθε άν ότι Μιλ-
τιάδης, εκεί δε ουκ επιγέγραπται. πώς; ουκ ήτησε
την δωρεάν ταύτην ; ήτησεν, άλλ' ο δήμος ούκ έδω-
κεν, αλλ' αντί του ονόματος συνεχώρησεν αυτώ
πρώτη γραφήναι, παρακαλούνται τους στρατιώτας.
έν τοίνυν το μητρώω παρά το βουλευτήριον, ήν 187
έδoτε δωρεάν τους από Φυλής φεύγοντα τον δήμον
καταγαγoύσιν, έστιν ιδείν. ήν μεν γαρ και το ψή-
φισμα γράψας και νικήσας Αρχίνος ο εκ Κοίλης,
εις των καταγαγόντων τον δήμoν, έγραψε δε πρώτον
μεν αυτοίς εις θυσίαν και αναθήματα δούναι χιλίας
δραχμάς (και τούτ' έστιν έλαττον ή δέκα δραχμαι
κατ’ άνδρα έκαστον), έπειτα κελεύει στεφανούσθαι
θαλλού στεφάνω αυτών έκαστον, αλλ' ου χρυσό
τότε μέν γάρ ήν και του θαλλού στέφανος τίμιος, νυνί
δε και ο χρυσούς καταπεφρόνηται. και ουδε τούτο
68
ÆSCHINES
εική πράξαι κελεύει, αλλ' ακριβώς την βουλήν
σκεψαμένην όσοι αυτών επί Φυλή επολιορκήθησαν,
ότε Λακεδαιμόνιοι και οι τριάκοντα προσέβαλλον
τους καταλαβούσι Φυλήν, ουχ όσοι την τάξιν έλιπον
188 έν Χαιρωνεία των πολεμίων έπιόντων. "Οτι δ'
αληθή λέγω, αναγνώσεται υμίν το ψήφισμα.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ ΠΕΡΙ ΔΩΡΕΑΣ ΤΟΙΣ ΑΠΟ
ΦΥΛΗΣ.
Παρανάγνωθι και ο γέγραφε Κτησιφών Δημο-
σθένει τω των μεγίστων κακών αιτίω.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ.
Τούτω το ψηφίσματι εξαλείφεται η των κατα- 81
γαγόντων τον δήμον δωρεά. εί τούτ' έχει καλώς,
εκείνο αισχρώς: ει εκείνοι κατ' αξίαν ετιμήθησαν,
ούτος ανάξιος ών στεφανούται.
189 Καίτοι πυνθάνομαι γ' αυτόν μέλλειν λέγειν ως
ου δίκαια ποιώ παραβάλλων αυτώ τα των προγόνων
έργα ουδε γαρ Φιλάμμωνά φησι τον πύκτην Ολυμ-
πίασι στεφανωθήναι νικήσαντα Γλαύκον τον πα-
λαιών εκείνον πύκτην, αλλά τους καθ' εαυτόν αγω-
νιστάς, ώσπερ υμάς αγνοούντας ότι τους μεν πύκταις
έστιν ο αγων προς αλλήλους, τοϊς δ' αξιoύσι στεφ-
ανούσθαι προς αυτήν την αρετήν ής και ένεκα στεφ-
ανούνται. δει γαρ τον κήρυκα αψευδείν, όταν την
ανάρρησιν εν τω θεάτρω ποιήται προς τους"Έλληνας.
μη ούν ημίν ως Παταικίωνος άμεινον πεπολίτευσαι
διέξιθι, αλλ' εφικόμενος της ανδραγαθίας ούτω τας
χάριτας τον δήμον απαίτει. :
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 69
"Ίνα δε μη αποπλανώ υμάς από της υποθέσεως, 190
αναγνώσεται υμίν ο γραμματεύς το επίγραμμα και
επιγέγραπται τους από Φυλής τον δήμον καταγα- :
γούσιν.
ΕΠΙΓΡΑΜΜΑ.
τούσδ' αρετής ένεκα στεφάνοις εγέραιρε παλαίχθων
δήμος Αθηναίων, οι ποτε τους αδίκους
θεσμούς άρξαντας πρώτοι πόλεως καταπαύειν
ήρξαν, κίνδυνον σώμασιν αράμενοι.
"Ότι τους παρά τους νόμους άρξαντας κατέλυσαν, 191
διά τούτ' αυτούς φησιν ο ποιητής τιμηθήναι: έναυ-
λον γαρ ήν έτι τότε πάσιν ότι τηνικαύτα ο δήμος
κατελύθη, επειδή τινες τας γραφής των παρανόμων
άνεϊλον. και γάρ τοι, ως εγώ του πατρός του έμαυ-
του επυνθανόμην, δς έτη βιους ενενήκοντα και πέντε
ετελεύτησεν, απάντων μετασχών των πόνων τη
πόλει, ούς πολλάκις προς εμέ διεξήει επί σχολής
έφη γάρ, ότε αρτίως κατεληλύθει ο δήμος, εί τις
εισίοι γραφήν παρανόμων εις δικαστήριον, είναι
όμοιον το όνομα και το έργον. τί γάρ έστιν ανο-
σιώτερον ανδρος παράνομα λέγοντος και πράττον-
τος; και την ακρόασιν, ως εκείνος απήγγελλεν, ου 192
τον αυτόν τρόπον έποιούντο ώσπερ νυν γίγνεται, άλλ'
ήσαν πολύ χαλεπώτεροι οι δικασται τους τα παρά-
νομα γράφουσιν αυτού του κατηγόρου, και πολλάκις
ανεπόδιζον τον γραμματέα και εκέλευον πάλιν ανα-
γιγνώσκειν τους νόμους και το ψήφισμα, και ήλίσ-
κοντο οι παράνομα, γράφοντες ούκ εί πάντας παρα-
πηδήσαιεν τους νόμους, αλλ' εί μίαν μόνον συλλα-
70
ÆSCHINES
βην παραλλάξαιεν. το δε νυνι γιγνόμενον πράγμα
υπερκαταγέλαστόν έστιν ο μεν γαρ γραμματεύς
αναγιγνώσκει το παράνομον, οι δε δικασται ώσπερ
επωδην ή αλλότριόν τι πράγμα ακροώμενοι προς
193 ετέρω τινί την γνώμην έχουσιν. ήδη δ' εκ των τεχνών
των Δημοσθένους αισχρόν έθος εν τοις δικαστη-
ρίοις παραδέχεσθε. μετενή νεκται γάρ υμίν τα της
πόλεως δίκαια: ο μεν γαρ κατήγορος απολογείται,
και δε φεύγων την γραφήν κατηγορεί, οι δε δικασται
ενίοτε ών μέν είσι κριται επιλανθάνονται, ών δ' ουκ
εισί δικασταί, περί τούτων αναγκάζονται την ψήφον
φέρειν. λέγει δε και φεύγων, αν άρα ποθ' άψηται του
πράγματος, ουχ ως έννομα γέγραφεν, αλλ' ως ήδη
ποτέ και πρότερον έτερος τοιαύτα γράψας απέφυγεν:
194 έφ' ώ και νυνι μέγα φρονείν ακούω Κτησιφώντα.
ετόλμα δ' εν υμίν ποτε σεμνύνεσθαι 'Αριστοφών
εκείνος ο 'Αζηνιεύς λέγων ότι γραφάς παρανόμων
πέφευγες εβδομήκοντα και πέντε. άλλ' ουχί και
Κέφαλος και παλαιός εκείνος, ο δοκών δημοτικώτατος
γεγονέναι, ούχ ούτως, αλλ' επί τοις εναντίοις έφι-
λοτιμείτο, λέγων ότι πλείστα πάντων γεγραφώς
ψηφίσματα ουδεμίαν πώποτε γραφήν πέφευγε
παρανόμων, καλώς (oίμαι) σεμνυνόμενος. εγρά-
φοντο γαρ αλλήλους παρανόμων ου μόνον οι δια-
πολιτευόμενοι, αλλά και οι φίλοι τους φίλους, ει 82
195 τι εξαμαρτάνοιεν εις την πόλιν. εκείθεν δε τούτο
γνώσεσθε. 'Aρχίνος γάρ ο εκ Κοίλης έγράψατο
παρανόμων Θρασύβουλος τον Στειριά, ένα των
συγκατελθόντων αυτώ από Φυλής, και ελλε νε-
ωστό γεγενημένων αυτό των ευεργεσιών, άς ουχ
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 71
υπελογίσαντο οι δικασταί ηγούντο γάρ, ώσπερ τότε
αυτούς φεύγοντας από Φυλής Θρασύβουλος κατή-
γαγεν, ούτω νύν μένοντας εξελαύνειν παρά τους νό-
μους γράφοντά τι. αλλ' ού νύν, αλλά πάν τουναν- 196
τίον γίγνεται οι γάρ αγαθοί στρατηγοί και των τας
σιτήσεις τινές ευρημένων εν τω πρυτανείω εξαιτούν-
ται τας γραφής των παρανόμων, ούς υμείς άχαρίσ-
τους είναι δικαίως αν υπολαμβάνουτε ει γάρ τις εν
δημοκρατία τετιμημένος, εν τοιαύτη πολιτεία ήν οι
θεοί και οι νόμοι σώζουσι, τολμά βοηθείν τοίς παρά-
νομα γράφoυσι, καταλύει την πολιτείαν υφ' ης τετί-
μηται. τίς ουν αποδεδεικται λόγος ανδρί συνηγόρω 197
δικαίω και σώφρονι; εγώ λέξω. εις τρία μέρη διαι-
ρείται η ημέρα, όταν είσίη γραφή παρανόμων εις το
δικαστήριον. έγχείται γαρ το μεν πρώτον ύδωρ το
κατηγόρω και τους νόμους και τη δημοκρατία, το δε
δεύτερον ύδωρ τώ την γραφήν φεύγοντι και τους εις
αυτό το πράγμα λέγουσιν· επειδάν δε τη πρώτη
ψήφω μη λυθή το παράνομον, ήδη το τρίτον ύδωρ
έγχείται τη τιμήσει και τα μεγέθει της οργής της
υμετέρας· όστις μεν ούν εν τη τιμήσει την ψήφον 198
αιτεί, την οργήν την υμετέραν παραιτείται: όστις δ'
έν το πρώτο λόγω την ψήφον αιτεί, όρκον αιτεί,
νόμον αιτεί, δημοκρατίαν αιτεί, ών ούτε αιτήσαι
ουδέν όσιον ουδενί ούτ' αιτηθέντα έτέρω δούναι.
κελεύσατε ούν αυτούς, εάσαντας υμάς την πρώτην
ψήφον κατά τους νόμους διενεγκεϊν, απαντάν εις την
τίμησιν. όλως δ' έγωγε, ώ Αθηναίοι, ολίγου δέω 199
ειπείν ως και νόμον δει τεθήναι επί ταϊς γραφαΐς
μόνον των παρανόμων, μη εξείναι μήτε το κατηγόρω
72
ÆSCHINES
συνηγόρους παρασχέσθαι μήτε τω την γραφήν των
παρανόμων φεύγοντι. ου γαρ αόριστόν εστι το
δίκαιον, άλλ' ώρισμένον τους νόμους τους υμετέροις.
ώσπερ γαρ εν τη τεκτονική, όταν είδέναι βουλώμεθα
το ορθόν και το μή, τον κανόνα προσφέρομεν ώ δια-
200 γιγνώσκεται, ούτω και εν ταις γραφαϊς των παρα-
νόμων παράκειται κανών του δικαίου τουτί το σανί-
διον, το ψήφισμα και οι παραγεγραμμένοι νόμοι.
ταύτα συμφωνούντα αλλήλοις επιδείξας κατάβαινε
και τι δεί σε Δημοσθένην παρακαλείν, όταν δ'
υπερπηδήσας την δικαίαν» απολογίαν παρακαλης
κακούργον άνθρωπος και τεχνίτην λόγων, κλέπτεις
την ακρόασιν, βλάπτεις την πόλιν, καταλύεις την
δημοκρατίαν.
201 Τίς ούν έστιν αποτροπή των τοιούτων λόγων;
εγω ερώ. επειδάν προσελθών ένταυθοι Κτησιφών
διεξέλθη προς υμάς τούτο δή το συντεταγμένον αυτό
προοίμιον, έπειτ' ενδιατρίβη και μη απολογήται,
υπομνήσατ' αυτόν άνευ θορύβου το σανίδιον λαβειν
και τους νόμους το ψηφίσματι παραναγνώναι. έαν
δε μη προσποιήται υμών ακούειν, μηδε υμείς εκεί-
νου έθέλετε ακούειν ου γαρ των φευγόντων τας δι-
καίας απολογίας εισεληλύθατε ακροασόμενοι, αλλά
202 των εθελόντων δικαίως απολογείσθαι. εάν δ' υπερ-
πηδήσας την δικαίαν απολογίαν Δημοσθένην παρα-
καλή, μάλιστα μεν μη προσδέχεσθε κακούργον άν-
θρωπον, οιόμενον ρήμασι τους νόμους αναιρήσειν,
μηδ' εν αρετή τούθ' υμών μηδείς καταλογιζέσθω, ός
αν επανερομένου Κτησιφώντος «εί καλέση Δημο-
σθένης;” πρώτος αναβοήση “κάλει, κάλει.” επί
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 73
σαυτόν καλείς, επί τους νόμους καλείς, επί την δημο-
κρατίαν καλείς. αν δ' άρα υμίν δόξη ακούειν, αξιώσατε
τον Δημοσθένην τον αυτόν τρόπον απολογείσθαι
όνπερ κάγω κατηγόρηκα. εγώ δε πως κατηγόρηκα; 203
ίνα και υπομνήσω υμάς. ούτε τον ίδιον βίον τον
83 Δημοσθένους πρότερον διεξήλθον ούτε των δημοσίων
αδικημάτων ουδενός πρότερον εμνήσθην, άφθονα δή-
που και πολλά έχων λέγειν ή πάντων και αν είην
απορώτατος αλλά πρώτον μεν τους νόμους επέδειξα
απαγορεύοντας μη στεφανούντους υπευθύνους, έπειτα
τον ρήτορα εξήλεγξα γράψαντα Δημοσθένην υπεύ-
θυνον όντα στεφανούν ουδέν προβαλλόμενον, ουδε
προσεγγράψαντα «επειδάν δω τας ευθύνας,” αλλά
παντελώς και υμών και των νόμων καταπεφρονηκότα
και τας εσομένας προς ταύτα προφάσεις είπον, ας
αξιώ και υμάς διαμνημονεύειν. δεύτερον δ' υμίν διεξ-
ήλθον τους περί των κηρυγμάτων νόμους, εν οίς 204
διαρρήδην απείρηται τον υπό του δήμου στεφανού-
μενον μή κηρύττεσθαι έξω της εκκλησίας· ο δε ρήτωρ
ο φεύγων την γραφήν ού τους νόμους μόνον παρα-
βέβηκεν αλλά και τον καιρόν της αναρρήσεως και
τον τόπον, κελεύων ουκ εν τη εκκλησία αλλ' εν τω
θεάτρω την ανάρρησιν γίγνεσθαι, ουδ' εκκλησιαζόν-
των Αθηναίων αλλά μελλόντων τραγωδών εισιέναι.
ταύτα δ' ειπων μικρά μέν περί των ιδίων είπον, τα
δε πλείστα περί των δημοσίων αδικημάτων. ούτω 2005
δη και τον Δημοσθένην αξιώσατε απολογείσθαι προς
τον των υπευθύνων νόμον πρώτον και τον περί των
κηρυγμάτων δεύτερον, τρίτον δε το μέγιστον λέγω,
ως ουδε αξιός έστι της δωρεάς. εάν δ' υμών δέηται
ASCHINES
συγχωρήσαι αυτό περί της τάξεως του λόγου, κατ-
επαγγελλόμενος ως επί τη τελευτή της απολογίας
λύσει το παράνομον, μη συγχωρείτε, μηδ' άγνοείθ'
ότι πάλαισμα τούτ' έστι δικαστηρίου: ου γαρ είσαύθις
ποτε βούλεται προς το παράνομον απολογείσθαι,
αλλ' ουδεν έχων δίκαιον ειπείν ετέρων παρεμβολή
πραγμάτων είς λήθην υμάς βούλεται της κατηγορίας
206 έμβαλείν. ώσπερ ούν εν τοις γυμνικούς αγώσιν οράτε
τους πύκτας περί της στάσεως αλλήλους διαγωνιζο-
μένους, ούτω και υμείς όλην την ημέραν υπέρ της
πόλεως περί της τάξεως αυτή του λόγου μάχεσθε,
και μη έάτε αυτόν έξω του παρανόμου περιίστασθαι,
αλλ' εγκαθήμενοι και ενεδρεύοντες εν τη ακροάσει
είσελαύνετε αυτόν εις τους του πράγματος λόγους,
207 και τας εκτροπας αυτού των λόγων επιτηρείτε. άλλ'
α δη συμβήσεται υμίν, εάν τούτον τον τρόπον την
ακρόασιν ποιησθε, ταύθ' υμίν ήδη δίκαιός είμι προ-
ειπείν. έπεισάξει γάρ τον γόητα και βαλαντιoτόμον
και διατετμηκότα την πολιτείαν. ούτος κλαίει μεν
ράον ή άλλοι γελώσιν, επιορκεί δε πάντων προχειρό-
τατα ουκ αν θαυμάσαιμι δε ει μεταβαλλόμενος τους
έξω περιεστηκόσι λοιδορήσεται, φάσκων τους μεν
ολιγαρχικούς υπ' αυτής της αληθείας διηριθμημένους
ήκειν προς το του κατηγόρου βήμα, τους δε δημο-
208 τικούς προς το του φεύγοντος· όταν δη ταύτα λέγη,
προς μεν τους στασιαστικούς λόγους εκείνο αυτό
υποβάλλετε “ω Δημόσθενες, ει σοι ήσαν όμοιοι οι
από Φυλής φεύγοντα τον δήμον καταγαγόντες, ουκ
άν ποθ' η δημοκρατία κατέστη. νύν δε εκείνοι μεν
μεγάλων κακών συμβάντων έσωσαν την πόλιν το
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
75
κάλλιστον έκ παιδείας ρήμα φθεγξάμενοι, μη μνησι-
κακείν· συ δε έλκοποιείς, και μάλλον σοι μέλει των
αυθημερόν λόγων ή της σωτηρίας της πόλεως.” όταν
δ' επίορκος ών εις την διά των όρκων πίστιν κατα-
φυγγάνη, εκείνο απομνημονεύσατε αυτό, ότι το
πολλάκις μεν επιορκούντι αεί δε [προς τους αυτούς
μεθ' όρκων αξιoύντι πιστεύεσθαι δυοϊν θάτερον
υπάρξαι δεί, ων ουδέτερόν έστι Δημοσθένει υπάρχον,
ή τους θεούς καινους ή τους ακροατές μη τους αυτούς.
περί δε των δακρύων και του τόνου της φωνής, όταν 209
υμάς επερωτά που φύγω, άνδρες Αθηναίοι; περι-
γράψατέ με έκ της πολιτείας: ουκ έστιν όπου ανα-
84 πτήσομαι,” ανθυποβάλλετε αυτό και δε δήμος δ'Αθη-
ναίων που καταφύγη, Δημόσθενες; προς ποίαν συμ-
μάχων παρασκευήν; προς ποια χρήματα; τί προ-
βαλλόμενος υπέρ του δήμου πεπολίτευσαι; ά μεν
γάρ υπέρ σεαυτού βεβούλευσαι, άπαντες ορώμεν·
εκλιπών μεν το άστυ ουκ οικείς, ως δοκείς, εν Πει-
ραιεί, αλλ' εξορμείς εκ της πόλεως, εφόδια δε πε-
πόρισαι τη σαυτού άνανδρία το βασιλικός χρυσίον
και τα δημόσια δωροδοκήματα.” όλως δε τί τα δά- 210
κρυα; τίς ή κραυγή; τίς ο τόνος της φωνής; ουχ ο
μεν την γραφήν φεύγων έστι Κτησιφών,[ο δ' αγών
ουκ ατίμητος]συ δ' ούτε περί της ουσίας ούτε περί
του σώματος ούτε περί της επιτιμίας αγωνίζη, αλλά
περί τίνος εστίν αυτή η σπουδή; περί χρυσών στε-
φάνων και κηρυγμάτων εν τω θεάτρω παρά τους
νόμους· δν έχρην, ει και μανείς ο δήμος ή των καθε- 211
στηκότων επιλελησμένος επί τοιαύτης άκαιρίας εβού-
λετο στεφανουν αυτόν, παρελθόντα εις την εκκλη-
76
ÆSCHINES
σίαν ειπείν « άνδρες Αθηναίοι, τον μεν στέφανον
δέχομαι, τον δε καιρόν αποδοκιμάζω ενώ το κήρυγμα
γίγνεται' ου γαρ δεί εφ' οίς ή πόλις επένθησε και
εκείρατο, επί τούτοις έμε στεφανούσθαι.” αλλ'
oίμαι, ταύτα μεν άν είπoι άνήρ όντως βεβιωκώς μετ'
αρετής: α δε συ λέξεις, είπoι αν κάθαρμα ζηλοτυ-
212 πουν αρετήν. ου γαρ δή με τον Ηρακλέα τούτό γε
υμών, ουδείς φοβήσεται, μή ο Δημοσθένης, ανήρ
μεγαλόψυχος και τα πολεμικά διαφέρων, αποτυχών
των άριστείων οίκαδε επανελθών εαυτόν διαχρήσηται:
δς τοσούτον καταγελά της προς υμάς φιλοτιμίας,
ώστε την μιαραν κεφαλήν ταύτην και υπεύθυνον, ήν
ούτος παρά τους νόμους γέγραφε στεφανώσαι, μυριά-
κις κατατέτμηκε και τούτων μισθούς είληφε τραύ-
ματος εκ προνοίας γραφάς γραφόμενος, και κατα-
κεκονδύλισται, ώστε αυτόν οίμαι τα των κονδύλων
ίχνη των Μειδίου έχειν έτι φανερά: ο γαρ άνθρωπος
ου κεφαλήν αλλά πρόσοδον κέκτηται.
213 Περί δε Κτησιφώντος του γράψαντος την γνώ-
μην βραχέα βούλομαι ειπείν, τα δε πολλά υπερ-
βήσομαι, ίνα και πείραν λάβω, ει δύνασθε τους
σφόδρα πονηρούς, κάν μή τις προείπη, διαγιγνώσκειν.
δδ' έστι κοινόν και δίκαιον κατ' αμφοτέρων αυτών
απαγγείλαι προς υμάς, τούτ' έρω. περιέρχονται,
γαρ την αγοράν αληθείς κατ' άλλήλων έχοντες δόξας
214 και λόγους οι ψευδείς λέγοντες. ο μεν γάρ Κτησι-
φών ου το καθ' εαυτόν φησι φοβείσθαι (ελπίζειν
γάρ δόξειν ιδιώτης είναι), αλλά την του Δημοσθένους
εν τη πολιτεία δωροδοκίαν φησί φοβείσθαι και την
έμπληξίαν και δειλίαν· ο δε Δημοσθένης εις αυτόν
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 77
μεν αποβλέπων θαρρείν φησιν, την δε του Κτησι-
φώντος πονηρίαν και πορνοβοσκίαν ισχυρώς δε-
διέναι. τους δε δή κατεγνωκότας άλλήλων αδικείν
μηδαμάς υμείς οι κοινοί κριται των εγκλημάτων
απολύσητε.
Περί δε τών εις έμαυτόν λοιδοριών βραχέα βού- 215
λομαι προειπείν. πυνθάνομαι γαρ λέξεις Δημοσθέ-
νην ας ή πόλις υπ' αυτού μεν ωφέληται πολλά, υπ'
έμου δε καταβέβλαπται, και τον Φίλιππον και τον
'Αλέξανδρος και τας από τούτων αιτίας ανοίσειν επ'
εμέ ούτω γάρ έστιν, ως έoικε, δεινός δημιουργός
λόγων, ώστε ουκ απόχρη αυτώ, εί τι πεπολίτευμαι
παρ' υμίν εγώ ή εί τινας δημηγορίας είρηκα, τούτων
κατηγορείν, αλλά και την ησυχίαν μου του βίου δια- 216
βάλλει και της σιωπής μου κατηγορεί, ίνα μηδείς
αυτό τόπος ασυκοφάντητος παραλείπεται, και τας εν
τους γυμνασίοις μετά των νεωτέρων μου διατριβής
καταμέμφεται, και κατά τήσδε της κρίσεως ευθύς
άρχόμενος του λόγου φέρει τινά αιτίαν, λέγων ως
έγω την γραφήν ουχ υπέρ της πόλεως έγραψάμην
αλλ' ένδεικνύμενος Αλεξάνδρω διά την προς αυτόν
έχθραν. και νή Δί', ως εγώ πυνθάνομαι, μέλλει με 217
ανερωτάν διά τί το μεν κεφάλαιον της πολιτείας
85 αυτού ψέγω, τα δε καθ' έκαστον ουκ εκώλυον ουδ'
έγραφόμην, αλλά διαλιπών και προς την πολιτείαν
ου πυκνά προσιων απήνεγκα την γραφήν, έγω δε
ούτε τας Δημοσθένους διατριβής εζήλωκα, ούτ' έπι.
ταις έμαυτού αισχύνομαι, ούτε τους ειρημένους εν
υμίν λόγους εμαυτώ άρρήτους είναι βουλοίμην, ούτε
τα αυτά τούτω δημηγορήσας έδεξάμην αν ζην. την 218
78
ÆSCHINES
:
ΟΙ
δ' εμην σιωπήν, ώ Δημόσθενες, ή του βίου μετριότης
παρεσκεύασεν αρκεί γάρ μοι μικρά και μειζόνων
αισχρώς ουκ επιθυμώ, ώστε και σιγώ και λέγω βου-
λευσάμενος, άλλ' ουκ αναγκαζόμενος υπό της εν τη
φύσει δαπάνης. συ δ' οίμαι λαβών μεν σεσίγηκας,
αναλώσας δε κέκραγας. λέγεις δε ουχ οπόταν σοι
δοκή ουδ' ά βούλει, άλλ' οπόταν οι μισθοδόται σοι
προστάττωσιν· ουκ αισχύνη δε αλαζονευόμενος &
219 παραχρήμα εξελέγχη ψευδόμενος. απηνέχθη γάρ η
κατά τούδε του ψηφίσματος γραφή, ήν ουχ υπέρ της
πόλεως αλλ' υπέρ της εις Αλέξανδρον ενδείξεώς με
φής απενεγκείν, έτι Φιλίππου ζώντος, πρίν 'Αλέξαν-
δρον εις την αρχήν καταστήναι, ούπω σου το περί
Παυσανίαν ενύπνιον έωρακότος ουδε προς την Αθη-
ναν και την Ήραν νύκτωρ διειλεγμένου. πως αν ούν
εγώ προενεδεικνύμης Αλεξάνδρω; εί γε μη ταυτό
220 ενύπνιον εγώ και Δημοσθένης είδομεν. επιτιμάς δε
μοι ει μή συνεχώς αλλά διαλείπων προς τον δήμον
προσέρχομαι, και την αξίωσιν ταύτην oίει λανθά-
νειν μεταφέρων ουκ εκ δημοκρατίας αλλ' εξ ετέρας
πολιτείας. εν μέν γάρ ταϊς ολιγαρχίαις ουχ ο βου-
λόμενος αλλ' ο δυναστεύων δημηγορεί, εν δε ταϊς δη-
μοκρατίαις και βουλόμενος και όταν αυτό δοκή. και
το μεν διά χρόνου λέγειν σημείόν έστιν επί των και-
ρων και του συμφέροντος ανδρός πολιτευομένου, το
δε μηδεμίαν παραλείπειν ημέραν εργαζομένου και
221 μισθαρνούντος. υπέρ δε του μηδέπω κεκρίσθαι υπ'
έμου μηδε των αδικημάτων τιμωρίαν υποσχεϊν, όταν
καταφεύγης επί τους τοιούτους λόγους, ή τους ακούον-
τας επιλήσμονας υπολαμβάνεις ή σαυτον παραλο-
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 79
γίζει. τα μεν γαρ περί τους 'Αμφισσέας ήσαβημένα
σοι και τα περί την Εύβοιαν δωροδοκηθέντα, χρόνων
εγγεγενημένων εν οίς υπ' εμου φανερώς εξηλέγχου,
ίσως ελπίζεις τον δήμον αμνημονεϊν τα δε περί τας 222
τριήρεις και τους τριηράρχους αρπάγματα τίς αν
αποκρύψαι χρόνος δύναιτ' άν, ότε νομοθετήσας περί
των τριακοσίων, και σαυτόν πείσας Αθηναίους επί-
στάτην τάξαι του ναυτικού, εξηλέγχθης υπ' εμού εξ-
ήκοντα και πέντε νεών ταχυναυτουσών τριηράρχους
υφηρημένος, πλέον της πόλεως αφανίζων ναυτικών
ή ότε Αθηναίοι την εν Νάξω ναυμαχίαν Λακεδαιμο-
νίους και Πόλλιν ενίκησαν; ούτω δε ταϊς αιτίαις ενέ- 223
φραξας τας κατά σαυτού τιμωρίας, ώστε τον κίνδυ-
νον είναι μη σοι τα αδικήσαντι αλλά τους επεξιούσι,
πολύν μέν τον Αλέξανδρον και Φίλιππον εν ταις δια-
βολαίς φέρων, αιτιώμενος δέ τινας εμποδίζειν τους
της πόλεως καιρούς, αεί το παρών λυμαινόμενος, το
δε μέλλον κατεπαγγελλόμενος. ου το τελευταίον
εισαγγέλλεσθαι μέλλων, υπ' εμού, την 'Αναξίνου
σύλληψιν του 'Ωρείτου κατασκευάσας, του τα αγο-
ράσματα 'Ολυμπιάδι αγοράζοντος, και τον αυτόν 224
άνδρα δις στρεβλώσας τη σαυτού χειρί έγραψας
αυτόν θανάτω ζημιώσαι; και παρά τω αυτώ εν 'Ωρεώ
κατήγου, και από της αυτής τραπέζης έφαγες και
έπιες και έσπευσας, και την δεξιάν ένέβαλες άνδρα
φίλον και ξένον ποιούμενος και τούτον απέκτεινας,
και περί τούτων έν άπασιν 'Αθηναίους έξελεγχθείς
υπ' εμού και κληθείς ξενοκτόνος ου το ασέβημα ήρ-
νήσω, άλλ' απεκρίνου εφ' ώ ανεβόησεν ο δήμος και
όσοι ξένοι περιέστασαν την εκκλησίαν έφησθα γαρ
80
ÆSCHINES
Υ
τους της πόλεως άλας περί πλείονος ποιήσασθαι
225 της ξενικης τραπέζης. επιστολάς δε σιγώ ψευδείς 86
και κατασκόπων συλλήψεις και βασάνους επ' αι-
τίαις αγενήτοις, ως έμού μετά τινων εν τη πόλει
νεωτερίζειν βουλομένου. έπειτα επερωτάν με, ως
έγω πυνθάνομαι, μέλλει, τίς αν είη τοιούτος ιατρός
όστις το νοσούντι μεταξύ μέν ασθενούντι μηδέν
συμβουλεύοι, τελευτήσαντος δε αυτου ελθών εις τα
ένατα διεξίοι προς τους οικείους α επιτηδεύσας υγιής
226 αν εγένετο. σαυτόν δ' ουκ αντερωτας, τίς αν είη
δημαγωγός τοιούτος όστις τον μέν δήμον θωπεύσαι
δύναιτο, τους δε καιρούς έν οίς ήν σώζεσθαι την
πόλιν αποδοίτο, τους δ' ευ φρονούντας κωλύοι δια-
βάλλων συμβουλεύειν, αποδράς δ' εκ των κινδύνων
και την πόλιν ανηκέστους κακούς περιβαλών άξιοι
στεφανούσθαι έπ' αρετή, αγαθόν μέν πεποιηκώς
μηδέν, πάντων δε των κακών αίτιος γεγονώς, επί
ερωτώη δε τους συκοφαντηθέντας εκ της πολιτείας
επ' εκείνων των καιρών ότ’ ενην σώζεσθαι, διά τί
227 αυτόν ουκ έκώλυσαν εξαμαρτάνειν, αποκρύπτοιτο δε
το πάντων τελευταίον, ότι της μάχης επιγενομένης
ουκ έσχολάζομεν περί την σην είναι τιμωρίαν, άλλ'
υπέρ της σωτηρίας της πόλεως έπρεσβεύομεν· επειδή
δε ουκ απέχρη σοι δίκην μη δεδωκέναι, αλλά και
δωρεάς αιτείς καταγέλαστον εν τοις "Έλλησι την
πόλιν ποιών, ενταύθ' ενέστης και την γραφήν απ-
ήνεγκα.
228 Και να τους θεούς τους Ολυμπίους, ών έγω πυν-
θάνομαι Δημοσθένην λέξειν, εφ' ώ νυνι μέλλω λέγειν
αγανακτώ μάλιστα. αφομοιοί γάρ μου την φύσιν
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
81
ταϊς Σειρησιν, ως έoικε. και γαρ υπ' εκείνων που
κηλείσθαί φησι τους ακροωμένους αλλ' απόλλυσθαι,
διόπερ ουδ' ευδοκιμείν τήν τών Σειρήνων μουσι-
κήν και δη και την των λόγων εμπειρίας και την
φύσιν μου γεγενησθαι επί βλάβη των ακουόντων.
καίτοι τον λόγον τούτον όλως μέν έγωγε ουδενί πρέ-
πειν ηγούμαι περί εμού λέγειν· της γαρ αιτίας αι-
σχρόν τον αιτιώμενόν έστι το έργον μή έχειν επιδεί-
ξαι. ει δ' ήν αναγκαίον ρηθήναι, ου Δημοσθένους 229
ήν ο λόγος, άλλ' ανδρός στρατηγού μεγάλα μεν τη
πόλει κατειργασμένου, λέγειν δε αδυνάτου και την
των αντιδίκων διά τούτο έζηλωκότος φύσιν, ότι σύν-
οιδεν εαυτώ μεν ουδέν ών διαπέπρακται δυναμένω
φράσαι, τον δε κατήγορον ορά δυνάμενον και τα μη
πεπραγμένα υφ' αυτού παριστάνει τους ακούουσιν
ως διώκηκεν. όταν δ' εξ ονομάτων συγκείμενος άν-
θρωπος, και τούτων πικρών και περιέργων, έπειτα
επί την απλότητα και τα έργα καταφεύγη, τίς αν
ανάσχοιτο; ου την γλώτταν ώσπερ των αυλών εάν
τις αφέλη, το λοιπόν ουδέν έστιν.
Θαυμάζω δ' έγωγε υμών, ώ Αθηναίοι, και ζητώ 230
προς τί αν αποβλέποντες άποψηφίσαισθε την γρα-
φήν. πότερον ως το ψήφισμά έστιν έννομον, αλλ'
ουδεμία πώποτε γνώμη παρανομωτέρα γεγένηται.
άλλ' ως και το ψήφισμα γράψας ουκ επιτήδειός έστι
δίκην δούναι; ουκ άρ' εισί παρ' υμίν εύθυναι βίου,
εί τούτον αφήσετε. εκείνο δ' ού λυπηρόν, εί πρότε-
ρον μεν ενεπίμπλατο η ορχήστρα χρυσών στεφάνων
οίς ο δήμος έστεφανούτο υπό των Ελλήνων, διά το
ξενικούς στεφάνοις ταύτην αποδεδόσθαι την ημέραν,
* 1
P.
82
ASCHINES
εις δε των Δημοσθένους πολιτευμάτων υμείς μεν
αστεφάνωτοι και ακήρυκτοι γίγνεσθε, ούτος δε κηρυ-
231 χθήσεται, και εί μέν τις των τραγικών ποιητών των
μετά ταύτα έπεισαγόντων ποιήσειεν έν τραγωδία τον
Θερσίτην υπό των Ελλήνων στεφανούμενον, ουδείς
αν υμών υπομείνειεν, ότι φησίν "Ομηρος άνανδρον
αυτόν είναι και συκοφάντην αυτοι δ' όταν τον τοι-
ουτον άνθρωπον στεφανώτε, ουκ οίεσθε εν ταις των
Ελλήνων δόξαις συρίττεσθαι; οι μεν γαρ πατέρες
υμών τα ένδοξα και λαμπρά των πραγμάτων ανετί-
θεσαν τώ δήμω, τα δε ταπεινά και καταδεέστερα εις
τους ρήτορας τους φαύλους έτρεπον Κτησιφών δ'
υμάς οίεται δεϊν αφελώντας την άδοξίαν από Δημο-
232 σθένους περιθείναι τώ δήμω. και φατε μεν ευτυχείς 87
είναι, ως και εστέ καλώς ποιoύντες, ψηφιείσθε δ'
υπό μέν της τύχης εγκαταλελειφθαι, υπό Δημοσθέ-
νους δε ευ πεπονθέναι, και το πάντων ατοπώτατον,
εν τους αυτούς δικαστηρίοις τους μεν τας των δώρων
γραφάς αλισκομένους άτιμούτε, ον δ' αυτοί μισθού
πολιτευόμενον σύνεστε, στεφανώσετε και και τους μεν
κριτας τους εκ των Διονυσίων, εάν μή δικαίως τους
κυκλίους χορούς κρίνωσι, ζημιoύτε αυτοί δε ου κυ-
κλίων χορών κριται καθεστηκότες αλλά νόμων και
πολιτικής αρετής, τας δωρεάς ου κατά τους νόμους
ουδ' ολίγοις και τους αξίοις αλλά το διαπραξαμένω
233 δώσετε; έπειτ' έξεισιν εκ του δικαστηρίου και τοιούτος
κριτης εαυτόν μέν ασθενή πεποιηκώς, ισχυρον δε τον
ρήτορα. ανήρ γάρ ιδιώτης εν πόλει δημοκρατουμένη
νόμω και ψήφο βασιλεύει όταν δ' ετέρω ταύτα
παραδώ, καταλέλυκεν αυτός την αυτού δυναστείαν.
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
83
έπειθ' ο μεν όρκος, ον ομωμοκως δικάζει, συμπαρα-
κολουθών αυτον λυπεί· [δι' αυτόν γαρ οίμαι γέγονε
το αμάρτημα] η δε χάρις προς δν έχαρίζετο άδηλος
γεγένηται: η γαρ ψήφος αφανής φέρεται.
Δοκούμεν δ' έμοιγε, ώ Αθηναίοι, αμφότερα και 234
κατορθούν και παρακινδυνεύειν εις την πολιτείαν ου
σωφρονούντες. ότι μεν γαρ επί των νυν καιρών οι
πολλοί τους ολίγοις προΐεσθε τα της δημοκρατίας
ισχυρά, ουκ έπαινω ότι δ' ου γεγένηται φορα καθ'
ημάς ρητόρων πονηρών άμα και τολμηρών, ευτυχού-
μεν. πρότερον μέν γάρ τοιαύτας φύσεις ήνεγκε το
δημόσιον, αι ραδίως ούτω κατέλυσαν τον δήμον
έχαιρε γαρ κολακευόμενος, έπειτ' αυτόν ουχ ούς
εφοβείτο, αλλ' οίς εαυτόν ενεχείριζε, κατέλυσαν
ένιοι δε και αυτοί των τριάκοντα εγένοντο, οι πλεί- 235
ους ή χιλίους και πεντακοσίους των πολιτών ακρί-
τους απέκτειναν πριν και τας αιτίας ακούσαι εφ'
αίς έμελλον αποθνήσκειν, και ουδ' επί τας ταφές
και εκφοράς των τελευτησάντων είων τους προσή-
κοντας παραγενέσθαι. ουχ υφ' υμίν αυτοίς έξετε
τους πολιτευομένους και ου ταπεινώσαντες αποπέμ-
ψετε τους νυν επηρμένους; ου μέμνησθ' ότι ουδείς
πώποτε επέθετο πρότερον τη του δήμου καταλύσει,
πρίν αν μείζον των δικαστηρίων ισχύση;
Ηδέως δ' άν έγωγε, ώ Αθηναίοι, εναντίον υμών 236
ομολογησαίμην προς τον γράψαντα το ψήφισμα, διά
ποίας ευεργεσίας άξιοι Δημοσθένην στεφανώσαι, ει
μεν γαρ λέγεις, όθεν την αρχήν του ψηφίσματος
έποιήσω, ότι τας τάφρους τας περί τα τείχη καλώς
ετάφρευσε, θαυμάζω σου. του γάρ ταύτ' έξεργασθη-
6-2
84
ÆSCHINES
--
ναι καλώς το γεγενήσθαι τούτων αίτιον μείζω κατη-
γορίαν έχει ου γαρ περιχαρακώσαντα χρή τα τείχη
ουδε τας δημοσίας ταφάς ανελόντα τον ορθώς πεπο-
λιτευμένον δωρεάς αίτεϊν, άλλ' άγαθού τινος αίτιον
237 γεγενημένον τη πόλει. ει δε ήξεις επί το δεύτερον
μέρος του ψηφίσματος, εν ώ τετόλμηκας γράφειν
ως έστιν ανήρ αγαθός και διατελεί λέγων και πράτ-
των τα άριστα το δήμο των Αθηναίων, αφελών την
αλαζονείαν και τον κόμπον του ψηφίσματος άψαι
των έργων, επίδειξον ημίν ό τι λέγεις. τας μεν γαρ
περί τους 'Αμφισσέας και τους Ευβοέας δωροδοκίας
παραλείπω: όταν δε της προς Θηβαίους συμμαχίας
τας αιτίας ανατιθής Δημοσθένει, τους μεν αγνοούν-
τας εξαπατάς, τους δ' ειδότας και αισθανομένους
υβρίζεις. αφελών γάρ τον καιρόν και την δόξαν την
τούτων, δι' ήν εγένετο η συμμαχία, οίει λανθάνειν
ημάς το της πόλεως αξίωμα Δημοσθένει περιτιθείς.
238 ηλίκον δ' έστι το αλαζόνευμα τούτο, εγώ πειράσο-
μαι μεγάλων σημείω διδάξαι. ο γαρ των Περσών βα-
σιλεύς ου πολλά πρότερον χρόνο προ της Αλεξ-
άνδρου διαβάσεως εις την Ασίαν κατέπεμψε το
δήμω και μάλα υβριστικής και βάρβαρον επι-
στολήν, έν ή τά τε δη άλλα και μάλ' άπαιδεύ-
τως διελέχθη, και επί τελευτής ενέγραψεν, «εγώ” 88
φησίν υμίν χρυσίον ου δώσω· μή με αιτείτε: ου
239 γαρ λήψεσθε.” ούτος μέντοι και αυτός εγκαταληφθείς
υπό των νυν παρόντων αυτώ κινδύνων, ουκ αιτούν-
των Αθηναίων, αυτός εκών κατέπεμψε τριακόσια
τάλαντα τω δήμω: α σωφρονών ουκ εδέξατο. ο δε
κομίζων ήν το χρυσίον καιρός και φόβος και χρεία
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
85
συμμάχων. το δε αυτό τούτο και την Θηβαίων
συμμαχίαν εξειργάζετο. συ δε το μέν των Θηβαίων
όνομα και το της δυστυχεστάτης συμμαχίας ένο-
χλείς αεί λέγων, τα δ' εβδομήκοντα τάλαντα υποσι-
ωπάς και προλαβων του βασιλικού χρυσίου απεστέ-
ρησας. ου δι' ένδειαν μέν χρημάτων ένεκα πέντε 240
ταλάντων οι ξένοι τοίς Θηβαίοις την άκραν ού παρ-
έδοσαν; διά εννέα δε τάλαντα αργυρίου πάντων
'Αρκάδων εξεληλυθότων και των ηγεμόνων ετοίμων
όντων βοηθείν η πράξις ου γεγένηται; συ δε πλου-
τείς και ταις ηδοναίς ταϊς σαυτου χορηγείς. και το
κεφάλαιον, το μέν βασιλικός χρυσίον παρά τούτω,
οι δε κίνδυνοι παρ' υμίν.
"Αξιον δ' έστι και την απαιδευσίαν αυτών θεω- 241
ρήσαι· ει γαρ τολμήσει Κτησιφών μεν Δημοσθένης
παρακαλείν λέξoντα εις υμάς, ούτος δ' αναβάς εαυ-
τον εγκωμιάσει, βαρύτερον των έργων ών πεπόνθατε
το ακρόαμα γίνεται. όπου γαρ δη τους μεν όντως
άνδρας αγαθούς, οίς πολλά και καλά συνισμεν έργα,
εάν τους καθ' εαυτών επαίνους λέγωσιν, ου φέρο-
μεν όταν δε άνθρωπος αισχύνη της πόλεως γεγονός
εαυτόν εγκωμιάζη, τίς αν τα τοιαύτα καρτερήσειεν
ακούων;
. 'Από μέν ούν της αναισχύντου πραγματείας, εάν 242
σωφρονης, απoστήση, ποίησαι δε ώ Κτησιφών διά
σαυτου την απολογίαν. ου γαρ δή που τούτό γε
σκήψη, ως ου δυνατός εί λέγειν. και γάρ άτοπόν
σοι συμβαίνει, εί πρώην μέν ποθ' υπέμεινας πρεσ-
βευτής ως Κλεοπάτραν την Φιλίππου θυγατέρα
χειροτονείσθαι συναχθεσόμενος επί τη του Μο-
86
ÆSCHINES
λοττων βασιλέως Αλεξάνδρου τελευτη, νυνι δε ου
φήσεις δύνασθαι λέγειν. έπειτα γυναίκα μεν αλλο-
τρίαν πενθούσαν δύνασαι παραμυθεϊσθαι, γράψας δε
243 μισθού ψήφισμα ουκ απολογήση; ή τοιούτός έστιν
ον γέγραφας στεφανούσθαι, οίος μή γιγνώσκεσθαι
υπό των ευ πεπονθότων, αν μη τίς σοι συνείπη;
επερώτησον δή τους δικαστές ελέγίγνωσκον Χαβρίαν
και Ιφικράτης και Τιμόθεον, και πυθού παρ' αυτών
διά τί τας δωρεάς αυτούς έδοσαν και τας εικόνας
έστησαν. άπαντες γαρ άμα σοι αποκρινούνται ότι
Χαβρία μεν δια την περί Νάξον ναυμαχίαν, Ιφικρά-
τει δε ότι μόραν Λακεδαιμονίων απέκτεινε, Τιμοθέω
δε δια τον περίπλουν τον είς Κέρκυρας, και άλλους,
ων εκάστω πολλά και καλά κατά πόλεμον έργα πέ-
244 πρακται, Δημοσθένει δ' εάν τις έρωτα διά τί ου δώ-
σετε; ότι δωροδόκος, ότι δειλός, ότι την τάξιν έλιπε.
και πότερον τούτον τιμήσετε, ή υμάς αυτους ατιμώ-
σετε και τους υπέρ υμών έν τη μάχη τελευτήσαντας;
ούς νομίζεθ' οράν σχετλιάζοντας ειούτος στεφανωθή-
σεται. και γαρ αν είη δεινόν, ώ Αθηναίοι, εί τα μεν
ξύλα και τους λίθους και τον σίδηρον, τα άφωνα
και αγνώμονα, εάν το έμπεσόντα αποκτείνη, υπερ-
ορίζομεν, και εάν τις αυτόν διαχρήσηται, την χείρα
την τούτο πράξασαν χωρίς του σώματος θάπτομεν,
245 Δημοσθένην δέ, ώ Αθηναίοι, τον γράψαντα μεν την
πανυστάτην έξοδον, προδόντα δε τους στρατιώτας,
τούτον υμείς τιμήσετε. ουκούν υβρίζονται μεν οι
τελευτήσαντες, άθυμότεροι δε οι ζώντες γίγνονται
δρώντες της αρετής άθλον τον θάνατον κείμενον,
την δε μνήμην επιλείπουσαν. το δε μέγιστον, εαν
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 87
επερωτώσιν υμάς οι νεώτεροι προς ποιον χρή παρά-
δειγμα αυτούς τον βίον ποιείσθαι, τί κρινείτε; ευ 246
γάρ ίστε, ότι ουχ αι παλαίστραι ουδε τα διδα-
89 σκαλεία ουδ' η μουσική μόνον παιδεύει τους νεω-
τέρους αλλά πολύ μάλλον τα δημόσια κηρύγματα.
κηρύττεται τις εν τω θεάτρω ότι στεφανούται άρε-
της ένεκα και ανδραγαθίας και ευνοίας άνθρωπος
άσχημονων τω βίω και βδελυρός: ο δέ γε νεώτερος
ταυτ' ιδών διεφθάρη. δίκην τις δέδωκε πονηρός και
πορνοβοσκός ώσπερ Κτησιφών» οι δέ γε άλλοι πε-
παίδευνται. ταναντία τις ψηφισάμενος των καλών
και δικαίων επανελθών οίκαδε παιδεύει τον υιόν και
δέ γε είκότως ου πείθεται, αλλά το νουθετείν ενταύθα
ένοχλεϊν ήδη και δικαίως ονομάζεται. ώς oύν μη 247
μόνον κρίνοντες αλλά και θεωρούμενοι, ούτω την
ψηφον φέρετε, είς απολογισμόν τοις νύν μεν ου
παρουσι των πολιτών, έπερησομένοις δε υμάς τι
εδικάζετε. ευ γαρ ίστε, ω 'Αθηναίοι, ότι τοιαύτη
δόξει η πόλις είναι, οποιός τις άν ή ο κηρυττόμενος
έστι δε όνειδος μη τους προγόνους αλλά τη Δημο-
σθένους άνανδρία προσεικασθήναι. πώς oύν άν τις 248
την τοιαύτην αισχύνην έκφύγοι; εάν τους προκατα-
λαμβάνοντας τα κοινά και φιλάνθρωπα των ονομά-
των, απίστους όντας τους ήθεσι, φυλάξησθε. ή γαρ
εύνοια και το της δημοκρατίας όνομα κείται μεν εν
μέσω, φθάνουσι δ' επ' αυτά καταφεύγοντες τω λόγω
ως επί πολύ οι τοίς έργοις πλείστον απέχοντες.
όταν ούν λάβητε ρήτορα [ξενικών] στεφάνων και 249
κηρυγμάτων εν τοις "Έλλησιν επιθυμούντα, επαν-
άγειν αυτόν κελεύετε τον λόγον, ώσπερ και τας
Ι
88
ÆSCHİVES
βεβαιώσεις των κτημάτων ο νόμος κελεύει ποιείσ-
θαι, είς βίον αξιόχρεων και τρόπον σώφρονα. ότα
δε ταύτα μη μαρτυρείται, μη βεβαιούτε αυτό τους
επαίνους, και της δημοκρατίας επιμελήθητε ήδη
250 διαφευγούσης υμάς, ή ου δεινόν δοκεί υμίν είναι ει
το μέν βουλευτήριον και ο δήμος παροραται, αι δ'
οικίας, ου παρά των τυχόντων ανθρώπων αλλά
παρά των πρωτευόντων εν τη Ασία και τη Ευρώ-
πη; και εφ' οίς έστιν εκ των νόμων ζημία θάνατος,
ταύτά τινες ουκ εξαρνούνται πράττειν άλλ' ομολογού-
σιν εν τω δήμω, και τας επιστολές αλλήλοις παρ-
αναγιγνώσκουσιν, και παρακελεύονται υμίν οι μεν
βλέπειν εις τα εαυτών πρόσωπα ως φύλακες της
δημοκρατίας, έτεροι δ' αιτούσι δωρεάς ως σωτήρες
251 της πόλεως όντες. ο δε δήμος εκ της αθυμίας των
συμβεβηκότων ώσπερ παραγεγηρακως ή παρανοίας
εαλωκώς αυτό μόνον τούνομα της δημοκρατίας περι-
ποιείται, τών δ' έργων ετέροις παρακεχώρηκεν.
έπειτ' απέρχεσθε εκ των εκκλησιών ου βουλευ-
σάμενοι, άλλ' ώσπερ εκ των έράνων, τα περιόντα
νειμάμενοι. ότι δ' ου ληρώ, εκείθεν τον λόγον θεω-
252 ρήσατε. εγένετό τις (άχθομαι δε πολλάκις μεμνη-
μένος τας άτυχίας της πόλεως) ενταύθ' ανήρ ιδιώ-
της, δς εκπλείν εις Σάμον επιχειρήσας ως προδότης
της πατρίδος αυθημερόν υπό της εξ Αρείου Πάγου
βουλής θανάτω έζημιώθη, έτερος δ' έκπλεύσας ιδιώ-
της εις Ρόδον, ότι τον φόβον άνάνδρως ήνεγκε,
πρώην ποτέ εισηγγέλθη και ίσαι αι ψήφοι αυτο
εγένοντο· ει δε μία μόνον μετέπεσεν, υπερώριστ'
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM.
89
αν ή απέθανεν. αντιθώμεν δη το νύν γιγνόμενον. 253
ανήρ ρήτωρ, ο πάντων των κακών αίτιος, έλιπε
μεν την από στρατοπέδου τάξιν, απέδρα δ' εκ της
πόλεως ούτος στεφανούσθαι άξιοι και κηρύττεσθαι
oίεται δεϊν. ούκ αποπέμψετε τον άνθρωπον ως κοινής
των Ελλήνων συμφοράν και η συλλαβόντες ως λησ-
την των πραγμάτων, επ' ονομάτων δια της πολιτείας
πλέοντα, τιμωρήσεσθε; και τον καιρόν μέμνησθε 254
ενώ την ψήφον φέρετε. ημερών μεν ολίγων μέλλει
τα Πύθια γίγνεσθαι και το συνέδριον το των Ελλή-
νων συλλέγεσθαι· διαβέβληται δ' η πόλις εκ των
Δημοσθένους πολιτευμάτων περί τους νυν καιρούς
δόξετε δ', εάν μεν τούτον στεφανώσητε, ομογνώμο-
90 νες είναι τους παραβαίνουσι την κοινήν ειρήνην, εάν
δε τουναντίον τούτου πράξητε, απολύσετε τον δήμον
των αιτιών.
Μή ούν ως υπέρ αλλοτρίας αλλ' ως υπέρ οικείας 255
της πόλεως βουλεύεσθε, και τας φιλοτιμίας μη νέ-
μετε άλλα κρίνετε, και τας δωρεάς εις βελτίω σώ-
ματα και αξιολογωτέρους άνδρας απόθεσθε. και μη
μόνον τοϊς ώσιν αλλά και τοις όμμασι διαβλέψαντες
εις υμάς αυτους βουλεύσασθε, τίνες υμών εισιν οι
βοηθήσοντες Δημοσθένει, πότερον οι συγκυνηγέται
ή οι συγγυμνασταί αυτού, ότ' ήν έν ηλικία, αλλά
μά τον Δία τον Ολύμπιον, ουχ υς αγρίους κυνηγε-
των ουδε της του σώματος ευεξίας επιμελόμενος,
αλλ' έπασκών τέχνας επί τους τας ουσίας κεκτημέ-
νους διαγεγένηται. άλλ' εις την αλαζονείαν αποβλέ- 256
ψαντες, όταν φη Βυζαντίους μεν εκ των χειρών
90
ÆSCHINES
πρεσβεύσας εξελέσθαι του Φιλίππου, αποστήσαι δε
'Ακαρνάνας, εκπλήξαι δε Θηβαίους δημηγορήσας:
oίεται γάρ υμάς εις τοσούτον ευηθείας ήδη προβε-
βηκέναι ώστε και ταυτα άναπεισθήσεσθαι, ώσπερ
Πειθώ τρέφοντας άλλ' ου συκοφάντην άνθρωπος εν
257 τη πόλει. "Οταν δ' επί τελευτής ήδη του λόγου συνη-
γόρους τους κοινωνους των δωροδοκημάτων αυτώ
παρακαλή, υπολαμβάνετε οράν επί του βήματος, ου
νύν έστηκώς εγώ λέγω, αντιπαρατεταγμένους προς
την τούτων ασέλγειαν τους της πόλεως ευεργέτας,
Σόλωνα μεν τον καλλίστους νόμους κοσμήσαντα την
δημοκρατίαν, άνδρα φιλόσοφον και νομοθέτην άγαθών,
σωφρόνως, ως προσήκεν αυτώ, δεόμενον υμών μη-
δενί τρόπο τους Δημοσθένους λόγους περί πλείονος
258 ποιήσασθαι των όρκων και των νόμων, Αριστείδης
δε τον τους φόρους τάξαντα τους Έλλησιν, ου τελευ-
τήσαντος τας θυγατέρας εξέδωκεν ο δήμος, σχετλιά-
"ζοντα επί τω της δικαιοσύνης προπηλακισμό, και
επερωτώντα εί ουκ αισχύνεσθε εί οι μεν πατέρες
υμών "Αρθμιον τον Ζελείτην κομίσαντα εις την Ελ-
λάδα το εκ Μήδων χρυσίον, επιδημήσαντα εις την
πόλιν, πρόξενον όντα του δήμου των Αθηναίων,
παρ' ουδεν μέν ήλθον αποκτεϊναι, εξεκήρυξαν δ' εκ
της πόλεως και εξ απάσης ής Αθηναίοι άρχουσιν,
259 υμείς δε Δημοσθένην, ου κομίσαντα το εκ Μήδων
χρυσίον άλλα δωροδοκήσαντα και έτι και νύν κεκτη-
μένον, χρυσό στεφάνω μέλλετε στεφανούν. Θεμι-
στοκλέα δε και τους εν Μαραθώνι τελευτήσαντας
και τους έν Πλαταιαϊς και αυτούς τους τάφους τους
CONTRA CTESIPHONTEM. 91
των προγόνων ουκ άν οίεσθε στενάξαι, ει και μετά των
βαρβάρων ομολογών τοίς "Ελλησιν αντιπράττειν
στεφανωθήσεται;
σις και παιδεία, η διαγιγνώσκομεν τα καλά και τα
αισχρά, βεβοήθηκα και είρηκα. και ει μεν καλώς
και αξίως του αδικήματος κατηγόρηκα, είπον ως
έβουλόμην, ει δέ ένδεεστέρως, ως έδυνάμην. υμείς
δε και εκ των ειρημένων λόγων και εκ των παραλε-
λειμμένων αυτοί τα δίκαια και τα συμφέροντα υπέρ
της πόλεως ψηφίσασθε,
NOTES.
SS 1-8 Prooemium. The theme is the concluding sentence.
of § 6. The prooemium is modest, avoiding everything per-
sonal; well calculated, though not original. Aeschines en.
deavours to create the impression that he has come forward
solely on public grounds. See the reply of Demosthenes de
Cor. 292.
1 apao Keuny... napárativ, military metaphors like aipeiv,
åywv, ó SLÚKwv etc., the preparation and array of advocates
and supporters of Demosthenes. Probably the use of unlawful
weapons is suggested. So Aeschin. I. 193 triv napao keuniv kal
Tous ouvnyópous, and infra § 35. mapao keuń and Tapao keterbal
are frequently used in the Orators for the corrupt.getting up of
cases. See Lysias 7 & 18; 12 8 75; 13 g 22. Demosthenes had
made the same charge against Aeschines in the opening sen-
tence of his speech de Fals. Leg.
Tapao Keuniy oon yey. for őon tapaokeun. The same antici-
pation of the subject of the dependent clause in the similar
passage of Andocides, I. 1, which Aesch. is probably imitating.
SENCELS "entreaties' made by the friends of Demosthenes
to the jury personally just before the trial, cf. Dem. Fals.
Leg. 1 évoxlouvras kal a poolóvtas úuiv. Lycurg. C. Leocr. 20
τας δεήσεις των εξαιτουμένων (exorantium). The αγορά was close
to the δικαστήρια. τινες depreciatory 88 58, 91.
ÚTTÈO TOû K.T.N. with the object of suppressing just and
customary rights.' uérpia nearly=the more usual Slkala. For
the construction, cf. de Cor. 205, and Goodwin, Moods and
Tenses, § 94.
oudeulav. ojdeulav åv conj. Weidn. OXúc ELV Dobree, on
the ground that Aesch. expresses an opinion of the future,
rather than of the past, conscientiousness of the judges; but
the present is more forcible as describing the constant habit of
the jury.
94 AESCIIINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 2
2 éßovróuny (without åv which Cobet would read for oûv)
is occasionally used to express what some one wishes were
now true (but which is not true). Would that both the
council and the assemblies were rightly managed and that the
laws were in force' (implying the opposite of opws OLOLKEîo dal
and loxúelv). Cf. Ar. Ran. 866. Goodwin, M.T. 49. 2, note 3, C.
Hadley, Gr. Gr. 8 895. For the indicative èņv, see M. T. 44. 3.
Hadley § 884. TOÙS TEVTaKoo lovs in apposition to triv Boulnu
to distinguish it from the Areopagus which was also regarded
as a Bourn, the Council of Five Hundred and the Popular
Assemblies.' Schoemann Antiquities of Greece III. 3. b. ee.,
Eng. Trans. pp. 371, 379. Smith's Dict. Antiqq. S. v. Boulý.
Twv éDEOTYKÓTwy the presiding officers. In the time of
Thucydides these were the 50 πρυτάνεις of the φυλη πρυ-
Tavevovoa (Schoemann 376; Dict. Antiqq. p. 210), from whom
an Étlotárns (President) was chosen daily by lot. But in the
time of Demosthenes some decades after the archonship of
Euclides (403), the chairman of the Boule and Ecclesia was an
Epistates chosen by lot from among nine apbedpoc (presidential
board), themselves daily chosen by lot from each of the non-
prytanising tribes, the old arrangement still continuing for
the performance of the more formal functions. Journal of
Philology 11. 169 ff.; Schoemann 377; Dem. C. Timocr. 21,
Wayte's note. Dem. Phil. 1. Appendix 52. Harpocrat. s. yy.
ÉTTLOTátns, apócopos. Pollux 8, 96.
f. vóuous ous [vóuous] évouo Bétnoe. Figura etymologica. A
favourite mannerism of Aeschines, infr. 7, 18, 21, 23, etc. For
the attribution of legislation generally to Solon, see on Dem.
Cor. $ 6. {vº čeñv Goodw. § 216. 3.
Tŷ peoßurátw—TÓv Bovlóuevov. Note transition from
dat. to acc. c. infin. after éšav. For ó Bovlóuevos see Dem.
Cor. $ 189. Cobet would omit wortep... Kenetovoi.
ow póvws 'quietly.' év uépet 'each in his turn,' infr. § 4.
yvúuny átrobalveola. The article is omitted, as the words
form one idea. Dem. Phil. 1. App. p. 53 note 21.
SLOLKEîobal. Of the conduct of business, in the Assembly
and before the Heliasts. For the observation of formal pro-
cedure the presiding officers were not responsible, but the
proposers of a motion (oi molitevóuevol, oi øňtopes). An excessive
number of ypapai Trapavouwy resulted from the disorder caused
by this anomaly. Madvig Kl. Phil. Schr. 379, and infr. § 194.
The ypaon tapavouwr was essentially concerned with formal
irregularities.
émáxlotal 'as few as possible.'
§ 4
NOTES.
95
3 ételSr 8é. Apodosis in § 4 oedlyntal dév.
padlws=temere “recklessly.' Dem. Phil. I. 46 11.
yváuas = unblouata motions, so 230. These were
zapávouoif in conflict with existing laws. If the Epistates
of the Proedri declined to put these to the vote (yvbuas
ÈTTLUNOlgelv, infr. 124, 128; F. L. 62; Schoem. 384), he might
be compelled to do so by the outcry of a prevailing majority.
Aeschines F. L. § 84. Cobet would read taúras and omit tà
inplomata.
έτεροί τινες, πρόεδροι.
&K Trapao Keuñis kadetóuevou obtaining their seats corruptly,'
or, ‘by intrigue,' $s 62, 73. Cf. c. Timarch. (1.) 106 où laxie
ουδέ χειροτονηθείς αλλά πάσας παρά τους νόμους πριάμενος. λαχών
appointed by lot, xelpotovno eis chosen by vote: for the mode of
procedure in the former case see Schoem. p. 402. Aeschines
would hardly have hazarded these insinuations, if tampering
with election by lot had been entirely unknown. ek of way,
manner, Phil. I. 21 n.
όντως join with κληρούμενος, respectable men who appear
personally and draw their lots fairly. In opposition to èK
παρασκευής.
τας χειροτονίας αναγορεύειν suffragia renuntiare, announce
officially.” Schoem. 385; Dict. Ant. p. 271 a.
islav aŭtov, more emphatic than idlav, cf. Dem. 01. 11. 16.
eloayyéllely to accuse him by bill of indictment.' elo-
ayyelia is the term applied to criminal information laid before
the Council or Popular Assembly regarding & crime which
affected the interests of the state, but to which, on account of
the pressure of opposing circumstances, the usual course of
law did not seem applicable. Schoem. 479. Dict. ant. p. 447.
cio ayyeleiv conj. Reiske and W. as the correct tense after
απειλούσιν.
Suvartelas oligarchical (arbitrary) domination' opposed
to loovouía. Thuc. 3, 62, 6, 38, infr. § 145 note. Aeschines
invidiously opposes the cliques of ρήτορες Or δημήγοροι, De-
mosthenes in particular, to the idlûra. (called also uét LOL,
årpáyuoves) the general body of citizens who took no part in
the actual debates. Dict. Ant. 994-6. Thus Cicero contrasts
potentia and auctoritas in Mil. § 12. Tàs duvaor. is the reading
of ass. A followed by W. "the dominant influence” which
properly belongs to the laws. TTEPLTTOLOÚHevou § 89.
4 tas kpíoels... Kpivovou 'ordinary legal processes they have
abolished (by neglect, cf. supr. 3, katalékutal) while, availing
96 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $5
themselves of popular excitement (uet' ópyris), they carry on
extraordinary prosecutions (sc. eioayyellas) founded on special
decrees.' Hypereides (Eux. col. 18) alludes to the frequency,
usque ad nauseam, of these eloayyeliai.
kúpuyua, Aristoph. Ach. 45. Dem. de Cor. 191.
TW &v Tŷ Tródet, sc. Knpuyuátw, cf. inf. 154 and 9..
Tís dyopeteLV B.; These three words only are usually quoted
for the complete form (Dem. de Cor. 170), the remainder
probably falling into disuse with the growth of professional
oratory. We see however the spirit of the regulation retained
in such instances as Aesch. F. L. 25, 47. See Schoem.
pp. 382—3. Aeschin. I. 23.
Šv Mépel and ły to uépel, lit. in the part that falls to one's
lot,' so 'in turn,' cf. Ol. II. 24.
προεδρεύουσα φυλή The tribe to whose lot it fell to assist
the Prytanes and Proedri in preserving order near the Bema.
- This was an exceptional institution. For its origin circ. B.C. 345
in consequence of the violence of Timarchus: cf. Aeschin. I. 33.
Schoem. 383, note 2.
TÒ SÉkatov dépos, not of the whole citizen-population, but
of its representatives in the Bouin, as the scholiast points out.
A. Schaef. Dem. II. 291. 3.
5 kalpwv 'circumstances,' situation,' tempora, Cic. ad Div.
S
S
ótrolovs olyás, predic. of aŭtous. Indefinite, pretty nearly
such as': the suffix arep has the contrary force, see duótrep $ 6.
v hipos All other privileges which the State ensures to
the citizen have been taken from you by the political cliques
(of g 3).
Tuoi 'a small faction,' contemptuously; this use of TLVÈS
is another mannerism, cf. § 1.
Trapaxwpňoavtes decedentes,' withdrawing from,' so 'giv.
ing up, sacrificing,' cf. Dem. 5. 25 OLÍTTW 'AuØLTólews
Tapakexwpńkauer; de Cor. $ 68. Cic. pro Cluent. 155 a legibus
non recedumus. Tņs mollTelas 'the constitution.'
6 tpels elol moliteau K.T.l. Repeated from 1. 4, where
Aesch. disclaims originality for the sententia,' which may be
found in Isocr. XII. 132. Plato Rep. 338 D. Lycurg. Leocr. 3.
See also Aristot. Polit. 4, 2; Polybius 6, 4.
ye. map. Sikáowy to sit as juryman in an action of
γραφή παρανόμων.”
NOTES.
97
Triv unboy... Trappnoias 'the vote he is about to give con-
cerns his own liberty. For this sense of mappnola (exercise of
political freedom) see Aeschin. I. 114, Toll raidos tive mappnolav
pauptmat. Cf. Isoer. Areop. 20. Thuc. 8, 67, 2.
SLÓTrep for this very reason,' 01. III. 19.
ó vouodérys. See $ 38, tŷ vouodéry n.
Un bloquac kard Tous vouovs. The first words of the
Heliasts' oath often partially quoted by the orators, as Dem.
de Cor. 121. A full form is given in Dem. c. Timocr. 149–151,
which Weidn. regards as substantially correct, but see Wayte's
note; Schoem. p. 475; Journ. Philol. vi. 10.
7 rycolat ulkpòv elvat treat as unimportant.'
un Séva dvop. étaipeło dal 'and that no man endeavour to
deprive you of, following xpn with change of subject. Reiske
and later edd. give μηδένα εάν ανθρ. εξαιρ. from an old marginal
conjecture.
Tds TÔ otparnyőv ouvnyoplas “advocacies.' The Gene-
rals were wont to plead the cause of their favourite orators when
in danger. Phocion had done this for Aeschines himself when
accused by Demosthenes, de Fals. Leg. SS 170, 184.
ÉTTU Tolùy ý 8n xpóvoy ‘for some time past.' Hadley, 799 b.
See on Dem. de Cor. $ 316.
ouvepyoûVTEŞ. The reading of A, ournyopoûvtes after the
preceding ournyoplav is in accordance with Aeschinean paucity
of vocabulary; but yet may well be a gloss.
Šévwv SENDELS. So Jason, tyrant of Pherae, spoke in be-
half of Timotheus. Corn. Nep. Timoth. 4. 3. Compare the
"laudatio' (eulogy, testimonial) sent from Messana in behalf of
Verres. Cic. Verr. II. iv. $ 3.
åvaßußalóuevol calling as witnesses in their favour,' cf.
Aeschin. II. 146.
TLVES ékbeúyovol. The orators are fond of drawing their
illustrations from recent instances, without mentioning names,
as Dem. C. Aristocr. 31, 100, and infr. 196.
Trapávouov... TOLLTEVÓ Uevou although their administration
was contrary to law.'
Try Táčuv ALTEîV A natural illustration, but yet perhaps
employed here as a taunt aimed at Demosthenes; cf. Aeschin.
ΙΙ. 148 εγράφης λιποταξίου και τον γραψάμενον Νικόδημος χρήμασι
zreloas éocons, cp. $ 155. Dem. was accused of lettotačía
on account of his return home in the time of the Euboean
war, B.C. 350. The prosecutor Euctemon had so little to go
upon that he did not press for a judicial decision. See
Thirlwall, v. 390. A. Schaef. II. 15.
02
98 ·AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $8
n
v äy taxon 'in which he may happen to have been placed,'
instead of the more usual nv taxoein, because following a tense
of future time. Goodwin, M.7. & 34. 1. b. See also $ 20, n. 2.
8 Tapakaradéuevou 'entrusting as a deposit,' so traidas Olda-
okálous, Aeschin. I. 9. The emphasis falls on the participles
Tapakatao&uevol, OlanloteÚO AVTes, not on the following finite
verbs trápelou Koh.. Trans. "All your fellow citizens, whether
present..., or absent..., have entrusted to you...; and compare
Cic. pro Cluent. 155, populum Romanum aliud nunc agere, vobis
rempublicam et fortunas suas commisisse. SLATTLO TEÚDaytes a
rare word, and in this sense I think äraç dey. See 1 § 188.
Cobet regards kal... dan, as a Byzantine interpolation.
EENéywuey. EléYEW Cobet. Plural of one person, the
speaker. Common in Latin, rare in Greek, especially the
orators. See queîs § 50. There is no certain instance in
Demosthenes. See 1 Phil. 30.
yeypa óta A. ypávavta B. The perfect tense is more
generally used in censuring the past action of the defendant.
lúete 'annul.' Blass (Att. Bered. p. 183) points out that
in 330 the probouleuma of Ctesiphon had long ceased to be
valid, and that this must have been therefore composed in 336.
.triy Snuokpatíay 'its democratic constitution, which de.
pends on the laws, and is endangered by napávou.ol yu@uab.
eŰopka 'in accordance with your juror's oath.' See on
€ Ŭopkos and évopkos note on Dem. de Cor. g 249.
9 Having introduced the general charge (ń Olin katmyopla)
Aeschines proceeds to show (1) ss 9—12, that a most essential
law of the state had without excuse been violated in proposing
to crown Demosthenes before the accounts of his administra-
ment to an extraordinary office could not be justly pleaded in
extenuation: (3) S8 17–31—that the fact that the money he
had spent was his own could not make him a whit the less
amenable to the scrutiny. To that scrutiny all offices were
amenable, and Demosthenes as holding two when the bill of
Ctesiphon was proposed could not evade the law.
perpiws 'fairly well,' a litotes for åpkoúvtws or cử. Plat.
Crit. 106 Α. των υπευθύνων subject to the εύθυνα or audit, to
which all Athenian magistrates had to submit within a certain
time of the termination of their office. Until the ten eŰd uvoL
had passed the accounts of such magistrates they were Úteú-
θυνοι and could hold no other office. παρ' ούς contrary to
which:' so praeter, beside, the adversative sense of mapå being
developed from the comparative.
$ 13
NOTES.
Trpoolaußúvovtes securing the support of,' cf. § 126.
TóppwOev pokatehduBavov .anticipated long beforehand.'
kmpúyuaou óby public recognitions.'
10 év Toîs dywowv, Dobree first proposed to strike out
these words. It seems improbable that Aeschines would here
describe as a matter of ordinary occurrence that which he
elsewhere (S 32) says was expressly forbidden by law; we
must therefore take the words, if they stand, to refer to the
state of things before the passing of the law, the date of which
we do not know.
é Sè aŭtos dvr p... and that the same man, after a short
interval, should leave the Court-convicted of embezzlement,'
lit. 'having failed in the scrutiny for embezzlement.'
11 Tayop&Goved ... Am See Madr. s 210. Top . .
otepavoúvtwv 'those who try to crown. Goodwin, M. T.
10. 1, Note 2.
oi uév, answered by Krnois oè below. ei Sri 'if indeed'
implying the contrary, cf. § 155 note.
arx'oûv, followed after an interval by ye emphasizing the
word which precedes it; cf. Dem. Phil. III. § 30, all' oŮV ÚTÒ
they were wronged by men who were genuine sons of Hellas.'
åll' oův without following ye infr. 86, and see 155 n.
προβάλλονται “they put forward some kind of pretext to
conceal.' § 203. Thuc. 2, 87, 3. But Ctesiphon disregards
all qualifications of this sort. ÉTTELSày... Sô cum dederit as
soon as we shall have given.'
12 apokatalaußávovtal cp. 9. Tepanańcas, a stronger
word than υπερβήναι οι παραβήναι. It implies contemptuous
transgression.
Metaţú... ápxovta "before his period of office was over.'
Cf. METAŠÙ DELTVOÛVtes Dem. Cor. 8. 169.
13 ás ápa 'that forsooth,'-implying the falseness of the
pretext, cf. § 137.
aiperol, properly tribesmen elected to manage the affairs
of the tribe by their fellow-tribesmen. But as the work of
repairing the walls had been assigned to the tribes by yñoloua
(special decree), the tribe Pandionis appointed Demosthenes to
superintend, cf. $$ 27, 31. So, as TELXOTTOLÒs he was aipetós.
Xelpotovato was the name given to officers appointed by the
whole people in council (év åpxacpecials) to perform some parti.
cular business of the state. See Dict, Ant. 271 a.
22
100 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 14
apxýThe subject is obscure. Aristotle says (Pol. IV. 12.
2), έστι δε ουδε τούτο διορίσαι ράδιον ποίας δεί καλεϊν αρχάς.
Šiluela... Slakovla 'but a kind of public commission and
service.' Cf, the distinction between magistratus and curatio.
See Dem. de Cor. $S 206, 311.
Strokinpolowy assign by lot,' so § 15 kinpwtai åpxal op-
posed to aipetai. The Archonship, membership of the Boulè,
and offices connected with judicial and tribal administration
were assigned by lot; the Strategus and other officers connected
with the army, as also ambassadors and such extraordinary
officials, were elected.
Tas perd' TOÚtwy, taxiarchs, phylarchs, etc. cf. Dem. 1 Phil.
8 26 ουκ εχειροτονείτε δ' εξ υμών αυτών δέκα ταξιάρχους και στρα-
τηγούς και φυλάρχους και ιππάρχους δύο;
Trpayuatelas=ét Luenelas. Kata Unbloua 'according to
special vote,' as opposed to the regular yearly officers appointed
according to law.
14 vóuov úpétepoy a law of yours.'
επιστάτας, the title of επιστάτης was applied not only to
the chairman of the senate and assembly, but also to the direc-
tors of the public works, TELXOTTOLOL, Tpinpotoloi, etc. Dict. Ant.
S. V. Grote, Hist. Gr. xi. ch. XC. p. 303. Thirlwall, xi. lvi. 135.
τειχοποιός. The τειχοποιοί were considered to hold a ma-
gisterial offee (αρχή) and in that capacity had a ηγεμονία δικα-
otnplov, commencing and directing judicial proceedings within
their several departments. (Olkas) ai đpxai kata Tòv aútñs éká-
στη νόμον εισηγον εις δικαστήριον ηγουμένη και προεστωσα, Har-
pocration, 91. See Dict. Ant. 447 a, 1099 a. Poti of course
D. was not so in 330; here again therefore the speech originally
composed in 336 seems to be used unaltered.
15 Sokluag Bévtas 'after passing the scrutiny,' which every
man at Athens had to stand before entering on an office. The
examination referred to his private character, his conduct to
his parents, his fulfilment of religious obligations, and his
Athenian birth, and the like. See Deinarchus 2 8 17. All kinds
of Magistrates whether created by lot or election had to
undergo a dokluaola, as well as the public Rhetores and the
Equites, some before the Boule, others in a law court. Harpocr.
8. V. Sokluacia.
éyypábely=to give the auditors an account of his adminis.
tration in writing.
Toy ypaupatéa. W. holds that this must mean the public
Clerk, as the Clerk of the Logistae would not be mentioned first.
dvayváceta, sc. o ypapijateús, cf. § 124.
$ 19
101
NOTES.
16 å trouvnuoveVELV ' to repeat by memory,' see Shilleto to
Dem. F. L. S 14. útrobáldely 'to intimate to them in reply.'
- Verbum cujus proprius est usus ad confutandas adversarii
objectiones." Shilleto on Dem. F. L. $ 101.
Trpoodex eo @e, cf. & 134, coplotno § 137.
olóuevov... åvalpňoelv. G. M.T. 8 136. ønuaoi &S 92, 202.
17 ábukTOV "cujus vis stringens effugi et declinari nequit,"
Reiske. “ Argumentum ineluctabile.” Demosthenes does use
this argument very forcibly, de Cor. §. 111.
pvás ékatóy In the yńoloua, probably spurious, quoted de
Cor. 118 (cf. Pseudo-Plutarch, 851) Demosthenes is said to have
contributed three talents, or one hundred and eighty minae.
Boeckh (Staatsh. I. 288) suggests that Aeschines confounded
the sum with the Ékatov uvâs mentioned de Cor. 118 as contri-
buted eis tas luolas.
Ecouva. "eŰova et eüdúvn promiscue videntur Graeci usur-
passe." Shilleto to Dem. F. L. § 19. The former however
seems to have the better authority.
T@ kal ÓWCoûv...' who have come forward in any way
whatever for the management of public affairs.' Cf. de Cor.
257 and inf. § 22.
18 88átw Sè...' And this I will illustrate to you first of
all by instances where it would not be expected.' Trí with the
genitive, of examples. Cf. Isocr. Plat. 40, ÉTÈ TELÓVwv Tapa-
delymátwv.
· oullnBony collectively.' Kata op.a individually.' Tous
Tá yépa... 'though they receive only honorary stipends,' i.e.
the contributions (victims, etc. perhaps money) presented at
the temples. “Reditus et vectigalia et emolumenta ipsis vi
sacerdotii, quo fungebantur, propria." Reiske. Ta yévn the
families in which the priesthood was hereditary. "Familiae
duae sacerdotum in sacris Eleusiniis, quarum illa ab Eumol-
po, haec a Ceryce genus duxit.” Bremi. Dict. ant. 477 a.
Thuc. 8, 53, 2; Xenoph. Hellem. 2, 4, 21.
19 oú tá kolvd Slaxeupioavtas... 'though they did not han-
dle the public money. The state supplied money for the
ship's tackle, pay of soldiers etc., but it seems to have been
paid not through the trierarchs but the Strategi, though the
trierarchs kept the ships in repair at their own expense Dict.
Ant. 1160.
Bpaxéa SÈ KaTaTLOÉvras 'while they lay out little,' i.e. in
proper purchases. ÉTTIS.Sóval Sè nor profess to be making free
contributions when they do but restore to you your own, but
102 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $20
have, as all agree, expended their patrimonies on their patriotic
zeal for you.'
Ouvedplwy assemblies' or boards;' such as the Five
Hundred or the Areopagus.
20 kal TÒy Kel oku@pwtroy and brings yonder councillor,
stern-visaged though he be, and arbiter in the weightiest mat-
ters, under your jurisdiction.' Weidner says, “Hic locus mi.
sere mehercule corruptus vix unquam probe sanabitur." He
has in his text....dóyov kai eúdúvas, Tòv dei OKU pWTòv kai tûv
Meylotwy kúplov åywv ÚTÒ Triv jueTÉpav yapov. All the mss. have
άγειν. For the meaning of σκυθρωπός indicating a look of
stern and almost forbidding virtue, see Demosth. in Steph. 8 68.
Cf. Cic. Verr. I. X. 30, "iudex tristis (okv@pwtós) et integer."
oºk ápa... Touswol. Shall not then the council of the Are-
opagus be rewarded with a crown? No, for it is not customary
with them. What, have they no ambition? Most certainly,
but one of another sort: they are not content that one of their
number should abstain from injustice; but if he commit an
error they punish him: your orators, on the contrary, behave
like spoiled children.' So Benseler. The ambition of the
Areopagus was to be spotless. This, as their duty, deserved no
21 cúbüs dpxóuevos 'in the very preamble of the laws.'
un átodnuñow; aor. conjunc. deliberative. What, am I
not to go abroad? No.' Oů, oŬkovv, åpa où presume an affirma-
tive, uń, uwv, âpa un, a negative reply. Curtius, Gr. Gr. 608.
613. 2."Goodwin, Gr. § 282.
ένα γε μη...χρήση. Weidner's explanation of πράξεις as
a pášels Tolitikas is the most satisfactory. He cites Deinarch. I.
97 Tòv...tás ÚTÈD TOû dñmou zpáčels ėykaralelotóta. But even so
there is a slight zeugma. Translate, «Just so; that you may
not appropriate the monies of the state or anticipate the comple-
tion of its business and run away. The official was ÚTEÚDuvos
both for money received and for business undertaken on behalf
as well as his accounts passed. For tporaßeiv in the sense of
"appropriate” see inf. 239. mpátels § 106.
Triv oủolay kaðlepoûv 'to consecrate his private property.'
ÉKTTOINTOY yevéodal "nor to be adopted into another family.'
Dict. Ant. 14 b. A person was said to be ékmolntos in reference
to the family he left, ciotointos to the family he entered. A
man might not escape an obligation by an adoption into a poor
family. évex upálel 'puts a lien on,' 'takes as security.' Arist.
Nub. 35, 241.
§ 25
103
NOTES.
22 val, álx toti 'nay more, there are cases in which a
man,' cf. &$ 28, 168.
Tepooñade após Tu TW KOLVO "undertook some public
business.
23 uri úptage thv oilorlulav' do not snatch (unfairly) at
the honour. For pidotiuía in this sense cf. inf. 45, 255. Thuc.
2, 65. Dem. 2 Olynth. $ 3 and 16.
éu tepoo Dev TW vouwy, Weidner quotes Eurip. Orest. 487, kai
των νόμων γε μη πρότερον είναι θέλειν.
24 oŮTou, Ctesiphon and Demosthenes.
Méxpu Seūpo, cf. els obte 8 99. MÉXpe tróppw Dem. Cor. $ 163.
åpxwy uły... TELXOTTOLY "presiding at the time over the
management of the theoric fund, and being superintendent of
the repair of the walls.' The fund here spoken of was devoted to
defraying the expenses of theatrical and other entertainments,
generally connected with religious worship. The office held by
Demosth. is not mentioned anywhere else except in the de Cor.
113–8.
Taūt' i18n, cf. inf. 52 n.
25 ávtlypadeús one who keeps a counter-reckoning,' 'a
check-clerk.' Pollux 8. 98, åteypapeùs 77pótepov uèy aipetos
αύθις δε κληρωτός ήν, και πάντα αντεγράφετο παρακαθήμενος τη
βουλή, δύο δ' ήσαν, ο μεν της βουλής ο δε της διοικήσεως.
The latter seems to be alluded to here, the “contrascriptor
aerarii, check-clerk of the treasury," as it is hardly probable
that the årttypadeŮs Tas Bouls could ever have been XELPO-
Tontós, appointed by the people. Compare Lat. contraro-
tulator, whence Eng. comptroller. Polybius 6, 56 mentions
these check-clerks as watching over the public funds. Join
rjv with TÔ Tólel, the state formerly had...'
ameloy(leto, rationes reddebat.'
Eulovlov, the leader of the peace party and friend of Aes-
chines, see Dem. de Cor. 118, 162. For his law forbidding the
application of the theoric fund to military service see Dict.
Ant. 1126 b, 1127 a.
'Hynuovos, another popular orator, a hireling of Philip's,
mentioned de Cor. 285. "Boeckh places the passing of his law
between the battle of Chaeronea and the year 330. It dimi.
nished the influence of the Theoric Board, especially on the
administration of naval affairs.
STOSEKT@V, ten officers who received the revenue, and
distributed it to the several departments. Dict. Ant. 103 a.
104 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 27
Through the influence of Eubulus the Theoric Board usurped
for a time the functions of these officers.
OKEVOOńkny, a storehouse for the ship's gear of the state.
triremes. Cf. Tois ở KeÚcơ...dro@non, Thuc. VI. 97.
Oxegòv triv oanv, Aeschines is probably exaggerating.
27 επιβολάς επέβαλλε power to impose fines to a limited
amount was part of the functions of those magistrates who
had an özepovía SikaoTnplov. Dict. Ant. 467 a.
Slkaornplwy...éháußave' was availing himself of his right
of initiative in the several courts.' The ηγεμονία δικαστηρίου
was the right possessed by Archons and other magistrates of
investigating cases in their several departments and bringing
them before the courts. $ 14.
lapynewyos... "on the 29th day of the month Thargelion'
[May-June]. Dict. Ant. 223 b.
a'yopáv, iyopai is the proper word for the assemblies of
the δήμοι and φυλαί, εκκλησίαι for meetings of the whole people.
The singular å yopáv does not imply that the tribes all met in
one place: only that there were meetings of the tribes at one
and the same time throughout Attica. Cf. Schoemann, de
comitiis, p. 27. TOLOai, cf. SS 67, 124, notes.
28 val, for the quasi-negative meaning of vai answering to
our “ nay” see Shilleto, Dem. F. Li Appendix C. Cf. § 22.
d'utidla NÉKEL "he meets me with this turn.' The meta-
phor is taken from the turns or twists of wrestlers. Cf. Pindar,
Pyth. II. 82 õuws udy oalvwv TOTừ Trávtas ärav máyxv dlandÉKEL,
and the more frequently occurring compounds συμπλέκεσθαι,
περιπλέκεσθαι.
ÚTTÒ Toll Sńuou not by the whole people, but by his tribe.
Demosthenes does not raise this point of his mode of election,
but urges that he was crowned for his benefaction, or extra
expense, for which he was not úr eúd uvos.
29 Sokquao létas, see § 15.
30 TPLTTúes, a division of the oul for financial purposes,
as the sparplai were for religious. oņuoi, Dict. Ant. 392 a.
aipo utai, aipetol K.T.d., of election by the purai, Xelpoto.
veîv of election by the ekki nola.
TOÚTovs aipetoùs dpxovtas eivai, most editors omit these
words.
31 añs SloLKÝrews, the public treasury, cf, supra, 25 note.
§ 34
105
NOTES.
32–35 Ctesiphon, in proposing to crown Demosthenes in
the theatre, has been guilty of a farther violation of the law,
which commands that crowns be conferred either in the Senate-
house or in the Pnyx. [Blass p. 186 conceives that this was an
afterthought and was not included in the accusative of 336.]
32 Tapavouws, take this adverb with the verb giyveobal,
not with Keleúel.
33. após Tous Ew@ey ' in the presence of foreigners,' who
would be at the exhibitions in the Theatre.' épyoraßeîv v
Tois knpúyuao lv 'to try to make a profit by the decrees. The
Scholiast explains, ivá dià Toû êv TQ Deátpw otepavovo bar èx?
τους εαυτώ παρέχοντας χρήματα ως δυνατό και τιμωμένη εν τη
tólel. Of, Aeschin. I. 173, II. 112, Dem. C. Androt. 49.
34 KELEVEL K.T.d. The lawgiver requires, that in the
presence of the people in the Pnyx, in a full assembly, shall
proclamation be made.' The generally accepted view as
regards the site of the Pnyx is as follows. The Pnyx, or place
of assembly of the Athenian people, formed part of the surface
of a low rocky hill, at the distance of a quarter of a mile S. W.
of the centre of the Areopagus. It may be described as an
area formed by a semicircular space with radius 76 yards, con-
taining about 11000 square yards. In the middle point of the
wall of rock, which forms the chord of this semicircle, is the
celebrated bema (Bñua) or pulpit, often called “the stone”
(Ar. Pax, 680), commanding a view of the Propylaea and the
other magnificent edifices of the Acropolis: from it the orators
addressed the multitude in the semicircular area before them.
Dr Chandler (Travels in Greece, Vol. II. p. 84, ed. 1825)
was the first, in 1765, to identify as the site of the Pnyx "a
large semicircular area or terrace, supported by stones of a
vast size cut into squares, nearly opposite the rock of the Are-
opagus." In 1822, the excavations made at the expense and
under the direction of Lord Aberdeen brought to light the pro.
jecting cubic block, cut out of the rock, with steps on each side,
alluded to above as the bema. Several German scholars (Ul-
richs 1842, Welcker 1852, E. Curtius 1862 and 1868) maintain
that this cubic block was an altar, and the semicircular area
a réuevos, of Zeus. This theory has been controverted by L.
Ross 1853 and Dr Dyer (Ancient athens, p. 468 and Appendix).
Wachsmuth (Stadt Athen, I. p. 369, 1874) says it would fill a
volume to go through in detail the arguments on the Pnyx
question, describing it as one which had better be allowed to
rest pending fortunate discovery or methodical excavation.
See also Bursian Philologus IX 631 f. Vischer Erinnerun-
gen p. 114 ed. 1875. Milchhoefer in Baumeister's Denkmäler,
1885, p. 157–9.
106 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $35
TŘékkinolą, dat. of time, 'in a sitting of the assembly.'
Cf. inf. 45, pois tpaywooîs. Weidner reads év TÔ ċkkinoia,
but see Madvig, G. S. 8 45, Thuc. I. 44, in new Tp0Tépq
(ékkinola), cf. 8, 92, 2 where the difficulty of £v Tôn å ropa
nindoúon is probably solved by regarding the words as express-
ing the place and not the time. Dem. F. L. SS 14–16.
Cobet would omit the words.
τραγωδών αγωνιζομένων καινών, that is, at the Greater
Dionysia in March, see Dict. Ant. 412 b. Weidner prefers, as
less learned and therefore more probable, the shorter reading
Tpaywówn ylyvouévwv, see inf. 41.
35-48 It will be pleaded that there is another law allow-
ing crowns to be bestowed in the theatre: but this plea too is
inadmissible. See Note A. Demosth. de Cor. & 120–122.
35 Trapataxoels, cf. napárači § 1.
étroloel will bring to bear,' like military engines. Cf.
Dem. 37. 36, år ontla TlDépp. 48. 36, airias yeudeís é Lépel,
and 41. TeXvas § 28.
ánayopevovou...jr KnPÚTTELV, see on g 10.
els try dto oylay 'in their defence.' de Cor. § 121.
KNÉTTOVTES Tv åkpóaol beguiling your ears,' i. e. by
false statements or suppressions of the truth, so inf. 99, 200.
| 36 Tpaypsos To Bedro, see 8 34. Cp. the Latin gladia-
toribus” for tempore ludorum gladiatoriorum. Madvig, Lat.
Gr. $ 276, Obs. 2. See on Demosth. de Cor. § 54.
edy Unbiontal ó sñuos · if the people shall so have voted,'
i.e. the proclamation, not the crown. See Note A.
37 ovynyópovs. This word is used with allusion to the five
public adrocates appointed to defend the ancient laws before
the Court of Heliasts, when an amendment, or a new law in
abrogation thereof, was proposed. Dem. in Timocr. § 36; Lept.
§ 146. Dict. Ant. 1084 a.
trapà...katnyoplay cf. § 143 n.
Tapa SESUKEV “irrepsit," intr. perf. act. This form is not
quoted in Liddell and Scott's Lexicon.
ły To îs kupious 'in the midst of those which are valid.'
a vayeypaddat, cf. inf. 38, 39, 70. "åvaypá OELV vóuous dicitur
legislator cuius leges tabulis incisae publice proponuntur.”
Reiske.
38 all' oủk... urte... tpoßainte. An assertion that some-
thing is not the case is often followed by the expression of a
wish that something may never happen. “It is not so, and
$ 40
107
NOTES.
may you never arrive at...," cf. Shilleto, note to Dem. F. L.
8 163, υμίν δε τοιούτο μεν ουδέν ούτ' ην μήτε γένοιτο του λοιπού,
and Soph. Antig. 500, 686, inf. 128.
Sloploûv Tous vouovs. For this duty of the Thesmothetae
cf. Dict. Ant. 123 b. This regulation is given in full in Dem.
Timocr. 20. The function of the Thesmothetae was to detect and
report any inconsistencies in the laws; the revision necessary
in consequence was committed to a certain number of the
dicasts of the year under the title of νομοθέται.
év Tô Sńuw = ¿v TÛ Ékkinoią.
39 év gavlol... Tipooley twy Étwvúuwy, 'it requires that
they inscribe them on tablets and bang them up to public
view before the statues of the Eponymi,' or tutelary heroes
after whom the Attic oulal had their names. They stood,
according to Pausanias (1, 5), near the Tholus, at the foot of
the Areopagus. Dyer's Athens, pp. 200, 201, 213.
TOLEîV Ékkinolay, cf. $$ 67, 124, notes.
vouo Bérals, Dobree's conjecture for vouodéras, now generally
accepted. Translate, having inscribed on the notice For No-
mothetae,' i.e. for the appointment of law-revisors. Cf. Dem.
Timocr. 21. A similar dative case occurs in Dem. F. L. 205,
ötav kñpugi kal peoßelals apoyeypanuévoy 'when notice has
been published that the Ecclesia is to be held) "for reception
of” heralds and embassies.'
ŠTUOTÁTNU TW Tpoédpwv, see § 2.
to snug these 500 Nomothetae acted as representatives of the
whole people for the revision of the laws, so that here tū onuç
= Tois vouoo étals, cf. Dem. Timocr. 33, TÔ dù vouwy TW KELMÉ-
νων μη εξείναι λύσαι μηδένα, εάν μή έν νομοθέταις, τότε δε, (i.e. εν
νομοθέταις) εξείναι το βουλομένω'Αθηναίων λύειν έτερον τιθέντι ανθ'
8Top đo Aum. See Dict. Amt. 805 b. Translate Top 8 “TuoidTM
K.r.l., 'And that the president of the proedri put the question
(about the laws) to the people (i.e. the Nomothetae, their repre.
sentatives), and that they (the people) annul some and retain
in force others.'
40 ở Tapa ToÚTay NóYos, so 164, ở Tapà cos cóYos, Dem.
c. Lept. 75, Toll raptuou Xóyou. Tapá Tivos with substantives
signifying expression (λόγος) and feeling (της ευνοίας της παρά
TW TO Tôv, Isaeus v. 136) will be best translated by the simple
genitive, the argument of these men,' the goodwill of the
citizens. Krüger, Gr. Gr. 68. 34. 2, Tapà cum genitivo...
originem indicans unde aliquid proficiscitur sive dictum sive
factum. Cf. 1. 116. Bremi.
108 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 41
ámodóvtwy referring the matter to. The people decided
what laws the Nomothetae should revise. Cf. Dem. Timocr.
21, 23.
å vrieng ay 'would have been before now revoked.' The
pluperf. with äv indicates something that would have happened
in the past, and remained so up to the present. Cf. Dem. de
Cor. $ 30.
úrou...n 'either, that is to say, the one which gave authority
for the proclamation, or the one which forbids. The addition
of To implies that the speaker prefers or attaches more weight
to the former alternative. Cf. Soph. Ant. 1182. Frequently,
ge is added. Plat. Apol. 27 ŐTOL Beoús ye vyotueba ñ DeWV
Taidas. Denique non ñ... Mtoc sed ñtol... dicitur. Lobeck,
Soph. Aj. 117. Except Pind. Nem. VI. 5.
41 étudépovol, cf. supr. 35.
• ylyvouévwv... Tpayo Sãy 'when the play is on the point of
commencing.' The phrase seems to have been literal at first,
when poets were their own actors, “quum poetae se tragoedos
praestant." This is Weidner's explanation. Cf. Liddell and
Scott, s.v. Tpayudós, and § 154.
STEPOL SP ÚTTÓ 7 Snuotô, Cobet and Weidner here read
ŠTE POL SP ÖT ÚTÒ TV Onuorov, so infr. 178 av ouoroyno alTE ŐTL
ÉTT TW a poyóvwv..., and 208 ÚToß&Mlete ÖTL Anubo deves.... The
analogy of 193 o'x cs... all'us, is in favour of this reading.
ÚtroknpvęáuevOL 'having caused proclamation to be made.'
Victorius" margini Venet. adscripsit dcà Kýpuros ÅPÉVTES' ¿Bóa
gàpó Kýpus: ó delva Tòv deîva nevépwoe. Bremi.
ελευθέρους, So the editors following Cobet read for απελευ-
Dépous as the only possible Attic Greek in combination with
Tņs Åtedeubepias-manumissionis. Cob. W. omit it.
42 προξενίας the connexion between an individual and a
state was a počevia, that between two individuals or two states
was Eevia. eúpnuévoi, who have earned,' 'obtained.' So of
other honours and rewards, cp. $ 196, and Dem, c. Lept. 15.
mation should be made.' diampárteobal, to try to get a thing
done for oneself, generally by underhand means. Cf. inf. 179,
232. Cf. Lysias 7 g 12.
meloavtes juas a common formula, cf. Arist. Plut. 949
ούτε την βουλήν πιθών την των πολιτών ούτε την εκκλησίαν. See
Cobet Nov. Lect. p. 486.
Ś 46
109
NOTES.
.
xáplv kataDéuevol 'laying up for themselves (as an in-
vestment which will bring in abundant interest) a large
amount of gratitude.' Cf. Thuc. 1, 33 ús är det' đeluvnotou
μαρτυρίου την χάριν καταθείσθε. 4, 87 αίδιον δόξαν καταθέσθαι.
It is common in Herodotus, see 6, 41; 7, 178; 9, 60.
43 pelloor tiuão bat, several Mss. give ueiçool Tiuais Tiua-
obal. The omission is explained by reference to Aeschylus,
Ag. 1618 (Paley) seúčw Bapelais sc. gebylacs. Hermann adds in
his note on the passage—“Sic in Aeschinis oratione contra
Ctesiph. § 43 quum plerique codices praebeant peigool Truãobal,
facile apparet additum tiuais interpreti deberi.” See also
Paley's note to Aesch. Ag. 1316.
45 őtav oův å trodelen... dvappnonvar since therefore the
legislator), in the case of those who from time to time are
crowned by the senate, has appointed the senate-house as the
place of proclamation'... Lit. that they go to the senate-house
and be proclaimed.' For the pregnant use of eis see § 71.
Usener would strike out els before tò Bouleutýplov and TNÉKK.no
olav. This would much simplify the passage, Cobet would
cut out otepavovuévols in the two last clauses.
Toîs Tpayofois, cf. & 34. åmeliy uni $ 10.
épaviwy "collecting subscriptions of,' cf. Aeschin. II, 41,
TQ Mèv špavov ovoTÑO ELVÉT NYYÉMeto='promised to get up a
subscription for him,' and g 251.
KTâtai (subj.) 'may try to obtain.'
TPOO Ateltin 8d... Snuotãy "since he has furthermore enacted
in the law that no proclamation be made by any other, except,
(or besides) the senate, the people, and the members of the indi-
vidual's own tribe or borough.' årouons si desit senatus, i.e.
si excipiatur senatus, praeter senatum: haec significatio ex
primaria verbi notione sponte enascitur. Cf. inf. 71. Bremi.
The words åtotons Boulñs kai oņuov kai ¢uleTV kai ônuo-
Tây are generally suspected of being a marginal explanation
of the following όταν δέ τις ταύτα αφέλη which has crept into
the text. So Taylor ed. 1769. He adds however, Sed videat
lector. Nam hoc non ex tripode.'
46 iepòv Elvai... ó vóuos "The law takes from the person
crowned and orders its consecration to Athena.'
als äv úuwv Toluńcele...'Aonvalwv; "which of you would
venture to impute such illiberality to the people of Athens?'
Karayolat Tt Tivos so Aeschin. I. 165 KameYPke Too TpdẸayTos
aloxovnv, Cf. Thuc. 3, 16, 1 Sub Kararetate d evezas cp9v =ềuà
110 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 47
το καταγιγνώσκειν σφών ασθένειαν, and 8, 8, 4 καταφρονήσαντες
των Αθηναίων αδυνασίαν imputing powerlessness to the Athe-
nians.
μή γαρ ότι, ellipse for μή γάρ είπω ότι, to say nothing of,'
not to mention, cf. Χen. Cyr. VΙΙ. 2. 17 μή ότι θεός αλλά και
άνθρωποι καλοί κάγαθοί ου φιλoύσι τους άπιστούντας. Cp. 8 167.
47 κεκτησθαι “to possess, to retain it.'
προσέθηκεν...μή κηρύττεσθαι. The addition referred to is
contained in the clause (8 45) προσαπείπη δε...μηδ' υπό άλλου
μηδενός ανακηρύττεσθαι. Hence Weidner reads here μηδέ for
μή.
τον αλλότριον στέφανον the crown bestowed by a foreign
state.'
ένα κηρυττόμενος...υμίν « that when proclamation of his
name is made, he may feel more gratitude to you than to
the donors of the crown. For the construction των στεφα-
νούντων = ή τοίς αυτόν στεφανούσιν cf. Thuc. 1, 85, 2 μάλλον
ετέρων = μάλλον ή ετέροις. Madwig, Synta, 8 90. Cobet would
read here ίνο κηρυττόμενος.
48 προσγέγραπται...στεφανούν “ that & clause is annexed
to the law which makes it lawful to confer a crown.' Of
course εν τω θεάτρω is implied.
απομνημονεύειν “ to remember, cf. 8 208, note.
ναι, cf. 8 28, note.
το γαρ άλλοθι δε κ.τ.λ. Yes, you may explain the meaning
of the expression “and nowhere else” all day long if you
like, for you will never prove that your motion is in ac-
cordance with the laws.'
$$ 49, 50 introduce the third and most important count
the illegality of the decree of Ctesiphon on account of its
false statement of the merits of Demosthenes.
49 εφ' ...σπουδάζω. επί takes the dative in the expres-
sion of feeling or opinion. So with χαίρω, θαυμάζω, cf. 8 228.
προς τους Έλληνας “in the presence of the Greeks. Cobet
would expunge these words, on the ground that a decree could
not possibly have referred to 'the Greeks' in this connexion,
who could not have been formally recognised as concerned in
an Athenian matter. Nov. lect. p. 48.
διατελεί λέγων και πράττων, the regular formula, cf. Dem.
de Cor. 57, 59, etc.
8 51
111
NOTES.
50 ándoos ‘simple,' as in the famous line of Euripides,
årloûs ó uũlos tñs åndelas épu, Phoen. 469.
TÓV MÈV katnyopoûyra čué me the accuser.' For katnyopelv
"to be an accuser' cf. Arist. Vesp. 840 où dè katnyópel tapuv.
oi kata Anuco-dévous (TALVOL, katd with the genitive
properly of motion down upon. Hence of the subject of praise
or blame, more usually the latter, but sometimes, as here, of
praise, encomia,' 'eulogies upon :' cf. $S 124, 241, Dem. de
Cor. § 215. Aeschin. 1. § 169. Then, generally, Katà C. gen.
=quod attinet ad without implying praise or blame, $ 59.
Triv ypadriválás eTal will be convicted on the indict-
ment. Cf. Dem. c. Mid. 8 105, ATTOTatoo Yodºnt havésa.
peu ñ ypájuara éyypábely. For this Weidner reads yevon
ypápelv, with some ms. support. It is difficult to attach any
precise meaning to ypáupata. And there can be no allusion
here to the offence called yerdeyypaon. But the drift of the
passage is clear, 'to support by false statements a proposal
concerning which the people will have to vote. It is plain
that Aeschines is now advancing a proposition which is no
longer a question of law but of opinion. He therefore does not
quote a particular law but appeals to the spirit of all the laws.
The particular regulation to which he alludes was against
falsifying entries in written laws. It could have nothing to do
with the character of the person proposed to be honoured.
This part of his speech would have been in point if spoken to
oppose Ctesiphon's decree, but is not in point on a ypaoń
Trapavbuw. It is, however, the principal point of interest to a
popular audience.
Tô åmoloyovuévợ the defendant.'
51–53 Aeschines first touches on the private life of
Demosthenes. But though it contains many discreditable
incidents, he quickly passes them by as likely to seem åpxaia
xai Nav óuoloyoúmeva. This is the figure tapaoccómnos. “Hoc
est, cum aliquid nos reticere dicimus, et tamen tacitum in-
telligitur. Et hoc utendum est, cum aut notam rem audi-
toribus arbitramur, aut suspicionem excitare maiorem reti-
cendo possumus." Rutilius Lupus, II. 11. For the reply of
Demosthenes see de Cor. $ 10.
51 Tovuèr Blov, pèr followed by dè in 8 54, tepi dè K.7.1.
gov roll tpavuaros ypadnu. Demomeles was the son
of Demon the uncle of Demosthenes, cf. Dem. C. Aphob. II.
§ 15. The father of Demosthenes lent him 1600 drachmae,
c. Aph. 1. § 11. His brother Demophon and cousin Aphobus
112 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. 8 52
were joint guardians of Demosthenes, who seems to have
been assaulted by Demomeles during his prosecution of
Aphobus. Aeschines gives his view of the circumstances more
fully in II. 93, ÅTTÉuelvas Thu ÉTT Bornu tñs Boulñs tñs &Ě Apelov
πάγου ουκ επεξιών τη του τραύματος γραφή, ήν εγράψω Δημο-
μέλην τον Παιανέα ανεψιόν όντα, επιτεμών την σαυτού κεφαλήν.
The Scholiast adds kai laßwv å pyúpcov oủx elle Tiiv oiknu
állà delúoato, cf. $ 51, årédOto. Such causes were tried before
the Areopagus, and it was required that malice aforethought
(ttpóvoia) should be proved ; a similar case is mentioned
Dem. c. Boeot. II. § 32, ÉTTITEUW TOV Kepalniy aútoll Tpaúmatos
eis "Apelov máyou Me TT porekaleoaro. If this is the Demomeles
mentioned Dem. de Cor. 223, there must have been a complete
reconciliation between him and Demosthenes.
: Cephisodotus was an Athenian general sent out with a
squadron to the Hellespont, 359 B.C., for the purpose of re-
annexing the Chersonesus to the Athenian dominion. He
was compelled to conclude a most disgraceful convention with
Charidemus the Euboean freebooter. For this he was brought
to trial and fined five talents. Demosthenes appears to have
sailed with the squadron, and to have had the general on
board the ship which he had equipped as trierarch. Dem.
c. Aristocrat. § 167, Grote x. 137.
52 ooolTV...OVOTTÉSwy and therefore bound by the
closest ties to him. TarpikÒs pilos 'an hereditary friend.'
" matplkòs non ad solum patrem coartatur sed est a maioribus
relictus. Tàs matplkås åperás, Thuc. VII. 69. Eadem ratio est,
quam πατρικός φίλος, πλουτος et alia huius modi dicuntur.”
Duker. ad Thuc. VIII. 6.
oỦk őkynde... yevéolaHe did not hesitate, when Cephi-
sodotus was on his trial on a capital charge in pursuance
of an indictment, to come forward as his accuser.' &m'
εισαγγελίας κρινομένου. Weidner quotes the sanne expression
in Hyperid. Euxenipp. col. 19, år' cioarellas Tuvà kplvóuevov.
áró, c. gen. of the occasion. There is a similar use in Thuc. I.
12, årGTádeWV ÉKTÍTTOUTES. I. 24, årò ro ÉMOU TLVÒS QAdpnoav.
The same expression dm' cloayyellas recurs in SS 79, 171.
kal Tahta 8n 'and to cap all the affair of Midias.' ñon
expresses a climax (atque adeo, iam vero illud), as often, alone,
or in combination with kal or the demonstrative, or, as in
this instance, with both. $$ 24, 106, 129, 145, 193. Soph.
El. 92, 1115. Thuc. I. 18, 75. Hdt. VII. 35. Plaut. Captiv. I.
ii. 61, " Iam maritumi omnes milites opus sunt tibi.” For the
intimate phonetical connexion between on and iam, see Curtius,
Gk. Etymology, Vol. II. p. 275, Eng. transl. Cp. its use with
superlatives Herod. 8, 105, 106 Leytoan T'ats #ồn..tácTa.
$ 53
113
NOTES.
Td Tepl Meldlay. Midias, an Athenian of wealth and
influence, was a violent enemy of Demosthenes, and annoyed
him in every possible way: he finally struck him with his
fist (ToỦs kov dúhovs) as he was discharging the duties of a
choregus, during the celebration of the greater Dionysia.
Demosthenes arraigned him before the people for committing
a contempt of the festival and obtained a preliminary vote
of condemnation (kata Xelpotoviav, see Dict. Ant. 271 a), but
afterwards compromised the case on receiving 30 minae.
As a rule all compromise of an action once commenced was
illegal and punishable. Dem. c. Mid. $ 47, p. 529. Pseudo-
Dem. c. Theocrin. Si 6, 12. Aesch. II. 93, quoted supr. 51
note. But the law was not always enforced, through neglect
on the part of the cloa ywyeús for the time being or other causes.
Dem. c. Mid. § 39, p. 526. Pseudo-Dem. C. Neaer. SS 53, 68.
Hudtwalcker, Diaetetae, pp. 159—168.
átéoro TplákovTa uvwv 'sold for 30 minae.' Aeschines of
course implies by this expression that Demosthenes meanly
accepted a small sum in compensation for the insult and
made a petty profit out of the transaction. He repeats the
suggestion § 212. We can hardly doubt the fact that De-
mosthenes accepted 30 minae from Midias. But we have no
ground for accepting or rejecting the interpretation Aeschines
puts upon it, except the opinion of two ancient writers.
Plutarch, Dem. XII. 'Opớv s où paūlov oudè tñs aútoû duvánews
έργον άνδρα και πλούτο και λόγω και φίλοις εύ πεφραγμένον
καθελεϊν, τον Μειδίαν, ενέδωκε τους υπέρ αυτού δεομένοις. Αί
δε τρισχίλιαι (sc. δραχμαι = τριάκοντα μιναι) καθ' εαυτάς ούκ άν
μοι δοκούσι την Δημοσθένους άμβλύναι πικρίαν, ελπίζοντος και
duvauévou ztepłyevéodal. And Isidorus of Pelusium, a Christian
writer of the fifth century, Epist. IV. 205, où záp Ti laßwv,
ως Αισχίνης έφη, απέδοτο την καταχειροτονίαν" ου γαρ δέχεται
την αιτίαν της αισχροκερδείας ή μεγαλοψυχία του ρήτορος. See
A. Schaefer, Dem. u. seine Zeit, II. 102, and Grote, Vol.
X. ch. lxxxviii. p. 148.
53 Tòv dy@va kataxapıfóuevos sacrificing the contest
to oblige some one.' Verbs in composition with katá followed
by an accusative sometimes mean to bring (down) to the
ground, to destruction, someone or something by this or that
course of action ;' it is an extension of the idea of completion
conveyed by xatá in composition with verbs followed by an
accusative. Cf. $$ 66--7, 80, 178. Dem, de Chers. § 52, kata-
TOLTEÚco Oal. Cf. Dem. F. L. 315 (362).
. uri uoc Tap úuwv å travron, “ne mihi a vobis occurratur,"
Taylor, lest you should make this objection, that-' Cf.
114 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. 554
Hypereid. ΙΙ. 1, και μηδείς υμών απαντάτω μοι μεταξύ λέγοντι: τι
τούθ' ημίν λέγεις;
δοκείν μεν αληθή. Here Weidner and Schultz adopt Cobet's
transposition αληθή μέν. And again 8 184 επί μεν το πρώτο
for επί τω μεν πρώτω. But on this principle “innumerabiles
sane loci mutandi erunt.” Franke, Aesch. I, 177 (in prae-
fatione). For instance, Soph. Phil. 617:
οΐοιτο μεν μάλισθ' εκούσιον λαβών,
ει μη θέλοι δ, άκοντα,
quoted by Büchsenschütz to Xen. Hell. I. iv. 4, époúrovto
μέν μάλιστα...εί δε μή,...cp. 8 96; Herod. 8, 103- 4 ταύτην μεν...
συνέπεμπε δέ.
ψέγεσθαι «to be censured.' « Expectares άτιμούσθαι υπερορί-
ζεσθαι (inf. 131) vel saltem δίκην δούναι.” Dobr. Weidner
thinks a perfect infinitive is required, referring to Plat. Phaedr.
62 Α, οίς βέλτιον τεθνάναι ή ζην, and reads έκβεβλήσθαι. But
perhaps ψέγεσθαι may be explained as an instance of litotes-..
the suggestion of a strong notion by the use of a weak word.
And much of the effect of the word would depend on the
accent (probably ironical) with which it was uttered. “Or
to be-censured ???
54–167 The public life of Demosthenes now occupies the
orator's attention. He adopts a fourfold division of it, some-
thing like that which Demosthenes may very possibly have made
in conversation. Schol. ούχ ως αυτός ταύτην ποιούμενος την διαίρεσιν
της κατηγορίας ποιείται τον λόγον, αλλ' ως αυτου Δημοσθένους
χρωμένου ταύτη τη των καιρών διαιρέσει, ίνα ο λόγος αυτό
ανεπίφθονος γένηται. The four periods are (1) B.C. 357----346.
That is from the time of Philip's first offensive measure in
regard to Amphipolis to the Peace at the end of the Sacred
War. (2) B.C. 346-340, during which Philip was constantly
working against the interests of Athens especially in the Cher-
sonese, and Demosthenes was actively opposing him until the
outbreak of the Amphissian war. (3) B.C. 340—338, from the
Amphissian war to the battle of Chaeroneia. (4) B.C. 338 330,
from the battle of Chaeroneia up to the time of the delivery
of the speech, & period in which Demosthenes was much less
active and prominent. It includes the death of Philip, and
the measures of Alexander for the punishinent of Thebes and
the suppression of risings in Greece. Grote XII. p. 111.
54 επειδαν αυτοίς ο λόγος αποδοθή when their turn comes
to speak. Cf. Aeschin. Ι. 162, αποδοθέντος του ύδατος αυτο
και λόγου. Dem, c. Eubul. 16, ει λόγος αποδοθήσοιτο. αυτοίς,
Ctesiphon and Demosthenes, Ctesiphon first, then Demos-
thenes as his συνήγορος. Cf. Aeschin. ΙΙ. 184, παρακαλώ δ'
Εύβουλον μεν εκ των πολιτικών και σωφρόνων ανδρών συνήγορον,
Φωκίωνα δ' εκ των στρατηγών.
8 57
115
NOTES.
εν οίς αυτός πεπολίτευται “in which he has been personally
engaged as a statesman.' The aŭtós is emphatic: in the oratio
recta the emphatic éyu would have been used.
τη γενομένη ειρήνη, Schol. αντί του μέχρι της γενομένης
ειρήνης, συλλαμβάνων και αυτήν την ειρήνην.
55 ήγομεν την ειρήνην we were maintaining the peace.'
Weidner draws a distinction between άγειν ειρήνην and έχειν
ειρήνην to the effect that the former expression is used where
one can choose between peace and war, the latter where peace
is the concession of an enemy. He quotes Isocr. VIII. 25,
ηγούμαι δε δείν ημάς ου μόνον ψηφισαμένους την ειρήνην έκ της
εκκλησίας απελθείν αλλά και βουλευσαμένους όπως άξομεν αυτήν.
Cp. also [Dem.] 4 Phil. S 23.
την υπάρχουσαν ειρήνην τη πόλει - the (advantageous)
peace which the state had. So υπάρχειν τινί very frequently
of a solid advantage which one has existing, to start with,
cf. § 168 Dem. de Cor. 174.
εγκαλύπτωμαι “cover my face, as a mark of shame.
The word occurs in this sense in both of the other speeches
of Aeschines, cf. I. 26, II. 107. In Latin, “capite obvoluto,
operto” implies despair. Liv. Iv. 12, Hor. Sat. II. iii. 37.
αποδιδράσκω “ try to shirls his invitation like a cowardly
runaway slave. Cf. Dem. C. Mid. 165, ουκ απέδρα την στρα-
τείαν. C. Boeot. ΙΙ. 54 αποδιδράσκειν την αλήθειαν.
56 loxuplintau 'insist positively' on this, as a strong
point, cf. Thuc. III. 44, 1y. 23, VII. 49.
εγω αποκρίνομαι. Τhe Μss. have εγώ τε αποκρίνωμαι.
Taylor reads εγώ δη αποκρίνομαι, Weidner εγώ του αποκρίνομαι,
adding δή after the second αποκρίνομαι.
επακούειν. The conjecture of Marlkland followed by Colbet
and Weidner for υπακούειν of the NSs. Cf. supr. 8, οι έπα-
κούουσι τήσδε της κρίσεως. υπακούειν is used by Aeschines
as a technical term of a witness who appears when called for,
1. 47, 49 ; by other writers generally (1) of a servant who attends
to and answers knocks at a door, cf. Plat. Crito, 43
hearkening to' or 'obeying.' Thucyd. 5, 98.
ουκ ολίγους. Cic. de opt. gen. orat. 8 22, ad quod iudicium
concursus dicitur e tota Graecia factus esse. Quid enim tam
aut visendum aut audiendum fuit, quam summorum oratoiuin
in gravissima caussa accurata et inimicitiis incensa contentio ?”
Cf. Cic. Brut. 289, Dem. de Cor. SS 1, 196.
57 εξ ίσου “impartially, as they were bound to do by
their oath. Cf. Dem. c. Timocr. 8 151, και ακροάσομαι του τε
κατηγόρου και του απολογουμένου ομοίως αμφοίν. έξ, cf. 8 88.
Eurip. ap. Ρlut. N. C. ότ' ην τα θεών εξ ίσου αμφοτέροις.
8-2
116. AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. S 58
VD.
Súvwuat, as though to remember and recount the misdeeds
of Demosthenes was no ordinary task. Cf. & 260.
enrouvnuovelloal, cf. supr. 16. poolokw Cob. Moc dokâ.
Tous Deoús, cf. Dem. de Cor. 212.
Tous llav@pórws, Philip and Alexander, not Aeschines
and his party. Cf. Dem. de Cor. 231, 298; and infr. 159, 227,
Aeschin. II. 13, for the ollav@pwria of Philip. The word olav-
Opwria begins to be used about this time with special reference
to the conduct of rulers, probably in consequence of Athenian
intercourse with Philip. Cf. Aeschin. II. 40.
airlovs yeyevnuévous—[altlov yeyevnuévov]. Nihil auribus
ingratius accidere, potest, quam huiusmodi óuocoté euta. Ergo si
quis duas postremas voces rescindere velit, licebit sane, quantum
per me poterit. Taylor. Schultz and Weidner follow this sug-
gestion.
kai Sri 'accordingly.'
étaváyu çuautóv 'I now make my appeal to.' Cf, Ar.
Nub. 1080. Dem. de Cor. 224.
$8 58 to 83 discuss the peace of Philocrates (346 B.C.); Thu
προτέραν εκείνην ειρήνην in opposition to the peace of Denmades
after the battle of Chaeroneia (338 B.c.).
58 E TIVES... Ellása. “After the capture of Olynthus (B.C.
348), the Athenians sent forth envoys throughout a large portion
of Greece, urging the various cities to unite with them either in
conjoint war against Philip, or conjoint peace to obtain some
mutual guarantee against his further encroachments. Aes-
chines strenuously upheld the mission, and was himself named
as one of the envoys into Peloponnesus.” Grote, Vol. XI. C.
LXXXIX. pp. 192, 170. Eubulus proposed this measure. Cf.
Dem. F. L. S$ 10, 347.
TrapakaloûVTES ÉTT ATTitov, repeated $$ 64, 68. Demo-
sthenes (de Cor. 23) says that there was no such embassy.
Weidner calls this denial an audacissinum mendacium. Cf.
also Grote, Vol. XI. pp. 197—8, note 1.
Sld Anuoc Dévny owing to Demosthenes.' ôiá c. acc. of the
non-immediate agent or instrument. $S70, 156. Dem. de
Cor. 49, 249.
kai tds Toutwy swpodokias, kal frequently combines the
whole with the part specially considered, cf. Soph. Aj. 1147,
każ oè kai tò gòv laßpor otóMa. Dem. in Mid. 96, kai tauta
πέπoνθεν υπο Μειδίου και του Μειδίου πλούτου και της υπερηφανίας.
Swpoboklas Grote (XI. 197 note).calls this '& charge utterly
futile and incredible.'
$ 61
NOTES.
ovoTOUTES ÉTTU "conspiring against.' Cf. 60 and Thuc. VIII.
65, 73.
S$ 59-61 Aeschines wishes to shew that Demosthenes
hurried on a peace with Philip before the Athenians could ob-
tain an answer from the Greek states to the proposal men-
tioned in the last section. As he is speaking of the events of
16 years ago, he fears that his statement, contrasted with the
usual policy of Demosthenes, may seem to his audience some-
what incredible (ÅTLOTÓTepos), and avails himself of a simile to
illustrate and justify his position.
59 ékelyws...doylouous "give the sequel of my discourse
such (ékelvws referring to what follows as 8 168) a hearing as
we are wont to do when we sit down after a long interval to
settle our accounts concerning moneys expended.' Cf. Dem.
de Cor. 227. Kata Tv Loylouwv, cf. § 50 note.
Súokolos "hard to satisfy,' fond of raising difficulties.'
Cf. the opposite eŰkolos "contented,' Ar. Ran. 82.
StépXeral...ouoloyńcas ‘he finally acknowledges,' cp. Dem.
de Cor. $$ 124, 144; and comp. the use of analloo eo bal.
alpſ proves,' (evincit, Reiske.) Cf. aipeite, § 156, in &
slightly different sense.
60 K TWvu tapoodev xpóvwy. This is to be taken with
YOVTES TYY dóžav, 'impressed with the idea derived from former
times.'
as a'pa, cf. supr. 13 note.
OCTIS Slakeltai, not GOTIS äv c. coni. because many of the
audience actually did hold such an opinion.
troyvátw...Karayvátw. Judicandi verba quae cum åtó
composita sunt, significationem habent absolvendi, quae cum
katá condemnandi. Bremi.
Sià Bpaxéw dkotonte 'hear me in brief.' Cf. Dem. Phil.
II. 6. dià c. gen. of the extent of time. So with verbs of saying,
§ 69. Cf. breviter audire Verg. Aen. II. 11. Note éày thrice
repeated, so $ 167.
éykaralaußávn prove inevitably that,' literally catch as
though in a trap.' Cf. § 239 éykataandoeis ÚTÒ Kidúvwv.
§ 91 teOvával łykara.npoévti. Lycurg. C. Leocr. 95.
61 EKSOTOV TOLETV to surrender,' 'to sacrifice,' inf. 73,
143. Dem. C. Aristocr. 140. Weidner omits ITTW.
KepooBXÉTTTNv, son and successor of Cotys king of Thrace;
as an ally of Athens he was constantly involved in war with
Philip, by whom he was finally overcome and made tributary,
B.C. 343. Cf. SS 65, 74.
118 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 62
62 éypaye lokpárns. This was on the return of Ctesiphon
and Phrynon with an encouraging report from the camp of
Philip, B.C. 348. Grote, XI. 175. Aeschines gives a füller
account in his speech De Fals. Leg. SS 13, 14.
éypáon Trapavouwr was impeached as an illegal proposi-
tion, most likely as setting aside a previous decree refusing to
receive a herald and envoys from Philip. But there is no war-
rant in Aesch. II. 13, (the only reference he gives,) for the mi-
nute details of Weidner's note, Vixdum Amphipoli a Philippo
(357) capta Athenienses saevissimam rogationem tulerant qua
ille aut caduceatorem aut legatos Athenas mittere prohibe-
retur. Mitford says the same thing in nearly the same words
and refers to the same passage. Thirlwall criticizes Mitford
as follows, quoting his words (ch. XLIV. Vol. V. p. 332 note),
“But at least if he (Aeschines) had meant to speak of a
savage decree forbidding the entrance of a herald from Mace-
donia upon the. Athenian territory' he would not have used
such an expression as pótepov kai aúto' TOÛT' éxwlúeto ÚTÒ
Tly@y." Schaefer (11. . 22. note 1) agrees with Mitford and
Weidner. He refers to Dem. Phil. 1. § 43. Curtius also is cir-
cumstantial with regard to this decree (Hist. of Greece, Vol. v.
p. 293, Eng. trans. "This (the motion of Philocrates) con-
travened a previous proposal which, in accordance with a pre-
cedent of earlier times (Vol. II. p. 300 [310?]) had made penal
any negotiation with the enemy of the land.” Grote is silent
on the subject.
Teloyelto... Juvateloyelto, cf. Aesch. II, 14 åppuotws 8?
EXW Pihorpátns ékálec ev AUTŲ ouvýropov Tov Anuogévny. The
two statements can hardly be pronounced inconsistent. The
word èxádegev suggests that Philocrates was present and at
least began his defence himself.
xpóvos EULOTOkans ápxwy=347 B.C. Oel. ápxw defines
more precisely the preceding Xpóvos. Cf. Andocides 1. 96, äpxel
χρόνος τούδε του ψηφίσματος ή βουλή οι πεντακόσιοι οι λαχόντες
TỰ Kuáuw. The construction is very unusual.
OŰte daxwy our' éridaxáy neither as a member nor as a
substitute. According to Harpocration (s. V. ÉTidaxwv) there
was a second drawing of lots, so that if a candidate for the
office of άρχων οι βουλευτής, who had been successful on the
first drawing, died or was rejected on scrutiny (ånodokljao on,
ék mapaokeuns pláuevos 'baving purchased it by in-
trigue,' cf. supr. 3. Aeschines makes the same charge against
Timarchus 1. 106, oºk ŠOTLV Ýutiva TÚTOT' oŮk ñošev åpxúv,
ουδεμίαν λαχών ουδε χειροτονηθείς αλλά πάσας παρά τους νόμους
$ 64
119
NOTES.
:
na prádevos. How this could be done in the case of officers
appointed by lot does not appear.
els Útodoxriv Duhokpátel 'to second,''support Philocrates,'
to take up and carry on the part he was playing. So Reiske,
and this sense suits the context best. The word however might
dacolv ÚTodoxais obuwr. Xen. de lect. 3. 1, ý móds vavoi kal-
dioras kai áo paleotáras ÚTodoxàs é xel. Polybius, 32, 11, 10.
ws aút) ZSELÉE TO épyov, cf. inf. 141, 1. 40, 11. 13.
63 yika (Tepov Unbloua carries (in spite of opposition)
another resolution. Cf. vikây dikala käòlka, Ar. Nub. 99.
Séka péoßels. Their names are given in the second Argu-
ment of Dem. De Fals. Leg., Philocrates, the proposer of the
resolution, Ctesiphon, the oldest of the ten, Phrynon, Aristo-
demus, Aeschines, Demosthenes are the most noteworthy,
See Grote, XI. pp. 184 ff.
ÉTTALVérns nîv týs cipńyns. The peace of Philocrates was
concluded in March, 346 B.C. In § 174 of his speech against
Timarchus delivered in that year (Grote, XI. 173 note), Aes-
chines spealks of την ειρήνην την δι' εμού και Φιλοκράτους γεγενη-
Mévny. But "the peace having disappointed every one's hopes
came speedily to be regarded with shame and regret, of which
Philocrates bore the brunt as its chief author. Both Aeschines
and Demosthenes sought to cast upon each other the imputa-
tion of confederacy with Philocrates” (Grote, xi. pp. 198, 237,
238), so in § 56 of Aeschines De Falsa Legatione (343 B.C.) Try
μεν τοίνυν κοινωνίας των περί της ειρήνης πραξέων ουκ έμήν και
Dilokpátous, állà Anuool évous kal Pilokpátous cúpiokete, cf. Dem.
de Cor. 17, 21, De Fals. Leg. 8.
Taútd...
a yyerle, Aeschines gives more detail about the
report of Demosthenes in his speech De Fals. Leg. $$ 45–54.
He there attributes language to Demosthenes which may be
described as "censorious and even insulting towards his col.
leagues,” but nothing, as far as I can see, contradictory of the
statement in the text, that the report of Demosthenes was
substantially the same as that of his colleagues. See however
Grote, Vol. XI. pp. 190, 191, and Dem. F. L. 253, 254.
OTÉvdeodal tivi, here to give in the name of the state)
pledges for his safe conduct.'
64 Tà Hetà Tauta, adverbial accusative, now as to what
followed,' cf. Plat, Gorg. 512 E, TÓ ÉTTÈ TOÛTO OKETTÉOV Tivi cine
Tpórov K.T.N.
120 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. 8 65
&TTPÁTTETO ydp... Anuoo dévny negotiations were entered
into (by Philip) not with the rest of the envoys, who afterwards,
on a change of circumstances, were grossly calumniated by
Demosthenes, but with Philocrates and Demosthenes.' HETA-
Bolſis cf. inf. 79, 80.
ŐTTWS un TreptuelynTe... Unbleiode, see Goodwin, M. T. pp.
73, 74. Both constructions are possible, and the variation
seems only due to taste. The subjunctive and future after a
verb in an historic tense (ĚT PÁTTETO) is on the dramatie prin-
ciple of using the very words of the persons referred to.
65 ouppaxlav, cf. Dem. de F. L. 8 40.
porexolev Tp Tháiet Tộ juÉTépp were watching the ten-
dency of public feeling at Athens.' Tipoo éxely in this sense is
not always followed by tòy voûv. Cf. Dem, 1. 6, 11. 13.
&TÈ TÒV Tóleuov, more precisely Aeschin. II. 57.
KepooßXÉTTIS, see $ 74. At first joint king and then sole
king of Thrace. See Demosth. c. Aristocr. § 8 sqq.
tapnyyeleTO...Otpateia an expedition was already being
levied against him.' 'Cf. inf. 90, II. 82. “At the moment
when the envoys were quitting Pella to return home, Philip
was also leaving it at the head of his army on an expedition
against Kersobleptes in Thrace." Grote, XI. 190.
66 Ewyohuevos in purchasing (i.e, with bribes given to
Philocrates and Demosthenes) for himself these advantages he
(Philip) was not acting unfairly.' " The decree of peace and
alliance was all to the advantage of Philip. He was in the
superior position, and it sanctioned his retention of all his
conquests." Grote, XI. 200.
KaTaKolywyńcavTes' who, to the ruin of their country, gave
Philip a joint control over the strongholds of the state.' See
kataxapešbuevos supr. 53 note. The word only occurs again in
Dem. in Zenoth. § 25, and Cobet wishes to cut it out.
Trpo épwy, qui exprobrat, “who reproaches me with,' cf.
Dem. de Cor. 51, 252.
67 KK.nolay TOLEîv to call, summon an assembly.'
Cf. Thuc. 1. 67. 3, 139. 3, and Classen's note to the former
passage. See also g 124 note.
an oysón. In his speech De Fals. Leg. Aeschines makes
no mention of this decree. Grote, xi. 191, note 2. The decree
which he alludes to De Fals. Leg. $ 53 must be another, because
according to it the assembly was not to be summoned until
the Macedonian envoys had arrived. The Alovúgia Tà év äOTEL
$ 69
121
NOTES.
were celebrated from the ninth to the fifteenth of the month
Elaphebolion (March). The eighth, the introductory day (it po-
áywv), was consecrated to Aesculapius. Boeckh, Inscr. I. 251.
εν τη τερά ημέρα. On such days public business was not
transacted.' Cf. Dem. c. Timocr. 29. The clause is in apposi-
tion to τη ογδόη...προάγων, and is suspected by some editors as
an explanatory gloss.
Trpokaradaußávwv, lit. preoccupying the assembly for the
envoys before they came,'i.e. taking care that matters should
have been discussed in it before their arrival, and that so the
assembly should have a bias. Cp. g 12.
Tous xpóvous úpcv ÚTTOTELVÓuevos “insidiously cutting short
the time at your disposal' by hurrying the decision.
KataCTEÚSwv 'ruining it by haste,' cf. supr. 53, 66.
68 of Sè ưuérepou dnesńMovy sc. mpéoßels, cf. § 58 note.
uri Móvov K.7.. Cf. Aeschin. 11. 53, 61.
69 év Sè tñ potépa, dé must be taken here to mark the
commencement of the apodosis. Bake omits it, Weidner con-
jectures ye. According to Aesch. II. 61, Demosthenes obtained
two &mxlmolai, the first on the 18th the second on the 19th of
Elaphebolion. There was precedent for this, when unusually
important matters had to be discussed. Cf. Thuc. I. 44, 1,
gevouévms kai dis ekkinolas, and Grote, xi. p. 194 note.
κεφάλαια. The game δόγμα συμμάχων is mentioned briety
in Aeschin. II. 60.
Sid Bpaxéwy, cf. g 60. ydp narrativum see on Demosth. de
Cor. § 18.
Móvov, the adverb, instead of jóvns the adj. agreeing with
eipñuns. Cf. Dem. de Cor. 161, 205.
dnývenoav... Swposóknua "they were right in presenting
themselves to remedy the corruption of Demosthenes.' drav.
Tây 'to appear as an enemy,''to oppose,' cf. Dem. C. Timocr.
38, 193, de Cor. 15, 125.
iaoóuevou, in the usual sense of the Greek future participle,
that of the Latin supive in -um, (with verbs implying motion,)
not that of the future in -rus. See Paley in Journ. Phil. Vol.
VIII. no. 15.
Swposóknua, cf. Dem. de Cor. 23, kai uniy el Tò kwlioal
K..1.' Demosthenes retorts that if his action had been the
result of bribery, Aeschines might at least have remonstrated,
which he never did.
122 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $70
70 της τριμήνου, credibile est momen ώρας αut ipsum αnti-
quitus appositum aut potius notionem eius animo infixam , "
Lobeck Paralipp. p. 358. Cf. Herod. 1, 202 triv xeljepivýv. 2,
124 Tập TrunPOP.
TOV Xpóvoy... Trapao keváLOVTES' securing that there be the
time, that of the three months' interval, sufficient for the em.
bassies of the Hellenes to arrive at Athens (trapayevéobal).
μετά κοινού συνεδρίου in conjunction with a common
assembly of signatories.' .
dià Anhordévnv, cf. $ 58.
71 óuoloyô, xai. óuoroyê éyw kai Dobr. óvoloyû kai ływs
kai Weidn. Both refer to Aeschin. II. 61.
Trapñuev els try &kkinolay. There is no necessity here to
read rapuer with Cobet. Cf. Andoc. I. 111, ékéhevov mapeivac
els Tó 'ElevolvioV...kai mapņuev. Ar. Eq. 751, tapeîu' és Triv
TTÁKva. Herod. 6, 1 trapno és Sápois, ib. 24 mapño és 'Aviny.
Trpokaralaßwy To Baqua, al. Tpokaralaußávwv. On the subject
of the second day's debate the orators energetically contradict
one another and themselves. Demosthenes F. L. 16 asserts
that Aeschines spoke on the second day in support of Philocrates
in the presence of ambassadors, who had been sent for from
the other Greek states. To this Aeschines F. L. 57–61, 65—66
replies that on the second day, in accordance with the decree
moved by Demosthenes, votes were taken, and no speaking was
allowed; also g 61, that the ambassadors had not returned to
Athens. Yet here he states that on the second day Demos-
thenes got the start of the other speakers, speaking in support
of Philocrates and in favour of an alliance with Philip, and (as
in F. L.) that the ambassadors were absent. To this Demos-
thenes answers de Cor. § 21 that he himself never spoke in
favour of the peace, g 23 that no ambassadors were sent to the
Greek states, or g 24 sent for from them.
Probably speeches were made on the second day, and
really said by Philocrates or some one else. See Thirlwall v.
350 ff. 355 note. Grote xi. 196. Shilleto, note to Dem. F. L.
§ 17.
ou se ylyváo KELY...ovuuaxlas and said that he could not
recognize the peace without an alliance,' The two things
generally went together, but not always. Cf. Thuc. v. 23.
Atrotons, cp. $ 45.
72 tò ñua, the whole expression, sentiment, not merely the
word (ovoua), cp. 8 167. ánSíay, 8 164 n. atroppñça. This word
8 74
123
NOTES.
was more in use among poets than orators, especially in the
phrase απορρηξαι βίον, πνεύμα, ψυχήν, Εur. Or. 864. Ιph. Τ.
974. Aesch. Pers. 508.
τα των Ελλήνων αναμένειν μελλήματα without waiting for
the dilatory proceedings of the Greeks.' Dobree refers to a very
similar passage Εur. Ιph. Aul. 818, τα των Ατρειδών μή μένων
μελλήματα. Cf. infr, 163.
αυτους alone. Cf. Ar. Ach. 504 αυτοί γάρ έσμεν...κούπω
ξένοι πάρεισι. Αντίπατρον The Macedonian envoys Antipater,
Parmenio and Eurylochus were in Athens. Cf. Dem. F. L. S
69 (77), and the second argument to Dem. F. L. p. 336 (Reiske).
Dinarch. Ι. 28, ζεύγη τους πρέσβεσιν έμισθώσατο τους μετά 'Αντι-
πάτρου δεύρ' ελθούσιν, and infr. 8 76 έμισθώσατο αυτοίς τρία ζεύγη.
ταυτ' ενίκα “these measures prevailed, were carried, Shilleto
to Dem. F. L. 8 48.
τω μεν λόγω προσβιασαμένου Demosthenes having forced
them upon you with his oratory.' TT pooß. is the conjecture of
Reiske for the MS. προβ., which occurs nowhere else.
73 Κερσοβλέπτης έκδοτον ποιήσαι, 85 61, 65. Dem. de
Chers, 27 to hand over,' 'to sacrifice.' Demosthenes brings
the same accusation with regard to Kersobleptes against
Aeschines, F.L. 174 (192), cf. 44 (49) Shilleto, note. Aeschines
replies II. 81.
έκτη φθίνοντος, the 24th, see Dict. Αnt. 223 b. του ελαφη-
βολιώνος The word μηνός is generally added to the name
of the month, cf. S8 27, 67, 98.
πριν επι... Δημοσθένης • before Demosthenes started on his
second embassy for the purpose of receiving the oaths' in rati-
fication of the treaty. aipelv to start,' whether by sea or
land, Thuc. 4, 11, 2, but åtalpelv always (11 times) of starting
by sea, in Thucydides.
έν Μακεδονία “acted as ambassador in Macedonia,’ πρεσ-
Beúelv is elsewhere followed by els or upòs c. acc. as implying
motion to a place or person : but see § 145 note.
εις την εκκλησίαν καθεζόμενος “ taking his seat in the as-
sembly as a πρόεδρος, cf. Lysias Ago. 37 οι μεν γάρ τριάκοντα
εκάθηντο επί των βάθρων, ού νύν οι πρυτάνεις καθέζονται. Demosth.
Mid. 8 163 πριν και προέδρους καθίζεσθαι. Aeschin. ΙΙ. 82 Δημο-
σθένης λαγχάνει προεδρεύειν, 8 85 τους συμπροέδρους Δημοσθένους.
For εις cp. 8 71.
εκ παρασκευής, 8 62.
74 λανθάνει γάρ... παρεγγράψας “ for, unobserved, Philo-
crates fraudulently inserted a clause in the decree together with
the other provisions-.' “Facile ex verbis μετά των άλλων γραμ-
124 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. 875
uátwv suppletur ypájua ti, ad quod refertur év « réypattal.”
Bremi. Later editors omit év yeypantal. For this meaning
of παρεγγράψας cf. ΙΙ. 76. The idea of fraud is given by παρά as
in παραπρεσβεύειν and such words.
& Todouvai...ooupáxwy "That the deputies in congress of
the allies do on this day take the oaths (in ratification of the
treaty) to the ambassadors from Philip.' Aeschines gives a
very different account in F. L. SS 81–84. There we are told
that a representative of Kersobleptes was present, that it was
proposed that he should take the oaths with the other deputies,
and that after much opposition offered by Demosthenes this
motion was carried. Whether his envoy was allowed to take
the oaths (Grote xi. 206) or was prevented from so doing
(Thirlwall v. 355) by the Macedonian ambassadors or the
Athenian generals, it is clear that Kersobleptes was regarded
by Philip as excluded from the treaty. See Kennedy's Demos-
thenes Vol. 1. pp. 282–3.
atrodo üval sé, for dé here see Shilleto's critical note to
Dem. F. L. & 54.
¿EEKIELCE, éğékhyoe edd. See Veitch, Greek Verbs s. V. Klelw.
75 kaldy...kalóv, étavadímwors or mavaotpooń, the repe-
tition of an important word for the sake of emphasis. Cf. 3
133; Dem. de Cor. 141 čyvwv— Zywv, 143 róleuov—Tóleuov, 242
πονηρόν-πονηρόν.
oj Twy Snuooiwv ypayudowy bulakń, for ypajuátwr Weidner
accepts the reading of several mss. apayuátwv comparing 152.
The sense would then be The preservation of the remem-
brance of) public transactions (by writing).'
où cuuueTATÍTTTEL... Troletela does not change sides with
political deserters.' Cf. I. 159 "attouoleiv proprio dicuntur
milites, qui ad hostes transfugiunt. In re civili facile transfertur
ad eos qui, alio tempore alias partes secuti, modo in perniciem
patriae aperte agunt, modo in eius salutem agere se simulant."
Bremi.
ÅTÉSwke allows.' Cf. Dem. Olynth. II. 30 ei 5è Toîs Mèv
επιτάττειν αποδώσετε.
Trovmpoùs...Xprotoús ‘disloyal'... 'loyal.'
ÈK jetabolîs, cf. § 64.
76 paveitai. This form of the fut. mid. is very rare in
the Attic orators, who commonly use parnoetab. See Veitch
S. T. Qalvw.
$ 77
125
NOTES.
C
TrpoeSplav 'the place of honour,' at the Dionysiac festival.
See Dem. F. L. 235 [260]; de Cor. 28. Aeschin. F. L. III.
Thirlw. v. 352—3. Grote xi. 192.
Tpoo kebálata cushions to rest the head against.' Cf.
Theophrast. Tepi kolakelas, § 2 kal Toû taLõòs ¿v Tý Deárpa
αφελόμενος τα προσκεφάλαια αυτός υποστρώσαι.
φοινικίδας περιεπέτασε “ adorned their seats with purple
hangings.
átýccav, drộoav Cobet, Weidner. See Veitch s. V. equi.
TT poŰTeuyev, cf. 11. 111 kai ouumapec ? intov.
Iva 80ém týs úto Oéoews uelvw sto keep to the subject.'
Cf. § 176; Dem. de Cor. 307, jÉVELV ÉTÈ TOÚTwv.
77 OÛTOS TOlyuv K.T.N. With a rapid transition Aeschines
contrasts the servile deference which Demosthenes paid to
Philip when alive, with the unseemly delight he exhibited on
hearing of Philip's death. This stupendous flatterer, then,
no sooner gained intelligence, through his spies, who were
with Charidemus.' Where Charidemus was, and in what
capacity, is not known. He was probably in command at
Lemnos or Scyros, having spies in the neighbourhood of Philip.
Philip was assassinated by Pausanias B.C. 336. See Grote xi.
320, 336.
Tv pèy dev... Kateyeúoato "he invented (ultro effinxit) a
vision, and lied against the gods.' KATEY. C. gen., cf. Dem. de
Cor. 9, 17, 24. név followed by éßsóunv 86 — firstly' impiety
towards the gods, “secondly' want of natural affection towards
his daughter, g 53.
olls pet' nguépav... Trpoléyelv 'who, he declared, though in the
daytime he affronted them by his perjuries, were yet wont to
converse with him by night, and to reveal future events.' Cf.
Plutarch Dem. 22.
Bróuny puépav, cf. Thuc. VIII. 23 tpitnu ñuépav attoll
ökortos, the third day after his arrival.'
Teply...ta vou fóueva Trono al 'before he had finished the
term of mourning and all the usual observances.' The time of
1, $ 4; 32, § 8. Eur. Hel. 1088. Plut. Pericl. 38. Isaeus, Nic.
Her. 7 and 19 Os und èv Tŵr your souéVW Toñoas. The funeral
ceremonies lasted nine days. Aeschin. I. 14. For the customary
mourning observances see Dict. Ant. 557 b.
épovőútel, a sign of joy. Cf. Eur. Ion 664, Boudúry OÙv
ndova.
126 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 78
Tapevóuel opposed to tà vouefóueva toñoal, he was vio-
lating all decorum,' acting in defiance of decent custom. Cf.
Herodot. VII. 238. Cic. Tusc. Disp. III. 26. 63 (where "opor.
tere” expresses the idea contained in τα νομιζόμενα and παρε-
vbuEL), Sed haec omnia faciunt opinantes ita fieri oportere.
Itaque ut Aeschines in Demosthenem invehitur, quod is septimo
die post filiae mortem hostias immolavisset etc.
The Móvny kal pútny, a common combination. Cf. Dem.
de Pace şö; F. L. 9 302. Lucian (Demonaz 29) notices its want
of logic ei jèv a pôros, où jóvos, ei dè povos, oủ n pWtos.
78 TATNP Tovnpós. Kai trovnpòs matip—(vel ó y lo tarp
kai rovnpòs)—mox dële où dé ye idia--xpnotós. Vel sine istis satis
habemus verborum.—Imo etian Trovnpós delendum. Dobr. As
the text stands MLOÓTekvos is a substantive.
Snuaywyös xpnotós. Aeschines expresses the same idea
(that a good father must make a patriotic statesman) in 11.
152 with reference to himself. Cp. also Quintil. Instit. Or. 1, §
10 Oratorem instituimus illum perfectum qui esse nisi vir bonus
non potest.
oủsé ye-gradatio ad minus. See Wolff's note to Soph. El.
1347. Aeschin. I. 27. Dem. F. L. 184 (203); de Pace 16, 20.
Weidner cuts out the whole clause.
oủ ydp toy tpótov, cf. Hor. Epp. 1. 2, 27 caelum non ani.
mum mutant qui trans mare currunt. Dobree however would
strike out the passage. Cobet and Weidner omit uóvov.
79–105. Aeschines now proceeds to treat of the second
period in the life of Demosthenes B.C. 346-340, and firstly
SS 79—83 of the causes which led to the change in his policy,
from advocating the peace with Philip to opposing it.
79 Triv uetaßolny twy paypátwythe change in his poli-
tical action. Cf. supr. 75. ŠTÓ Tūv aútwy molitevyátwy 'in
consequence of the same political action. Cf. § 215.
åt' cioayyelias, cf. § 52, and Shilleto note to Dem. F. L.
107 (118). Of course Philocrates was not driven into exile sinaply
because he had brought about a peace with Philip. He was
impeached by Hypereides (343 B.c.) on the following charge,
ρήτορα όντα λέγειν μή τα άριστα το δήμο το Αθηναίων, χρήματα
λαμβάνοντα και δωρεάς παρά των ταναντία πραττόντων τώ δήμω.
Hypereid. pro Euxen. col. 39. He anticipated sentence by going
into exile (ovyàs yeykuntal), cf. Aeschin. II. 6 karayvous dôckelv
ÈAUTOû Tijv kpíolv oỦK ÚTT ÉLELVEV. Grote xi. 237.
ÉTTéO Tn, of a sudden unexpected onset. Cf, Thuc. 8, 69, 3.
8 81
127
NOTES.
80 Φίλιππος παρήλθε, Grote (XI. 217--218) gives an abstract
of the speech addressed by Aeschines to the assembly on the
16th of Scirophorion (June B.C. 346), when Philip had reached
Thermopylae. Cf. Dem. de Cor. 35 ως ου δεί θορυβείσθαι το
παρεληλυθέναι Φίλιππον είσω Πυλών. Another abstract will be
found in Curtius G. Hist. v. 310. Both abstracts are taken
from Dem. F. L. SS 21 (19) ff. to which Aeschines replies in F. L.
88 119 f.
τάς τε. Reiske conjectures τας μεν, and is followed by
Weidner. But see Stallbaum's note to Plat. Rep. 367 G,
saepenumero de post te infertur, ubi alterum orationis mem-
brum plus ponderis habet atque gravitatis. He quotes several
instances. See also Shilleto to Thuc. Ι. 25. 4. So και...δε
Demosth. Cor. $ 47.
παραδόξως, cf. Aesch. II. 131, 136. Grote XI. 222–630.
Θηβαίους δε « and make the Thebans dangerously (κατά)
strong, as it then seemed to you, far more so than the occasion
and your interest required.' Trépa implies space, distance, Cf.
Dem. pro Megalop. 8 23, τί πέρα του καιρού τους ετέρους επαίρου-
σιν ; and Rehdantz to Dem. Oι. ΙΙ. 5. Phil. ΙΙΙ. 24. κατε-
σκεύασε, cf. supr. 53 η.
ως τόθ' υμίν έδόκει. But Philip soon succeeded in allaying
this alarm by his letters and promises, so that, six months
afterwards, Aeschines could say, Φίλιππον δε νύν μεν διά τήν τών
λόγων ευφημίαν επαινώ εάν δ' ο αυτός εν τοις πρός υμάς έργοις
γένηται, οίος νυν έστιν εν τοις επαγγέλμασιν, ασφαλή και ραδιον
τον καθ' αυτού ποιήσεται έπαινον. Cf. in Tintarch. 8 169. Grote
ΧΙ. 229.
εσκευαγωγήσατε “brought in all your moveable goods.”
Demosthenes mentions other extraordinary votes which were
passed by the Athenians in their alarm, έξεπέπληχθε, και παίδας
και γυναίκας εκ των αγρών κατακομίζειν εψηφίζεσθε και τα φρούρια
επισκευάζειν και τον Πειραιά τειχίζειν και τα Ηράκλεια εν αστει
θύειν. F. L. 125 [137], cf. ibid. 86 [97], de Cor. S 36 and
Grote XI. pp. 227--228. Aeschines F. L. 139 charges Demos-
thenes with having been the cause of this panic, διά την σην
ανανδρίαν και άμα φθόνον εσκευαγώγησαν εκ των αγρών 'Αθηναίοι.
81 There is some difference of opinion as to the clause
with which the apodosis in this long sentence (SS 80, 81) should
begin: & various reading of uncertain authority, perhaps a con-
jecture of Joseph Scaliger, omits δ' after μεγίσταις 8 80. T. Wilde
follows this reading in his German translation, Schultz and
Weidner 'ex sua coniectura' strike out d' after ouvėßn placing
bere the commencement of the apodosis, and beginning a fresh
128 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 82
sentence with TolaÚTIS 8'. In the text the reading of the Zurich
edd. has been retained. The apodosis will then begin with
τοιαύτης δε ταραχής, δε in apodosi here repeating and summing
up the dé's of the protasis, but with special reference to Onßalous
dé. [tapaxn, tapáoow, of civil commotion as often cp. de Cor. 19].
The passage from Plato, Symp. 183 CD, which Weidner quotes
seems to me to support this reading rather than his own. On
the subject of 5è in apodosis after temporal and relative sen-
tences, see Goodwin 11. T., p. 137 Rem. (8 64). Madvig G. S.
§ 188 R. 6. Thuc. 1, 11, 1, Classen and Shilleto (crit. not.); Isoc-
rates, Sandys p. 43. Dobree's note is “ Lege et interpunge
Tolaútns dri_Tapaxñs, jetà-aútớ non-"
uerd TÔ ovu útwy... BovletETO She took counsel with his
innate weaknesses.' uerd Sellias-'that is to say, with coward-
ice etc.'
åva avein'appear unexpectedly,' SS 101, 173; cf. Thucyd. 4,
36, 2 &TÈ Toù deteúpou ēšanivns åvapavels. Ar. Vesp. 124.
Tous 8è allous ovuntpéOBELS KLVSUVeurely. Weidner takes
this to be an allusion to the prosecution of Aeschines by Demos
thenes in the speech De Falsa Legatione, 343 B.C.
82 kat.SóYTES... In tódel 'the enemies of public tranquillity
perceiving his policy were delighted, and invited him repeatedly
to the bema, calling him the only incorruptible politician the
state possessed.' pootroleueîv here and 1. 64 with the dative;
in Dem. 01. II. 22, and Plat. Rep. 332 E absolute. Móvov
adwpodókytov, cf. Aeschin. II. 8.
KATLSelv, kalopây 'to get a clear view of anything.' So often
in Thuc. of ships at sea. Cf. $ 90.
Ó SÈ Tapwy... Tapax s 'and he came forward as often,
and gave them many a suggestion for commencing war and
strife.' Cf. évoldóval kalpov, popaoiv, labýv.
Xépplov Teixos... Tipótepov, Herodot. VII. 59 éppelovákon
ouvouaotń. A Thracian promontory opposite Samothrace, hod.
Cape Makri. In the same chapter Herodotus defines the posi-
tion of Doriscus. Demosthenes [F. L. 155, 156 (171, 172), see
Shilleto's note) accused Aeschines of wasting time as ambassa-
dor, while Philip was capturing these places on the Thracian
coast in March B.C. 346. Aeschines replies F. L. & 39 ff. Cf.
Grote, xi. 207; Dem, de Cor. 27, 70. Demosthenes speaks of
Muptnubv also; Aeschines probably alters the name here pur-
posely, to make it jingle with 'Epyio kny.
ήδειμεν, this form is almost άπαξ λεγ. Cobet and Franle
would alter to ήσμεν.
$ 84
129
NOTES.
dépwv, cf. infr. 90, 146. The addition of this word implies
speed and mischief. So Eng. "to take and break.' Cf. Ar.
Lys. 976, 705. Aeschin. I. 175, 11. 63. Herod. VIII. 87, ’Apte-
has the middle more often in this sense. So g 89.
TEPLÉCTOE 'gave such an evil turn to what was done,' i.e.
put a bad interpretation upon it. The word here, as generally,
is used of change to something bad, cf. Isocr. VI. 47 eis TOÛTO
7 TÚxn Tà TpdYuaT? a)Tập Teplcommơ €v. Dem. Olymtl. III. 9.
Kataokótovs, cf. Dem. de Cor. 137 and infr. 223 note.
83 el 8è ÉTT LTPÉTELV... Slabepóuevos 'if Philip wished to entrust
the decision concerning the complaints against him to a neutral
and unprejudiced state, he said that there did not exist a neutral
arbiter between us and Philip. The king offered us Halonne-
sus: Demosthenes opposed our accepting it, if Philip wished to
give it and not to give it back, trying to make a quarrel about
syllables. Cf. Hegesippus (Pseudo-Dem. de Halonu. 7), who
says that Philip did make such an offer, ötav od dłyn Tepi Toú-
των ως εθέλει διαδικάσασθαι, ουδέν άλλ' ή χλευάζει υμάς. A good
abstract of this speech of Hegesippus, which states the case on
the side of Demosthenes clearly, will be found in Curtius, G.
Hist. V. 370 ff. See also Grote, XI. 251 ff.
$18óval 'to try to give,' 'to offer,' in pres. and impf. tenses.
Cf. (Dem.) de Halonn, 2, etc. See Goodwin, M. T. § 10 n. 2,
§ 11 n. 2.
ÉTTLOTPateúoavtas (Weidner conjectures anoteúgavras). A
piratical attack made at the time when Callias the Chalcidian
was plundering the maritime towns of Thessaly with the help
of Athenian ships. Pseudo-Philipp. Epist. § 5. A. Schaefer
suggests that the embassy of Demosthenes to the Thessalians
(de Cor. 244) may have taken place at this time. Dem. U. S.
Zeit, II. 460.
Try ouusopdy, Chaeroneia.
84–105. The alliance with the Euboeans. Aeschines
goes back in point of time to trace the relations of Athens
with Euboea since B.C. 366.
á Sapavtívous, a general epithet implying extreme hardness.
The adamant of the classical writers was a yévos olòýpov
(Hesych.). Theophrastus first uses the word á dauas to describe
the diamond (see Aesch. Prom. Vinct. 6, Wecklein).
ws aúrós o nou. The phrase is not to be found in the extant
speeches of Demosthenes, but cf. de Cor. 299. So in S$ 166-7
phrases are quoted not occurring in any surviving speech.
LY
130 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 85
85 Mvnoápxov Toû Xalkidéws. “The opportunity of gain-
ing a footing in the immediate neighbourhood of Attica was
presented to Philip by the troubled state of Euboea. Chal-
cis and Eretria, each under the rule of one of its own citizens,
still, it would seem, retained their ancient rivalry. At Chalcis
a dynasty had been established by Mnesarchus, and was main-
tained after his death by his sons Callias and Taurosthenes: at
Eretria Themison had been succeeded whether immediately
or otherwise we are not informed by Plutarchus. Both Mne.
sarchus and Themison had manifested hostility to Athens:
and their successors were probably not more amicably disposed
toward her. Callias endeavoured to strengthen himself by
alliance with Philip, who sent a small body of troops to aid
him in his quarrel with the tyrant of Eretria (Aesch. Ctes,
§ 87). Plutarchus was thus led to apply to Athens for protec-
tion." (B.C. 390.) Thirlwall, v. 259–260. According to the
scholiast, Mnesarchus had headed an insurrection against
Athens.
Aonvalovs Eivai ypábely o to propose that they be admitted
to the rights of Athenian citizenship.' This proposition was
carried. Cf. Hypereid. c. Dem. Col. XVII. Dinarch. c. Dem. 44.
ÚTTÓ Oculo wyos. "Oropus, the frontier town of Attica and
Boeotia_immediately opposite to Euboea, having been wrested
from Athens in 366 B.c. by a body of exiles crossing the strait
from Eretria through the management of the Eretrian despot
Themison-had been placed in the keeping of the Thebans
with whom it still remained,” Grote, x1, 21. Cf. Thirlw.
V. 130.
EKÓVTES ÉTidadóueyou. Cf. Dem. de Cor. 99, Bondyoate kotel.
Dem. de Chers. 74, lote xào dÝTOV ToûO őt. Tinódeós Trot'ékel-
νος εν υμίν εδημηγόρησεν, ως δει βοηθείν και τους Ευβοέας σώζειν,
öte OnBaloi katedouloûvt' aůtous. This was a memorable and
often quoted event. " The military and naval forces of Athens
were sent forth on this occasion with a celerity seldom paral-
leled. The costly office of Trierarch was defrayed by volun-
teers. In thirty days the Thebans were so completely worsted
as to be forced to evacuate Euboea under capitulation." Grote,
XI. 21, 22. This happened in B.c. 357. A. Schaefer, 1. 144. 1.
According to Demosthenes (Androt. 14) the fleet and army were
got ready in three days only.
tas tróles, the Euboean cities.
dTouynuoverely, cf. § 208, note.
86 IIlovtápxw. This second expedition to Euboea in aid
of Plutarchus, tyrant of Eretria was in B.C. 350. His subjects,
led by Clitarchus, and aided by Callias and Taurosthenes of
$ 88
131
NOTES.
Chalcis were endeavouring to expel him. The Athenians under
Phocion came to his assistance, and at the battle of Tamynae
defeated the Eretrians. Eubulus and Midias recommended
this expedition, Demosthenes spoke against it, de Pace, 5.
BonońcovTES. Weidner adopts the more difficult reading,
BonBoûvtes, referring to Xen. Cyr. v. 4. 24; Soph. Aj. 781;
Verg. Aen. II. 114, "scitantem." For the (rare) present parti-
ciple of purpose, or rather of attendant circumstance, see Good-
win, M. T. § 109.5.
TOùs mèy... bílou 'in the first instance (if they did not act
with you as friends yet) at any rate they pretended to be
friends. So with the conditional clause expressed, Eur.
Phoen. 497—8,
έμοι μεν, ει και μή καθ’ Ελλήνων χθόνα
τετράμμεθ', αλλ' ούν ξυνετέ μοι δοκείς λέγειν. ,
all'oûvæge occurs more frequently, cf. supr. 11, note.
For an account of the battle of Tamynae see Grote, XI.
145-6. He places the expedition in B.C. 349, a year later than
Curtius and Weidner.
87 eis tivas dvoxwpías, cf. Dem. Mid. & 162.
KaTaKeKlelévov, rare for kataKekAquévov (which Weidner
reads), see Veitch s. V. Kleiw s. f.
μάχην, cognate accusative with μή νικήσασι, without winning
a battle,” cf. I. 64, TP KAạt TaÚTP víp PEPLK7Kjs.
Tapa Biltmov, cf. supr. 85 note.
SEELOÚLevos kal pooyewv, evidently as A. Schaefer under-
stands it (Dem. U. s. Zeit, III. 209. 1): making himself gene.
rally agreeable in order to help Demosthenes in this trial and
shew his gratitude for the Athenian citizenship which Demo-
sthenes had obtained for him. Cf. SS 1, 257, etc. Plato has a
parallel expression Rep. VIII. 566 D, at pooyelậ te kai đonášetal
Távtas. Both passages might be reminiscences of Eur. Iph. A.
339 ff. Cf. supr. 72. Aristoph. Plut. 752 honátovto KAT & DEŠLOūve'
άπαντες υπό της ηδονής.
Slaßißdfelv=to put troops on board ship and send them
across a strait, so Thuc. IV. 8, 9. Cf. ueteußißá Selv, to remove
a crew from one ship to another etc.
ľ ruas, Aeschines was present at the battle of Tamynae
and brought home the news of the victory. II. 169 ff.
88 DeLol kal (Tries, the cavalry were at first routed but
afterwards rallied and aided the infantry in securing the vic-
tory; Plutarch, Phocion 13.
9-2
132 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. 89
êk aparázews in battle array.' Cf. Dem. Phil. III. 49,
OỦèèy ' K traparážews oùdè uáxns yiyvóuevov. K of the manner
as in ég loov, $ 57, cp. 8 3 n.
Stelto aole. This peace was made in B.C. 348, see Aeschin.
II. 12.
89 Depóuevos, cf. Dépw, $ 82.
ouvéplov...guvdywy trying to assemble a Euboean con-
gress at Chalcis.'
édýpâs against you,' cp. Demosth. de Cor. $ 81.
Eaipetoy... TEPLTTOLOV Uevos "and trying to win the position of
despot as a special reward for himself.' So aútis sometimes
joined to the middle voice. Dem. de Cor. 66. &alpetoy is an
expression derived from the distribution of booty: when some-
thing is excepted from the mass assigned by lot, and reserved
for some one especially.
90 éballey 'he offered his service to the Thebans.'
Schol. årti TOÛ Toùs OnBalous êkoláKEVE, cf. inf. 116, ÚTTOTT STYW-
KÓTES. § 162, ÚTOT PÉXel. Eur. H. F. 1384.
Dépwv, $ 82.
łykatahitúy “having left them too in the lurch.'
Telovs tpotds Toû Eupitrov, the Euripus was noted for its
frequent changes of current. ÉTTÁKis tñs ňuépas OTPÉDETAL,
Schol. ; cf. Livy XXVIII. 6. Cic. N. D. III. 10. Plat. Phaedo 90 c.
Hence the proverb εύριπος άνθρωπος to describe an inconstant
person. According to Dio Cassius XLVI. 296 B, this simile was
applied to Cicero by a Roman orator Q. Fufius Calenus. Ul-
richs, who travelled in Greece in 1838, says that the current
changes 4 times in 24 hours at full and new moon, but 14
times in 24 hours at the quarters. Its violence varies according
to set of the wind, and the amount of water brought.
KATEĽSe, supr. 82.
kwlúoalte. See Goodwin, M, T. & 74. 1, p. 162.
91 SolixoSpouñoavta, he had probably won a prize in
the long race (Solexós opp. to otádov, Dict. Ant. 1055 b).
Ewveîto (without the syllabic augment in compounds, see
Veitch s.v. úvégual. But Weidner and Franke would read
ĚŽEWVEÎTo) · he was trying to purchase.'
éykata ndoévti, here literally, cf. supr. 60 note.
Seúnepoy & ņkov...guitátels and secondly the proposer of
the alliance got his reward for dispensing with the attendance
of the Chalcidians in congress at Athens; thirdly, for relieving
$ 95
133
NOTES.
them of the payment of their contributions.' See Grote xi.
257. At this tinie an embassy from the philippizing party in
Euboea (Clitarchus and Philistides) arrived at Athens and
stayed in the house of Aeschines. Dem. de Cor. 82.
92 Tous kalpous opportune advantages,'tàs o uvedpías kai
τάς συντάξεις in the next section.
óñua póvoy a mere phrase,' sc. the clause é áv tis in ém?
'Aonvalovs, while the clause that the Athenians should help
the Chalcidians (Bond cîv njâs Xalkidellol) was an épyov.
cúbnulas éveka ‘for the sound of the thing.'
93 To Aoy TooB Batov uas guiding you (to the con-
clusion he wished) by the argument that'--Cf. Ar. Eq. 35,
Av. 425.
τας συμμαχίας ποιείσθαι, condiciones foederis statuere.
Dobr.
Trv Kalliov-ouuuaxlav. Hamaker and Weidman omit
this clause. It can only be an amplification of tò yń ploua.
94 Selvóv, cf. Dem. C. Aristocr. 211, åll'oỦ TOÛT ZOTI TÒ
betwov, ei? 8Tt=.
www.
Eretria between them, gives us some idea of the amount paid
as contribution (ouvračcs) by each individual state. See
Boeckh's Economy, p. 423, Eng. trans. (1. 554 Germ.).
ópártwy Opovoúvtwy BreTÓVtwy while you were in full
possession of sight and understanding, when you were actually
looking on.' Cf. the aorists Soph. 0. R. 649, Deanoas opový-
oas T', 'having returned to your will and to your understand-
ing.' For Blenbytwv Dobr. quotes Ar. Eq. 298, kåtlopkê ye
βλεπόντων.
úpelóuevou, Grote x1. 257, note 4; cp. & 145.
95 is ñ kol &K IIelottovuhoov. “He (Callias) also em-
ployed himself during the autumn and winter of 341-340 B.C.
in travelling as a missionary through Peloponnesus, to organize
a confederacy against Philip.” Grote, ibid.
KATE Kevaouévovs. Cf. § 145 n.
Cúrrayua Ouvrátas eis... Trpórodov 'having arranged a
schere (of contribution) to bring in a revenue of a hundred
talents, discriptionem commentus, i.e. having settled a scale
according to which each state should contribute yearly towards
a war with Philip.
katóv, but cf. Vitae X. Oratt. 851: kai ouvračiv xpquátwv
ήν έπεισε (Δημοσθένης) πρεσβεύσας διδόναι τους μεν συμμάχους εις
134 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 96
TÒV móNejov Tiew TTEVTAKOOL w talávtwr. This is more near the
truth in Boeckh's opinion. There were certainly other contri-
butors besides Achaeans, Megareans and Euboeans. ÉkaTÓv
may represent the amount collected by Callias alone. But
Weidner's assertion “vulgata scriptura aperte corrupta est” is
well supported by his note.
SledoyisetO...CUTEREîv 'he computed the contributions each
state was to make respectively. Cf. Dem. pro Phorm. 23 yeye-
νημένου διαλογισμού after computation had been made of our
respective demands. Aeschin. I. 18, daloyišeobal tå kald kal
Tà uñ, 'to distinguish.'
96 elval rollous... ous Bouleo lau 'that there were many
other Greek states who were willing to take part in. For
instances of the infinitive after the relative in oratio obliqua see
Thuc. 1. 91. 5, coa Bouleverbal, Böhme's note. It occurs nine
times in Thucydides. Cf. Roby, Lat. Gr. Pt. II. § 1781 and
Goodwin, M. T. $ 92, 2, note 3, p. 193. See also Thucyd. 4,98,
4; Herod. 8, 95; 9, 41.
don Sé. Òè, as often, not placed after the word to which it
belongs. Cf. Mèv § 53.
Si åtoppýtwy ósecretly,' 'confidentially.
97 ñy én péo ßeure, in B.C. 340. Grote, XI. 257, note 6.
Schaefer, Dem. II. 454, 2.
E 'Akapvavías, cf. § 256.
Távtas Mèv—Távras Sé, see § 96 note.
ÚtrápxELy were ready on the spot,' cf. Dem. de Cor. 174.
uuplovs-Xidious, Demosthenes says MÚPLOL MÈV kai mevta-
Kloxíacol févoi dloxíacou so ¿TTTTEîs, de Cor. 237. See the note
there. Demosthenes may be giving the number of troops pro-
mised, Aeschines of those which actually took part in the war.
The author of the Vitae X. Orat. gives the same figures as
Aeschines.
98 tds Tolitika's Suvduels, ex singulis civitatibus. Cf.
inf. 147, Markland, citizens opposed to šévol. duvádels cf. dúva-
JLV 87.
SESóc dau SÈ ÅTÓ TÁVtwy. “It is noticeable that this usage
of dró of the agent after passive verbs is nearly limited to
λέγομαι and πράσσομαι or verbs of similar meaning,” Shilleto
immediate action, åtò in case of indirect action, through
other persons or otherwise,” Herbst über Cobet, Jahrbüch. f.
Class. Philol. 1878–9, Suppl. B. 10, pp. 49, 50. Translate
on the part of. Weidn, with two MSS. dávtwy.
8 99
135
NOTES.
την έκτην επί δέκα του ανθεστηριώνος • the 16th of An-
thestérion'=March 9, B.C. 340. The full moon was on the 14th
of Anthest. = March 7. See Grote XI. 257. 6. Schaefer, Denm.
ΙΙ. 454. 2.
99 äv@pwmos the man,' Demosthenes, definitively. Not
άνθρωπος “man, generally, as the Zurich text, which gives
no satisfactory sense. So SS 125, 159; cf. 157, 212.
ίδιος και ο κοινόν. The combination of a positive idea
with its negatived opposite, to obtain emphasis, is of frequent
occurrence, especially in Homer and Herodotus. Cf. Il. I.
416. Herod. VΙΙ. 46, πολλάκις και ουκί άπαξ.
αλαζόνες. Τimaeus Les. Plat. αλαζών ψευδής. Τheophr.
Char. 23 αλαζονεία δόξειεν αν είναι προσποίησις αγαθών ουκ όντων.
Ar. Eth. Nic. ΙΙ. 7. 12 ο μεν μέσος αληθής της και η μεσότης
αλήθεια λεγέσθω, ή δε προσποίησις ή μεν επί το μείζον αλαζονεία
και ο έχων αυτήν αλαζών, η δε επί το έλαττον ειρωνεία και είρων.
Plautus translates 'Alaçwv by Gloriosus (Mil. Glor. 2. 1. 8].
Δημοσθένης...ψεύδεται, Cf. ΙΙ. 153. Pseudo-Dem, c. Neaer.
8 10.,
εις οπότε, cf. Thuc. VΙΙΙ. 23 ές όψε, 24 μέχρι τότε. Supr. 24.
Dem. de Cor. 163 μέχρι πόρρω.
κλέπτων την ακρόασιν “beguiling your ears with falsehoods'
cf. 36. As in 142, Demosthenes is represented as deceiving
his listeners by ονόματα, unrealities, false statements, ετέρων
παρεμβόλη πραγμάτων. 8 204. κλέπτειν also implies suppres-
sion of the truth. Cf. Dem. 1η Αphob. 5 διακλέπτοντα τους εαυτού
λόγοις την αλήθειαν των πεπραγμένων, C. Stephan. ΙΙ. 25 κλέπτων
τάς αληθείς μαρτυρίας.
διο, Cobet would read ή. πονηρός ών και τα των χρηστών
σημεία διαφθείρει he is a Yogue himself and moreover renders
useless the ordinary signs of honest men' (signa ea et indicia
quibus distinguuntur boni). This refers especially to fluovuévous
τους ταληθή λέγοντας. His imitation of veracity and upright-
ness is so perfect, both in what he says and in what he leaves
unsaid, that we shall be unable in future to recognize honest
men by the usual indications, cf. 8 229, όταν δ' εξ ονομάτων
συγκείμενος άνθρωπος, έπειτα επί την απλότητα και τα έργα κατα-
DEÚyn. and 205–207. onuelov is a term borrowed from the
Rhetoricians, see Ar. Rhet. I. ü. 14, ix, 14, Poet. 16. 1. See
also Eurip. Med. 516
ω Ζεύ, τί δή χρυσού μεν δς κίβδηλος ή
τεκμήριο ανθρώποισιν ώπασας σαφή,
ανδρών δ' ότω χρή τον κακόν διειδέναι,
ουδείς χαρακτήρ εμπέφυκε σώματι;
136 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 100
100 ns 'Illásos. The decree given in Dem. de Cor. §
181–187 has been supposed to be referred to here as longer
than the Iliad:' but as it stands there, though very long, it
does not seem to refer to the same events as Aeschines is now
engaged upon.
oủk évouévwy (that will never be realized.'
å mayaywy...kleupatos "having drawn your attention far
away from the fraud he purposed.'
ovotpévas, sc. ÈAUTÓv «gathering himself up' for a spring
like a serpent. Bremi. So Taylor, se totum collegit, summan
vafritiem in ea re exseruit. Weidner understands the word to
refer to the style of the yny w ua, 'concisely.'
πάνυ γαρ έδει δεηθήναι of course it was absolutely neces.
sary to beg of them!' Ironical. No doubt Aeschines laid
emphasis on the humiliating word deňoovtal-denonvar-deň-
Oortal. Schaefer II 453. Cf. inf. 103.
Tapos tous 'Speltas, manifestum emblema, Cobet.
τον αυτόν 'Αθηναίοις φίλον και εχθρόν νομίζειν. τον αυτόν
'Aonvalols=v 'Aonvaiol, Tòv aůtóv governing the dative, Madvig,
G. S. $ 37, R. 2. Goodwin, Gr. § 186. Thuc. III. 70. voulselv,
“ to treat' as-," voulselv fival is the reading of the Zurich
Ed.; but "youisu cival nihil nisi opinionen significat sine
actione." Cobet, Nov. Lectt. Both Dobree and Taylor reject
είναι as “ enatum et fine praecedentis του νομίζειν.”
101 álu aras úy, this is the conjecture of Schultz for
TEPI STÓytwy of the Ms. “ Deinde apparet rursus eum totum
fraudi esse intentum." He refers to Dem. F. L. 127 (139), ñv
ölos pòs TẬ Añuuari, 'wholly bent upon,' and § 192. See also
Dem. Cor. 176 z pòs TĄ OKOTEîv glyveobal. For dvapalvetal, see
§ 81.
åbeloy omitting,' cf. § 237.
Tås tpińpeus. $ 97. Weidner cuts it out; de Boor conj.
Tàs Tepateias.
äļau (addressed to the clerk), 'make special mention of.”
Cf. $ 193.
Ô udelheto which he fraudulently practised,' the relative
standing for a cognate accusative. Cp. Her. 6, 32 Tàs áreas
τας επηπείλησαν.
kai év TØSE 'even in this as in others.'
102 mayoénvov-ouvé povs, quoting the words used in the
decree which fixed a date for the meeting of deputies from the
states which were to form the new confederacy against Philip.
$ 104
137
NOTES.
103 daßwy opla tálavra ulolóv. Of course this state-
ment must not be accepted on the authority of Aeschines alone.
But he refers to a wholoma of the people of Oreus, to prove that
there was an agreement between the state of Oreus and Demo-
sthenes. Schaefer (11. 459) conjectures that Demosthenes had
lent the people of Oreus a talent at a moderate rate of interest
to enable them to prosecute the war with Philip more quickly,
an idea which is supported by the expression Tó Tálavrov
αφείναι.
81' Ö (sc. Tálavrov), Bremi, for the ms, dió.
katabavns éyéveto "he was detected,' cf. & 90 katelde.
Snuokpatovuévøv, for the liberation of Oreus see Grote xi.
236–7.
éfavn,wuévo: 'finding their resources exhausted.'
104 laxiorov xalkoll oủ8èy Séolto "he did not want a
poor bit of bronze.' But the word éhaxlotou is unsatisfactory.
Bake conjectures őti oỦd'éná XLOTOV Xalkoû déalto. Perhaps the
simplest emendation would be to read ελάχιστα for ελαχίστου
and reject ουδέν as “ en fine του χαλκού et initio του δέοιτο ema-
tum.” Weidner kai jála xpuooû xalkoû d'.
ÓTI SÉOLTO...elompártelv note the variation of construction
from the optative to the infinitive in oratio obliqua; so some-
times 871 precedes an infinitive alone, Xen. Cyrop. 1, 6, 18.
Cp. S 96. See Clyde Gr. Synt. § 97. Also eiotpártely the pre-
sent represents the immediate future ‘he insisted on at once
calling in the talent.'
Sià roll Kalllov, dià c. gen. of the medium cf. § 129, 162,
242.
ÚTrébegav... pooblovs 'mortgaged to him for the talent their
public revenues.'
Spaxuriy toll uniós this uvas, 12 per cent. per ann. A mo.
derate rate of interest for the time.
106--158 Aeschines passes now to the third period of
the political life of Demosthenes, B.C. 340 to 338, the year of the
battle of Chaeroneia. He first tries to shew that Demosthenes
gave bad advice when he induced the Athenians to abstain
from sending representatives to the special meeting of the Am.
phictyons, and from taking part in the sacred duty of punish-
ing the sacrilegious Amphissians, which led to Philip's taking
the position which Athens should have occupied (SS 105-136);
and he next tries to shew that the boasted alliance with Thebes
in B.c. 1594-8 was not due to Demosthenes, while the errors
138 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 106
committed in the terms of that alliance were (SS 137–147),
while he was also responsible for a peace not being made before
the battle of Chaeroneia (S$ 148–158).
106 ñan kai, $ 52 n.
. μάλλον δέ, these words introduce a correction. πάντων
TLKPÓTatos is opposed to tpltos. Cf. Dem. de Cor. 297. Tikpó-
Tatos 'most disastrous. This meaning of Tikpòs is frequent in
the tragedians.
TW 'Exnvwv, the rest of the Greeks, Athens being ex-
cepted, in 116, 151 Thebes being excepted.
Topázels, cf. § 21.
107 TÒ Kippalov teloy. The most ancient and import-
ant town in the country surrounding Delphi was Crissa. It is
mentioned in the Homeric hymn to Apollo Pythius, while
Delphi and the harbour Cirrha are not. In the course of the
war to which Aeschines here alludes (595 B.C.), Crissa and
Cirrhá were destroyed and the Cirrhaean or Crissaean plain was
declared sacred to the Delphian god and its cultivation forbid-
den. It was noted for its fertility in the direction of Crissa,
but near Cirrha the country was bleak and barren. Cirrha
afterwards recovered importance as the harbour of Delphi.
The cause of the war was the excessive tolls exacted at the
harbour of Cirrha from pilgrims voyaging to Delphi from
Italy and Sicily. Grote 111. 476. Preller, Delphica (Ausgew.
Aufs. 224). Plutarch Solon XI.
108 Távt' niuara kal táoas vúktas, cf. Il. v. 490. Only
in Il. XXIII, 186, ñuara kai vúktas, does Homer place the days
before the nights, in using this expression.
Kpayah (als. The Acrogallidae seem to have been a people
living near Cirrha. The form given by the Lexicographers
varies between Kpavallidai, 'Akpoyallidai, Kpavyallidal, and
the town is called Kpavyállcov.
'Aonva Ilpovala. [The mss. have povola as in Pausanias,
but the error has been corrected by inscriptions.] The temple
of Athene at Delphi stood in front of the larger temple of
Apollo, abutting on the road from Phocis, Paus. 10, 8, 4; see
Aesch. Eum. 21. Herod. I. 92, VIII. 37.
&TÈ Taoy depyíą to lie quite uncultivated.' Grote 111. 478,
XI. 273.
Ebwvos ElTTÓVTOS. This is confirmed by Plutarch Sol. XI.
πεισθέντες γάρ υπ' εκείνου (Σόλωνος) προς τον πόλεμον ώρμησαν οι
'AupikTúoves.
$ 112
139
NOTES.
>>
dvopos—SlateTpLØótos. Cobet and Weidner strike out the
whole of this passage as “ab Aeschinis persona aliena et apud
Athenienses auditores perinepta.”
109 éxwoav, Veitch s. v. xów.
kai tosi kai buvň, see § 120 and 11. 115.
110 tpootpotńV 'imprecation,' “interminationem cum ob-
testatione deorum ultorum, si quis hoc pactum violet." Reiske.
Lit. an entreaty made to some one in a suppliant posture. Cf.
Aesch. Pers. 216.
παραβαίνοι, optative in the protasis depending on έστω im-
perative in the apodosis. See Goodwin, M. T. 54. b. 2(a).
onol. The subject, easily supplied, is often omitted with
this verb. Here ý ápá. Cf. 1. 22. Dem. F. L. 62 (69).
111 ÉTEÚXetat, cf. Soph. Oed. R. 249, 269.
gékva yovellowy OLKóta. Dobree refers to Hes. Op. et D.
235.
Tépara monsters.' Cf. Plat. Cratyl. 393 B, èàv BOTTEN
τέρας γένηται εξ ίππου άλλο τι ή ίππος. "
dyopwy public speeches,' discussions in the assembly.'
Cf. Hom. Il. II. 275. Od. IV. 818. Also the meetings for such
discussions Herod. 6, 9.
An equally well supported reading is a yopâs, the assembly
itself. αγορά is used by Homer in the sense of εκκλησία. Cf.
§ 27. Schoem. Com. Ath. 28. Autenrieth's Homeric Lex-
icon, s. v. åyopá. It is also used by Herodotus (6, 58) for the
business done in the assembly.
Dúo alev. The Aeolic terminations of 1 Aor. Opt. Act. -elas,
-ELE(v), -Elav, are most generally used (by Thuc. almost exclu-
sively). Still the forms in -als, -al, -alev, do occur. See Thuc.
III. 49, v. 111 and Elmsley on Eur. Med. 319.
SÉEaLyto aútois. The majority of the mss. here, and all in
§ 121, give aútv not aútois. Still Dobree would alter to
aútoes in both cases, referring to Porson's note to Eur. Hec. 533.
See Cobet Nov. Lect. p. 497.
112 oủ mply añode. This oracle has been inserted here
from Pausanias x. 37, 6. It is the answer of the Pythia
when the Amphictyons consulted her about their victory. The
substance of the oracle, which really belongs to this place, is
given in 108 supr.
140 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 113
113 'Audloges. Amphissa was the chief town of the
Locri Ozolae, the western neighbours of Cirrha and Delphi.
There is nothing in this passage or in Dem. de Cor. 149 to
enable us to determine the date of this occupation. Grote (XI.
273) regards it as ancient and established, Curtius (v. 411) as
a recent intrusion. So also Schaefer II. 499. Cobet would
omit uâdlov...aỦt wv.
Tulayópwy. See Dict. Ant. 80 b. Grote xi. 274 ff.
114 Xelpotovndels, B.C. 343. Schaefer 11. 350.
Sloxudías, Markland with several mss. for xıdías. Cf, infr.
uvâs eikool [=2000 drachmae].
¿v Tois ’Aubuktúool at a sitting of the Amphictyons.'
· Cf. Dem. 01. III. 10, év Tois vouodérals. év of that which occurs
within the circle of a body of men: so év újîv, v TÔ Sńuw,
K.T.N.
d' WTe Bonda O ELV'on condition that he would help.' Good-
win, M. T. $ 99 “te=ẾTrì TOÚTW WOTE, Gr. 267, Curtius, Gr.
Gr. & 601.
iStátns=one who is concerned only with his own private
affairs, a layman as opposed to an official or professional, as
here to duváorns: so also to otpatnyós, peoßeutńs, öntwp, iarpós,
K.r.l.
Suváo tns est tyrannus. Dem. Aristocr. g 124. Dobr.
115 TEPLEJéveto 'got the better of, "triumphed over,' cf.
§ 173.
&T coppáotov d'exovtos, B.C. 339. Grote xi. 274.
iepouvnuovos, see § 113. The hieromnemon was selected
by lot (Arist. Nub. 623) and appears not to have had a vote
with the Pylagorae.
Šktîvoy “the well-known,' somewhat sarcastic, cf. Dem. de
Cor. 219. &Boulóunu äv 'I could have wished.' TÒv AÉKKLOV
of the deme Leccum,' see notes on text.
reading for the Mss. Sé. The combination kai- é is used for
emphasis and climax, the word between kai and dé being em-
phasized, but' (86) also' or 'actually' (kal). Cf. § 126; Thuc.
1. 132. 2. Dem. 01. III. 15. Phil. III. 70. But there can be no
question of emphasis or Climax as regards the word Tpltov here,
Cf. Stallbaum crit. not. to Plat. Apol. 19 E. For on referring
to a well-known fact see Herod. 6, 44, 45.
$ 117
NOTES.
116 ÚTOTTET TWKÓTES, SC. Toîs OnBalocs abjectly submissive
to. Cf. § 90 Únéßaller autóv. Dem. C. Steph. 1. 63, tois
TOLOÚTOLS ¿DelovtnS ÚTTOTITTEL. Depa TEÚOVTES, cp. C. Aristocr. 8.
cioé depov, impf. 'wished to propose.' See Dem. de Cor. 149.
ávéonke trpòs 'it brought to the new shrine and dedicated.'
TOV Kalvòv vecv. The temple at Delphi was burnt 548 B.C.
The new one built by the Alcmaeonidae for the Amphictyons
remained till the time of Pausanias. See Herod. v. 62. If this
new temple is referred to here, the offence was one of long
standing, the time being shortly after the battle of Plataea;
and it would then seem to have consisted in the erection of a
permanent trophy. Cf. Cic. Inv. II. 69.
Tply Eapáoaoda [an old variation was eelpyao lai] 'before
its complete consecration. This had not taken place at the
end of the Persian war, probably because the building itself
was not complete. This is the view of Schaefer and Weidner.
Grote's view is somewhat different (XI. 275). He thinks that the
shields had been recently regilded and set up again in a new
cell or chapel.
ŠTréypayev, Weidn. for ass. êtlypayajev. år) Mńswv, cf.
§ 156 1. Tois "Elou, cf. § 106.
els tò ouvé plov, that is, of the Amphictyons, see on Dem. de
Cor. & 135.
και αυτόν ούτω προηρημένον “when I had myself already
determined to do so.'
117 ápxouéyou Sè...medeoTnKÓTwy but when I began my
speech and indeed had entered the council-chamber with more
than usual earnestness, the other pylagorae having withdrawn.'
If the words are thus taken, TÓ Ouvé plov means the assembly
of the hieromnemones alone. Cf. Dem. de Cor. 149. Schaefer
II. 499. But there seems no reason to suppose that such a
question should be reserved for them; and therefore many
translate jedeoTnKotwy having made way for me.' Cp. 122.
Taldelas humanitatis SS 208, 260.
Salpovlov Tivos. “Quem deus vult perdere prius dementat,"
is a common sentiment with Greek writers. Cf. Dem. Phil.
III. 54. Lycurg. C. Leocr. 92, oi yàp Deo oỦdèv apótepov
ποιούσιν, ή των πονηρών ανθρώπων την διάνοιαν παράγουσιν. For
the δαιμόνιον 'see Plat. Symp. 202 E πάν το δαιμόνιον μεταξύ
έστι θεού τε και θνητού-ερμηνεύον και διαπορθμεύον θεοίς τα παρ'
ανθρώπων και ανθρώποις τα παρά θεών.
ápxriv 'at all,' always with a negative and generally placed
first in the sentence, åpxývozidé, ne initio quidem=ne omnino
quidem; see Curtius G?. Gr. $ 405, obs. 2. ye emphasises ápxv.
142 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $118
čelpyet' üv‘you would have excluded them,' cf. g 122.
118 fuéuvnto c. gen. he made mention of,' so Méurnual
αυτών, μνησθήναι της παρανοίας.
Ó KpwBúlcs ékelvos. [Cf. § 115. C. Timarch. 64.1 The
notorious Top-knot' ("l'insigne Chignon Gallice”). He-
gesippus, a political ally of Demosthenes, and his com-
panion as ambassador into the Peloponnese B.C. 343. The
kpwBúdos was a fashion of dressing the hair both effeminate
and antiquated. The hair was rolled into a knot on the
crown of the head and fastened with a pin in the form of
a grasshopper. See Classen's note to Thuc. 1. 6 and Dict.
Ant. 328 b, 329 a. Hegesippus was so called kadò aútòs
ñecoe Tro kepadriu kai doidokálec Tàs tpixas. Schol. The
alliance here alluded to was made just before the outbreak of
the Phocian war in 356 B.C. Cf. Diod. Sic. XVI. 29, TOîs où wa
κεύσι συνεμάχουν 'Αθηναίοι και Λακεδαιμόνιοι καί τινες έτεροι των
IIelotournoiwy. Dem. F. L. 61 (68). There was a suspicion
that Hegesippus had been bribed by the Phocians. Schaefer,
I. 456. 2.
éirņade. Cf. Dem. de Cor. 263. &TÈ Triv yvauny rightly
suspected by Baiter.
autódev fornkas "froin the spot where I stood' as an
orator addressing the assembly.
TÓKELTOL. The heights near Delphi, called the Phaedriades,
command a full view across the Pleistus valley as far as the
sea.
119 kepaueữa kai aïlla 'pottery-works and farm-buildings.'
TT ETT PAKótas. Weidner adopts this conjecture of Hamaker
(fr. Timpáokw) which receives some support from the explanation
of the Scholiast used avias Tà T+An Toũ AuuÉPos. Cf. Tên
Twleiv, itplao bal. Xenoph. Hell. IV. 8, 27 årédoto tu dekárnu
TÛ ÉK TOÛ IIÓVTOU TEÓvtWv. Others trem paxótas fr. atpáoow in
the sense 'exact,' rare in the active, but see Herod. I. 106
φόρον έπρησσον και 3, 58 και αυτούς εκατόν τάλαντα έπρηξαν.
äua Sè dvaylyváo KELV ÉKÉLevov. Schaefer regards these
words as an indication that Aeschines was not speaking on
sudden impulse (OÚtw Tapwgúvony-ÉToe) but had got ready
his documents and prepared his speech beforehand, as Demo-
sthenes asserts de Cor. 149, loyous eủT POOÁTOVS kai púbous ouv-
Oels. To this Weidner replies that such important documents,
concerning the cause of the Delphic God, would surely be
ready to hand preserved among the archives of the Amphic-
tyons, and so might be produced and read by the clerk after
a short interval.
§ 123
143
NOTES.
120 Swwpifóuny 'made definite distinction' between his
own intended conduct on the one hand (uév) and possible
apathy on the part of his audience on the other (86). So the
same verb followed by uév and dé, Aeschin. I. 95; II. 145.
Bono present for the immediate and certain future, See
$ 230, cp. Herod. vi. 53 ypáow, vi. 82 aipéel.
áboolô 'I purge,' 'I clear from guilt,' "religione exsolvo,"
cf. Plat. Legg. 873 B, Ak0op #kaGros •ếpap em The Kebabhp
Toũ v€Kpos B&AAP Gºod LoÚT THU TOÀty ở TP. Placed, 242 c, ở
με ουκ έα απιέναι πρίν αν αφοσιώσωμαι, ώς τι ημαρτηκότα εις το
Delov.
évñoktal Tá kava [èvápxop.az] “the baskets are emptied for
the commencement of the sacrifice. Cf. Eur. El. 1141,
kavoûv g Évſpktai, kai teonyuévn opayis, and Iph. A. 435, ám'
cia, Táti Toidió égápxov kavâ. Thus also årápxeobal takes
acc. See Meisterhans Granı, der Att. Inschr. p. 168. See
Dict. Ant. s. V. Canephoros. (A better picture of the káveov
will be found in Fig. 201 of Guhl and Koner's Life of the
Greeks and Romans.) Sacrifices performed in common were
an important part of Amphictyonic meetings, for a community
of religion was the primary reason of the union. Cf. § 124,
Ouv Dúortas,
121 Tolous ouuaoi, cp. tion og Baluois Dem, de Cor. 201.
und' ogíws dúo alev 'let not their offering be guiltless, who--'.
aútois, see on 111.
122 åriniddyny kai ueTéo TV withdrew and left the
assembly,' as the other pylagorae had done before (8 117),
Aeschines remaining at the wish of the Athenian hieronnemon
Diognetus (8 116).
Toppw tņs riuépas ouons. Hamaker would strike out oŰons.
The proper phrase is πόρρω της ημέρας εστί, είναι etc. See
examples in L. and Sc. Others propose óvtos.
Aelodôvodou étl Sletes nißwor 'all who were of age." Na-
tural tonBela was supposed to commence in the sixteenth year,
civil in the eighteenth. Those who had completed their six-
teenth and seventeenth years were said śmi dletes rißây or nßn-
oai 'to be é oñßou for two years,' during which a young man, at
Athens at least, had to perform duty as trepitodos. K. F.
Hermann, Privatalt. $ 35, 13. Schaef. 111. 2. 19–38, esp. pp. 36,
37, 25. A different view, that dietes ri Bâv=the completion
of the 16th year, was proposed by Boehnecke (Forsch. 1. 58)
and supported by Thirlwall, v. Append, I. Ed. 1849, and Weid.
ad loc. TÒ Outelov some unknown spot called 'the place of
sacrifice.' See notes on text.
123 ávexwpo ûjev 'we were on our way back.'
144 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 124
itpos nuas 'to attack us': they did not reach them. For
po's in hostile sense see Soph. Trach. 303 û Zell tporale, un
ποτ’ εισίδοιμι σε | προς τουμόν ούτω σπέρμα χωρήσαντα ποι. W.
with some mss. é nuâs.
Tayanuel with all their available forces.' This word is
frequently used by Thucydides, and nearly always in reference
to a sudden levy or popular rising to repel an invader or the
like; while tavotpatią is a more distinctly military term,
indicating a complete army on a regular war-footing.
ŠKLVSUVevo auey äv. The earlier editors, Benseler, Franke
ed. 2, omit äv. So Goodwin, M. T. 49, 2. d. But cf. § 88.
124 Kóttudos, nyeuwv TûV'Aubiktvbvwv, Schol. See $ 128.
Demosth. de Cor. § 151. He presided as a Thessalian deputy:
the Thessalians having had this privilege since the end of the
Sacred War.
ekkinolay &Tolel 'summoned,' the Active, of the presiding
authority, cf. supr, 27, 39, 67. The Middle troleic Bar ekki.
occurs occasionally of the people present in the assembly,
Dem. de Cor. 213; but the usual word is ekkinoiášelv, Frohberg
Lys. XII. 72.
Ékkinolay yap. The assembled Amphictyons thus followed
the analogy of popular institutions, which in Greece nearly
always embraced a large assembly (ékkinola), and a smaller
council (Bourn. The sort of irregular constitution of this
êkkinola finds an analogy in the early history of our own par-
liament, to which all present in whatever town it was held seem
once to have had the right of coming. Weidner brackets the
whole clause as an explanation unnecessary at Athens.
Tollai uèv-Tolus Sè-Téos Sé. Climax. Cf. Dem. de
Cor. 288, ièmoi dèmållá.
kata tñs ruerépas rólews. C£. § 50 n. Dem. 2 Phil. ö kai
μέγιστόν εστι καθ' υμών εγκώμιον.
Topó tñs émiovons tulalas. This being in the autumn
would be too late for the commencement of a war.
125 Todo Oévtos' delivered as a letter. Cf. Thuc. VIII. 10,
Aeschin, II. 45. Weidner strikes out év before tŷ Boulô and
gives reason for suspecting that the same should be done before
τη εκκλησία.
kai Anuoo dévous...dvteléYOUTOS "and Demosthenes opposing
(this religious policy) for the sake of the bribe to come from
Amphissa which had been deposited with a third party (Lat. se-
quester).' Cf. Dem, in Boeot. 1. 3, Meoey yuno auévns å pyúplov, quum
certam pecuniae summam apud mediatorem deposuisset. The
allusion is to the charge brought against Demosthenes, in 114.
HETaoTno áuevos tous idúras having secured the with-
8 128
145
NOTES.
drawal of strangers.' ιδιώτας “spectators,' persons not βου-
λευταί, Shilleto to Dem. F. L. 18 (19). ϊνα διαφθείρη τους βου-
λευτάς, Schol.
. εκφέρεται, mid. “he causes a decree to be brought down
from the βουλή to the εκκλησία and proposed to the latter. Cf.
the aorist in Aeschin. ΙΙ. 66, εξενέγκασθαι =eficere, consequί.
126 προσλαβών • talking advantage of,’ lit. taking as an
auxiliary. Cf. Dem. F. L. 315 (362), προσλαβών τούτους τους
θεοίς εχθρούς, supr. 9. The Scholiast explainς οιονεί πείσας τινά
ευήθη βουλευτήν γράψαι το ψήφισμα.
το δ' αυτό τούτο, SC. προβούλευμα.
και των πολλών δε αφειμένων “ and when the majority had
actually dispersed.' Weidner conjectures on åpello as in § 115.
Schultz and Benseler with some Μss. read διαφειμένων, compar-
ing Dem. C. Aristocr. 171, διαφείναι την δύναμιν. 176, την δύναμιν
διαφειμένην. Χen. Hell. IV. 4. 14, διαφηκε το στράτευμα. But the
και...δε here answers to the requirements enunciated in 8 115.
τους αεί πυλαγορούντας “ the pylagorae for the time being,
lit. those who are in office as pylagorae on each occasion.'
This amounted to a refusal to send extraordinary pylagorae.
The pylagorae were elected annually.
εν τούς τεταγμένοις χρόνους. Ηypereid. Epitaph. col. VΙΙΙ.
p. 57, Teubner ed., αφικνούμενοι γάρ οι Έλληνες άπαντες δις του
ενιαυτού εις την Πυλαίαν. Dict. Αnt. p. 80 a, b.
σύλλογον “ extraordinary meeting.'
εξ ανάγκης, cf. 8 88.
127 πρόσταγμα “clause.' σύγγραμμα, the reading of the
Ziürich edd., would have much the same meaning as ψήφισμα,
i.e. the whole decree. Cf. inf. 155, τα εκ του ψηφίσματος προ-
στάγματα. Bake, Schol. Hypomn. IV. 326.
METEX ELV TIVí Tivos'to share with some one in something.'
Weidner (ed. 1872) quotes Philipp. Ep. § 8 ap. Dem. 161,
εγώ δε τούτους ούτε των περί της ειρήνης συνθηκών οίδα μετασχόν-
τας υμίν ούτ' εν ταις στήλαις αναγεγραμμένους. See 8 191.
deyóuevov. Franke thinks this corrupt. Weidner reads
λέγειν.
ούτωσι την πόλιν διατέθεικεν has reduced the state to the
Condition in which it is. Cf. ούτω, 8 128. Τhuc. VI. 9, 1.
ουκ έα μεμνήσθαι it bids you to forget.'
128 κατεμείναμεν. Cobet conjectures οίκοι εμείναμεν.
πλην μιάς πόλεως. The Scholiast's explanation, which
Weidner quotes without remark, is την θηβαίων πόλιν λέγει:
κατεσκάπτετο γαρ υπ' 'Αλεξάνδρου. But the razing of Thebes
10
146 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 129
by Alexander took place in B.C. 335, the Amphictyonic war
against Amphissa in B. c. 339. Thebes was the one state, and
Aeschines in this sentence alludes to its destruction, uño ai
Guusopai k.7.. For the significance of this action of Thebes in
sending no representative to Thermopylae see Grote, XI. 284.
The remark of the Scholiast really explains the following words,
ής εγώ ούτ' άν τούνομα είπoιμι.
OŰte-ujte, cf. 8 38.
Tapaninclou aúrns.. like her,' for 'like her misfortunes.'
Comparatio compendiaria. Cf. Xen. Cyr. v. 1,.4, quoiav tais
dourals Eixe TÀ» o Onta. Krueger, Gr. Gr. 48. 13.9.. But Cobet
with some justice objects to the presence of the article ai ini
the sentence.
Kóttubov pòv apo álcov, Schol. ápoados dè &oti Oetta-
días. ToûTOV Anuoo O évns (de Cor. § 155) ’Apkáda onolu kaks
Tilu gào nyeuoviav OETTANOL Elxov. The Thessalians seem to
have had a right to the presidency. The Arcadians were not
Amphictyons. Cf. Dem. de Cor. 151.
Toruńcel déYELV., Dem, de Cor. 143. Unless this was inserted
afterwards, we must suppose that the commontalk of the agora
let advocates into the secret of the general line of argument to
be adopted by their opponents.
129 tapeldóvtes: having come up,- presented themselves.'
So of Philip with an army, s 80. Dem. de Cor. 152. Aes-
chines perhaps purposely uses a colourless word, for the
expedition was not a success. See below.
kal pada perpiws 'with very great lenity:'
ev xoovọ, Schol.. củk, chevs. Nhà. Troớcơ víay Tuvà gỦros
Sóvres.
HLETEO TÝDayto, euphemism:for ēšeßalov.
KatedBóvras Sid Twv 'Aub., cf. § 104.. W. omits these words.
OŰTws 'in these circumstances.'
non, cf. § 52 n.
Tollw xpóvw Vorepov. Schaefer places the first of these
expeditions in the beginning of spring, the latter in the early
vinter of 339 B.C. Demosthenes gives a different account of
the first expedition, de Cor. 151, according to which the expe-
dition was a failure because the members of the League did not
respond to the summons of Cottyphus. See Grote, xi. 284 ff.,
in favour of Demosthenes. On the other side Spengel, Vertheid.
Ktes. p. 42, "If Demosthenes had really seen into the matter
from the very first, as he assures us, his whole energy must
have been directed to making up the quarrel which had broken
out, and preventing any interference of Philip's.
8 130
147
NOTES.
Ι. Η
.Τ.,
130 φωνας προσκτησάμενοι. Personifcation.. Cf. Soph.
Phil. 466, Eur. Ηec. 1042, Aesch. Ag. 37, Dem. Οι: Ι. 2, ο μεν
ούν παρών καιρός μόνον ουχί λέγει φωνήν αφιείς: Another reading
is προηκάμενοι. See Veitch s. ν. ίημι, and Shilleto to Dem. F.
L. § 78 (88). Muretus (Var. Lect. VIII. 10. 11. 20) points
out that this passage is imitated by Cicero; in Catil. III. $ 18
(ut haec, quae nunc fiunt, canere dii immortales viderentur).
In the preceding sentence Cicero had borrowed a. phrase of
Aeschines, cf. $ 119.. Muretus also compares Cic. Leg. Agr.
ΙΙ. 53 and Philipp. ΧΙ. 7 with 88 153, 157 infr., and Cic. pro
Caelio 63 with Aeschin. I. 84.
υπό των ρητόρων ένίων. Cobet would omit ένίων on the
ground both that it weakens the sense, and is objectionable
in regard to construction: ένιοι seems to have been avoided by
the older Attic writers, ---not occurring in the Tragedians (and
only once in Aristophanes) or Thucydides. It is found however
in Demosthenes, Aeschines, Isocrates, Plato and Aristotle. It
is used in Herodotus, but never in Homer; hence it has been
supposed to be a.compound éve oi rather than a modification
of a separate root.
τοίς μυστηρίοις. Schol.. μυστήρια δεί νοείν τα Κόρης και
Δήμητρος.
η των μυστων τελευτή “the death of some of the initiated,
i.e. by means of a shark.. Schol. λέγει δε: εκείνο. το τέρας, ότε
κατελθόντων των μυστών επί την θάλασσαν επί το καθαρθήναι,.
ήρπασεν ένα αυτών το κήτος. κήτος, a shark, cf. Ρlut. Phoc.
C. 28, Μύστης δε λούοντα χοιρίδιον εν Κανθάρω λιμένι κήτος συνέ-
λαβε και τα κάτω μέρη του σώματος άχρι της κοιλίας κατέπιε,
προδεικνύντος αυτος του θεού προφανώς, ότι των κάτω και πρός,
θαλάσση στερηθέντες την άνω πόλιν διαφυλάξουσιν. Schaefer II.
514. Dict. Ant. 453 b. For the presence of such fish in the
Mediterranean see Herod. vi. 44.
περί τούτων. Schol. πληνθυντικώς δ' είπε δέν ενικώς, οι δε
λέγουσιν ότι (το κήτος) δύο κατέφαγεν.
'Αμεινιάδης. Schol.. μάντις Αθηναίος.
φιλιππίζειν την Πυθίαν; cf. Ρlut. Dem. 20; Cie. de Dυλη: ΙΙ.
§ 118, Demosthenes quidem qui abhinc annos prope ccc fuit, iam
tum φιλιππίζειν Pythiam dicebat, id est, quasi cum Philippo
facere. Hoc autem eo spectabat ut eam a Philippo corruptam
diceret. Quo licet existimare, in aliis quoque oraculis Delphicis
aliquid non sinceri fuisse. Schaefer 1. 1.
απολαύων και εμπιπλάμενος. “profting by and sating himself
with, i.e. taking full advantage of. Cf. Aeschin. Ι. 56, απολε.
λαυκως της εκείνου ευηθείας. Dem, C. Aristocr. 180, ο ταύτης της
εξουσίας (opportunity) απολαύσας. Χen. Symp. IV. 37, ώσπερ εί
10-2
148 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPIION. § 131
TIS Tollå oliw un dénote fuori dalto. Cp. 8 230. With regard
to the orthography of the latter verb see Veitch s. y. miutta muc
and Franke Lectt. Aeschin. p. 462.
kẹooras power,’222, TươiáTP Toũ vaUTLKoG.
131 ábútwy kal åkaldtepńTWY Tŵv lepőv överwy. Cf. §
152, 'when the sacrifices were unsuccessful and had given no
favourable omens.' It was ill-omened if the victim did not
nod assent to (έπινεύσαι) the sacrifice. αθύτων, cf. τα ιερά ου
yłyvetai, Xen. Hell. III. 1, 17. kallcepciv, Lat. litare (non qua-
cunque manu victima caesa litat, Mart. x. 73, 6). K. F. Her-
mann Alterth. II. 38. 24: 28. 6; the iepà themselves are said
kaldtepelv (Herod. vi. 76; IX. 19) the men consulting them kallie-
pecobai (Herod. VI. 62 ; VII. 113; Aristoph. Plut. 1181). Many
portents preceded the battle of Chaeroneia. One is mentioned
by the Schol. to Apoll. Arg. 4. 1284, ör? äv aútómata &bava pén
ιδρώοντα αίματι-ώσπερ και έν θήβαις ότε συνίστατο και περί Χαιρώ-
velav móleuos. Cf. Plut. Dem. 19, 20. Schaefer, 11. 526.
πρόδηλον i.e. to Aeschines. Demosthenes is ουδέν προειδώς
των μελλόντων έσεσθαι. Demosthenes replies to this word de
Kaitou ye mpóny. Kaltol mpØny ye, Weidn. With the for-
mer reading the ye affects the whole sentence, with the latter
Trpóny is specially emphasized. See Krueger, Gr. Gr. 69.
13. 3.
Tapà TOUTO because of this.' According to Rehdantz, as
with Lat. propter, there is a transition of meaning from 'by the
side of' to 'because of' (cf. along of'). Krueger, Gr. Gr. 68.
36. 6, and Madvig, G. S. 75. 1, regard this causal meaning of
zapà as immediately developed from that which it bears in
such phrases as tapà TOCOÛTOV éyéveTo, mapå ulkpòv ev, i.e.
difference, that which turns the scale. Cf. Thuc. 1. 141. 6,
Dem. Phil. I. 11 n., de Cor. 232, 239 ?
dutýple “pest. This word expresses the highest degree of
criminality. It governs the genitive of the person wronged,
see Dem. de Cor. 159, Thuc. I. 126. According to its derivation,
from stem álet-, it is 'one who goes astray.' See Curtius, Gk.
Etym. pp. 575, 546, 665.
Útrepwplodau 'to be thrown across the frontier,' i.e. to be
Hypereid. pro Lyc. 16, ÚÈP Toù é oplo Oñval kai daro avóvta unsè
év Tŷ natpidi taomvai, pro Eux. 31. Herman Hager in Journ.
Phil. VIII. 2, iv. 105.
132 $' riuw in our day.' $$ 150, 178, 234.
$ 133
149
NOTES.
2
S
où... ye. The ye here emphasizes the whole thought, not
any particular word. Cf. § 242 oủ... dnmov...ye.
Blov å v prtlyov, an ordinary human life, full of vicissitude
as it is.
eis trapadočoloylav.., vuey we were born to be a tale of
wonder to those who shall come after us.' mapádošos, incredi-
ble, cf. supr. 18. Aeschin. F. L. VI. 40.
Ó TÓv "Alw...ait@v, Xerxes and, as regards the last clause,
Darius, cf. Herod. VII. 22. 23. 36, 32, vi. 48, and Isocr. Paneg.
89, with Sandys's note. Aeschines evidently believed the ac.
count given by Herodotus of the canal cut, not through Mount
Athos, but the neck of land behind it. Its existence is not now
questioned. See Mayor's note to Juvenal x. 174.
altwv, toluôv, pres. participles of that which occurred
repeatedly. Cf. Goodwin, Moods $$ 16, 2. 15, 3.
o tokuwv... Svouévov. Herodotus does not say this of Xerxes.
He puts into his mouth a somewhat similar expression, vir.
8, 3, Yme Thu IIepvisa dToộếỹouÉP Tộ Atos awept ºuoupéoUƠ . Cf.
Joseph. XI. Antiquit. vi. 6 (in a letter of Artaxerxes), rollov
εθνών άρξας και πάσης ής έβουλήθην κρατήσας οικουμένης. Arrian,
Anab. V. 26. Diodorus 'XVI. 92. Isocr. Paneg. & 179. Ezra
i. 2. Herod. ix. 122.
vűv...owinplas. Darius Codomannus had been murdered in
July 330. Aeschines is speaking about a month later. The
nets had therefore not yet reached Athens. See Thirlwall,
Vol. vi. ch. li. Grote, Vol. XII. p. 8.
διαγωνίζεται. Cobet would read αγωνίζεται, on the ground
that the other is appropriate to a rivalry among many.
tous aurous, the Macedonians.
mělwuévovs, in the congress at Corinth, B.C. 337. Thirlw.
VI. ch. xlvi. Grote, XI. p. 316.
TÒ ły Acdois iepòv rlevdépwoay. Philip is referred to, as
having subdued the Phocians in the Sacred War, and, after the
destruction of Amphissa, restored the sacred land to Delphi.
Thirlw. v. p. 371. Grote xi. p. 302.
133 OñßaSé, enßau. The second onbar was first ad.
mitted into the text by Reiske. It appears in several mss., and
the passage is quoted as an instance of dvadlarlwols by Deme-
trius (περί ερμηνείας και 267) who adds διλογηθέν γάρ το όνομα δει-
vbryta TOLE. See 8 75. It is solemn rather than pathetic.
MEB' nuépay ulay in one day. There seems to be no exact
parallel to this expression. Compare however Diod. Sic. II. 16,
150 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 133
μετά τρίτον έτος, tertio anno: Joseph. Αnt. Ι. ch. 22, μετ' ογδόην
ημέραν, octαυo die: Polyb. μετά τρίτην ημέραν, perendie: Joseph.
Jud. Bell. Ι. 13, μετά δύο έτη= δευτέρω έτει. μεθ' ημέραν, 1η-
terdiu, in the daytime,' lit. "after daybreak,' occurs frequently.
Cf. 8 77, Ar. Ρlut. 931, where there is the scholion μεθ' ημέραν.
αντί του εν ημέρα. 'Αττικόν το σχήμα. Perhaps here μεθ' ημέραν
piav="after one day's dawn,' i.e. the destruction of Thebes was
complete in 24 hours.
ανήρπασται has been extirpated. The word implies
swift and utter destruction. It is applied to individuals as well
as to-states. See Buttmann, Ind. in Mid. p. 172. Wesseling,
Diod. Sic. Vol. IV. p. 667, Dindorf. Infr. 136. 146. The
change to the singular number is occasioned by the interven-
tion of πόλις in apposition to θηβάι. 8o often with έκαστος.
Αι τέχναι το αυτης εκάστη έργον εργάζεται, Plat. Rep. 346 D.
περί των όλων... βουλευσάμενοι “because they (the The-
bans) did not decide" aright concerning their main interests.'
Understand .οι πολίται from πόλις as in Xen. Hell. Ι. 4, 12,
quoted by Madvig, G. S. § 3 b. Tè ölla the main interests of
Thebes, not of Greece. Frequent in Polybius, see for instance
ΙΙ. 9, οι Κερκυραίοι δυσελπίστως διακείμενοι τοίς όλοις, omni prope
spe de summa rerum suarum amissa. Dem. de Cor. 28, 303.
Diodorus Siculus, speaking of Thebes at this period, says (XVII.
C. 10), ου μην βοηθείν γ' ετόλμων (οι "Έλληνες) τη πόλει διά το
προπετώς και άβούλως.είς ομολογουμένην απώλειαν εαυτήν δεδωκέναι.
And Arrian I. 9. 6, θηβαίοις τα της αναστάσεως οξέα και ξυν ουδενί
λογισμό γενόμενα κ.τ.λ.
αλλά τήν γε θεοβλάβειαν...κτησάμενοι “yet surely they in.
curred their blindness and stupidity not by human agency but
by divine.' Madness and folly were often regarded as heaven-
sent punishments. Cf. 8 117. Herod. VΙΙ. 10, 5. Οη κτάσθαι in
this sense see Elmsley's note to Eur. Med. 212, 213. Cf. also
Εur. Hippol. 701 πρός τάς τύχας γαρ τας φρένας κεκτήμεθα we
obtain credit for sense, or discredit, in accordance with results.'
περί τήν του ιερού κατάληψιν υαlde suspicor scholion esse
ad voces Ě åpxñs, Dobr. The words are omitted by Weidn.
(ed. 1878). They refer to the support given by the Spartan
king Archidamus (15 talents and some mercenaries) to the
Phocian leader Philomelus just before the latter occupied
Delphi and the Sacred War began. Grote, XI. 51. Diod. Sic.
XVI. 24, 63. In the latter passage Diodorus says of Archi-
damus, ως μάλιστ’ αίτιος γεγονός της των Δελφών καταλήψεως.
ομηρεύσοντες...αναπέμπεσθαι (cf. 8 69 note), are now on the
point of being sent up the country to Alexander to become
hostages and give evidence of their humiliation (to their con-
queror).' After the defeat of Agis by Antipater at Megalopolis
8 134
151
NOTES.
in the summer of this year (330). Cf. § 165; Diod. Sic. XVII.
73, ο μεν ούν 'Αντίπατρος ομήρους έλαβε τους επιφανεστάτους των
Σπαρτιατών πεντήκοντα, οι δε Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρέσβεις εξέπεμψαν
εις την Ασίαν. Quint. Curt. VI. 1, 16. Grote XII. 106, 107.
Antiphanes ap. Αthen, 681 C, Ουκ έφύσων οι Λάκωνες ως απόρ-
θητοι ποτε, Νύν δ' όμηρεύουσ’ έχοντες πορφυρούς κεκρύφαλους.
ομηρεύσοντες: Αισχίνης εν τω κατά Κτησιφώντος επί των ανα-
πεμφθέντων Λακεδαιμονίων......'Αλεξάνδρα, Ηarpocration. είδαν
ομηρεύοντα τον υιόν τον Κερσοβλέπτου παρά Φιλίππω, Aeschin.
ΙΙ. 81.
επίδειξιν. Cf. επιδείξω, 88 46, 50.
αναπέμπεσθαι “to be sent up the country, i.e. into Asia,
passive, as it is taken by the Scholiast, by Harpocration,
and by Wolf in his Latin version. Cf. 164.
εν τη μετριότητι...κριθήσονται “their fate will depend on,
“rest with. Curt. Gr. Gr. '$ 456 c. Elmsley, Eur. Med. 223.
134 “Ελλήνων, cf. $ 106.
αγωνίζεται, as though the world were looking on: property
of contests in the public games. Cf. § 132. Dem. dé Cor. 66.
του της πατρίδος εδάφους, “the very soil of the fatherland,
i.e. the struggle is taking place at home not abroad. Cf. Dem.
de reb, Chers, 39, κακόνους μέν έστι (Φίλιππος) και εχθρος όλη τη
πόλει και τα της πόλεως εδάφει, ibid. 60. Pseudo-Denm. . Aris-
togit. 11. 11. Demosthenes .attributes the misfortune to the
hostility of Philip, Aeschines to the policy of Demosthenes.
εξ ότου Δημοσθένης. Ρost hoc ergo propter hoc. Cf. Ar.
Rhet. ΙΙ. 24, 8, άλλος (τόπος των φαινομένων ενθυμημάτων) παρά
το αναίτιον ως αίτιον, οίον τω άμα ή μετά τούτο γεγονέναι το γάρ
μετά τούτο ως διά τούτο λαμβάνουσι, και μάλιστα οι εν ταις πολι-
τείαις, οίον ως ο Δημάδης την Δημοσθένους πολιτείαν πάντων των
κακών αιτίαν μετ' εκείνην γάρ συνέβη ο πόλεμος. We should
have expected Aristotle to quote Aeschines here rather than
Demādes. Spengel (Vertheid. Ktes. p. 70) suggests that this
trial had not commenced when Aristotle was writing that
chapter of the Rhetoric.
προς την πολιτείαν προσελήλυθεν “has taken part in the
conduct of public affairs. Cf. 88 17 fin., 22, 217. Shilleto,
Dem. F. L. & 2 n. In the section last quoted will be found an
instance of ocela in the same sense as here. Weidn. prefers
the reading, εις την πολιτείαν παρελήλυθεν, furtim se insinuαυit,
but cp. Dem. Corr. 8 257 επειδή δε προς τα κοινά προσελθείν
έδοξέ μοι.
á trobalveral pronounces.' Hesiod, Op. et D. 240 ff.
(Aeschines had quoted the first two of these lines with refer-
152 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $135
ence to Demosthenes before, F. L. 158. He omits here two
lines, 244–5, as unsuitable to his purpose. Recent editors of
Hesiod bracket the whole passage as a late insertion. Steitz,
Werke u. Tage, p. 76 ff., Flach, die Hes. Gedichte.) Boys were
taught to read, to learn by heart, and to sing to the accompani-
ment of the lyre, passages from Homer, Hesiod and other poets.
Plat. Prot. 325 E. Ar. Nub. 961. A. S. Wilkins, National
Education in Greece, p. 74.
Td einen (free) peoples,' Bremi refers to Dem. Phil. II.
$ 24, uádlota de Tols TÝDeol or pòs TIÙS Tupávvous, and the simi.
lar plural oi dņuoc which often occurs in Dem. C. Lept.
Tpoo Sexeolab "to listen to (with approval).' Cf. & 16.
135 dnúpa 'suffers from': akin to åró-Fepoe, verrere,
perhaps to é púw. (Sonne, Zeitsch. f. vgl. Sprf. XIII. pp. 417, 433.)
Both the meaning to receive-good for ill, and the con-
struction with the gen. case, are post-Homeric. Deinarch. in
Demosth. $ 91 uses årolately in the same sense.
unxaváātai = unxavántal, progressive assimilation. See
Peile's Etymology, Ed. 3, p. 257. Goodwin's Greek Grammar,
§ 120 and Pref. p. vii. “Aliter Rzach (Dialekt p. 447) rem ex-
plicavit, qui assimilationem progredientem agnoscens vetustam
prioris a mensuram inde ad alteram vocalem transiisse ostendit,
at indicativus μηχανάαται non diversus sit & μηχανάεται.”
Flach.
136 TEPLEMÓYTES TÒ Métpoy stripping off,' as it were the
shell from the kernel. Cf. Plat. Gorg. 502 c, and Cron's note.
137 See Grote x1, p. 295. Phrynondas and Eurybatus
were proverbial rovnpol : the former an Athenian who, accord-
ing to Suidas s.v., ñv kakonons kai Tavoûpyos, Meo Boll Tlvas una
Xavàs payuátwV ŠTrì Kakos padlws ouvriðeis. Cf. Aristoph.
Thesm. 862, Fragm. 92. Dem. de Cor. § 24. Isocr. 18, 57.
Plat. Prot. 327D. The latter, a Lydian, is referred to by Plato
(Prot. ubi sup.) in the dative case, Eủpuſátw. Harpocrat. s.v.
and Eustathius (Hom. Od. T. 247) call him Eurybates. He
was sent by Croesus into the Peloponnese with a sum of money
to hire mercenaries, but turned traitor and went over to Cyrus.
ubyos kal yóns magician and enchanter,' i.e. impostor.
Cf. § 16, ka koûpjov OOPLOTÁV, and Dem. de Cor. § 276 (in
reference to these passages), delvòv kai yonta kai ooplotno čvo-
Máswy. Máyos, the name of a Persian family which formed
the sacerdotal caste (Herod. 1, 101), see Vaniček, Fremdwört.
p. 31: Curtius (No. 642) connects yo-n(T)-s with yoos, yóaw, cf.
incantare. Both words were used of the summoners of spirits,
the former rather with reference to good spirits, the latter to
§ 138
NOTES.
153
evil. Suidas s.v. yonteia. As applied to persuasive speech cp.
Eurip. Hipp. 1038.
τοιούτος ός. With τοιούτος understand oίoς ούτος, Weidn.
So generally, when TOLOÛTOS is followed by os, some clause
containing olos must be supplied. See on § 234, Isocr. 7,
48. 5, 47. Schneider n. Lysias 7 8 14; 13 § 63.
yî... ävOpwToL • Earth and Heaven, Spirits and Men,' chi.
asmus. daimoves, spirits of the departed, attendant on men like
guardian angels. Cf. Hesiod Op. et D. 121 ff. and Aesch.
Pers. 222, 622, with Paley's notes to all three passages.' yn
kai Deol, cf. Dem. de Cor. 158.
os ápa, as often, introducing the words of another, an
opinion which is not that of the speaker, cf. § 13,
Tòv kaipóv, cf. § 239, Dem. de Cor. 212.
Slà tàs Anuoo dévous Anunyoplas, cf. § 256, otav oÑ ÉKTIñal
Onßaious onuniyopoas. The circumstances of the time had, no
doubt, a great effect on the Thebans, but certainly Aeschines
is here undervaluing the influence of Demosthenes on their
counsels. Compare the express testimony of the contemporary
historian Theopompus (ap. Plut. Dem. 18, referred to by Grote,
ubi supr.), 5 dè toll øýropos dúvajes ÉKPITTi Govoa tòy Ovudy aŭtwv
και διακαίουσα την φιλοτιμίαν έπεσκότωσε τοις άλλοις άπασιν ώστε
και φόβον και λογισμός και χάριν εκβαλείν αυτούς, ενθουσιώντας
υπό του λόγου προς το καλόν.
138 Trpeo Belas étrpéo Bevcav, Acc. of inner object, Curtius
Gr. Gr. § 400 . Cognate Accusative, Goodwin, Gr. Gr. § 159.
Thrasybulus of Collytus (a deme of the tribe Aegëis) like
his more illustrious namesake Thrasybulus of Stiria (deme of
the tribe Pandionis) had taken part in the occupation of Phyle
and the Piraeus (Grote, VIII. 56, 59. Dem. C. Timocr. 134,
TWV ek lietpalos kai árò Quiñs oŮtos rv). He and some ships
under his command fell into the hands of the Spartan Antal.
cidas a little before the peace which goes by the name of the
latter (Xen. Hell, v. 1, 26). In consequenee of this he was
regarded with suspicion as a traitor (Lysias 26, 23). He was
also charged with having, for a bribe, changed the order of
government in Boeotia (Lys. ibid.). Demosthenes (ubi supr.)
mentions that he was twice put on his trial and imprisoned.
Thrason of Erchia (a deme of the tribe Aegëis) is mentioned
by Dinarchus (c. Dem. 38) in company with Cephalus and
others as a good citizen who had helped to maintain the free-
dom of Thebes against Sparta.
Leodamas of Acharnae (deme of the tribe Oenëis) pupil
of Isocrates (Vitae dec. Oratt. 857 D) is alluded to by Demos-
thenes (Lept. 146) with Aristophon Azeniensis and others as
μάλισθ' οι δεινοί λέγειν άνδρες.
154 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 139
OD
139 Archedemus (ο Πήληξ, i.e. of the deme Πήληκες of
the tribe Leontis) mentioned also as a Boeotizer by Plutarch de
daem. Socr. 1. 575 D.
Aristophon of Azenia (deme of the tribe Hippothoontis)
one of the most influential statesmen of the time following the
fall of the Thirty Tyrants. Cf. inf. 194. C. Timarch. 64.
Dem. de Cor. 162. Lept. 146 with Wolf's note.
Pyrrhander, possibly ihe orator who rebuked the people for
laughing in the presence of the council of Areopagus, c. Ti-
march. 84.
το αίτιον. It is given fully in Denm. de Cor. 18, πρώτον μεν
υμείς ούτω διέκεισθε ώστε Φωκέας μεν βούλεσθαι σωθήναι, θη-
βαίοις δ' οτιούν αν εφησθήναι παθούσιν οίς γάρ ευτυχήκεσαν εν
Λεύκτροις ου μετρίως έκέχρηντο. 35, της αναλγησίας και της βα-
ρύτητος της των θηβαίων.
140 Νίκαιαν. An important fortress on the coast belong-
ing to the Epicnemidian Locrians, situated in and command-
ing the pass of Thermopylae, being 40 stades eastward of the
latter (προς ταϊς θερμοπύλαις εστί φρούριον εντος των στενών,
Strabo ix. p. 428). It had been handed over to Philip by
Phalaecus the Phocian general at the end of the Phocian war
in 346 (Aesch. F. L. 138, "Αλπωνον και Νίκαιαν...παραδόντος
Φαλαικου Μακεδόσιν). It was then put into the hands of the
Thessalians by Philip, cf. Dem. Phil. II. 22, ότ' αυτούς (τοις
θεττάλοις) τους τυράννους εξέβαλλε και πάλιν Νίκαιαν και Μαγνη-
σίαν εδίδου. Consequently the ground of quarrel between Philip
and the Thebans in 339—8 was not that which Aeschines here
suggests; probably it was the occupation of Nicaea at a later
period (342) by Macedonian troops, cf. [Dem.] adv. Phil. epist.
8 4, υποπτεύεται δε (Φίλιππος) υπό θηβαίων Νικαίαν μεν φρουρά
κατέχων. Cf. Schaefer II. 265, 271, 402, 504. Rehdantz, Ein-
leitung, $$ 66, 76. Grote (XI. 287) makes Philip transfer Ni-
caea from the Thebans to the Thessalians in 339. This seems
hardly reconcilable with the passage above quoted from the
Second Philippic (delivered in 344). Cf. Voemel in loc. Diod.
Sic. xvi. 69.
επήγαγε...επ' αυτάς τας Θήβας brought to bear on. Cf.
Dem. de pace, 19, κοινόν εφ' ημάς αγάγωσι τον πόλεμον. W. with
Taylor and others omits τον αυτόν πόλεμον.
Ελάτειαν...εισήγαγεν. (Cf. Dem. de Corr. 27), διά το επι-
κείσθαι τους στενούς και τον έχοντα ταύτην έχειν τας εισβολάς
τας εις την Φωκίδα και την Βοιωτίαν, Strabo, Lib. IX. Philip
occupied this place in the winter of 339. Grote xi. 287. Cf.
the famous passage in Dem. de Cor. § 169 ff.
έχαράκωσε. Cf. Dict. Αntiqg. S.V. Vallum. Dem. Cor. 87.
§ 142
155
NOTES.
HETETÉUYAvto. This is not true of the whole Theban peo-
ple, which did not come to a decision until the envoys had
been heard at Thebes. Schaef. II. 516. 2, and Theopompus,
supr. 137.
kal éņNDETE ... Tply ... ypávat, wilful misrepresentation,
Weidn. But unless the orator trusted to the short memories
of his audience, we must imagine that he had something to go
upon. Perhaps a hasty levy took place before a decree was
formally proposed by Demosthenes.
Elonelte, (more frequently cionte, Veitch s.v. ciui) impf.
were ready to enter. Probably the Athenians marched as
far as Eleusis at the suggestion of Demosthenes. De Cor. 177,
έπειτ' εξελθόντας 'Ελευσίνάδε τους εν ηλικία και τους ιππέας δείξαι
πάσιν υμάς αυτούς εν τοις όπλοις όντας.
év rois ondous barmed. Cf. Lycurg. C. Leocr. 37, Triv
βουλήν καταβαίνειν εις Πειραιά εν τοις όπλοις έδοξε, και πράττειν
SLEokevao uévny ötl åv doký. SLEGKEVOOLévot, after making
dispositions,' arrangements (for battle).' Rehdantz, Index, p.
213. This word occurs only once in Thucydides (IV. 38, 4).
plav uóvny one single, cf, els jóvos, Plat. Apol. 25 B,
and ula poúvn in Homer: a colloquial expression.
141 ó & cloáywy jy what really brought about your
entrance into Thebes was—. On this passage see Grote xi.
295, note 3.
TrpÔTOV Mèy first' followed by SEÚTepov od § 145 second,'
and Tpitov SÈ § 148 'third.' The first duáprnua of Demosthenes
which consists in his concealing the real state of affairs with
regard to Philip, Athens, and Thebes, is followed by two sub-
ordinate offences (a) zp@Tov Mèv § 142, (b) deútepov dè § 143.
uälloy ulgoûvtos nßalovs, on whose continued adhesion
he had calculated, as a ieturn for benefits conferred. Grote
XI. 297.
aúra tà trpáyuara. Philip's treatment of the two cities
after the battle of Chaeroneia. Grote xi. 310.
142 unKéTu Bouleveo dai...dll' ayatâv uóvoy 'no longer
to deliberate on what terms they should conclude the alliance,
but simply to be content with its taking place.' Cf. Dem, de
Cor. 178.
ayatáv, followed by ei, so § 147. Dem. de Cor. 220.
TOÛTO Sè tipolaßwv 'having gained this point,' i.e. that
the alliance should be concluded unconditionally.
čkotov. Cf, supr. 61 n.
156 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $143
Tois óvóuaol... páyuara 'deceiving with his phrases and
confusing the facts. Cf. $ 99, § 193. The deception lies,
Aeschines would imply, in the phrase Βοιωτοις τοις εν Θήβαις.
The Boeotians would understand it of their representatives
in congress at Thebes, while it might really describe the
Thebans as opposed to the rest of Boeotia. Demosthenes
probably intended it in the former sense, and, as Bremi points
out, it would give less offence at Athens than the simple tois
θηβαίοις. ούκ είπε βοηθείν θηβαίοις, άλλ', ίνα λάθη, τη περιφράσει
&xpoato, Schol. For the use of BowTol as agreeable to the
Thebans,-because recognising them as the head of Boeotia,
see Hicks Greek Inscriptions p. 123. Ws tous BowTous épyo
κακώς πάσχοντας, through this clause in the decree which would
make them subject to Thebes. For the construction cf. g 189
and Goodwin, Gr. Gr. p. 301, n. 2 a. Dem, de Cor. § 122.
yarncovras any cúvacow. Syarâv C. accus. 'to acqui.
esce in. For the different constructions with áyarâu see
Sandys's note to Isocrates, Paneg. 140. Dem, de Cor. § 112.
143 rd Súo uépn. This is confirmed by Demosthenes, de
Cor. 297–8.
dvéonke saddled you with,' as a burden. Below, in a
good sense, åvéônke thy ryemovlav Onßalous entrusted to. Cf.
Thuc. VIII. 82. Weidn, quotes Ar. Av. 546 and Nub. 1453
in illustration of the former sense, where however the word
will be found rather to bear the latter; and Cobet would read
Onke.
el uni Sel anpeîv 'if one ought not to trifle,'not to mince
the matter.' ei dei un ampelv Dem. de Cor. 297, 'if one
must give the thing its right name,' Weidn. oủ Gel Ampelv
occurs [Dem.] Phil. IV. 55. Cobet would read del us.
dépwy. Cf. § 82 n.
Tapa Tòv yevójevov óleuoy in the course of,' through.
out.' 'Cf. § 37.
Erpatokléa. Diod. Sic. (XVI. 85) mentions only Chares
and Lysides as Athenian commanders present at Chaeroneia.
But Polyaenus (Strateg. IV. 2, 2) speaks of Stratocles as in
command of the battle and as being outmanæuvred by Philip.
We hear nothing from any other authority of any subordi-
nation of the Athenian to the Theban land force. E. Mueller
conjectures that the clause relating to the supreme command
may have been worded like that in Thuc. v. 47, ý dè módcs
μεταπεμψαμένη την ηγεμονίαν εχέτω, όταν εν τη αυτής ο πόλεμος
ή. ήν δέ που δόξη ταις πόλεσι κοινή στρατεύεσθαι, το ίσον της
ηγεμονίας μετεϊναι πάσαις ταις πόλεσιν,
8 145
157
Y
•
NOTES.
144 ουκ οργίζεσθε, i.e. you always acquit him when he is
accused. With this Demosthenes agrees, de Cor. 249.
εκείνο...προς Δημοσθένην the fact is, your feelings towards
Demosthenes have come to be these.'
συνείθισθε. Dobree refers to Cicero (pro Milone, 76, of
Clodius) sed nescio quo modo iam usu obduruerat et percallu-
erat civitatis incredibilis patientia.
* 145 το βουλευτήριον και την δημοκρατίαν “the delibera-
tive assembly and the government of the people.'
ελαθεν υφελόμενος. Cf. 8 94.
μετήνεγκεν removed.'
την Καδμείαν, the citadel of Thebes. In reference to the
wish of Epaminondas (Aeschin. F. L. 105), 'Επαμεινώνδας
ουχ υποπτήξας το των Αθηναίων αξίωμα είπε διαρρήδην εν τω
πλήθει των θηβαίων, ως δεί τα της Αθηναίων ακροπόλεως προ-
πύλαια μετενεγκείν εις την προστασίας της Καδμείας. According
to Aeschines, Demosthenes had in a manner fulfilled the desire
of the Theban enemy.
των πραξέων “ways and means. Shilleto to Dem. F. L.
146 (133).
τοϊς Βοιωτάρχαις. Τhuc. IV. 91 των άλλων Βοιωταρχών,
οι εισιν ένδεκα, ού ξυνεπαινούντων μάχεσθαι... Παγώνδας ο Αιολάδου
Βοιωταρχών εκ θηβων μετ' 'Αριανθίδου του Λυσιμάχου και ηγεμο-
νίας ούσης αυτού...έπειθε τους Βοιωτούς ιέναι επί τους Αθηναίους.
The editors (Classen, Boehme, Krueger, etc.) following Boeckh
(Corp. Inscript. 1. 729) refer the relative oi' in this passage to
the preceding Bouwrapxw only, and take eleven to be the total
number of the Boeotarchs, two coming from Thebes, the rest
from the other Boeotian states. So Grote 11. 296. This view
is supported by the Scholiast to Thuc. II. 2. Arnold and
Cobet (Var. Lect. p. 451) refer the relative to the preceding
των άλλων Βοιωταρχών, regarding these as opposed to the two
Theban Boeotarchs, and so make out the total number to be
thirteen. So Dict. Antiqq. 205 a.
ouvDéuevos 'having agreed upon’...'in concert with.'
Suyaotelav 'terrorism.' Curtius, Gr. Hist. V. 433 n. Cf.
supr. 3 n. Plutarch, Dem. 18 ούτω δε μέγα και λαμπρόν εφάνη
το του ρήτορος έργον ώστε...υπηρετείν μή μόνον τους στρατη-
γούς των Δημοσθένει ποιoύντας το προσταττόμενον, αλλά και τους
Βοιωτάρχας, διοικείσθαι δε τας εκκλησίας απάσας ουδέν ήττον υπ'
εκείνου τότε τάς Θηβαίων και τάς 'Αθηναίων, αγαπημένου παρ' αμ-
φοτέροις και δυναστεύοντος ουκ αδίκως ουδε παρ' αξίαν, ώσπερ
αποφαίνεται θεόπομπος, αλλά και πάνυ προσηκόντως.
158 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 146
KATEO KEVATE cunningly contrived,' supr. 95, infr. 223.
8n maplwy...én he went so far as to come forward...
and say.' For non cp. § 52.
TpEO BEVOELV ŐTTOL ay aútý Soka. Cf. Dem. de Cor. 178
χειροτονήσαι κελεύω δέκα πρέσβεις και ποιήσαι τούτους κυρίους
METÀ Twv otpatnyûv. - The recommendation of Demosthenes
was adopted... Demosthenes himself being named chief of the
ten envoys." Grote xi. 291-2. “Probably in mission to
other cities also for the purpose of pressing military efforts."
Ibid. 301. Cf. Plut. Dem. 18. Schaefer Dem. 11. 527. 1. The
Scholiast here says, ò Anuoc dévas TOÛTO & leyev, iva uni PineTTOS
μαθών ότι πρέσβεις πέμπομεν πέμψη τους αντερούντας και αντι-
πρεσβευσομένους" βούλομαι λάθρα υμών πρεσβεύσαι. κακοήθης
Oův ó Aloxluns.
146 el 8é als aútą pôv otparnyôy évtelTOL As Phocion
did. Cf. Plut.. Phoc. 16, Curtius, G1. H. .. 428, 432..
SlaSikaolay. Sladikaolaformed a subdivision of the dikal
a pbs Tlva (suits which do not involve punishment, opp. to dikal
katá Tivos those which do). In them the question at issue is
the gaining possession of a thing claimed by several persons,
or the acceptance of an obligation which it is desired to shift
from oneself to another, or the claim to a right or privilege.
Schoemann, Gr. Antiqq. p. 482 Eng. trans..; der Attische
Process Ę. 471. C. R. Kennedy gives the English equi.
valent interpleader,! Dem. Vol. Y... pp. 86–87. See his note
on the word, Dem. Vol. III. pp. 372–3, and The Student's
Blackstone, p. 370. Lysias 17 § 1. Translate an action to
decide the right of precedence on behalf of the orators' tribune
against the generals' office,' i.e. to have the question settled
which was supreme.
otparnylov, the official meeting place of the ten otpatnyai
at Athens, the War-office.' Plutarch Nic. 5 and 15..
ulo Bodopwv 8.6. but, in the case of the mercenary force,
receiving pay for soldiers' places not filled up, for 'men of
straw. Inspectors were sometimes sent to ascertain the real
number of a mercenary:force and so prevent the general from
appropriating the pay of soldiers who existed only on the roll.
Cf. Dem. C. Timarch. 113 šetaotřs twv év 'Eperpla tévwv. de
fals, leg. 177. Boeckh, Publ.. Econ. of Athens, Vol. 1. p. 389,
Eng. trans.
kal ta otpaTIWTIK....KNÉTTWY" embezzling. the pay of the
forces.'
Tojs uuplous Eévous. “To march against Athens was his
(Philip's) first idea; he must have been encouraged in it by
IS
§ 147
159
NOTES.
the fact that 10,000 mercenaries under Chares were sent over
thence to the Amphissians on the advice of Demosthenes.
This was in the highest degree imprudent, or did Demosthenes
believe that he could with this handful of men keep Philip in
Phokis and conquer him? It almost seems so. Athens thereby,
as Aeschines justly objects, only weakened her own power and
played into the hands of the king: that ten thousand would
have been very useful at Chaeroneia, had it not been sacrificed
at Amphissa." Spengel,. Verth. Ktes. 49. Dinarchus 1. 74
speaks of another officer, éti. Tois &évols.Tois eis "Audiogav outle-
from Polyaenus (17. ii. 8), who mentions both Chares and
Proxenus, it appears that the latter was a Theban. Schaef. 11.
513. 3. Grote xi. 302. Dem. de Cor. 237.
SlauapTupouévou kai oxeliá (ovtos protesting and com.
plaining. Σχετλιάζειν est clamare aliquid σχέτλιον esse, im-
probum et iniquum, intolerabile. Br.
apoo fulge dépwy... Tŷ Tóle 'he wantonly brought the danger
to the city's doors, defenceless as she was after the destruction
of her mercenaries.'
avapao Oévtwy "being thus snatched from us.' Cf. § 133 n.
The generals commanding this mercenary force were deceived by
a despatch of Philip's, which he took care should fall into their
hands, announcing his intended.return to Thrace; abandoned
their watch at the narrow parts of the road, and were then at-
tacked and defeated : so that this mercenary force of 10,000 was
lost to Athens and did not save Amphissa. Tous otparnyovs åva-
otpéYavras évlange kal tñs 'Auploons.ékpárnge, Polyaenus l..C..
dapaokeuw, unprovided (with mercenaries); cf. §. 70 unit
ubvol uno åmapáo Kevol troleuñoaljevs. dépwy 'wantonly,'", muth-
willig,” Weid. cf. 88 82, 143.
147 ob yap...cubao Bat; A common line of argument from:
Homer downwards. Cf. Il..... 255. Dem. de. Chers. 20.
TrodutikTv Súvapiv, $ 98 n.
Indikaútns Tinyñs, Plut. Dem. 18 QATTOS Úrd tñs trepi
την "Αμφισσαν ευτυχίας. έπαιρόμενος εις την Ελάτειαν. εξαίφνης.
ενέπεσε.
oủk åyaną ei un K.T.d. Cf. § 142 n. Goodwin, Moods and
Tenses, p. 120.
TOÛT non dyavaktel is a well-supported reading, he goes
so far as to be indignant,' cf. $$ 52, 145. He is not content
with the distinction, he actually prescribes the manner in
which it is to be conferred.
160 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 148
ως έoικε naturally, of course.
δημοσίας συμφοράς. The coronation and proclamation
(from Aeschines' point of view): which the πονηρά φύσις of
Demosthenes induces him to demand and his μεγάλη εξουσία
enables him to obtain. So Weidner; and Dobree, splendide
dictum sed hoc loco potius αισχύνην expectares quam συμφοράς.
148 των προειρημένων μέγιστον, mixture of the two con.
structions μέγιστον πάντων and μείον των προειρημένων. Cur-
tius, Gr. Gr. 8 416. 2. Classen, Τhuc. Ι. i. 1.
ου γαρ ήν ασύνετος. Cf. Dem. Olynth. Ι. 3 πανούργος ών
και δεινός άνθρωπος πράγμασι χρήσθαι.
πρεσβείας Cobet πρεσβείς «legationem umam missurus erat
ad omnes Graecos qui arma consociaverant.” But the next
sentence seems to contradict this; as there were evidently
separate negociations.
φοβουμένων...έπαίδευσε. Cf. Ρlut. Dem. 18 το μεν ούν συμ-
φέρον ου διέφευγε τους των Θηβαίων λογισμούς, αλλ' εν όμμασιν
έκαστος είχε τα του πολέμου δεινά, έτι των Φωκικών τραυμάτων
παραμενόντων.
λιπών την τάξιν, see on 8 152.
149 αλλ', ώς ώετο, τούτο κήρυγμά τι τους Βοιωτάρχαις
κ.τ.λ. Ιta distingue: ουδενός ανθρώπων λέγοντος, ούθ' ώς δει
ποιείσθαι πρός Φίλιππον ειρήνην, ούθ' ώς ου δεί· αλλ', ώς βετο,
τούτο κ.τ.λ., Markland. τούτο est accusativus obiecti, κήρυγμά
Tl accusativus praedicati. Kýpurua... tropice significat iussum,
cui tanquam a summo magistratu mandato sit obtemperandum:
"hoc quasi publica auctoritate sancitum," Br. Transl. But,
as he thought, giving the Boeotarchs by this speech a sort of
public warning to allow his share of the (illgotten) gains to
reach him. For the parenthetic ús Þeto cf. Dem. c. Timarch.
58 τοσούτον αργύριον μάτην, ώς ώετο, ανηλωκώς. H. Stephanus
securus atque otiosus dedit τούτω κηρύγματα τους Βοιωτάρχαις
κ.τ.λ.-quam puto esse praestantiorem lectionem, Taylor. Weid-
ner strikes out both the words øeto and TOÛTO. One Ms. omits
TOÛTO, and perhaps this omission gives the most satisfactory
text. For the construction τούτο κήρυγμά τι προκηρύττων see
Goodwin, Gr. Gr. § 137, note 4, § 166, note 2.
λήμματα, dishonest gains. Cf. Dem. Oι. ΙΙ. 28.
150 Compare Grote, XI. 304.
Sluvuto solemnly swore' (supr. 99), followed by an acc.
case of the deity sworn by. So Dinarchus Ι. 47 επιωρκηκώς
S 151
161
NOTES.
μεν τας σεμνάς θεάς εν 'Αρείω πάγο και τους άλλους θεούς, ούς εκεί
διόμνυσθαι νόμιμόν έστι.
την 'Αθηνών, cf. Ρausan. Ι. 28. 2, των έργων των Φειδίου
θέας μάλιστα άξιον 'Αθηνας άγαλμα από των αναθέντων. καλουμένης
Λημνίας, the chryselephantine statue in the Parthenon. The
Athene Promachos (of bronze) was also the work of Phidias.
Paus. ibid. άγαλμα 'Αθηνάς χαλκουν από Μήδων των ες Μα-
ραθώνα αποβάντων, τέχνη Φειδίου" ταύτης της Αθηνάς ή του
δόρατος αιχμή και ο λόφος του κράνους από Σουνίου προσπλέουσίν
έστιν ήδη σύνοπτα. Cf. Dem. F'. L. 272.
ÉVETT LOPKEîv to practise his perjury on,' 'to perjure himself
by.” Cp. ένδυστυχήσαι, ένευδοκιμείν Dem. de Cor. 198.
απάξειν, technical term, of the arrest of a criminal caught
flagrante delicto. Kennedy's Demosthenes, Vol. III. Appendix
VIII. pp. 357—8. Wayte on Dem. Andr. g 26. Lysias 10 $ 10.
εις το δεσμωτήριον, i.e. before the Eleven, who had the
care of the prison, and the cognizance of cases of summary
arrest. See Lysias l. C. Dict. Antiqq. 593 a. Cf. Dem. Phii.
ΙΙΙ. 60.
Κλεοφώντος, Cleophon the demagogite, an energetic oppo-
nent of peace with Sparta, after the victory at Cyzicus in 410
according to Diodorus XIII. 52, 53 (after that of Arginusae,
the Scholiast to Aristophanes, Ran. 1532, but see Grote VIII.
1. 2 n.). Cf. Aeschin. F. L. 76 Κλεοφων ο λυροποιός...αποκόψεις
ηπείλει μαχαίρα τον τράχηλον εί τις της ειρήνης μνησθήσεται.
Schol. Αr. Ram. Κλεοφων, ως 'Αριστοτέλης φησί, έπεισε τον
δημον μη προσδέξασθαι ελθών εις την εκκλησίαν μεθύων και θώρακα
ενδεδυκώς. According to the Scholiast in loc. he is alluded to
by Euripides, Orest. 902--6, κάπί τώδ' ανίσταται 'Ανήρ τις αθυ-
ρόγλωσσος κ.τ.λ. He is blamed by Aristophanes, Isocrates,
Diodorus, Aeschines (cf. F. L. 76), acquitted of corruption
by Lysias (19 § 48). See the full notes of Kock to Arist.
Ran. 679 and Frohberger to Lysias, c. Agorat. § 7. Grote VII.
364, VIII. 18, Curtius III. 471, 535. For his death in a riot, see
Χen. Hell. 117, 40.
επί του πολέμου in the time of the war, cf. SS 132, 178, 234.
ανέστρεψαν requested that the troops which had started
from Athens should face about and return' (=“sent them to
the right about”). αναστρέφειν, 8 military term cf. Χen. Hell.
VI. ii. 21.
151 και τους πολεμίοις ουδέποτ' αντιβλέψας “he who never
looked the enemy in the face.' This and similar phrases
denote the presence or absence of fear or shame. Cf. Xen.
Hell. VΙΙ. 1. 30, νύν αγαθοι γενόμενοι αναβλέψωμεν ορθοίς όμμα-
11
162 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. S 152
σιν. Ρlut. Ages. 33, επεί πρότερόν γε φασιν ουδε ταϊς γυναιξίν
αντιβλέπειν τους άνδρας αίσχυνομένους εφ' οίς έπταισαν and in the
following section, βλέπων είς τα τούτων πρόσωπα.
δόξωσι. Goodwin, M. & Τ. p. 26.
παράταξιν “battle. Cf. 8 88.
152 των αγαθών ανδρών Compare the eulogy of Lycurgus,
c. Leocr. SS 46 ff.
αθύτων...ξερών op. 8 131.
τους δραπέταις ποσί. δραπέτης quod plerumque substan-
tive ponitur hoc loco adjective positum est. Br. Cf. όλεθρος
γραμματεύς Dem. de Cor. 127. λόχοι φύλακες Xen. Am. 6. 3. 9.
οικέτης βίος Εur. Ion, 1373. λόγος έπαινος Ρlat. Phaedo. 260 Β.
Such substantives (Krüger, Ġr. 57. 1. 3) were originally
adjectives, and in this connexion are rare in good prose. Cf.
Lat. fugitivus.
This imputation of peculiar cowardice at Chaeroneia appears
for the first time in g 148 and is often repeated in this speech,
175, 244, 253, cf. Ρlut. Denm. 14, Δ. ουκ ών εν τοις όπλοις αξιό-
πιστος, ώς φησιν ο Δημήτριος. Other enemies and later writers
give details. Pytheas ap. Ρlut. Denm. 20, αποδράς αίσχιστα και
τα όπλα ρίψας ουδε την επιγραφήν της ασπίδος, ως έλεγε Πυθέας,
αισχυνθείς επιγεγραμμένης γράμμασι χρυσοίς: 'Αγαθή τύχη. Dinar-
chus C. Denn. 12, έλιπες μόνος αυτός την εκεί τάξιν. Lucian,
de Paras. 42. Gellius XVII. 21, who makes Demosthenes when
reproached with his flight quote the line avnp ó peúywy kai
πάλιν μαχήσεται: till we come to the story in the Vitae dec.
» Οrat. 845 Ε, όθεν (έκ Χαιρωνείας) και δοκεί την τάξιν λιπείν,
φεύγοντος δε αυτού βάτον επιλαβέσθαι της χλαμύδος, τον δε
επιστραφέντα είπείν ζωγρει'. The reply of Demosthenes will
be found in de Cor. 245-248. Schaefer, Dem. III. 32, 2.
Grote XI. 306.
εγκωμιάζειν. Τheopompus (ap. Ρlut. Dem. 21) blamed the
selection of Demosthenes as the orator to pronounce the lóyos
επιτάφιος: ώστε και των οστέων έκ Χαιρωνείας κομισθέντων και
θαπτομένων τον επί τοις ανδράσιν έπαινον ειπείν απέδωκεν (ε δημος),
ου ταπεινώς ουδ' αγεννώς φέρων το συμβεβηκός, ως γράφει και
τραγωδεί θεόπομπος, αλλά το τιμάν μάλιστα και κοσμείν τον σύμ-
βουλoν αποδεικνύμενος το μη μεταμέλεσθαι τοις βεβουλευμένοις.
See Dem. de Cor. 285--288.
For details respecting the public interment of the bones of
those who had died in the service of their country, which took
place in the outer Ceramicus every year, in times of both war
and peace, see Thuc. II. 34, Isocr. de Pace, 87, Cic. Orator,
ch, xliv. 8 151, Schaefer, Dem. ΙΙΙ. 31, 4. The λόγος επιτάφιος
8 152
163
NOTES.
appended by Callimachus to the works of Demosthenes is
declared by Dionysius to be evidently undemosthenic in form
and contents: ο φορτικός και κενός και παιδαριώδης επιτάφιος.
Schaefer, Dem. III. 33. 3.
την εκείνων αρετήν following oυς εκπέμψας. Weidner points
out that the transition from the relative to the demon-
strative, common enough in two clauses of a sentence joined
by kai oŰte etc. (cf. supr. 118, 128), occurs here in one clause
through the connexion of a participle with a finite verb, and
that the only illustration of this usage given by Krüger (Gr. Gr.
60. 7. 3) is Xen. Hier. VΙ. 1, βούλομαί σοι κακείνας τας ευφροσύνας
δηλώσαι όσαις εγώ χρώμενος, ότ' ην ιδιώτης, νυν, επειδή τύραννος
εγενόμην, αισθάνομαι στερόμενος αυτών. He adds Cic. de Οr. Ι.
91, in quibus...me in illo numero...proferebat. An exactly
similar passage occurs in Plato, Menem. 239 D, γονείς ήμέτεροι
ών και δίκαιον και χρή πρώτον μεμνημένους επαινέσαι αυτών την
αρετήν, quoted by Kühner, Gr. ΙΙ. p. 936.
άχρηστότατε...θαυμασιώτατε. Ομοιόπτωτον κλητική γάρ
πτώσεις επ' αμφοτέρων των κώλων τέτακται. Alexander αρ. Rhet.
Graec. III. p. 36, Teubner series. This oxñua occurs in the
nom. case in Dem. II Phil. 21, in the acc. case in Dem. de
Chers. 6, Rehdantz, Ind. I. s.v. It is, in fact, a kind of rbym-
ing. Volkmann, Rhetorik, p. 411.
ÉTTLXELPŃCels. This is Reiske's conjecture. The mss. have
επιχειρήσεις εθελήσεις Or τολμήσεις. Reiske says, “facile enim
factu fuit, ut εθελήσεις, quod aliquis super επιχειρήσεις pro
scholio scripsisset, alius, minus intelligens quid sibi vellet, in
textum inferret.” Bremi and Franke retain επιχειρήσεις εθε-
anoels. Scheibe in his review of Franke's text (Jahns Jahr-
bücher, lxviii. p. 157) points out that, while this would be the
only place where we find the future of a verb of willing with
the fut. inf. of a similar verb dependent on it and another
infinitive dependent on this, still επιχειρήσεις would hardly
need explanation by means of Celjoels even for a very unin.
telligent reader. The two infinitives may well have been used
for the sake of emphasis and the passages (Plat. Rep. V. 459 C
8. f. κινδυνεύει δεήσειν χρήσθαι, [Isocr.] Trapez. 359 ο ηγούμην-
κινδυνεύσειν-γενήσεσθαι) quoted by Lobeck, Phryn. p. 748 n.,
though not exactly parallel, are in favour of the ms. reading.
See also Herod. VI. 137, επιβουλεύοντας επιχειρήσειν.
βλέπων εις τα τούτων πρόσωπα. Formula est impudentiam
notans. Br. cp. 8 137 and 8 151 αντιβλέψας η.
συναποθανείται...μνήμη. Cf. Lycurg. 50, συνετάφη γάρ τοις
τούτων σώμασιν ή των άλλων Ελλήνων ελευθερία.
11-2
164 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. S 153
153 γένεσθε την διάνοιαν transfer yourself in thought to
the theatre.' Cf. 157, 186. Acc. case as in c. Timarch. 179,
επειδάν τας ψυχάς έφ' ετέρων γένησθε. Goodwin, Gr. 8 160.
νομίσαθ' οράν. The figure διατύπωσις frequently employed
by Aeschines. Cf. inf. 157. Cornificius (Cic. ad Herenn.)
IV. 55, 68 renders διατύπωσις by demonstratio. Demonstratio est,
cum ita verbis res exprimitur, ut geri negotium et res ante oculos
esse videatur. Volkmann, Rhet, pp. 217-8.
επεισιoύσιν • that will be brought on the stage. So εισιέναι
of the actors 8 204, and έπεισάγειν of the poet 88 231, 207.
dyrwuosúvn 'want of feeling,' callousness,' cf. Soph.
Tracli. 472 f. and see 88 170, 244. Denm. Mid. 97, τον ούτως
ωμόν, τον ούτως αγνώμονα. de Cor. 209.
154 ελευθερίως Vel sine libris in Ctesiph. 8 154 cOYi-
gendum est παιδευθείς ελευθερίως, pro ελευθέρως. Cobet, Νου.
Lect. 104. ελευθερίως = liberally (of education), ελευθέρως = freely
(of speech), cf. Herod. VΙΙΙ. 73 ελευθέρως έξεστι ειπείν. All edd.
adopt this correction. So in Isocr. Paneg. 49, Areopag. 43,
ελευθερίως τετραμμένους is now read sine libris '' for ελευθέρως.
Cf. Aesch. F. L. 23.
ταύτη τη ημέρα. During the great Dionysia. Dict. Αnt.
412 0, 462 6. Kennedy's Demosthenes, ΙΙΙ. 285.
γίγνεσθαι, cf. 34, 41.
προστάταις «leaders. Χen. Mem. ΙΙΙ. 4, 6, λέγω έγωγ',
έφη, ως ότου άν τις προστατεύη, εάν γιγνώσκη τε ών δει και ταύτα
πορίζεσθαι δύνηται, αγαθός αν είη προστάτης, είτε χορου είτε οίκου
είτε πόλεως είτε στρατεύματος προστατεύοι. Cf. Ι. 2, 32, and
40 Περικλεί προστάτη όντι της πόλεως.
τους ορφανούς. According to Diog. Laertius (Ι. 55) Solon in-
troduced the custom that the orphans of citizens who had fallen
in battle for their country should be reared at the expense of
the State-δημοσία τρέφεσθαι και παιδεύεσθαι. Cf. Thuc. ΙΙ. 46.
Hyperid. Epitaph. perorat. In their eighteenth year they
were publicly declared of age in the theatre during the greater
Dionysia and dismissed from the guardianship of the State.
Plato, Memea. 249 A, συνεκτρέφει--έν πατρός σχήματι καταστάσα
αυτοίς αυτή έτι τε παισιν ούσι, και επειδάν εις ανδρός τέλος ίωσιν
(είς άνδρας τελέσωσιν, Lobeck), αποπέμπει επί τα σφετερ' αυτών
πανοπλία κοσμήσασα. Isocr. de Pace, 82, τοϊς Διονυσίοις-επειδάν
πλήρες και το θέατρον-παρεισήγον τους παίδας των εν τω πολέμω
τετελευτηκότων. Aristotle (Pol. ΙΙ. 8, 5) speaks of the custom
of maintaining at the public cost the orphans of citizens killed
in battle as still existing at Athens, but Aeschines here implies
8 155
• 165
NOTES.
that no such orphans had been presented in the theatre, for
some years past, Schaef. 111. ii. p. 33.
έτρεφε. έθρεψε, Cobet, N. L. 114.
αγαθή τύχη under the blessing of heaven. Plat. Crit.
43 D, ανάγκη δή εις αύριον έσται, ώ Σώκρατες, τον βίον σε
τελευτάν. Σ. αλλ' ώ Κρίτων, αγαθή τύχη. Formula qua ate-
bantur Graeci boni ominis causa, cum vel ipsi vel alii aliquid
susciperent. Lat. quod bene vertat, quod bonum felix faus-
tumque sit. Stallbaum. Cf. Dem. Olynth. III. 18. It was
an initiatory formula in treaties, Thuc. iv. 118. Cf. g 152 note,
the inscription on Demosthenes's shield at Chaeroneia.
επί τα εαυτών sc. οικήματα, Schol. Cf. P. A. Aristides, I.
p. 310, ed. Dindorf. (ένoμίσατε) τους παίδας (των υπέρ της πό-
λεως τελευτησάντων) δημοσία τρέφειν άχρι ήβης, και τηνικαύτα
αποπέμπειν επί τους πατρώους οίκους μετά των πανοπλιών.
εις προεδρίαν, the front seat in the theatre at festivals, to
witness the games, $ 76: an honour conferred on those citizens
or foreigners who had deserved well of the State. Ar. Eq.575.
There was a special seat called έφηβικός ειssigned to the έφηβοι.
Ar. Aυ. 794 Schol. Pollux, IV. 122. Herod. 9, 73.
155 τόν της ορφανίας αίτιον. Cf. Lys. XXVI. 12, όταν
ίδωσιν εστεφανωμένον και ορφανών κύριον γεγενημένον, ών ενίοις
αυτός ούτος της ορφανίας αίτιος γεγένηται.
τί ποτ' ανερεί ; Ex antiqua scriptura ΤΙΠΟΤΑ NEPEI om-
nium librorum scribae elicuerunt τί ποτ' άν έρεί, unus τί ποτ'
äv aipa sed correctum épei, in uno vera lectio åvepel reposita
est. Cobet, Hyp. Ep. 48. τί ποτ' ανερεί =τί ποτε κηρύξει; cf.
supr. 40, 122. ανείπε ibid. αναγόρευε, and the passive 46, 147.
Dem. de Cor. 149.
kal ydp édv nan etiamsi. Cf. Dem. Phil. 1. 11, III. 4.
αυτά τα προστάγματα only the clauses,” singulae pse-
phismatis partes.' Bake cp. § 127 n. The directions alone,
without more detail, would call forth contradiction.
αλλ' ού...σιωπηθήσεται yet the disgrace which the truth
involves will find a voice.' Non tacebit Dedecus ex ore Verita-
tis proditurum, sed occlamabit praeconi. Reiske: see his note.
Truth is represented as replying with reproaches to the praises
of the herald. αλλά-γε, αλλ' ούν–γε, after hypothetical and
other clauses, yet surely.' Cf. $$ 11, 157.
σιωπηθήσεται. Many Mss. give the usual form σιωπήσεται
which W. now adopts.
166 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 156
εί δή και ούτος ανήρ if he is really a man.' ει δή “if
really,' introduces a limiting parenthesis, eoTL being omitted,
cf. 8 11, c. Timarch. 51, ει δή τι των τοιούτων μέτριον. The same
imputation of cvavopla occurs in Aesch. F. L. 139 and 148, ý Lèv
των πολιτικών κακών, συ δε αμφισβητών ανήρ είναι, ου γάρ αν τολ.
μήσαιμι είπείν ως ανήρ εί, εγράφης λιποταξίου. c. Timarch. 167.
156 τρόπαιον εστατε Aeschines uses here the active voice
of lotnue in this connexion, as Thucydides always, I. 30, 11. 22
etc. and Demosthenes c. Lept. 76, 80. Plato, Menex. 240 D etc.
generally, Anab. iv. 6, 27, vi. 5, 32 etc. having the active only
in the Hellenica, as 1. 2, 3, 10 etc. A. Proebsch in Philologus,
ΧΧΧVΙΙΙ. p. 185.
αφ' υμών αυτών at your own expense, a memorial of
your own defeat.' Frequentissimus est usus particulae årò,
ubi tropaei de populo positi mentio fit, fortasse inde, quod
armis tropaea ornari solebant, victo hosti detractis. Wolf,
note to Dem. Lept. 8 78. Cf. 8 116.
αιρείτε “convict. Cf. inf. 251, παρανοίας εαλωκώς. 8 59.
Dem. Mid. 11, των ελόντων-–των ήλωκότων. Allusion is made to
the παρανοίας γραφή, see Dict. Αnt. 865. Χen. Mem. Ι. 2, 49,
Ar. Νub. 844.
φυγόντας δια τούτον deprived of their country through
the policy of Demosthenes.' 858 n. Dem. Lept. 55.
υποδέδεχθε, cf. 8 161 ου προϋδοτε η.
τέκνα. As this word seems out of place, τεμένη and τείχη .
have been conjectured. Weidn, adopts the latter but refers to
a fragment of Polybius, ου μόνον σφάς απολωλεκότας, αλλά και
βίον και τέκνα και πόλεις άρδην κατεστρoφότας. These are the
common topics urged on soldiers fighting for their country,
and therefore are mentioned as the objects lost by its ruin.
See Aeschyl. Persae 404 ώ παίδες Ελλήνων ϊτε | ελευθερούτε
πατρίδ', ελευθερούτε δε | παίδας, γυναίκας, θεών τε πατρώων έδη !
θήκας τε προγόνων.
το βασιλικός χρυσίον. Cf. 8 239 n.
157 αλλά ταίς γε διανοίαις. Cf. 8 155 n. A famous in-
stance of διατύπωσις, 88 153 2. 130 n. Descriptionem quae
sequitur laudat Theo, Rhetorum non ultimus. Taylor. In
his προγυμνάσματα Theo quotes first Ηom. II. IX. 593, 594,
then Dem. F. L. 65 and this passage, as instances of mapá-
φρασις (cum verbis aliis una res effertur).
αλισκομένην την πόλιν, τειχών κατασκαφάς, κ.τ.λ. Asyndeta
in pairs, cf. 8 198.
$ 159
167
NOTES.
ÉTLOKÝTTOVTas solemnly adjuring you not to': so in
Thuc. II. 73, III. 59.
αλιστήριον See 8 131 n.
Túxnv Demosthenes replies to this reproach on his ill luck
in de Cor. 252, 270, 275.
To avopuro, bitterly. So Demosthenes of Philip, áv@pwTOS
Phil. 1. 9 n., Tòv dv@pwtoy de Chers. 35 etc.
Qulášaobal 'to be on your guard against.' Cf. Dem. de
Pace, ss 17, 23. Rehdantz nn.
158 Cf. § 114.
islátns, ibid. n.
åtńklage came off.' Cf. Aesch. F. L. 38, karayelártws
dalláčavta. Demosth. de Cor. 8 65.
eis Eadaniva The distance across to Salamis is about
a mile. There is still a ferry plying, which takes about
half an hour from the foot of Mt Skarmangá.
åvatpéyn 'upset.' Cf. Dem. Phil. III. 69.
aútoo Xediálelv 'to make bungling experiments on. Artis
discendae periculum facere in corporibus Graecorum. Reiske.
In Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 5 the aŭtoo XEOLAOTňs is opposed to the
Texvirns. Cf. Xen. Mem. III. 5. 21. Bremi derives the word
from öxedla, a raft.' Curtius assigns oxedòr and oxedia to
different roots ex, and oked, Gr. Et. Nos. 170, 294.
ÉTTEUDÚVely to direct again the helm of state,' a word sug.
gested by the reference to the ferrymen. The étrì gives the
notion of putting things right after an accident or upset, cp.
επισκευάζειν “ to reit.
159-167 Aeschines here reaches his fourth period: from
the battle of Chaeroneia to the present time B.C. 338--330. In
this period the conduct of Demosthenes has been a mixture of
wanton irritation to our allies, cowardice, and alternate pro-
vocation and abject submission to Alexander. He pretended
to have instigated the rising in the Peloponnese; he predicted
my ruin when Alexander was in difficulties, but never proposed
any effective measure in any juncture.
159 την εκ της πόλεως. Ρost πόλεως videtur aliquid deesse.
Reiske. Schultz partially reconstructs the passage thus, allà
και την [από της πόλεως...απέδρα γάρ εκ της πόλεως τριήρη προσ-
laßù ùu w kot.l. Cf. 253, 226. Deinarchus (I. 80–82) repeats
this charge, aŭrds éautóv mpeoßeutriv Katao Keváoas, {
vék tñs
πόλεως αποδραίη, (ώχετο) συσκευασάμενος (εκ) της διοικήσεως οκτώ
Tálavra K.T.. After the battle of Chaeroneia ở dâuos ¿yndicato
ενόχους είναι τη προδοσία τους φεύγοντας τον υπέρ της πατρίδος
kivduvov Lycurg. C. Lcocr. § 53. Envoys were sent to Troe-
168 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. S 159
zen, Andros, Ceos to solicit aid (ibid. § 42) and collect money;
to these Aeschines and Deinarchus are probably here alluding.
Compare Plut.] Vit. dec. Οr. p. 845, τριήρους τ’ επιβάς περιέ.
πλευσε τους συμμάχους άργυρολογων. Demosthenes was also at
this time appointed olturns (victualler) for Athens, crowded as
it was with fugitives (Dem. de Cor. 248); and possibly it was
for this olTwvia that the eight talents mentioned by Deinarchus
were entrusted to him. Boehneck, Attisch. Redn. 549. 4. “ The
two hostile orators treat such temporary absence of Demos-
thenes on the embassy to obtain aid, as if it were a cowardly
desertion of his post,” Grote, XI. 309. 1. See Schaef. III.
10. 14.
τριήρητήργυρολόγησε. This word is used invidiously. Cf.
άργυρολόγοι ναύς, Αr. Eq. 1071, Τhuc. ΙΙΙ. 16, ΙV. 50, Sent to
collect sums of money from friend or foe, not merely legal
tribute but special sums, impoverishing the unhappy islanders.
Boeckh, Staatsh. I. 763. The construction of the verb ápyupo-
loyeĉ is different in Thuc., see II. 69, Shilleto n.
της απροσδοκήτου σωτηρίας. The unexpected clemency of
Philip towards Athens after the battle of Chaeroneia in the
peace obtained by the envoys Demades Aeschines and Phocion,
88 57, 227. Polyb. 5. 10 Φίλιππος νικήσας Αθηναίους την
εν Χ. μάχην ου τοσούτον ήνυσε διά των όπλων όσον διά της επι-
εικείας και φιλανθρωπίας των τρόπων.-χωρίς λύτρων αποστείλας
τους αιχμαλώτους-το Αθηναίων φρόνημα καταπληξάμενος τη μεγα-
λοψυχία. Grote XI. 310, 311.
τους μεν πρώτους χρόνους. Followed by επειδή δε in the
next $, the terror of Demosthenes after the battle being con-
trasted with his boastfulness on hearing of Philip's death.
άνθρωπος. Cf. 8S 99, 157.
ημιθνής. Cf. Aeschin. F. L. 34, φθέγγεται το θηρίον τούτο
προοίμιον σκοτεινόν και τεθνηκός δειλία. See Dem. Cor. 320 τηνι-
καύτα κ.τ.λ.
ειρηνοφύλακα...χειροτονείν, i.e. declared his willingness to
do what he could to maintain the peace. A. Schaef. 111. 29. 1.
υμείς δε [κατά μέν τους πρώτους χρόνους]. In his verbis
quae paullo ante iam habuimus parum elegantes secunda vice
ponuntur. Oratorem addidisse non credo. Hamaker. Taylor
omitted them : Weidner brackets them.
επιγράφειν. Ρlut. Dem. 21, τον μεν ούν (επιτάφιον) λόγον
είπεν ο Δημοσθένης, τοις δε ψηφίσμασιν ουχ εαυτόν, αλλ' εν μέρει των
φίλων έκαστον επέγραφεν, εξοιωνισμένος τον ίδιον δαίμονα και την
τύχην, έως αύθις ανεθάρρησε Φιλίππου τελευτήσαντος. Cf. Aeschin.
1. 188, τοιούτων ρητόρων επί τας του δήμου γνώμας επιγραφομένων,
which the Schol. explains έγράφετο γαρ εν τοίς ψηφίσμασιν, ο
8 160
169
NOTES.
δείνα είπεν, Αισχίνης ή Τίμαρχος ή τις έτερος. See also II. 68 and
infr. 167.
Ναυσικλεϊ. Dem. de Cor. 114, Ναυσικλης στρατηγών, εφ'
οίς από των ιδίων προείτο, πολλάκις έστεφάνωται υφ' υμών. This
was probably the Nausicles who commanded the Athenian force
which in 352 occupied Thermopylae, and so saved it from the
attack of Philip. Grote xi. p. 100. From the wording of
Aesch. F. L. 18, 184, the friend of Aeschines there mentioned
would seem to be another person. Schaef. 11. 309, 182.
160 With this & read 77, 78 supr.
πάλιν αύ, rursus as before. Cf. Soph. Phil. 952, 1232.
τερατευόμενος playing the marvellous. Cf. Aesch. F. L.
49, τερατευσάμενος, ώσπερ είωθε, τα σχήματι. 98, ψεύδεται και
κατηγορείν ουδέν αληθές έχων τερατεύεται. Τhe word is used of
solemn gestures and phrases, implying also exaggeration and
falsehood. Cf. Ar. Εφ. 626 (of Cleon), έλασίβροντ’ αναρρηγνύς
έπη τερατευόμενος, and Nub. 318 τερατεία (humbug). So Isocr.
Panath. Ι. τους τερατείας και ψευδολογίας μεστούς.
τερά ιδρύσατο Παυσανίου erected a temple in honour of
Pausanias,' the assassin of Philip. Cf. Herod. I. 105, vi. 105,
'Αθηναίοι ιδρύσαντο Πανός τρόν, and so often in the passive, of the
consecration of a temple to some deity, 1. 172, 11. 44. The plural
iepà (sacred objects) seems to occur only here in this sense,
and perhaps comprises the whole furniture of the lepòv as given
in Ηerod. IV. 108, ιρά κατεσκευασμένα αγάλμασί τε και βωμούσι
kai vnoiol. See Valckenaer's note to Herod. vi. 19. Lycurg. c.
Leocr. 1. Plat. Prot. 322 a. Aeschin. I'im. § 140. Dict. Antt.
1104 b, 1105 a. Pausanias the murderer of Philip. Grote xi.
320 ft. Plutarch has (Denm. 22) ευθύς ούν έθυον ευαγγέλια και
στεφανουν εψηφίσαντο ΙΙαυσανίαν, i.e. his άγαλμα. Τhirlwall,
C. XLVII. renders the words 'moved that religious honours
should be decreed to the memory of P.,' finding a difficulty in
the coronation of a dead murderer. Some of the translators
have the same. “Sacra instituit' F. and F.
εις αιτίαν...ευαγγελίων θυσίας involved the Senate in the
guilt (with Alexander) of offering a sacrifice for good news.'
θύειν ευαγγέλια, cf. Ar. Εφ. 656, στεφανούν ευαγγέλια, ibid. 647.
την βουλήν. The remonstrance of Phocion seems to have
prevailed with the people. ευαγγέλια θύειν τον δήμον ουκ εία:
και γάρ αγευνες είναι επιχαίρειν κ.τ.λ. Ρlut. Phoc. 16. So, acc.
to the Scholiast, Alexander addressed a letter shortly afterwards
to the Athenians, Αλέξανδρος τω μεν δήμω χαίρειν, τη δε βουλη
ουδέν.
170 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 160
Μαργίτην, formed like θερσίτης, from μάργος, the fool, one
who has no self-control. Hom. Od, XXIII, 11. Eur. Electr.
1027 Paley n. He is the hero of a satirical poem attributed
to Homer, of which but four lines remain, one being Πόλλ'
ήπίστατο έργα κακώς δ' ήπίστατο πάντα. Ρlat. Alcib. ΙΙ. 147 c.
As Alexander admired and imitated Achilles, the hero of the
Iliad, Demosthenes compares him to the silly hero of the
Margites. Plut. Alex. 5. Arrian, Exp. Alex. Lib. VII. S. f.,
attŲ. The Schol. here and Eustathius on Hom. Od. x. 552
give particulars of the folly of Margites. See Polyb. 12. 4.
αγαπάν was content, Dem. de Cor. 112.
περιπατούντα. An allusion to the tuition of Aristotle. Ρlut.
Alex, 5, σχολήν μεν ούν αυτούς και διατριβήν το περί Μίεζαν νυμ-
φαίον απέδειξεν, όπου μέχρι νύν 'Αριστοτέλους έδρας τε λιθίνας και
υποσκίους περιπάτους δεικνύουσιν.
τα σπλάγχνα φυλάττοντα inspecting the entrails' of
victims, as a man of undecided and unwarlike character. Cf.
Polyb. Ηist. Lib. VΙΙ. 11, κατά δε τον εθισμόν εκ των τυθέντων
ιερείων προσενεχθέντων αυτώ (Philip V.) των σπλάγχνων, δεξά-
μενος εις τας χείρας ήρετο, τί δοκεί τα ιερεία σημαίνειν. Ρlutarch,
Αlex. 75, speaking of a later period, ουδέν ήν μικρόν ούτως των
αήθων και ατόπων, δ μή τέρας έποιείτο και σημείον" αλλά θυομένων
και καθαιρόντων και μαντευόντων μεστόν ήν το βασίλειον. The
Schol. gives the explanation αγαπώντα εάν ζήση, with reference
to the dangers which beset Alexander on his accession,"content
to keep a whole skin." This is followed by Schaefer, Benseler
and others.
αίματος...ωνία that valour is purchasable only at the price
of blood,' i.e. readiness to lose blood by wounds in battle.
The word alua is of rare occurrence in Demosthenes. In F. L.
254 (284) it has a similar meaning, θάττον γάρ αν του αίματος ή
λόγου μεταδούναι τινι. αρετή here is almost the result of valour,
reputation or glory.' Pind. Olymp. 5, 15; 7, 89; Pyth. 11,54;
Isth. 1, 41.
αυτός ουκ έχων αίμα. Here αίμα is the symbol of physical
strength, in which Demosthenes was deficient. εξ αρχής κάτ-
ισχνος και νοσώδης, Ρlut. Denm. 4. ασθενής τω σώματι, Libanius,
Vit. Dem. see infr. 255. Cicero may have had this passage in
mind, Pro Sestio, § 24, honninibus enervatis atque exsanguibus.
Cf. (Aeschin. apud) Dem. de F. L. 283 (324) ουδέν έστ' όφελος
πόλεως ήτις μη νεύρα επί τους αδικούντας έχει. Quoted in Halm's
note to Cic. Sest.
έκ...φύσεως “in accordance with, in the light of.'
8 161
- 171
NOTES.
161 See Grote x1, 338 ff. Schaef. 111. 86 ff.
Θετταλών. Ιn 336, two months after Philip's death, Alex-
ander (aetat. 20) made his first expedition into Greece, and
Soon won over the Thessalians. έπεισε την πατροπαράδοτον
ηγεμονίαν της Ελλάδος αυτώ συγχωρήσαι κοινό της Θεσσαλίας
δόγματι. Diod. 17. 4.
περί Θήβας. πλησίον της Καδμείας καταστρατοπεδεύσας επέ-
στησε τον φόβον τη πόλει των θηβαίων. Diod. ibid.
πρεσβευτής. Αcc. to Deinarchus (in Dem. 82) he declined
the office, επειδή δε πρεσβεύειν έδει περί της ειρήνης, ουκ αν
έφασκεν εκ της πόλεως έξελθείν ουδε τον έτερον πόδα. If he did
undertake the office and return at Cithaeron, as Plutarch also
says (Dem. 23), it may be that Alexander refused him safe-
conduct. Grote 339 n. 2. Schaef. 89. Diodorus 17. 4 suggests
two reasons for this return, εκ του Κιθαιρώνος ανέκαμψεν εις τας
'Αθήνας, είτε διά τα πεπολιτευμένα κατά Μακεδόνων φοβηθείς, είτε
βουλόμενος το βασιλεί των Περσών άμεμπτον αυτόν διαφυλάττειν.
πολλά γάρ χρήματά φασιν αυτόν ειληφέναι παρά των Περσών ίνα
πολιτεύεται κατά Μακεδόνων περί ων και τον Αισχίνην φασίν όνει-
δίζοντα των Δημοσθένει κατά τινα λόγον την δωροδοκίαν ειπείν, Νυν
μέντοι το βασιλικον κ.τ.λ., inf. 173.
εκ μέσου του Κιθαιρώνος i.e. before he crossed the frontier,
the road to Thebes going by the pass of Dryos-Cephalae over
Cithaeron.
ού προϋδοτε. Ιn 335 (Alexander's second expedition into
Greece) after the fall of Thebes and the reception of Theban
fugitives by the Athenians. Cf. 8 156. Justin XI. 4, portas
refugiis profugorum contra interdictum regis aperuere. Quam
rem ita graviter tulit Alexander, ut secunda legatione denuo
bellum deprecantibus ita demum remiserit, ut oratores et duces,
quorum fiducia toties rebellent, sibi dedantur. Eight of these
were demanded by Alexander, the leaders being Demosthenes,
Lycurgus, and Charidemus. Alexander alleged that these were
to blame for the revolt of Thebes (Arrian, I. 10), and Aeschines
takes the same view, διά τούτον, 8 156. Cf. Ρlut. Phoc. 17;
Dem. 23. Dem. de Cor. 41, 322.
κριθήναι έν τω των Ελλήνων συνεδρίω. Schaefer (III. 198. 3)
refers this passage and Dem. de Cor. 322, 'Αμφικτυονικάς δίκας
επαγόντων (μοι) to 8 254 infr., where Aeschines mentions an
impending general Hellenic conference. It will however be more
agreeable to the context to suppose that a general meeting is
alluded to, proposed by Alexander after the destruction of
Thebes, but which, owing to this refusal of the Athenians, did
not take place. So Weidn. and Benseler.
The Amphictyonic Council was the court appointed to try
172 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 162
cases of breach of treaty in which the allied Greek states were
interested. Schaef. III. 52. 3. It is possible, as Dissen sug.
gests, that the pretext for accusing Demosthenes was his open
antagonism to Philip when the latter was acting as Amphic-
tyonic general. Dem. Cor. 322.
162 οι Πάραλοι. The crew of the swift-sailing State-ship
Paralus. Cf. Arrian, Esp. Ales. ΙΙΙ. 6. 2, ενταύθα (at Tyre)
αφικνείται παρ' αυτόν εξ Αθηνών η Πάραλος άγουσα Διόφαντον και
'Αχιλλέα: ξυνεπρέσβευον δ' αυτούς και οι Παραλοι ξύμπαντες. Τhuc.
VIII. 73, τους Παράλους, άνδρας Αθηναίους τε και ελευθέρους πάντας
εν τη νηι πλέοντας. The Salaminia and Paralus were kept ready
for extraordinary purposes and emergencies.
'Αριστίων Πλαταϊκός. When Plataea was destroyed by
the Thebans in 373 Athens received the fugitives. Cf. Isocr.
Plataicus. Aristion is mentioned by Harpocration 34, 'Tepelons
κατά Δημ. ούτος Σάμιος μέν έστιν ή Πλαταιεύς, ως Διυλλός φησιν, εκ
μειρακυλλίου δ' έταιρος Δημοσθένους, επέμφθη δ' υπ' αυτού προς
Ηφαιστίωνα ένεκα διαλλαγών, ώς φησι Μαρσύας εν ε' των περί
'Αλέξανδρον.
el_ápa “if perchance.' Cf. Dem. 01. III. 26. Lycurg. 136,
εί τις άρα έστιν αίσθησις τους εκεί περί των ενθάδε γιγνομένων.
Herod. 8, 109, ίνα ήν άρα τί μιν καταλαμβάνη προς Αθηναίων
πάθος κ.τ.λ.
ετέρων την όψιν διαφέρων γενόμενος. Cf. c. Timarch. 73,
μειράκιον-την όψιν ετέρων διαφέρον. One MS. omits γενόμενος,
and it is now generally struck out of the text. Bake conjectured
ορφανός γενόμενος. For the use of διαφέρων and other present
participles as predicate adjectives after είμι and γίγνομαι see
§ 208 &otiv útrápxov which Cobet condemns. Goodwin, M. T.
215. 5. Cf. Isocr. Areop. 45, ορώντες τους μεν διαφέροντας
γιγνομένους. Aesch. c. Timarch. 134, εάν κάλλει και ώρα διενεγ-
κόντες εκπλήξωσί τινας. The combination διαφέρων γενόμενος
does not occur elsewhere.
πράττων ή πάσχων. Cf. Timarelo. 8 41.
υποτρέχει “creeps into the favour of. Cf. Εur. Or. 670,
κουχ υποτρέχων σε τούτο θωπεία λέγω. Supr. 90, υπέβαλλε 2.
Plat. Legg. 923 B.
διά τούτου. Cf. supr. 104 n.
εύρηται “he has managed to secure for himself. Dem.
Lept. 1, King n. Herod. 9, 28 παρά δέ σφίσι εύροντο παρά Παυ-
σανιέω εστάναι...τους παρεόντας τριακοσίους.
διαλλαγάς. A truce between two parties hitherto belligerent.
Cf. Dem. 01. II. 1. Andocid. de Pace 36.
163 εκείθεν “from what follows. Cf. 195. So εκείνως,
59, 168.
8 164
173
NOTES.
ως όμοιόν έστι...αιτία how closely the fact corresponds to
(and so corroborates) the accusation. Cf. 191. αιτία, opp. to
έλεγχος, accusation without proof. αιτία εστίν, όταν τις ψιλό
χρησάμενος λόγω μη παρασχήται πίστιν ων λέγει. Dem. Androt.
22. Cf. de Cor. 8 14.
τρείς...καιροί. The victorious career of Alexander proves
amply that not one of these three periods presented even decent
encouragement for a reasonable Athenian patriot to involve his
country in warfare against so formidable an enemy. Nothing
can be more frivolous than these charges. Demosthenes does
not notice them in his reply partly for this reason, still more
perhaps on another ground, that it was not safe to speak out
what he thought and felt about Alexander. Grote, XII. 111,
112.
είς μέν ο πρώτος cf. 8S 54, 61 here followed by αλλ' επειδή
ουδ' ενταύθα, elsewhere by δεύτερον δε 8 55.
εις την Ασίαν διέβη. 334 Β. C. Schaef. ΙΙΙ. 144. 3. Grote
ΧΙ. 397 ff. Ρlut. Αlex. 15, από μικρών και στενών ούτως ορμώ-
μενος. ήκμαζε Grote XI. p. 400.
βούλει σε θω...τρόπω interrogative subjunctive, Goodwin,
Gr. 291.
ουκ αναμένει “ the state's opportunity waits not for the
orator's cowardly indecision. Cf. § 54 Dobree quotes Dem.
Phil. Ι. 37, οι δε των πραγμάτων ου μένουσι καιροί την ημε-
τέραν βραδυτητα και ειρωνείαν. Cf. Thuc. Ι. 142, Ι του πολέμου
οι καιροί ου μενετοί. Liv. 31, 48, non expecture belli tempora
moras ac dilationes. There is a reference to the proverb.aywy
πρόφασιν ουκ αναμένει, Ρlat. Crat. 421 D, where the Schol. cites
a fragment of Aeschylus (36 Dindorf),
αγών γάρ άνδρας ου μένει λελειμμένους. . :
164 κατεβεβήκει. Cf. άναπεμπεσθαι, 133, had gone down
to the coast,' from Sochi in Syria to Issus in Cilicia. Polyb.
12, 17. See the plan illustrating the battle of Issus (B.C. 333)
in Grote xi. 448.
απειλημμένος «shut in in the passes of Cilicia. Cf. Χen.
Αn. ΙΙ. 4. 17, λύσαι την γέφυραν ως μη διαβήτε άλλ' εν μέσω άπολη-
φθήτε του ποταμού και της διώρυχος. Τhuc. 5, 59, 3. Herod.
8, 109.
ojmooû emphatic, “ You knew of this state of things,
why did you not use the opportunity?” Tapd, § 40 n.
συμπατηθήσεσθαι. Arrian, ΙΙ. 6. 5, makes the courtiers of
Darius use this expression, καταπατήσεις τη ίππω των Μακεδό-
νων την στρατίαν άλλος άλλοθεν αυτώ επαίροντες επέλεγoν. Tlie
174 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 165
defeat of Alexander was generally expected. Cf. Joseph. Ant.
Jud. XI. 8. 3, ησθείς τη Δαρείου καταβάσει ο Σαναβαλλέτης-πέ-
πειστο γάρ ουκ αυτος μόνος αλλά και πάντες οι εν τη Ασία μηδ' εις
χείρας τους Πέρσαις ήξειν τους Μακεδόνας διά το πλήθος.
την σην αηδίαν you and your unpleasantness.' Theo-
phrastus (20) gives a sketch of the character of the indýs in
which a main ingredient is boastfulness. Ill-breeding also is
implied. Cf. Jebb n.
OÚK éxúpel 'was not big enough for.' Cf. Dem. Phil. III.
27, ούθ' η Ελλάς ούθ' ή βάρβαρος την πλεονεξίαν χωρεί τανθρώπου.
Mid. 200, η πόλις αυτόν ου χωρεί. Εurip. Ηipp. 940
θεοίσι προσβαλείν χθονί
άλλην δεήσει γαίαν, ή χωρήσεται
τους μη δικαίους.
ας εξηρτημένος...περιήεις “which you walked about with sus-
pended to your fingers.' The letters were tied with a string
which Demosthenes put round his fingers. Cf. Dem. Phil. III.
49, τοιούτον εξηρτησθαι στρατόπεδον, to have--attached to him.
Deinarchus in Dem. 8 36 repeats this, παρ' αυτό γράφων επι-
στολήν εκ των δακτύλων αναψάμενος περιεπορεύετο. For the con-
struction, see Goodwin, Gr. 244 n. 2.
Xpvo ókepwy. The victim about to be sacrificed was crowned
and its horns were gilt. Cf. Hom. Od. III. 436 (cp. ib. 425)
γέρων δ' ιππηλάτα Νέστωρ
χρυσόν έδωχ'· ο δ' έπειτα βοος κέρασιν περίχευεν
ασκήσας, ίν' άγαλμα θεά κεχάροιτο ιδούσα,
where Ameis refers to Tibull. IV. 1, 15, Semper inaurato taurus
cadit hostia cornu. Virg. Aen. V. 366. Liv. VII. 37, and other
passages.
KATEOTÉPDat was ready crowned' for sacrifice. Cf. Act.
Apost. ΧΙΙΙ. 14. There is no occasion to read κατεστέψεσθαι.
Demosthenes probably used the very words of the answer of the
Pythian priestess to Philip, when consulting her about his pro-
posed expedition against the Persian king, preserved by Diod. Sic.
XVI. 91, έστεπται μεν ο ταύρος, έχει τέλος, έστιν ο θύσων, which
Philip understood as favourable to himself ; το δ' αληθές ουχ’
ούτως είχεν, αλλά τουναντίον εσήμαινεν εν πανηγύρει και θεών
θυσίαις τον Φίλιππον ώσπερ τον ταύρον εστεμμένον σφαγήσεσθαι.
Cf. Ρausan. VΙΙΙ. 7. 11. Ovid, Iet. X. 271.
165 ÚTTép see on Dem. de Cor. $ 9.
Λακεδαιμόνιοι Under Agis in the early part of B.C. 330.
8 133, ομηρεύσοντες n. Grote XII. 105 ft. Diodor. Sic. 17, 62-3.
§ 166
175
NOTES.
TO EEVLKÓv Greek mercenaries who had fled from the battle
of Issus. Diod. XVII. 48, kata ony Eúpútnu 'Ayls elèv TÛV ék Tîs
έν Ίσσώ μάχης διασωθέντων μισθοφόρων αναλαβών οκτακισχιλίους
νεωτέρων πραγμάτων αντείχετο χαριζόμενος Δαρείω.
ÉTÉTUXov uáxn 'were successful in a battle.' We have no
other information of this success. For ÉTT ÉTUXov cf. Xen. Hell.
415, 19 K TOÚTov vála kai tála é TLTúrxavev ’IQLkpátns.
TOÙS Tepl Kóppayov. A Macedonian of this name is men-
tioned in Diodorus (17, 100) and Aelian V. H. 10, 22, as a man
of extraordinary strength, but not in connexion with this war,
and perhaps they are different persons.
ouupeteßálovro 'changed sides,' i.e. they joined Sparta to
which they had been opposed before.
Ew tñs äpktov...olkovuévns that is, beyond the bounds of
the habitable world as conceived by the Greeks. The phrase
beyond the Bear' must not be pressed. Asia was conceived
as occupying the N.E. quarter of the world, the extent to
the N. being unknown. See Polyb. 3, 36–38. Alexander was
in Bactria.
éws äv elrys until you shall have told it. This is equi-
valent to the offer of giving up part of the speaker's time (év tā
éuộ üdati Dem. de Cor. 139), an offer only meant ad invidiam.
166 ... dkpolevou; a rhetorical question takes the place
of the ordinary apodosis. See Dem. de Cor. SS 126, 294.
oloņpeou 'o men of iron !' sarcastic, you must have had
nerves of steel to stand out against his big blustering words.'
This seems better than to suppose it to mean "cold,' "un-
impassioned. The word is rare in a metaphorical sense. In
Lysias 10 $ 20 it means 'stupid,' in Plutarch Cicer. 26 'hard-
hearted,' disobliging. The rule in Attic is to attract these
adjectives, and Cobet and Franke accordingly read olonpou and
are followed by Weidner and Simcox. But the mss. liere are
unanimous, and it seems better on the whole to follow them.
on tapelowy no such metaphors exist in any of the extant
works of Demosthenes, who, though not denying their use (de
Cor. 126, 232), seems to imply some exaggeration on the part
of Aeschines. For trapelor of orators coming forward to
speak' cp. Demosth. de Cor. $ 22.
áutteloupyoûol... TTV Tróluy treat the city as vine-dressers
do vines. The following phrases are quoted by Aeschines
without any context, as certain ridiculous expressions employed
by Demosthenes in this harangue. There is no necessary
connexion between them, though the two first are drawn from
the same source, i.e. vine-dressing. åvareruńkaou have cut
back,' pruned.'
176 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 167
ÚTTOTÉTunTai 'have been traitorously cut,' the metaphor
seems to be from the hamstringing of a horse or other animal.
For τα νεύρα των πραγμάτων “the sinews of the state, op.
line of Epicharmus, twice quoted by Polybius (18, 40; 31, 21)
νηφε και μεμνησ’ απιστεϊν' άρθρα ταύτα των φρενών. Βremi
quotes Cicero C. Rullum § 91 nervis urbis omnibus exsectis urbem
ipsam solutam et debilem relinquunt. Pollux 2, 234 60 ev kai tò
ισχύειν νεύρα έχειν λέγουσι, και τα χρήματα νεύρα των πραγ-
játwy. Cp. 'money the sinews of war.'
popuoppaboúueda If Demosthenes ever did use this word
it was perhaps à fair subject of ridicule. popuós is a wicker
basket used principally for corn (Lysias 22 § 5). popuoppapelv
must mean to sew' or 'stitch'such a basket. popuoppapeio dal
'to be riddled with holes like a basket as it is sewn. The
metaphor of the next sentence, étrì tà otevá TLVES DOTTEP ta's
βελόνας διείρουσι are drawing us like needles into narrow
places' [or, as others, 'our lips are being sewn up,' Demosth.
2, § 21 TolallTa épeiv čon, wote år oppá YELV TÒ MINITOU Otója
óhooxoivụ áßpóxw], seems to be connected with the same thing,
but it is hard to believe that it is not corrupt, and to explain it
on any rational plan. Sch. Từ Tà duoxepñ. [Could we, by
inserting one letter, read ÉTÈ Tà otÉpva TLVÈS Cotep tàs Belovas
dleipovou 'certain persons are as it were threading their
needles to begin upon our breasts,'--'they are preparing to
be at us,' 'to riddle us'? In this case it pÛTov of the MSS.
might stand-'as a preparatory measure.' Cp. Cicero 2 Phil.
§ 86 Num exspectus dum te stimulis fodiamus ? The metaphor
is a harsh, not to say absurd one, but that is what Aeschines
is attacking Demosthenes for.]
167 Tauta Sè... 'nuata i datuata are we to call these
· phrases or mere gasconades?' Schol. olovei trapadošoloynuara
Tepation 'mere bugbears meant to frighten us.' Cp. $ 100.
kivados cp. Dem, de Cor. SS 127, 162, 242.
KÚKIW Trepily 'twisting yourself about.' For these ex-
travagances in action on the part of speakers, see Plutarch
Nic. c. 8; and Demosthenes' reply to these taunts, mapa-
deiyuata TRÁTTWV kai øñuata kai oxýuata Memoúuevos, de Cor.
$ 232.
Td Aakwvika the rising in Sparta under Agis § 165.
dolorával 'caused them to revolt' from Alexander. Cp.
§ 256 åroorño ai 'Akapravas.
où yap very emphatic. "You cause a single village to revolt!'
un őri, 'not only:' probably, 'do not (say) that,'='it is not
enough to say that.' Hadley, Gr. Gr. 1035 &.
8 168
177
NOTES.
Trpookablkngel, "you will sit watching the contest' like a
third combatant (épeopos) ready to engage with the winner.
So, of watching for one's own advantage, Dem. de pace 15 tois
si dyaboîs ¿peopetwv črepos Kaledeitai. Cf. Soph. Aj. 600. The
metaphor is from the Palaestra, Dem. Phil. 1. 5. Aeschines
does not mean to reproach Demosthenes merely with doing
nothing, but with 'wishing to wound but yet afraid to strike,' of
watching for his opportunity when money is going with a
malevolent neutrality. [Simcox adopts rpookabloels with one
MS., but this form seems not to have been used intransitively
in Attic. See Rutherford New Phrynichus p. 337.]
The termination -Ec has some slight Ms. authority here and
in F. L. 117, and is, no doubt, purer Attic. It is everywhere
restored by the editors as in the following apo TOLńon and infr.
210, 219, 242, though the mss. give the later form in -2.
Cobet, VII. p. 144.
aŭtóuatoy sc. without any action of yours.
ouußñ, in a good sense, si quid contigerit,
Étlypáysels, see § 159 n.
168–176 Conclusion of the third and main division of
the argument which commenced s 53. A 'locus communis:'
characteristics of the άνήρ δημοτικός-Demosthenes does not
possess the qualities indispensable for a democratic leader
(Volksfreund). Compare the answering description, from
Demosthenes' point of view, de Cor. 122.
168 val, állà yes, but.' Particles introducing an ob.
jection, cp. SS 28 n. 84. Cf. vn Al állá Dem. de Cor. 117, and
251.
Tipòseis. The change of preposition may be for variety.
Cobet and Weidner read εις την ευφημίαν with two Mss. ευφημία
bere suaviloquentia, Ennius ap. Cic. Brut. 58, ‘pleasantness
of sound.'
dtoßxétrnte if you regard exclusively.' See Dem. de Cor.
$ 210.
ékelvws, cp. SS 59 n. 163 n. 195.
lóyoy dtoláßere demand an account' as due. Cf.
åtalteiv, åmodoüvai etc. $$ 27, 58 n.
ολιγαρχικόν. A common term of reproach in the mouth of
the onjaywrós. Frohberger, Lysias xxv. 11.
baûloy. Atheniensibus onuokparias, ne dicam öxlokparias,
studiosissimis, ολιγαρχικός et φαύλος idem erat. Br. σώφρων
and pallos are here the antithesis: the good soberminded
citizen, and the vulgar disloyal agitator.
12
178 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 169
urOTTOTépov... carly 'to which of the two patterns his life,
not his language corresponds.'
169 Tụ Snuoriko. Schol. 6mont Kos: xa pv Tm Smao Kparia.
Tpos...untpos 'free-born both on his father's and mother's side.'
This was of great importance in the eyes of the Athenians,
and various laws had been passed on the subject; but to
enforce it was in fact to prevent mixed marriages, which was in
practice found impossible. A child was enrolled in the phratria
of his father in his first year (Isae. 8, 19; Andoc. Myst. 125),
but if his father was a non-citizen it had become the practice
to enrol him in the phratria of his maternal grandfather.
Pericles, about B.C. 444, had enforced the regulation of both
parents being citizens, and had thereby caused 5000 citizens
to be struck off the roll. But if the father was a citizen it was
difficult to prevent the child from being enrolled on the ground
of his mother's extraction; and we know from Aristophanes
how frequent the reproach against leading citizens that they
were not true-born Athenians was (see for instance Arist. dr.
1669; Ran. 417, and the epithet Iaplayúv applied to Cleon).
In B.C. 403 fresh legislation was introduced enforcing the con-
p. 110). But the practice seems to have always been loose, in
spite of the law. The possibility of reproaching Demosthenes
on this point shews how far-reaching this feeling was. His
father was an Athenian, and his mother was the daughter of
an Athenian also, Gylon. But Gylon had settled in the Crimea
and married a wife of that country, and therefore Demosthenes
had foreign blood in his veins. Schaefer I. p. 262 ff.
Tols vóuous, i.e. especially the laws regulating the conditions
of citizenship.
åtro... útrápxELy that he should have some patriotic service
on the part of his ancestors to go upon.' The word is here used
generally, but ευεργεσία and ευεργέτης were technical terms
formally used by states and carrying certain privileges. See
Xen. Vect. 3, 11; Demosth. Lept. § 30; F. L. § 330; Xen.
Hellen. 1, 1, 26 where the title is given to the Syracusans by
the people of Antandros. Xen, de civ. Ath. 3, 11.
το γ' αναγκαιότατον “ at the very least.'
Bond@y' by way of supporting,' to cover.' Cp. Antiph. 125
μήτε βοηθούντες ταϊς τούτων ατυχίαις ενάντια του δαίμονος γνώτε.
átuynuara is an euphemism for dreuia, cf. ovu opá in this
sense. Dem. Mid. g 58.
170 HÉTPLOY respectable.' Dem. de Cor. S 10. The word
expresses the Greek dislike of anything extreme or outré in
8 170
179
NOTES.
life or character, the preference of Nicias to Alcibiades. Cp.
ούτω το λίαν ήσσον επαινώ του μηδέν άγαν και ξυμφήσουσι σοφοί
μοι (Εur. Ηipp. 265). των μετρίων τούνομα νικα (Εur. Med. 125).
είη μοί ζην μέτρια (Εur. Ion 632).
do él yelav "extravagance.' Cp. (Dem.) in Neaer. § 30,
ασελγως και πολυτελώς διάγοντα τον βίον.
κατά του δήμου against the interests of the people.”
ευγνώμονα right-minded. Op. Dem. in Τim. 137, ευγνώμων
ψυχή. [Dem.] Epist. 3, 8 43, εύχεσθαι μεν ως ευγνωμονεστάτων
(γονέων) τυγχάνειν, φέρειν δε τους όντας ευμενώς.
καλόν...προαιρείσθαι...πείθειν “for it is a good thing that an
orator's intellect should be such as to adopt the best line of
policy, and his learning and eloquence to carry his hearers
with him.' The διάνοια is that of an ευγνώμων. Ας ευγνώμων
the orator will take the right view in politics, as dúvatos
EiTEî he will cause his views to prevail. Others, among
whom is Simcox, talke διάνοιαν and παιδείαν and λόγον as
accusatives of respect after καλόν. I think the genitive του
entopos is decisive against this. Taldeiav and lóyou are an
hendiadys for: πεπαιδευμένον λόγον style that has been formed
by training.' For mpoalpeols deliberate choice,' applied to
policy, op. Dem. de Cor. 8 93, ή έμή προαίρεσις και πολιτεία.
ει δε μή...λόγου “but in any case we must prefer soundness
of view to mere eloquence.'
ανδρείον. For the sentiment we may refer to Dr Johnson's
dictum as to courage: “You know, Sir, that courage is reckoned
the greatest of all virtues; because, unless a man has that
virtue, he has no security for preserving any other '' (Boswell,
ch. Ix.).
παρά τα δεινά in the hour of danger. Dem. de Cor». 239,
παρά τους παρόντας καιρούς.
τον δ' ολιγαρχικόν. In democratic Athens the true δημο-
Tikós represents the man of sound sense and moderation, the
ódcyapxikos is the innovator and the turbulent politician. The
contrast is here drawn sharply between the two characters as
radically different, contrary to the view put forward by the
speaker in Lysias 25 8 8, who maintains that no man is demo-
cratical or oligarchical by nature, but only from the considera-
tion as to which form of government best suits his interests.
σκέψασθε δη “well then, examine and see.’ δή often sung
up a series of considerations, dismissing one part of the subject.
Cp. Demosth. Iept. 8 196, σκεψώμεθα δή τίνας... είσποιεί χορη-
γούς.
. επί πάσι δικαίοις “ with entire fairness,’ lit. on conditions
12-2
180 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 171
all fair. Cp. Dem. in Lept. § 88, iva eidîte OTL ús árnows ÉTT
nãou ôlkalols TOLOúueda tous lóxovs. in Steph. B (a law) $ 18, ñv
αν εγγυήση επί δικαίοις.
171 oủ ydp sel yeúdeolar, an affectation of candour, 'for
I must not be saying anything untrue,' 'I have no wish to
make things worse than they are.'
ék Kepauéwv, dñuós ļoti Qurñs tñs 'Akauavtidos Schol. The
village is said to have taken its name from some pottery works.
Núudaloy TÒ Šv TO IIóyTW. A Milesian colony in the Tauric
Chersonese, which according to Craterus (quoted by Harpo-
cration) paid a talent to the Athenian revenue.. tólv eúliuevov
TÒ Númpalov kaloúmevov, Strabo 7, 4, 4, not far from Pantica-
paeum (Kertsch).
Pavátov... ÚTOP.elvas. In his speech in Aphob. B SS 2, 3,
Demosthenes asserts that Gylon had incurred a fine, but had
paid it. For the passive of katayuváo kw referring to the penalty
cp. Dem. in Tim. § 63, ćws ävéktion őri Qv katayuwolñ aŭtoû.
Antiph. 137, TOÚTOV KatéYV WOTO MÈY Řon Bávaros.
την κρίσιν. Schol. oίoν την τιμωρίαν, εξήν γάρ φυγείν μετά την
TT pútny kplow. If Gylon had been fined he would have had to
give security for the amount, which would be due before the
ninth Prytany. It is in this interval that he might have
escaped. But if Aeschines is right in saying that he was
condemned to death, it must have been after his flight.
Tapà tớv tupávvwv, probably from Satyrus, whose capital
was Panticapaeum (near Kertsch). The first Satyrus began
to reign about B.C. 407, and he and his successors maintained
friendly relations with Athens. See Lysias 16 § 24. Isocr.
XVII. Clinton, Fast. Hellen. Vol. II. pp. 339–344. Kńtrovs
a Milesian colony on the Asiatic coast of the Cimmerian
Bosporus.
172 επιφερομένην, the wife was said επιφέρεσθαι, the father
επιδούναι in regard to the dowry.
Σκύθιν, op. 28 82, εκ των νομάδων Σκυθών το προς μητρός
gévos cv. Plutarch (Dem. 5) seems to have felt some doubt of
the whole story,—oºk é Xouer ein Eîv eit' eandês ei pnkev eſte Blao-
onuŵr kai karayevd6uevos. Demosthenes however never con-
tradicts this statement, as he surely would have done if it had
been false. On the other hand Mr Simcox points out that
whereas Aphobus, the guardian of the young Demosthenes,
ought, in accordance with the will of the elder Demosthenes,
to have married Cleobule, the widowed mother of the orator,
he did not do so; and yet never pleaded as an excuse that she
was not a true-born Athenian, as he would have done if such
§ 172
181
NOTES.
2
had been the case. The truth may have been that Gylon's wife
was the daughter of an Athenian settler. The corn trade with
the Bosporus brought many Athenians thither.
Ouvákloe'gave in marriage to.' It was the father's business
to arrange the marriages of his sons and daughters, neither ap-
parently being much consulted..
OTWSÝTTOTE. Demochares ó AEUKOVOEUS (in Aph. 1 $ 14; 2
$ 3), who must not be confounded with Demochares a nephew
of the orator, who was himself a rhetorician and historian,
and whose character is defended by Polybius 12, 13–14.
(va uni....tex Oavoual, explaining the indefinite ÓTWÒÝTOTE
'I say So-and-so to avoid incurring many people's enmity,'
i.e. by naming more than is necessary. Cp. 1 § 164, TÒ S'
όνομα ου λέξω τας γάρ απεχθείας φεύγω.
παριδών τους νόμους “in disregard of the laws. According
to a law quoted in [Dem.]c. Neaeram g 16 a foreigner marrying
an Athenian woman was liable to be sold into slavery, while an
Athenian citizen marrying a foreign woman was liable to a fine
of 1000 drachmae, and his wife to be sold into slavery. Such
a law must have been frequently evaded; but it added point to
the taunts of the orators and comic poets.
juiv, a bitterly sarcastic use of the ethic dative, .for your
benefit!'
TOù tpos untpós. These words are omitted in four Mss.
They seem unnecessary after what has just been said.
Td 8 dTrò tñs untpòs ‘and on his mother's side.' See on
§ 64.
Bápßapos... Tŷ pwvn 'a true-born barbarian with nothing
Greek about him except his language.' Cp. Dem. in Steph. A
30, Gueis sº to as aỦròn (Technº ame, 8T: Gohouket T7 buºm, Báp-
βαρος και ευκαταφρόνητον είναι. έστι δε βάρβαρος ούτος τω μισείν
ous aŭtý tpooņKe Tiây. In its original sense Bápßapos ĖManvi-
Swv would have been almost a contradiction in terms, as Bápßapos
probably meant 'one that did not speak Greek;' but it had
come to mean non-Greek in birth, and Herodotus (9, 11) re-
marks it as a peculiarity among the Spartans that they used
the word ξένοι as equivalent to βάρβαροι. Its earliest use is in
Homer Il. 2, 867, Kâpes Bapßapópwvot, but it does not occur
Kal Tv Trovnplav oŰK ÉTTLXápiós éoti 'be is barbarous and
unlike a Greek even in his style of rascality.' ÉTTIXúplos 'in
accordance with the fashions of a country.' See Aristoph. Nub.
182 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 173
1172, νύν μέν γ' ιδείν εί πρώτον εξαρνητικός κάντιλογικός, και τούτο
TOÚTIXÚplov. Plut. 342, oŰKOUVÉLXúplóv 'ye t payu' éprášetal.
173 K tpinpápxou from being a trierarch.' Demosthenes
(de Cor. 257) says that he served a trierarchy directly he came
of age. For the use of ék cp. Dem. de Cor. 131, éleú epos ÉK
δούλου και πλούσιος εκ πτώχου.
doyoypádosa speech-writer,' one who composed speeches
for others to deliver, especially in the law courts. There seems
always to have attached to this profession a certain amount of
discredit; which gives point to the use of the word as applied
to Demosthenes. The earliest to practise the art was Antiphon
(Thucyd. 8, 68). See Dr Thompson, Introduction to Plato
Phaedrus, p. xxvii. The prejudice against the profession and
name may perhaps be compared to that which used to attach
to the word Attorney. “I do not care,” said Dr Johnson, “to
speak ill of any man behind his back, but I believe the gentle-
man is an attorney."
ávebávn'he suddenly came forward as,' repente prodiit.
Cp. $ 81. Lysias 14 g 11.
Tá matpộa katayedáctws poéqevos 'having allowed your
patrimony to slip through your hands in a ridiculous fashion.'
Cf. Dem, 2 Olynth. § 2, ew kai TómWv ův nuév TOTE KÚPLOL
palveolar a počepévous. He refers to the well-known suit against
the orator's guardians, Aphobus and Demophon. How much
of his property he ever recovered is not known. “It can,"
says Mr Butcher (Demosthenes p. 29), "have been but a
remnant of his patrimony, enough to secure him a competence
and no more. The action was begun when Demosthenes
was twenty, B.C. 363. Bremi says of karayelártws i.q. doelycs
per voluptates libidinosas. But is it not rather an unfeeling
jeer at his ill success in trying to get back his property from
the hands of his guardians ? TT poemévous supports this, meaning
rather the letting a thing get into the hands of an opponent'
than 'squandering.'
kal trepi taūta 'even in this poor profession.'
Soyous ék épwy Tois ávtisíkous betraying the arguments to
be used to the opposite parties in the suit.' The clause may be
taken as depending on õbčas tival or as in apposition to it. It
would be unusual to find a participle in the former construction,
and the latter makes good sense, But being universally believed
to be untrustworthy even in this business (of loyoypápos), and
betraying the arguments to be used for his client.' The ground
for the charge given in II. § 176 is the conduct of Demosthenes
in the case of Phormio, for whom Demosthenes wrote a speech
§ 173
183
NOTES.
:-
in defence against the action of his late master's son, Apollo-
dorus; and subsequently wrote a speech for the same Apollodorus
against Stephanus for perjury committed in the same case
in favour of Phormio. Plutarch (Den. C. 15) saw no harm in
it, saying that it was like selling two swords from the same
workshop to be used on opposite sides. A modern barrister
might perhaps accept a brief on opposite sides; but the use of
knowledge obtained from one side in favour of the other would
I suppose be a breach of professional honour; and Aeschines,
putting the worst interpretation on the business, would
insinuate that Demosthenes did that. The Attic logographos
however was in a different position to the modern barrister.
He did not appear in court, he was not an adviser. He
merely wrote a speech on facts supplied him, and had no overt
personal responsibility. Yet the authorship of the speech was
generally known, and many points of delicacy must have
arisen in connexion with such double advocacy. See Mahaffy's
Greek Literature, Vol. II. p. 336. Blass, p. 412.
ανεπήδησεν επί το βημα “he suddenly made his appearance
on the public platform. That is, he took to make speeches on
public matters before the ecclesia in his own person. The same
idea of abruptness is given by the word ανεπήδησε as by ανεφάνη.
The order of events is against the malicious insinuation of
Aeschines, that Demosthenes began his public speaking in the
ecclesia after losing credit as a logographos in the case of
Phormio (B.C. 350). The speech against Stephanus was in
B.C. 34.9-8; and in B.C. 354 he had delivered the speech
ines, which though not spoken in the deliberative
ecclesia was a political speech; and in the same year first ap-
peared on the Bema with his speech on the Symmories. The
speech on the Megalopolitans (353 B.C.) and the 1st Philippic
and for the Rhodians (351 B.C.) also preceded this case.
TÒ Baua, see note on § 34.
êk tîs trólews, sc. from his political career. Thus Nicias'
henchman Hiero says of him (Plut. Nic. 5) ollovs poo AnoßÉ-
βληκε τοις χρήμασι πολιτευόμενος, oι δ' άλλοι και φίλους κτώμενοι
και πλουτίζοντες από του βήματος ευπαθούσι. Weidner reads
moletelas with two of Bekker's MSS. For the various sources
of profit to an active politician at Athens see note on to Baoil-
Kóv below: and cp. Dem. de Cor. $$ 103, 209. Dein. in Dem. 42.
ελάχιστα περιεποιήσατο “he really secured a very small
balance for himself.' Aeschines means to charge Demosthenes
with a crime within a crime, -rapacity in regard to taking
public money, and foolish extravagance in squandering it.
Tò Baollikov... ÉTTLKÉKAUKE 'the money he has received from
184 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 174
the king of Persia has flooded his extravagance,''has washed
away all traces of it.' See Hypereid. in Dem. col. XXIII., kai
Δημοσθένη και Δημάδην άπ' αυτών των εν τη πόλει ψηφισμάτων
και προξενιών οίμαι πλείω ή εξήκοντα τάλαντα εκάτερον ειληφέναι,
#Ẹu Tv Ba Ở LÀ K 5v Ka Tun Tap AAejavề pou. The king of
Persia, Dareius Codomanus, was naturally desirous to maintain
an organized opposition to Philip and Alexander in Greece, as
likely to prevent the threatened invasion of his own dominions.
See § 240. Deinarch. in Dem. 18, and 70. Diodor. XVII. 4.
ouSels... TTEPLEYÉVETO ‘no wealth ever yet survived debauchery.'
Cic. 2 Phil. § 65, ut est apud poetam nescio quem male parta
male dilabuntur.'
Trovnpoll, Schol. åoúrov, nequam. TÒ Kepalalov olove to
MéYlotov ådiknua, Schol. 'to cap all.'
Tòv Blov ' his livelihood.'
174 củyvwuocúvny, see eủyvúuwv § 170.
Selvos...kakós. Some Mss. have selvớs...Karcs. For con.
struction of adj. and infinitive see Mady. § 149.
cot fuè un Bouleclai... TÉTT paktai. Cp. 162. It was a com-
mon rhetorical artifice to pretend that the opponent's actions
had been too bad for the speaker to mention. It is a particularly
flagrant use of it on this occasion after the foul insinuations of
the preceding sentences. But Demosthenes does the same, see
de Cor. SS 129, 264; and Cicero imitates them both, see 2 Phil.
$ 47, sunt quaedam, quae honeste non possun dicere; tu autem eo
liberior, quod ea in te admisisti quae a verecundo inimico audire
non posses. That such insinuations should be freely bandied be-
tween two men of the position of Aeschines and Demosthenes
in open court indicates indeed a depraved taste and tone in
society, and probably great corruption also; but we should,
I think, be thoroughly sceptical as to their connoting any real
belief in the vicious practices of either orator. See some
weighty remarks on this subject by H. A. J. Munro, Catullus,
p. 75 sq.
non yap...oabôs Néyovras. The Greek sentiment was in
favour of casting a decent veil over all that was unpleasant.
So the nurse says to Phaedra (Eurip. Hipp. 465) év gopoiou yàp
Tádžoti Ovntwv, lavo ávelv tà un kará. ÝSn TOTE Eldov 'I have
frequently observed,''this is not the first time I have noticed,'
for I have frequently noticed.' Eurip. Hipp. 375 Mon TOT'
άλλως νυκτός έν μακρώ χρόνω εφρόντισα κ.τ.λ. The special
reference may be to the reception of his speech against
Timarchus.
ÉTTELTA TI ovußaivet tŷ Tódel; and farther, what is the net
8 175
185
NOTES.
result to the state?', i.e. of a skilful orator who is an immoral
man. The answer is, “fair words but foul deeds.'
175 βραχύς...λείπεται “I need not waste many words by
way of proving his cowardice.' See on § 152. Cp. Deinarch. in
Dem. 8 12, «εγώ παρέταξα πάντας εις Χαιρώνειαν.” ουκ, άλλ'
έλιπες μόνος αυτός την εκεί τάξιν. Grote XI. p. 306 maintains that
the confidence reposed in Demosthenes immediately after the
battle is decisive proof that they did not believe at the time that
he had displayed cowardice. Assuredly the taunts of an opponent
eight years afterwards cannot be accepted with any confidence.
Demosthenes certainly shared in the defeat with his country-
men : but there is no good reason to believe that he behaved
worse than the rest. In the F. L. S 206 Demosthenes says that
his enemies called him δειλός, but he called himself ευλαβής.
ήρνείτο μή...είναι. G. & 283, 6.
διατριβήν “a cause for dwelling upon it, some expenditure
of time.'
αυτός ομολογεί. Aeschines represents Demosthenes (2$ 106)
as saying εγώ δε ομολογώ μαλακός είναι.
Útrouvñoal to recal to your minds,''to mention,' the second
accusative omitted. Op. Dem. in Steph. Ι. 8 85, υπομιμνήσκω
ταύτα ου νομίζων χάριν υμάς οφείλειν ημίν, with id. in Τim. 8 15,
ανάγκη πρωτον τους χρόνους υπομνήσαι υμάς.
Σόλων, see on $ 2.
έν τοίς αυτοίς...ένέχεσθαι “to be liable to the same penalties.
Cp. Dem. τη Macart. 8 57 (a law), και οι πρότερον κτείναντες εν
τωδε τω θεσμώ ενεχέσθων. Sometimes without έν, Andoc. Myst.
S 44, ούς έδει τους αυτούς ενέχεσθαι εν οίσπερ ούς εγγυήσαντο.
Lys. 18 18, κακοίς τοιούτοις συνεχομένη. So 18 13, ένοχος έσται
τοις μεγίστοις επιτιμίοις.
τον αστράτευτον...δειλόν. These offences were all included
under a γραφή λιποταξίου, and were thus distinguished: (1) not
appearing in the army when put in the list (αστρατεία) ; (2) not
appearing in the particular part of the army (cavalry or infantry)
to which he was assigned (λιποταξία); (3) falling to the rear on
the advance of the enemy (δειλία οι λιποταξία δειλίας ένεκα);
(4) throwing away the shield (το ρίψαι την ασπίδα). The trial
took place before a panel of otpatiwral presided over by the
strategi, and the penalty was åtquia without confiscation of
property (Andoc. 1, § 74). See Lysias xiv. SS 5, 11. Andoc.
de Myst. S 74 reclkons among the άτιμοι such persons--
όποσοι λίποιεν την τάξιν ή αστρατείας ή δειλίας ή άναυμαχίου
όφλoιεν ή την ασπίδα αποβάλoιεν, Op. 1, 8 29. Pollux 8, 49,
Schömann, Attische Process p. 462 (ed. 1887).
186 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 176
εισί και δειλίας γραφαί « for cowardice also is indictable.'
See previous note. The specific offences were named as above,
though they were also spoken of generally as δειλία, and the
whole process often as γραφή λιποταξίου. Bake omitted the
words, and is followed by Weidner.
púoews 'a natural quality,' 'a weakness of nature,' such
that a man had no control over it. φύσει μάχεσθαι ουκ εύπορόν
OTC (Dem. Pantaen. § 56). “Yes,' says Aeschines, the law
provides against this by giving the man something that he
may fear more than the enemy.' Cp. what Polybius says of
the Roman soldiers (6, 37), “it sometimes happens that men
confront certain death at their stations, because, from their
fear of the punishment awaiting them at home, they refuse to
quit their post.'
υπάρχη be always ready, so that the country can reclkon
on them.
176 έξω των περιρραντηρίων της αγοράς “outside the part
of the agora purified by the blood or holý lustral water,' and
consequently outside those who shared in the religious rites at
the beginning of an assembly, and were able therefore to take
part in it 8 224. περιρραντήρια are properly the vessels for
sprinkling. They are mentioned as among the necessary imple-
ments for sacrifices. Pollux 1, 32; Lucian de Sacrif. § 12. They
appear to have been so placed in the åyopá (anciently the place
of assembly, and here used to indicate it, though the assemblies
were now in the Pnyx) as to mark out the space consecrated.
In 18 21 the law disfranchising persons guilty of certain im-
moralities Orders anmong other things μηδ' εντός της αγοράς των
περιρραντηρίων πορεύεσθαι. Cp. Lucian 1. c. 8 13, και το πρό-
γραμμά φησι μή παριέναι ες το είσω των περιρραντηρίων όστις μη
καθαρός έστι τας χείρας. Αrist. Ach. 44, πάριτ' ες το πρόσθεν
πάριθ' ώς αν εντός ήτε του καθάρματος. Op. also Aesch. is 23,
επειδάν το καθάρσιον περιενεχθή και ο κήρυξ τάς πατρίους ευχάς
ευξηται. The note of the Schol. 1s περιρραντήρια εστιν οίον τα
ύδατα προ των ιερών, εν οίς περιρραίνονται οι μέλλοντες εισιέναι
τοις ιερούς προ του εύξασθαι τά δε της εκκλησίας περιρραντήρια ήν
τα καθάρσια τα εκ του περιστιάρχου γενόμενα. The περίστια
means a pig offered on these occasions; after which ceremonies
business began. Dem. 1η Timocr. S 21, πρώτον μετά τα ιερά.
Schol. on Arist. Ach. 44 ; Dict. of Antig. S.ν. εκκλησία. [Bremi
says of repeppartupca sunt cancelli (barriers) intra quos nemini
åtiuç intrare licebat; but there does not seem any authority
for this meaning of the word, although no doubt έξω τ. π. came
to mean 'outside the consecrated space' however marked off.]
εισιέναι εις τα ιερά τα δημοτέλη “ to join in the national
sacrifices, or, to enter the national temples.' Cp. 18 21 μηδ'
§ 177
187
είς τα δημοτελή ιερά εισίτω. Ηarpocration distinguishes between
iepà onuoteñ... Onuotikà... Ópyewylkà...and yeviká. The first are
those offerings given by the whole state, the second by the
members of a deme, the third by the ópyewves or official priests
of the demes attached to particular worships, and the last by
gyévn or clans.
Tov NotebÁVÁTOV ÉK TW vóuwy one who in accordance with
the laws is incapable of receiving a crown.'
elokaleîs 'you are for summoning. Aeschines speaks of
the probouleuma of Ctesiphon as if it were the voice of the
kaput actually calling Demosthenes into the theatre.
TOÎS TpaywSois' at the time of the acting of the tragedies.'
See Demosth. de Cor. $ 54. Aeschin. 1 $ 158.
Tòv tå iepa... Podedwkóra. He probably means only gene-
rally that the cowardice of Demosthenes had left the temples
at the mercy of the enemy. See on 156. It would be too
far-fetched an allusion to refer this to the abandonment of
the prosecution of Midias for impiety.
tñs útodécews the main subject of my speech,' viz. the
illegality of Ctesiphon's proposal.
S$ 177–187 Leaving the question of the character of
Demosthenes, Aeschines tries to shew that it is unadvisable to
make the distinction of a gold crown too common, or a matter
of personal favour (177—180): it was not the way in old
times, --Themistocles, Miltiades, Aristides had no crown, and
Demosthenes is not worthy to be named in the same day as
those men (181–2): the victors on the Strymon were only
allowed to set up Hermae without their names inscribed
(183–185): the picture in the orod atokian of the battle of
Marathon does not contain the name of Miltiades, though it
has his portrait (186): while the heroes of Phyle had but a
small grant of money and a crown of leaves (187).
177 fws (Tu uéuvnual 'before I forget it.' Though Aeschines
probably spoke more or less ex tempore, or at least with less pre-
paration than Demosthenes, this speech must have been in hand
for a long time, and the pretence of speaking before he forget'
can only be sincere as far as the order goes. Cp. $ 57, 176.
karalúoete 'put a stop to.' cikỹ Sudouévous 'given pro-
miscuously,''at random.'
čitavopowOńceral restored to their former state of pro-
sperity.'
où un... TOLNO ETE 'you will certainly not make.' The em-
phatic negative où uin (as opposed to its use in prohibitions)
at H
188 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON, $ 178
more commonly has the subjunctive, in the second person
especially; see however Soph. 0. C. 848, OÚK Oûv un ódolttopMO ELs.
Goodwin, M. and T. $ 89. Madv. & 124 a R. 3. Hadley § 1032.
εμβαλείτε, Sch. διότι ορώσιν εαυτούς εξ ίσου τους πολλοίς τιμω-
MÉVous.
178 ÉTÈ TÔy yuvį kaipwv ' in the present generation' ÉTT
in this sense nearly always has the genitive of person, ési
Κύρου, επ' εμού and the lilke, and οι νύν καιροί must stand for
“the men of the present day.' In the contrast which follows
between the present and past state of Athens it was easy enough
to shew that Athens had been more powerful 100 years before;
and the usual glamour of distance might make the contrast
between Demosthenes and the old heroes effective: nor does it
seem to have occurred to Demosthenes in his answer (de Cor.
§ 314-317) to have pointed out that two of the three heroes
here mentioned died in disgrace with their country. He only
pleads that the envy which ever attends the great living makes
it unfair to contrast them with the great dead, and claims to
be compared with men of his own day.
νυνί δε πολλά καταδεέστεροι “but nowadays falling far more
short of perfection. The belief in the degeneracy of mankind,
never very sincere perhaps, pervades all literature from Homer
downwards; and seems founded partly on ignorance, partly on
an uneasy feeling that we are not such fine fellows as we wish
to be thought, to vex the boast so often made, that we are
wiser than our sires. (See, for instance, Homer Il. 5, 304;
12, 383; 20, 287; Ecclesiastes vii. 10; Vergil den. 12, 899;
Juvenal 16, 65.) Aeschines makes skilful use of this feeling.
td kald if it stands must mean the marks of honour,' but
it is a very unusual meaning. Cp. 260, raideia Ñ Olaylúoketal
Tà kala kai tà aloxpà: 18 160, pilotluía els tå kalá. Markland
accordingly conjectured τα αθλα and Weidner τα τοιαύτα. But
just as åperń sometimes stands for the result of excellence,
i.e. fame, reward (Thucyd. 1, 33, 2; Pind. Olymp. 7, 164;
Isth. 1, 58; Theocr. 17, 137), so it is difficult to say that tà
kalà 'virtuous things' or 'virtue’may not stand for the results
or rewards of virtue.
KATATÉT UTAL has been brought into utter contempt.'
Schol. Noldoptiv, úßplSELV, kata povelv. The simple alúvel is
used in the sense of abusing,' violently attacking,' Demosth.
in Boeot. § 11, ålanous dè T\uvoûuer kai ó tớ loyw kparnoas
äpčel. (Demosth.) adv. Theocr. § 40, éopékate..docdopovućvous kai
mlúvoutas aŭrojs Tåróppnta. Arist. Acharn. 381, kåkuk opópel
KÖThuev. Pollux 7, 38. The metaphor is said to be from the
beating of clothes at the wash; here it would seem equally to
$ 180
189
NOTES
the point to take it from washing out a colour. Note the
intensive force of katá in composition.
Eldovs 'as a matter of course,''habitual,' opp. to Èk povolas
deliberately.' See Wayte's Introduction to Demosth. Androt.
p. xxvi, “ The 'crown'must have been of altogether insignifi-
cant value, apart from the fact that there were 500 claimants :
but, like a modern 'vote of thanks,' it was taken as a matter
of course, and the omission of it would be a marked slight."
See Dem. F. L. & 35. The phrase ék a povolas generally occurs
with poveúely or the like in a bad sense of malice afore-
thought.'
179 SiSCO KELV 'to explain it to you,' or 'to convince you
of it.' The following clauses are rather an explanation of an
acknowledged fact than a proof.
έπασκείν εις τα 'Ολύμπια « to train for the Olympic games.'
This verb is generally followed by the accusative, see § 255.
L. and Sc. quote Achaeus apud Athen. 418 A, TÓNoblovou ús
επασκούντων τρόπος. Athletes were refused admission to the
contests unless trained, see Polyb. 6, 47.
των στεφανιτών distinguished from those games where other
prizes, such as a xhapùs, were given. Cp. Her. 5, 102 ảycsy
otepavnpópos. The four Great Games are otepavitai,
τέσσαρές εισιν αγώνες αν’ Ελλάδα, τέσσαρες ιροί,
oi dúo Mèv Ovntūv, oi dúo sådavátwv.
Znvòs, Antoidao, Ilalaipovos, ’Apxeuópolo•
Xola dè twv, KÓTLVOS, uña, oéliva, riTUS.
The other péyiotal dwpeal, said by Demosthenes (Lept. § 141)
to be given to the victors, are those given by their own gratified
states, not by the managers of the games.
παγκράτιον consisted of both Wrestling (πάλη) and boxing
(Truyuń): both these were reckoned Bapós (Baputépwy Tu) as also
the dio kos in the Pentathlum.
τη διαπραξαμένω to the man who successfully intrigued for
it.' Cp. $ 42, diem páTTOVTO Åvayopeúeo dai.
oúdels äv. Cobet would omit the clause.
180 vûv &è but as it is,' as the games are actually ad-
ministered.
TapakataOéuevo, Schol. oiovei èuTLOTEÚOVTES TOîs obvous 'sur-
rendering their bodies to toil.' Simcox explains on the other
hand 'trusting their bodies to the judges.' The latter appears
to me to give the better explanation. Feeling confident of the
fairness of the award they are willing to run the risk, entrusting
190 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 181
their bodies so to speak to the judges, and submitting to the
most painful labours, on the faith that they will receive fair
treatment. For the word cp. Herod. 3, 59 thu vñoov Tpoignvious
παρακατέθεντο “ they entrusted the island to the charge of the
Homer Od. 2, 237, opàs apdéuevol kepal's. 3, 77, yuxàs tap-
Ofuevol "risking.'
dywvodéras. The agonothetae (properly founders of games)
were a committee of judges appointed by the people who had
the charge of the various games, as the Eleans at the Olympic
games, the Corinthians at the Isthmian, the Amphictyons at the
Pythian, and the Argives Corinthians and Cleonaeans at the
Nemean. The privilege of thus presiding at the games was
very highly valued (of its value to the Eleans see Polyb. 4, 73),
as was the incorruptibility of the members of the court. Nearly
every other body of Greek officials were at times guilty of cor-
ruption; but no instance is recorded of such conduct on the
part of the Agonothetae in the great games : though the writer
of the Accusation of Alcibiades (Andocides) § 26 seems to hint
that influence was sometimes brought to bear upon them in the
matter of admitting certain persons to compete. At Olympia
there were two selected by lot from the 50th Olympiad (B.C. 580);
and this arrangement remained until the 75th Olympiad
(B.C. 480), when the number was raised to nine (Elavosikal),
increased in the 77th Olympiad (B.C. 472) to ten (one Olo0érns);
and in the 103rd Olympiad (B.C. 368) raised to twelve, one for
each of the twelve Elean tribes, but reduced again at the next
Olympiad (B.C. 364) to eight, and finally at the 108th Olympiad
(B.C. 348) raised again to 10 (Pausan. 5, 9, 4–6).
Xapisnode'ye grant it as a favour.' There is a zeugma, as
χαρίζησθε, while properly applicable to τω βουλομένω, is not s0
strictly to dlampašauévous those who have obtained them by
intrigue': but the general idea of weak compliance conveyed
by xapišeobal may be held to apply to both classes.
181 S18ágai, see above $ 179. gadértepoy more dis-
tinctly,' i.e. by quoting instances.
EULOTOK s... Zalauīvi, B.C. 480. Herod. 8, 22—3, 57–70.
For the retort of Demosthenes see de Cor. § 208.
ó otparnyńcas 'who was a strategus,' i.e. one of the ten
strategi, who commanded at sea as well as on land, the
Athenians having no separate oflicer like the Spartan vatapxos.
Themistocles was neither commander-in-chief of the whole
Greek fleet, nor sole commander of the Athenian contingent;
but his activity and personal weight made him practically so
for a time.
8 182
191
NOTES.
ότε τη...ενικάτε. Weidner brackets the whole clause as
corrupt. If τη Σαλαμίνι ναυμαχία is to stand it must mean
.at the time of the sea-fight at Salamis'-a locative and a
temporal dative (S176). Some Μss. have εν τη περί Σαλαμίνα ναυ-
μαχία, Some παρά for περί, some Σαλαμίνι for Σαλαμίνα. Franke
reads ότ' εν τη Σαλαμίνι ναυμαχία. Cobet would cut out all from
πότερον το λιπών, except the simple πότερον υμίν αμείνων ανήρ είναι
δοκεί θεμιστοκλής ή Δημοσθένης; This is certainly clearer and
more forcible, but is it therefore necessarily what Aeschines
Wrote? Notice that μάχην νικήσας forms a transitive verb
governing τους βαρβάρους. See Madv. 8 26.
και την τάξιν λιπών. See on $ 152.
Μιλτιάδης...έν Μαραθώνι, B.C. 490, Herod. VI. 110 sqq.
οι από Φυλής. Thrasybulus of Steiria and his followers
who expelled the Thirty B.C. 404, Xen. Hell. 2, 4. Demosthenes
F. L. S 280 calls him o δημοτικός, and in Aristoph. Ρlut. 550 he
is mentioned as the antithesis of a tyrant, Dionysius being the
representative of the latter. The last year of his life brought
him into disfavour with the people. In B.C. 390 he was sent on
an expedition, in which he was held to have exceeded or dis-
obeyed his instructions, and was recalled; but stopping on his
way home to gather contributions from the cities in Asia
Minor, he was killed in the course of his journey at Aspendus in
Pamphylia. Xenoph. Hell. 4, 8, 25-31; Diodor. Sic. 14, 99;
Lysias Orat. 28. Φυλή, a fortification of great strength com,
manding the pass over Mt Parnes on the road to Thebes, about
twelve miles from Athens. It lies in the heart of the mountains
where several ravines and passes leading to Attica and Boeotia
unite' (Baed.). See Mahaffy's Rambles, p. 203_-4.
'Αριστείδης και δίκαιος, see Plutarch Arist. 6, 8θεν ανήρ πένης
και δημοτικός έκτήσατο την βασιλικωτάτης και θειοτάτην προση-
γορίαν τον δίκαιον...: 7, τώ δ' ούν 'Αριστείδη συνέβη το πρώτον
αγαπωμένο διά την επωνυμίαν ύστερον φθονείσθαι...One who voted
for his ostracism, on being asked whether he had any cause to
dislilke him...ουδέν, έφη, ουδε γινώσκω τον άνθρωπον, αλλ' ενοχλού-
μαι πανταχού τον δίκαιον ακούων.
182 εν ταις αυταίς ημέραις, cp. S 117, as we say, not to be
named in the same week with them.'
του θηρίου τούτου of this monster. Demosthenes uses
this term freely of his opponents. Cp. in Timocr. 143, ei ollv
μή τιμωρήσεσθε τούτους, ούκ άν φθάνοι το πλήθος τούτοις τοις θηρίοις
dovleûov. So in de Cor. g 322 he speaks of his prosecutors being
let loose upon him cotep Onpla. Cp.c. Phorm. A § 52, in Lucr.
8 8. For the sentiment cp. Dein. in Denm. 8 16, αλλά γάρ ου
192 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $183
προς τούτο το κάθαρμα παραβάλλειν δει τους άξια και της πόλεως
και των προγόνων υπέρ υμών πράξαντας.
ékelvwv 'those famous men.'
El mou yéypantau “if there is any record,' either on monu-
ments or in the public records (ypáujara).
Käkelvoi ye... Tólews “Yes, and they too were worthy to be
members of the state.' [Some ass. have kåkelvo and ei un for
oi un, and aváčcol for ážcou. If kåkelvó is altered to kérelvw and
the other readings are accepted, the sentence must be taken
as a question, and were they, as being left without outward
mark of honour, on that account unworthy of the state?'
Weidn. omits oi un retinuévol.]
183 ÉTTI TỘ Erpuuóvi. The siege and capture of Eion on
the Strymon was one of the most important episodes in the ten
years' war (B.C. 476—466) conducted principally by Cimon, as
commanding the forces of the confederacy of Delos, against
the Persian power in Thrace and the Hellespont. In these parts
Persian governors and garrisons were still maintained after the
failure of the great invasion of B.C. 480—479, and one after
another was attacked and taken. The town to hold out longest
was Eion under its governor Boges. Thucyd. 1, 98; Herod.
7, 107; Plutarch Cim. 7. Grote Hist. Vol. v. p. 150. Aeschines
here refers to the whole series of military actions, as he shews
υy using the imperfect ενίκων. .'
Albiyovs, the earlier Hermae had been of wood (Fullwol).
Iambl. vit. Pythag. & 245. Anthol. Planud. 187,
Ερμείη ξυλίνω τις επηύχετο, και ξύλον ήεν.
είτα μιν άείρας χαμάδις βάλε του δ' άπο χρύσος
έρρευσεν καταγέντος. ύβρις πόρε πολλάκι κέρδος.
kv Tm Toạ Tn Tây Epsov. The covered street crossing
through the middle of the agora between the otoà Tolkian
and the otoà Bacinelos. Cp. Lysias 23 § 2, TÒ Koupelov Tò
zapà tous 'Epuas. Harpocrat. s.v. 'Epuał. The inscriptions
were kátw Év Tô Báoel (Schol.). There were many other Hermae
both in front of private houses and temples (Thucyd. 6, 27, 1,
Tolloi kai év idious ar po úpols kal ệv iepois), but this otoà had the
greatest number, and was specially called by the name.
qte un érzypábely Tá óvóuara 'on condition of their not
inscribing their names on them.' A famous example of the
dislike to such vainglory was the case of Pausanias, who had
his name inscribed on the stand of twisted serpents (still
extant) for the golden tripod dedicated after the battle of
Plataea: which inscription the Spartans caused to be erased.
Thucyd. 1, 132 (see Herod. 9, 81; Pausan. 10, 13, 9).
IN
§ 184
193
NOTES.
184 v=hoav. Cp. Hesiod Theog. 3, 21, tais tpeis
Kepalai. It or s) is particularly characteristic of Doric, cp,
Epicharmus ap. Athenae. VII. 278 A, páo oal Te TOOLÛTal Tapin
(ał. ñ). id. 286 B, ñ o è vápkai. id. 306 A, ñs so talvides TE
Bouysworld. The passage quoted in Herod. 5, 12 admits of
another explanation. The earliest form of the tense was
probably fa" (Il. 4, 321; 5, 887), hence apparently this dialec-
tical form čav (mv) for toav. One ms. has a correction noav for
ñv äpa. It has however generally been explained as a rare gram-
matical license limited by the rule that the verb must precede
the subject. See Eurip. Ion 1246; Bacch. 1350; Hel. 1358;
Aesch. Pers. 49; Soph. Trach. 520; Lucian Amores 410; Goodw.
$ 135, notes; Madv. G. Gr. p. 2.
ligoy pl ałowya 'burning hunger.' Cp. the German ein
brennender Hunger (Simcox). Cp. Callim. Hymn VI. 68, aútika
oi xaleTÓv te kai äypcov čußale demòr | aitwva kpatepóv. Eion was
starved out; Boges olekaptépet és TÒ foxatov, Herod. 7, 107.
εύρον αμηχανίην first discovered how to reduce their enemies
to despair. Schol. CUTToộ đunxay tay eveBalow nois Toke Miots.
Herodotus uses dunxavin as equivalent to åduvauin weakness,'
inability' (8, 111). Cp. Alcaeus fr. 92 (Bergk), 'Apyálcov
πενία, κακόν άσχετον, ά μέγα δάμνης Λάον άμαχανία συν αδελφέα.
• To find the helplessness of an enemy,' is here used to mean'to
make him helpless. The reference, if it is to be pressed at all,
can only be to the series of operations during this period of the
war of B.C. 476—466; they could not by any stretch be said
to be the first Greeks who had beaten a Persian army, as
Herodotus said of the victors of Marathon (6, 112).
[Weidner follows Richter in putting this epigram second,
the third έκ ποτε κ.τ.λ. first, and the second ηγεμόνεσσι κ.τ.λ.
last. But the order of the text is that of Plutarch (Cimon, 7,
Sintenis, ed. 1879); and there seems no authority for, and
little advantage in, the change.]
και έπεσσομένων seems και reminiscence of Hom. ΙΙ. 22, 305,
αλλά μέγα ρέξας τι και εσσομένοισι πυθέσθαι.
dubl Euyolou atpáyuaou 'in defence of the common interests
of Hellas. These were the palmy days of the confederacy of
Delos, when most states in Greece were acting in league
against Persia. Žuvos is used in tragedy (Soph. Aj. 182) and
by Herodotus (4, 12; 7, 53), but not in Attic prose; it is the
Ionic equivalent of kolvós.
åubi. This use of duoi is almost entirely poetical, and
Ionic (Herod. 6, 62, 129). Its place was taken by trepi, and it
gradually disappeared from use. It only occurs twice in Thucyd.
17, 40, 1; 8, 65, 1), and never in the orators (except in such
quotations) or in Polybius. Madv. & 72.
13
194 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. 8185
185 Μενεσθεύς. This hero is called διος in II. 13, 195
(being one of two αρχοι Αθηναίων); μεγάθυμος ΙΙ. 12, 373;
πλήξιππος ΙΙ. 4, 327; υιός Πετεωο ΙΙ. 2, 552,
τω δ' ούπω τις ομοίος επιχθόνιος γένετ’ ανήρ
κοσμήσαι ίππους τε και ανέρας ασπιδιώτας.
The expression in the second of these two lines is what has
suggested to the epigram writer the koountñpa páxns.
χαλκοχιτώνων. This is the epithet of the 'Αχαιοί in the
Iliad and Odyssey, not the Aavaoi, see Il. 1, 371, 2, 47, 163,
187, 437; 3, 127, 131 etc. Odyss. 1, 286; 4, 496.
ούτωςήνορέης. Weidner brackets these two lines. κοσ-
μητάς, κοσμηταίς in Ρlutarch. Both constructions are ad-
missible. The accusative arises from the influence of the
infnitive. Cp. Herod. 6, 22, έδόκεε δε...βουλευομένοισι...ές αποι-
κίην έκπλώειν μηδε μένοντας Μήδοισι δουλεύειν.
ήνορέης = άνδρείας, ΙΙ. 8, 226.
186 εις την στοάν την ποικίλην on the opposite side of the
Hermae to the στοά βασίλειος. It was originally called Πεισιανάκ-
τειον (Plutarch Cimon 4), and afterwards στοά ποικίλη on account
of the frescoes painted by Polygnotus and other artists. There
were four great frescoes: (1) the battle of Oenoe, between the
Athenians and Lacedaemonians (Paus. 2, 1512); (2) the battle
between the Athenians, under Theseus, and the Amazons; (3) a
group of Greek chiefs after the capture of Troy assembled to
discuss the violence of Ajax upon Cassandra; (4) the battle of
Marathon. Pausan. 1, 15.
τα υπομνήματα, Dem. de Cor. 8 68, υμίν δ' ούσιν 'Αθηναίοις
και κατά την ημέραν εκάστην εν πάσι και λόγοις και θεωρήμασι της
των προγόνων αρετης υπόμνημα θεωρούσι....
ήτησεν. We have no record of such a request on the part
of Miltiades.
γραφηναι παρακαλούντι “to be painted in the act of cheering
on. The prominent figures in the fresco of Marathon were
Theseus, rising out of the earth, Athenė, Hercules, Callimachus
the polemarch, the hero Echetlus, and Miltiades. The picture
was in three departments: (1) the charge, (2) the mêlée, (3) the
struggle at the ships. It is the last which contained these
figures. Paus. 1.c.
187 εν τω μητρώω. Τhe Metroum, the temple of Cybele the
mother of the gods, was near the chamber of the council of five-
hundred. It was the work of Pheidias, and was used as a record
office; see Pausan. 1, 3, 4; Dem. F. L. 8 129, εν τοις κοινούς τους
υμετέροις γράμμασιν εν τω μητρώω: 1η Aristog. 8 98, πως δ' εις
το μητρώον βαδιείσθε; Lycurg. αρ. Ηarpocr. 8.Υ. νόμους έθεντο
8 187
195
NOTES.
αναγράψαντες εν τω Μητρώω. Schol. έγνωμεν και εν τοις Φιλιπ-
πικούς ότι μέρος του βουλευτηρίου εποίησαν οι Αθηναίοι το Μητρώον,
και έστιν ιερόν της Ρέας διά την αιτίαν εκείνου του Φρυγός (the story
being that the temple was built in expiation of the execution
of Metragyrtes for initiating Attic women in the mysteries of
the magna mater). Hypothesis to Demosth. de Cor. κελεύει γάρ
μηδέποτε ψευδή γράμματα εις το Μητρώον εισάγειν. Αthenaeus
5, 214 E (of Athenio the Peripatetic), τα τ’ εκ του Μητρώου των
παλαιών αυτόγραφα ψηφίσματα ύφαιρούμενος έκτήσατο. There
the documents regarding lawsuits were deposited. Athenae.
9, 407 Ε, ο δε Αλκιβιάδης...ήκεν εις το Μητρώον, όπου των δικών
ήσαν αι γραφαι· και βρέξας τον δάκτυλον εκ του στόματος διήλειψε
την δίκην του Ηγήμονος. There the εύθυναι or audits were held.
(Plutarch) υίt. Lycurg. (Χ. Οrat.), μέλλων δε τελευτήσειν εις το
μητρώον και βουλευτήριον εκέλευσεν αυτόν κομισθήναι βουλόμενος
ευθύνας δούναι των πεπολιτευμένων. Opposite it were the statues
of Harmodios and Aristogeiton restored by Alexander (Arrian
Αn. 3, 16, 8).
φεύγοντα τον δημον. All the opponents of the Thirty
tyrants were forbidden the άστυ, and either took refuge in the
Peiraeus or in other towns such as Megara, Thebes or Chalcis;
and more than half the citizens were said to have been thus in
exile. Xen. Hellen. 2, 4, 1; Diodor. Sic. 14, 5; Lysias 24 & 25;
Isocr. 18, 1, εκ Πειραιέως κατελθόντες.
'Αρχίνος ο εκ Κοίλης. A leading statesman and orator in
the period immediately succeeding the restoration of the demo-
cracy (B. C. 404-3). Deinarch. 1 $ 76; Aeschin. 2 g 176; Plato
Menex. 234 B. It was he who proposed the law covering by an
amnesty all offences committed during the year of anarchy,
Isocr. 18, 2. He had been with Thrasybulus at Phyle, and
was, says Demosthenes (in Timmocr. 8 135), μετά γε τους θεούς
αιτιώτατος της καθόδου τώ δήμω και άλλα πολλά και καλά πεπολι-
τευμένος και εστρατηγηκώς πολλάκις. He seems however, though
the author of the amnesty, to have jealously guarded against
advantage being taken of the troubles to introduce illegal
measures. See § 195, and (Plutarch) vit. Lysiae, where he is
said to have indicted the proposal of Thrasybulus to bestow
citizenship on the orator Lysias. Koln was a deme of the
tribe Hippothoontis, just north of the town, in which was the
tomb of Thucydides (Marcell. vit. Thucyd. § 16), the road
through it was called η Κοίλη οδός (Ηerod. 6, 103). The
demesman was expressed by εκ Κοίλης, Isocr. 18, 22 (C. I. G.
275, 1. 28, Διονύσιος 'Ισιδότου εκ Κοί.).
καταγαγόντων who restored, a well-known use oι κατάγειν
(Herod. 6, 25), the analogue to katiévac (Arist. Ranae 1165).
εις θυσίαν...δραχμάς “proposed to give them 1000 drachmae
13-2
196 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 188
(about 40£) for a sacrifice and monument.' The restoration
of peace was celebrated at Athens by a solemn procession and
sacrifice to Athenè on the Acropolis. Plutarch Glor. Atheniens.
VI.; Lysias XIII. $ 80—1.
fattový Séka Spaxual kat ävepa. The number of men
therefore who were with Thrasybulus in Phyle must have ex-
ceeded 100. In Xenophon (Hellen. 2, 4, 2) the number origin.
ally accompanying Thrasybulus when he seized Phyle is said
to have been about 70 (ús oùv éßdouňkovta). Other authorities
mention even smaller numbers, see Diodorus XIV, 32; Pausan.
1, 29, 3; Demosth. C. Timocr. & 34. Grote VIII. p. 56. This
particular reward seems to have been confined to the original
holders of Phyle, who withstood the first attack of the troops
of the Thirty; for soon after the failure of the attack the
numbers were 700 (Xen. Hellen. 2, 4, 5).
TpwTov hè... TelTa without dé, as often, see Demosth. de
Cor. 1, 1.
Ballou of olive leaves. Cp. 2 § 46, Télos dè Távtwv šypayev
ημάς στεφανώσαι θαλλού στεφάνω έκαστον ευνοίας ένεκα της εις τον
δήμον και καλέσαι επί δείπνον εις το πρυτανείον.
Tiulos in pretio. See Photius Lex., Tiulov. ůvTI TOŮ ČUTIMOV •
ούτως 'Αντιφών. ο δε Δημοσθένης έχρήσατο επί του πιπράσκομένου
moltñs tiuns.
Sakedaquóviou. The Spartan garrison that had been placed
in Athens, under the harmost Callibius, at the request of the
Thirty (Xen. Hellen. 2, 3, 13-14). Some of them were em-
ployed against Phyle (ib. 2, 4, 4).
Táčev člov, § 148, 152.
188 avayvágetal, sc. ó ypaupateús.
Trapaváyuwu (to the clerk) 'read to compare with this.'
Cp. mapayeypaduévol vómot, Dem. de Cor. § 111.
ékeîyo 'the former,' i.e. the decree in favour of the defenders
of Phyle.
OteDavoûtai, the present for the immediate future, 'is pro.
posed to be crowned.' $ 117. Cp. Demosth. de Cor. & 83 deve
τέρου κηρύγματος ήδη μου τούτου γιγνομένου.
189 Truybávoual ye 'I am actually told' (though I don't
know). The ye gives emphasis to the fact that he is now
speaking from information received, not from personal know-
ledge. Cp. g 225. See Dem. de Cor. § 314-9 for the answer,
which does not follow the line here indicated. Simcox supposes
that the paragraph was added after the trial, when Aeschines
prepared the speech for publication.
$ 190
197
NOTES.
Bilduuwya This Athenian boxer (ös távtas įvíka Tous åvti-
málous, Suid.) is mentioned also by Aristotle (Rhet. 3, 11).
Tlaukos This famous boxer was a native of Carystus, and
was said to have followed the plough, until his power as a
boxer induced him to try the games. He won twice at the
Pythian, eight times at the Nemean games, as well as at
Olympia, where there was a statue of him. Pausan. 6, 10,
1–3. Quoted with Milo as ideals of strength by Lucian pro
imag. & 19.
cotep guas áyvooûvras 'as though you were unaware,' for
construction see $ 142 s Bota0Tobs phụ Kakos Tảo xotTas.
após aúrny tnv åpetny. The test, which those who claim
to be crowned must stand, is a trial by the standard of absolute
merit: the ideal merit which deserves a crown.
is kal éveka ‘in virtue of which it is that they are crowned.'
kai emphasises the cause.
IIatalkíwyos, Schol. OÛTOS Pv klettns. Harpocr. KMÉTTTNS kai
τοιχωρύχος. Suidas ανήρ από συκοφαντίας τον βίον ποιούμενος και
Tp00 KpoÚcut #TiTape up To@s củồ optuous: Tôn vềaP. Plutarch de
audiend. Poet. 4 Ilataikiwy Ó KÉTTIS. His name seems to be
used like those of Phrynondas and Eurybatus as synonymous
for rascality.
εφικόμενος της ανδραγαθίας. Schol. τουτέστι γενόμενος ανήρ
åyadós, kpatňoas tas åpetas, éyk paths wv dvopayabias 'when you
have attained to excellence, then (oŰtw) ask the people for
favours. You must not presume to ask for reward till you
have done something more than excel this or that person; you
must attain a certain standard of positive excellence. For outw
“when you have done that,' marking the condition under which
action is taken, cp. Thucyd. 1, 37, 1, uvno 6 évtas pôrov kai
ημάς περί αμφοτέρων ούτω και επί τον άλλον λόγον ιέναι. Herodotus
in this connexion generally writes oőtw dň, see 6, 36, 61 etc.
$S 190—200 The epigram concerning the restorers of the
democracy may be regarded in another point of view. They
were honoured for putting down men who were acting un.
constitutionally; and that is a fresh illustration of a fact
which I have heard from other sources of the great strictness
with which trials on ypadai mapavbuwy were then conducted,
compared with the slackness of the present practice. In truth
such a trial ought not to admit of advocacy of the usual sort.
The facts are as plain as a diagram. The law and the proposed
decree can be compared, and an absolute decision arrived at,
which cannot be gainsaid. Do not thereiore allow Ctesiphon
to call Demosthenes.
190 ÚToléoews $ 76, 176.
198 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 191
παλαίχθων immemorial dwellers in their land. For the
Athenians claimed to be αυτόχθονες. Τhucyd. 1, 2, 5, την γούν
'Αττικήν εκ του επί πλείστον διά το λεπτόγεων αστασία στον ούσαν
άνθρωποι ώκουν οι αυτοί αεί. Cp. 2, 36.
τους αδίκους θεσμούς άρξαντας “ those who held ofice under
unconstitutional laws.' The Thirty were a board appointed
nominally to draw up a revised code of laws, and to conduct
the government in the meanwhile, and were formally voted by
the assembly; but under pressure from Lysander, and with the
well-understood intention of putting down the democracy. Xen.
Hellen. 2, 3, 2; Diodor. xIv. 3 ; Lysias XII. § 74–5, XXVIII.
8 13.
κίνδυνον...αράμενοι. So πόλεμον αειράμενοι Herod. 7, 132.
191 έναυλον γαρ ήν τότε πασιν for it was at that time
ringing in the ears of all.' Properly švauros means to the
sound of the flute;' but it is nearly always used in a meta-
phorical sense. Plato Menec. 235 o ούτως έναυλος ο λόγος τε και
ο φθογγός παρά του λέγοντος ενδύεται εις τα ώτα with such a
ringing lasting sound.'
τηνικαύτα...επειδή “ that in that period the democracy was
really dissolved, since a party had abolished the γραφή παρα-
νόμων,’ i.e. It was the abolition of the γραφή παρονόμων that
really constituted the destruction of the democracy,' Tà tñs
δημοκρατίας ισχυρά 8 234. τηνικαύτα is not so much temporal as
circumstantial : 'in the circumstances then existing.'
επειδή τινες...ανείλον. Cp. Dem. c. Tim. S 154 ακούω δή και
το πρότερον ούτω καταλυθήναι την δημοκρατίας, παρανόμων πρώτων
γραφών καταλυθεισών. No formal repeal of the law regu-
lating the γραφή παρανόμων seems to have been carried by the
promoters of the revolution in B.C. 404, as it had been in the
revolution of the Four-hundred B.C. 411 (Thucyd. 8, 67, 2).
But the appointment of the Thirty being for the purpose
nominally of drawing up a fresh code, all laws were for the
time suspended. Grote VIII. p. 27; Thirlwall iv. p. 179. For
TLVES of invidious reference, certain (mischievous) persons,'
cp. 8 58.
kal yáp Tou' for, in point of fact,' directly the democracy
was restored the γραφή παρανόμων became a reality.
ούς πολλάκις Μarkland for δς πολλάκις. The construction
with ως...δς...δς is much disjointed. The omission of δς πολλάκις
...έφη γάρ would make it simple; but the sentence, though
rough, is forcible, Weidner restores consecutiveness by emend-
ing us to viòs (=tais) and the second ös to wore making wote
πολλάκις...σχολής explain the mention of his father's 95 years.
8 192
199
NOTES.
den yap resumes the sentence which has lost its way in the
parenthesis. “He said then.' gdp narrativum.
εί τις εισίοι γραφήν. Verbum εισιέναι, ut vocabulum forense,
dicitur et de causa, et de reo, et de judicio. Bremi. (Demosth.)
c. Neaer. 122, un elolévai Tiv ypaonu Taútnu: C. Boeot. 1, delvá
naowv ÚT' aŭtwv clouéval els dikaotŕplov. Cobet would however
read ypapń, quoting § 197 and Demosth. F. L. § 14, évýcc
γραφή εις το δικαστήριον.
elval uolov TÒ ovoua kai tò épyov. Bremi takes this to
mean 'an illegal suggestion was held as culpable as an illegal
act.' And the Schol. oŮx ÝTTOV éuío ou Toû páTTOVTOS Tapávoua
¿vé pyous aỦTÒV TÒV ypápovta napávoua. This seems to put a
strain upon the meaning of ovoua. I think it is to be con-
strued · It was a reality, and no farce,' 'it was carried out with
strictness.' Cp. the proverbial phrase á na ČTOS TE kai épyov,
Herod. 3, 135: Homer, Hymn to Hermes, 46, ús áu' ÉTOS te kai
Épyov eundeto kúduos 'Epuñs. Polyb. 8, 36, 11, ära tų lóyų
ToŮpyov eikńDEL OUVTÉNELav. Lat. dictum factum, Terence Hau-
tont. 760, 904.
Tlyáp łoTLV 'and quite rightly so, for what is more abomin-
able than a man making unconstitutional proposals and acting
unconstitutionally?'.
192 ávetrólfov 'they used to stop the clerk' in the course
of his reading, and bid him go back and read over again.
Herod. 5, 92 8 6.
TÒ Unbloua 'the proposed decree' which was the subject of
the action.
mapannondaley... Tapalláčaley ‘not only if they utterly
ignored (lit. leapt past) the laws, but if they neglected even a
single syllable.' παραπηδάν is a strong word for παραβαίνειν,
Tapallámtel is putting it at the lowest, pass by as unim-
portant.' Cp. 'Trepandňoas § 12, 200. Of course Aeschines
implies that Demosthenes was guilty of the former. Trpayua
' proceeding.'
ÚTepkatayéhao Tov 'a supreme farce," "ridiculous beyond all
measure.
TÒ Trapávouov 'the proposal alleged to contravene the laws.'
GOTTE ÉTwSny 'as though it were a formula of incantation,'
-a mere matter of form, to which no special attention was
necessary,-like the reading of an Act of Parliament ordered at
certain elections in England. The use of incantations in
sicknesses and for wounds had no doubt come to be regarded
with contempt in the time of Aeschines; but it had evidently
been common. See Homer Odyss. 23, 457; Pindar Pyth. 3,
91; 4, 385; Aeschyl. Eum. 618; Soph. Ajax 582 ; Thucyd. 2,
200 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. 8193
47, 5; Plato Symp. 203 A; Theaetet. 149 c; Republ. II. 365;
V. 426; Demosth. in Aristog. § 80.
193 παραδέχεσθε you habitually admit, the present is
used of what frequently goes on. $ 232.
μετενήνεκται...κατηγορεί. He means that by allowing side
issues to be pleaded in court in a matter which, like a ypaon
παρανόμων, admits of instant, simple, and conclusive decision
by comparing the two documents, the jury allow the defendant
to leave the point at issue and attack the character of the
prosecutor, thus forcing him often to speak as though he were
on his defence. In I. $ 175 Aeschines asserts that Demosthenes
had boasted that in pleading for Timarchus he had diverted the
attention of the jury from him 'to the accuser, and to Philip
μεν φεύγων κατηγορει και δε κατηγορών εκρίνετο, οι δε δικασται ων
μεν ήσαν δικασται επελάθοντο, ών δ' ουκ ήσαν κριται περί τούτων
ήκουον.
ών, μέν είσι κριται. One clause in the juror's oath was
'I will give my decision on the question at issue, and none
other,' Demosth. 746. The temptation of a juryman to be
misled by side issues, such as a man's character, public services
or other actions, was of course as common then as now: and
the Athenian orators continually address themselves to this
weakness; but to assert that Demosthenes invented the trick
is absurd.
äv äpa “if indeed he ever does touch on it'_which he
frequently does not, 8 162. For άψηται cp. 88 101, 237.
ως...έτερος...απέφυγεν. See Dem. de Cor. 88 83, 114, 223
-226. But Demosthenes in these passages does not adopt
the plea that these men had not been convicted, but that they
had not been prosecuted, or, if they were, that Aeschines had
not prosecuted them or helped their prosecutor. If he had
pleaded that they had been tried and acquitted it would have
been a good precedent.
ακούω. See on 8 189, πυνθάνομαι : de Cor. 8 318: Lysias
19 8 5.
194 'Αριστοφων εκείνος ο 'Αζηνιεύς < the famous Aristo-
phon of Azenia' (a deme of the tribe Hippothoontis), § 139.
He is described by Hypereides (3, XXVIII. 25) as io xupératos įv
τη πολιτεία. The Schol. on Aesch. 18 64 says κεκωμώδηται
ο 'Αριστοφών ως υπέρ Χάρητος μισθού λέγων, και ως παρανόμων
γραφάς ΟΕ' πεφυγώς, και ως στρατηγήσας εν Κέω και διά φιλο-
χρηματίας πολλά κακά εργασάμενος τους ενοικούντας, εφ' ώ
γραφείς υπό “Υπερείδου παρανόμων εάλω. φησι δ' αυτόν Υπε-
ρείδης και 'Αρδηττόν επικληθήναι διά το πολλάκις αυτόθι έπιωρ-
§ 195
201
NOTES.
Knkévai l'Apônttós was the place wbere the Heliastic oath was
administered, near the Stadium Panathenaicum, Harpocr.).
In Demosth. Lept. § 146 he is named one of three uálcoo'
ol delvol Néyelv dvopes who are elected oúvdikol to defend the
law of Leptines (B.C. 355). This was late in his career: he
had been long a leading orator, and is often referred to by
Demosthenes among his most powerful predecessors. See
de Cor. $ 219, F. L. & 297. He is mentioned as having prose-
cuted Iphicrates for treason (Quintil. 5, 12, 10–11). See
Pollux VII. 11. Schäfer vol. 1, p. 136, 174, 415. For his
financial measures, see Schäfer vol. 1, 179, 260; vol. 2, p. 54.
In Dindorf's index to Demosthenes he seems to be confused
with Aristophon of Collytus.
ó Kódalos...ékelvos. Suidas Képalos 'Aonvaios, ºntwp kai
δημαγωγός, ός πρώτος προοίμιον και επιλόγους συντέθεικε γέγονε
s'étti tñs åvapxias (i.e. B.C. 404). He was of the deme Collytus,
and is mentioned by Deinarchus (1, 38--9) as having proposed
a decree for sending out an expedition for the relief of Thebes
(B.C. 379), and is said in B.c. 394 to have cooperated in the
combination against Sparta instigated by Tithraustes in order
to get rid of Agesilaus from Asia [Pausan. 3, 9, 8]. Suidas
therefore cannot be right in saying that he was born in B.C.
404, if he does mean that. He was a leading orator at least
as early as B.C. 392, see Arist. Eccles. 248. He is classed with
Aristophon and Thrasybulus in Dem. de Cor. § 219.
ou Seulav... Trapavouwy. Dem, de Cor. $ 251. Demosthenes
answers that it is still greater credit to have been often pro-
secuted on this charge and always acquitted; and that as far
as Aeschines is concerned he can make Cephalus' boast, for
Aeschines has never brought any action against him. Té evye
has been a defendant in.'
oi Suatrolitevóuevou 'the rival statesmen,' the statesmen
of rival parties. For this sense of “rivalry' conveyed by dià
in composition cp. OlaTOČebec Oai, diakovtiseobal, dlopxeio bal (Ar.
Vesp. 1499), dlacidelv (Theocr. Id. 5, 22), diamively (Herod. 9,
16) and others.
195 ékeldev . from the following instance.' $ 168.
'Apxivos We know of one case, namely that of the orator
Lysias' citizenship. See on § 187.
pacúßoulov... Quiñs. See Demosth. de F. L. & 321, and
notes on SS 181, 187. Weidner omits aútØ ÅTÒ Qulñs, while Cobet
would omit the whole clause éva to ourñs on the ground that
Thrasybulus, the hero of the restoration, would not be spoken
of as one of those who returned, quasi gregarius miles aut
unus de multis fuisset.' But the point of their having been
associated on that occasion needs to be emphasized here.
202 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 196
Eide (secured his condemnation. In this sense aipeîv is
used (1) with the accusative of the person, Isaeus 78, 86,
τετελευτηκότα παρανοίας αιρήσετε, Arist. Νub. 591, Κλέωνα δώρων
ελόντες και κλοπής. (2) with γραφήν, Antiph. 2 8 5, γραφάς
πολλάς και μεγάλας διώξας ουδεμίαν είλεν. (3) with two accu-
satives, Isaeus 64, 10 δίκας είλεν Εύπολιν δύο.
νεωστι...ευεργεσιών “though he had in his favour the fact
that his services to the state were quite recent.' Êkeivw is not
dat. of the agent, but of advantage, in the sense of υπάρχειν
τινί ευεργεσίας 8 169.
υπελογίσαντο “took into account. Cp. Demosth. de Cor.
99, 100.
εξελαύνειν that he was practically driving them into exile,
i.e. that by proposing illegal measures he was again destroying
the democracy.
196 αλλ' ού νύν “but this is not the way now-a-days.'
σιτήσεις. The Prytanies were required to spend the whole
day in their office, and sometimes the night also (Andoc.
de Myst. 45), consequently a lunch (άριστον) and an evening
meal (deitvov, Demosth. de Cor. 169) were provided for them,
originally in the Prytaneium, but later in the eólos or Round
house built for their convenience close to the βουλευτήριον.
Pollux 8, 155 η θόλος έν ή συνεδείπνουν εκάστης ημέρας πεντή-
κοντα της των πεντακοσίων βουλης, η πρυτανεύουσα φυλή. Pausan.
1, 5, 1 του βουλευτηρίου των πεντακοσίων πλησίον θόλος έστι
καλουμένη, και θύουσι τε ενταύθα οι πρυτάνεις. But besides the
πρυτάνεις certain other persons had the privilege of being thus
maintained, and they appear to have continued to get their
meals in the Old Prytaneium, which was higher up the hill
and further from the βουλευτήριον. There were (1) certain
officials, ιεροκήρυξ, ιεροφάντης, δαδούχος, checking clerk (αντι-
γραφεύς), the clerk of the Boule and of the ecclesia etc. (C.I. G.
184); (2) a number of persons entertained for special reasons,
whom Pollux (9, 40) thus distinguishes: (1) ambassadors (of
κατά δημοσίαν πρεσβείαν ήκοντες, op. Αrist. Ach. 124); (2)
citizens or others who had done good service to the State (oi
διά πραξίν τινα σιτήσεως αξιωθέντες); (3) those who had been
granted perpetual maintenance (εί τις έκ τιμής αείσιτος ήν),
such as the children of Aristeides (Plut. Arist. 27) and the
descendants of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. A single invi.
tation to the putavelov was also generally given with a
vote of thanks to those who had been employed on public
service. Demosth. de F. L. § 35. J. G. Frazer in Journal of
Philology, vol. XIV. p. 145.
των...εύρημένων “Some of those who have been granted this
$ 198
203
NOTES.
maintenance,' see on § 162. Herod. 9, 26 TÓTe eúpóueda TOÛTO
we then obtained this privilege.'
εξαιτούνται try to obtain rejection of suits for παράνομα
as a personal favour.' The word is generally used with accus.
of the person whose pardon is desired. Lys. 14 § 20 èàv MÉv
τινες των συγγενών αυτόν εξαιτώνται.
Tota Ta...v. Cp. SS 137, 234.
oi vóuou oálovoi. Cp. $ 6: in Timarch. § 30 eŮ O lote,
ώ 'Αθηναίοι, ότι τα μεν των δημοκρατουμένων σάματα και την πο-
Altelav oi vóuol owjovol. [Cobet would omit oi Deoi kai as being
out of place.]
197 rls...có povu 'what line of argument has been indi-
cated (by the laws) for the use of an advocate who is in-
fluenced by justice and a sense of propriety? If he is dikalos
he will not wish to take any advantage to enable him to defeat
the law, if he is owopwv he will be restrained by self-respect.
els tpia uépn. This triple division of the day was made by
the water-clock (Kleyúdpa, TÒ üdwp) which was under the care
of an official called ó épüdwp (Pollux 8, 113). It was his
business to see that the three portions were exactly equal.
When the time allowed came to an end he stopped the water
by means of a valve Ýliokos, Pollux 10, 61); or if, during
the time allowed for the speech, certain documents were to be
read which were not to be taken from the time allowed to the
orator. See Demosth. in Steph. A. § 8. Some trials however
were not so arranged and were said to be xwpis u datos. For
the whole subject see Harpocrat. S.V. Oamejlet pnuévn ňu épa.
And Schömann Der Attische Process, pp. 927-931 (ed. 1887).
oray cioin ypaon. See on 191.
kal toîs els aủTÓ TÒ Tpâyua Néyovou ‘for those who speak
to the merits of the case': i.e. the ouvňyopol of the defendant.
But Aeschines wishes to insinuate that those only are admitted
to speak who discuss the question itself, to the exclusion of
those who appeal to pity, character, and the like. They should
be ouvńyopol of the psephisma not of its proposer. § 206.
uni dvon is not refuted.' The · first vote' is taken after the
defendant's speech and those of his ouvňyopoi, and decides
whether the proposal is rapávouoy or no. If the former, the
jury then have to assess the penalty, and on that point the
parties are heard again. There was no limit as to the pun.
ishment for it was an dywy tuntós, one in which the prosecutor
and defendant each assessed the punishment, the jury choosing
between the two. See Schömann Att. Proc. p. 208 (ed. 1887).
198 my tñpov aiteê 'asks for your vote in his favour,'
204 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 199
rather than argues on equitable principles,—though he admits
that this is comparatively excusable as being in the way of a
humble deprecation of anger.
yadov aitei, opkov aitei, see on § 157. The man who
asks for the vote on the main question as a favour, asks
for what no citizen has a right to ask or to give, for it belongs
to the law and the constitution, and should be given only in
accordance with their spirit.
αυτούς, i.e. the συνήγοροι of Ctesiphon.
SLEVEYK Eîv ‘leaving you to give your votes according to the
laws.' "Acadépel yî pov dicitur de pluribus qui viritim suffragia
de eadem re ferunt. Isocr. xv. § 173, Néyelv ärep éyw vův tepi
TOùs Mélovtas tepi épautoll TTV yñpov diokoelv." Bremi.
απαντάν εις την τίμησιν “to present themselves and devote
their arguments to the assessment,'-to reserve their appeals
till the time comes to assess the penalty. Aeschines assumes
that the ouvńyopou can have nothing to say to the question of
the illegality of Ctesiphon's proposal, for that is patent and
admits of simple and conclusive proof; their only locus standi
is an appeal for mercy at the assessment.
199 Móvov applicable to suits for unconstitutional pro-
posals alone.'
TÒ Alkalov 'the rights of the case, the question of guilt or
innocence.'
TÒv kavova mpoo dépouley 'we apply the carpenter's rule,'
cp. Timaeus ap. Polyb. 12, 12, 1, who uses the metaphor of
truth in history, which is as essential as straightness in a car.
penter's rule.
200 TOUT TÒ Davidlov 'this small tablet,' on which the
psephisma and the laws alleged to be broken by it are written
side by side. Lysias xvi. $ 6. It was covered with gypsum,
and was therefore called a neúkwua, Lys. ix. 8 6; Demosth.
in Timocr. $ 23, é o è Tide's TÒv Kalvòv vónov åvaypáyas eis
λεύκωμα εκτιθέτω πρόσθε των επωνύμων όσημέραι έως αν η έκ-
Kinoía yévntal, ---see the passage which follows this law for
the procedure. Schömann, Att. Proc. (1887) p. 801.
To týdloua kal oí mapayeypappéyou vóuou are included in
the oaviòcov. For the latter see Demosth. de Cor. & 111.
karáſaive, addressed to Ctesiphon.
Tapakaleiv 'to summon as a ouvńyopcs,' generally of a
witness, Demosth. ad Macart. $ 70 páptupas ÚMLU TOÚTWY Trap-
εξόμεθα τούς τε προσχώρους και των άλλων ους παρεκαλέσαμεν.
Demosthenes protests against this attempt to prevent his
getting a hearing, de Cor. § 13.
$ 201
NOTES.
205
ÚTTEPTIOńcas, expressing the violence and audacity of the
proceeding, cp. Tapas noņoelav § 192.
Try Sikalav årrodoylay "the defence which rests on an
appeal to the legal issue.'
TEXvitnu lóyov sa professional pleader.' Cp. in Timarch.
$ 170, Dem. C. Åndrot. § 4, ČO TL yàp, û dvopes 'Aonvalol, TeXvitys
Toù XéYELV kal távra TÒV Biov coxólakev' ÈVÈ TOÚTW. It is an
obvious appeal to the prejudice against professional speech-
writers, which Aeschines can make with greater force perhaps
than Demosthenes, as he was not of the profession.
KhéT TELS Tv koócơ ty. Cp. 8 200. Kara Deus S 191.
201—212 The only security the jury have against these
artifices is to insist on Ctesiphon sticking to the point, and
trying only to show that his psephisma does not violate the
laws; and again to refuse to allow him to call Demosthenes.
If, however, you do allow this, you must insist that Demos-
thenes shall follow the order of my accusation, viz. (1) to show
that the psephisma is not against the law in proposing to crown
an Úteúduvos, (2) that the proposal as to the proclamation
is not illegal both as to time and place, (3) to show that I
am wrong in asserting that he is unworthy of the crown both
from his private and public career (and observe that it is the
latter on which I laid most emphasis). Don't let him vary this
order : if you do he will divert your attention by his tears and
oratorical artifices from the true point at issue. Meet all these
theatrical displays with persistent incredulity, and a constant
reference to the interests of the country which he has en-
dangered. Besides, what need has he of all these pathetic
appeals ? It is Ctesiphon that is in danger, not Demosthenes.
There is no fear of his feeling the slight so deeply as to kill
himself like Ajax.
201 évtavboî deictic, “to the defendant's bema.' TOÛTO
Sr... aúto, “this fine opening speech which has been assigned
to him.' The defence was conducted by agreement among the
ouvýropol, no doubt acting on the advice of the most experienced
among them, in this case Demosthenes. Each was to speak to a
special part of the case. Thus in the c. Androtiona Diodorus,
the prosecutor, speaks second to certain points untouched by
the previous speaker Euctemon. And again in Lysias 28, a
speaker appeals to the jury to punish Ergocles, without touching
on the evidence which had been spoken to by others. See
Schömann, Att. Proc. (ed. 1887), p. 920—25. The force of an
is that of contemptuous irony.
mrpooluloy is here used to mean 'an introductory' or 'first
speech' in a defence. In 11. S 34 it means the introductory
206 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 202
part of a speech poéyyetal TÒ Omplov TOÛTO a poolulov OKOTELVÒV kai
τεθνηκός δειλία.
évolatpißn kai uz åtoloyntau "and then begins wasting
time instead of entering upon his defence.' ¢vocarpißelv 'to
introduce delays,' used of a man finding excuses for not fulfil-
ling a contract, see Dem. in Olympiod. § 19 ÉTTELON D'ÊvÒLÉTPLBE
και ουδέν επoίει.
ävev dopúßov 'without any loud expressions of disapproba-
tion.'. Such cries or mouvements on the part of the jury seem
to have been common. Socrates deprecates it, spol. c. 18 un
Dopußeite, ävāpes 'Aonvalou K.T.N. Cp. also Demosth. de Cor.
$ 52.
Tò gavk Lov, see $ 200.
Trapavayvớvai 'to read by way of comparison,' cp. $ 200;
Dem. de Cor. § 267.
μη προσποιήται “pretends not to hear you, as in oυ δοκεί
(Arist. Eq. 1146, Plut. 837), où onui, oŮk û and the like.
των φευγόντων those who shun. Others read τας ου δικαίας
åmoloylas 'those who make defences not founded on the prin-
ciples of law. In this case peúyelv åtoloylav is an extension
of the meaning of peúyelv oiknu to be a defendant,' and so 'to
put forward as a defence,' Lat. defendere, followed by the plea
put forward.
åkpoaobjevou 'to listen to’like the pupils or audience at a
lecture.
202 Tv Sikalav åtoloylav, 'the defence grounded on the
legal issue.' $ 200. By calling Demosthenes, Aeschines means,
Ctesiphon abandons the simple issue is my psephisma un.
constitutional or no?'-and puts the personal question in the
front.
uálcota mèv 'if possible' or 'best of all:' answered by äv
d'apa.
Kakoüpyov a vpwTroy. Weidner omits these words as a repe-
tition of g 16. In some mss. they are preceded by coplorñv.
Cobet would omit the whole clause from kakoûpyov to evalpňoelv.
óñuaol 'mere words,' $ 92.
év åpetû kataloyigéoow 'regard it as meritorious,' i.e. as a
sign of his kindness and impartiality. For év aperñ 'under
the heading of kindness' cp. 1, 126 napadépel d' aůtòy ¿v okulla
Matos Mépel. Lutz die Präpositionen bei den Attischen Rednern
p. 36. kataloyišeobal 'to reckon,' 'to put down,' Isaeus 89
καταλογίζεται τοίνυν ως εγώ τρείς κλήρους ειληφώς κ.τ.λ.
8 204
207
NOTES.
δς άν... πρώτος αναβοήση “Who shall have been the first to
shout out.'
ει καλέση Δημοσθένην “whether he is to call Demosthenes.'
The deliberative subjunctive retained with ei in oratio obliqua,
on the dramatic principle, whereby the mood and tense which
would have been used in direct discourse is retained. Cp. 2
8 68 ανακοινούσθαι αυτόν αυτό εί δω επιψηφίσαι τους προέδρους...
Herod. 6, 36 εστάλη ές Δελφούς επειρησόμενος...εί ποιέη τα περ...
προσεδέοντο. ib. c. 86 επειρωτέοντα δε αυτόν το χρηστήριον, ει όρκη
τα χρήματα ληίσηται. Goodwin Moods and Tenses 8 680.
αν δ' άρα “but if after all, if by any chance, cp. 88 163, 193.
It answers to μάλιστα μεν above.
τον αυτόν τρόπον. Demosthenes in the de Coron, 8 9 gives
a reason for not following the order of Aeschines' speech.
203 εγώ δε...υπομνήσω υμάς. The sentence would natu-
rally run 'In order to remind you I will tell you how I con-
ducted my accusation,' but the place of the apodosis is taken
by a rhetorical question. Cp. Demosth. de Cor. SS 126, 294.
Trpórepov, that is before touching on the legal question.'
άφθονα δήπου και πολλά. Cobet would omit και πολλά on
the ground that άφθονα is stronger than πολλά.
ή πάντων γ αν είην απορώτατος “or I must be the most
helpless of mortals.'
πρώτον SS 13-31.
ουδέν προβαλλόμενον without talking any precautions to
protect himself. On the whole the present-which the Mss.
give-seems preferable to the aorist, as giving the state of the
case generally; when one definite omission is meant he uses the
ειorist (ουδέ προσεγγράψαντα). For the word see Demosth. de
Cor. 97, 195, 285, 300. It is a metaphor from holding the
shield before one.
ουδέ προσεγγράψαντα - and without even having added the
saving clause.
τας έσομένας προφάσεις “the pretexts which are going to be
set up’ 88 28-31.
204 δεύτερον δε... κηρυγμάτων SS 32-50.
ο φεύγων την γραφήν “the defendant on the indictment,
sc. Ctesiphon. For the phrase see on 8 201.
ουδ' εκκλησιαζόντων Αθηναίων and not even when the
ecclesia is taking place there,' i, e, in the Theatre. See De-
208 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 205
mosth. Mid. $ 9 TOLEîv try ¿KKAnoiav ¿v Alovúoov. The various
theatres in Greek towns are often mentioned as places of as-
sembly; but the Dionysian Theatre at Athens, though begun
many years before, was always in a state of building until the
administration of Lycurgus (B.C. 328 or 326), and perhaps there-
fore it was found inconvenient to have assemblies there more
frequently than was necessary. See Plutarch, X Orat. Lycurg.
346 c; Hypereid. fr. XXXII.
ulkpd pèy trepi Tv iSlwv SS 51-3.
TEPÈ Twv &nuoolwv. SS 54—167. It is true that the formal
attack upon Demosthenes' private character is brief compared
to that upon his public career; but, on the other hand, it is
more or less continuous throughout the speech by means of
innuendoes and epithets; and is again and again recurred to,
as in ss 171–176.
205 outW Sn just in this way, then,'-a combination fre-
quently used to sum up a series of preceding remarks. See on
§ 189.
Tpítoy SÈ Aéyw and thirdly (and this is the most important
not deserve the reward at all,'-let alone the question of the
illegality in its mode and time of bestowal. Aeschines uses
the present déyw here; for although, ever since 8 51, this argu-
ment has been going on, it is not yet finished.
κατεπαγγελλόμενος “confidently promising, the κατά seems
only to strengthen étayyékleobal, cp. & 123. In neither case
does there seem any notion conveyed of doing it against any.
one,'—which Mr Simcox tries to extract from it. Still there is
a certain idea of exaggeration and perhaps aggressiveness con-
veyed by it. Compare the use of Karadoków in Herodotus (3,
27; 6, 16; 8, 4, 69) which, though only a strengthened form of
Dokéw, yet generally conveys an idea of suspicion.
dúo El TÒ Tapávouoy that he will refute the charge of ille-
gality,' that he will speak to the legal point. § 197. Demos-
thenes in fact did not put this off to the end of his speech: it
comes in the middle of de Cor. ss 110_121.
Tálaloua... Sikao nplov 'a trick of the law-court," "a law.
yer's feint.' The metaphor of course is from the wrestler's or
boxer's arena, and is dwelt on further in the next section.
These metaphors are frequent in Aristophanes. See Eq. 264
of proceedings in a law-court; and the expression éxouai utoos
Eq. 387; Ach. 571. Cp. Nub. 1047.
8 206
209
NOTES.
είσαυθίς ποτε at any future time, at any later period of
his speech.' προς το παράνομον with reference to the question
of illegality,' as we say to speak to a point.'
παρεμβολή “by interpolating other matters,” “by the insi-
dious introduction of other things.' Cp. Demosth. in Boeot.
de dote matr». $ 61 εάν δε μή έχων περί ών φεύγει την δίκην μήτε
μάρτυρας αξιόχρεως παρασχέσθαι ... ετέρους παρεμβάλλη λόγους
κακουργών...Aeschin. 18 166 ούτω σαφώς τούτων διωρισμένων
πολλαι παρεμβολαι λόγων υπό Δημοσθένους ευρηθήσονται.
βούλεται “he intends.
206 περί της στάσεως “to get the best position. Thus in
Theocritus (22, 83) Amycus and Polydeuces are represented as
struggling for a long time each to secure such a position as to
have the sun on his back:
ένθα πολύς σφισι μόχθος επειγομένοισιν ετύχθη
όππότερος κατά νώτα λάβη φάος ήελίοιο.
διαγωνιζομένους, for the force of διά in such compositions
See on διαπολιτευόμενοι και 194.
περί της τάξεως του λόγου “as to the order of his speech,
i.e, the order in which he treats the arguments, as laid down
in SS 203—4. Demosthenes (de Cor. § 2) declares that the
spirit of the laws and the jurors' oath is τη τάξει και τη άπο-
λογία, ως βεβούληται και προήρηται των αγωνιζομένων έκαστος
ούτως εάσαι χρήσασθαι.
περιίστασθαι “to maneuvre himself out of the question of
illegality,' the metaphor of the boxer trying to shift his ground
to what suits him better is kept up. The Schol. says περιίσ.
τασθαι αντί του εξίστασθαι και καταφεύγειν. Here it is used of
conscious action, but it is more often employed to mean the
result of circumstances, cp. Thucyd. Ι. 78, 1 μηκυνόμενος γάρ
(πόλεμος) φιλεί ές τύχας τα πολλά περιίστασθαι “for a war if pro-
longed generally becomes a matter of chance.' So here it
might be explained to become, as a result of his maneuvres,
outside the question of illegality.
The Mss. have [είς τους] έξω του παρανόμου [λόγους] περιίσ-
τασθαι. Franke omits the words bracketed. Two Mss. omit
λόγους, the Vatican and Laurentian; several omit εις τους.
εγκαθήμενοι...ενεδρεύοντες...εισελαύνετε...είς τους λόγους
seem to continue the metaphor from the arena; but it is not
clear exactly how they do so. The two first both mean 'lying
in ambush,' and if they are to be referred to the boxing ring
must mean persons placed to watch that the combatants do
not get outside the ground assigned: but εισελαύνετε, drive
him back,' is a change of metaphor and refers to racing, and
14
210 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 207
the swerving out of the course, as in Arist. Nub. 25 Dilwv,
αδικείς έλαυνε τον σαυτού δρόμον. Cp. 1, 176 υμέτερον δ' έργον
πρός ταύτα αντιτετάχθαι και πανταχή παρακολουθούντας μηδαμη
παρεκκλίνειν αυτόν εάν μηδέ τούς έξω του αγώνος λόγοις διισχυ-
ρίζεσθαι αλλ' ώσπερ εν ταις ιπποδρομαίς εις τον του πράγματος
δρόμον εισελαύνετε.
τας εκτροπας αυτού των λόγων his digressions from the
(direct) issues. Plato Politicus 267 Α καλώς...απέδωκάς μοι τον
λόγον, προσθείς την εκτροπήν οΐον τόκον. But it also here refers
to the idea of shirking' or 'avoiding' shewn in the verb ÉKTPÉ-
πεσθαι, op. Αrist. Ρlut. 837 οι δ' εξετρέποντο κουκ έδόκουν οράν μ'
έτι.
207 τουτον τον τρόπον in the (wrong) way I have
described,' i.e. allowing Ctesiphon to make a preliminary
speech without touching on the legal issue, and then to call
Demosthenes. See 8 102. This was the απολογία ού δικαία
to which the jury had not come into court to listen idly
(ακροασόμενοι).
* Great difficulty has been felt at explaining τούτον τον τρόπον
as referring to something so far back: and some editors have
proposed to read εάν μή τουτον κ.τ.λ. But the words αλλ' &
δή συμβήσεται “but what will really happen to you' indicate
that he is returning to a point after a digression or rather
amplification of details, which in this case appears to extend
from επί σαυτόν καλείς (8 202) to the end of 9 206.
ÉTTELO ÁEEL he will bring into court superfluously,' as an
additional actor on the stage. Cp. Polyb. 24, 8, 11 (23, 10, 11
ed. Hultsch.) τρίτον δ' η τύχη δράμα κατά τον αυτόν καιρόν
επεισήγαγε. 8 153 τοις έπεισιoύσιν.
τον γόητα cp. 8 137. βαλαντιoτόμον “cutpurse. Schol.
αντί του τον ληστήν. εκ μεταφοράς των ληστών των τεμνόντων τα
βαλάντια κάτωθεν των βασταζόντων, ίνα εκπέση τα εν αυτοίς. It
has no definite reference here, but is a general allusion to
Demosthenes' alleged dishonesty, § 173.
διατετμηκότα την πολιτείαν a man who has out the con-
stitution to pieces'--'has made havoc of the constitution' like
a butcher, cp. Ηer. 2, 41 ουδε κρέως καθαρού βοός διετετμημένου
“Ελληνική μαχαίρη γεύσεται. The metaphor changes, just as in
the case of είσελαύνετε 8 206. It is a strange and unexampled
expression, and has been explained in various ways. (1) Bremi
explains it of a man qui partes in civitate excitat. But Aeschines
means more,-that Demosthenes has ruined the constitution
by his evil influences and illegal practices. (2) Weidner of
bleeding the state and draining it of all strength-um dem
Staate das Mark auszusaugen. But the meaning of διατέμνειν
8 208
211
NOTES.
is not this, and the explanation takes oletela as equivalent
to πόλις. Cp. Lord Byron's brutal epigram:
So He has cut his throat at last!-He! who?
The man who cut his country's long ago.
κλαίει. Aeschines refers to Demosthenes' tears in 2, 85 και
μεν τοίνυν επιδακρύσας αρτίως ενταύθι Δημοσθένης.
μεταβαλλόμενος suddenly changing his tactics :' it is ει
military word 'facing round;' and then applied to change of
purpose, Herod. 5, 75 μεταβάλλοντό τε και απαλλάσσοντο.
τοίς έξω περιεστηκόσι the spectators standing outside the
space allotted for the jurors, advocates etc., cp. 2, 8 5 ή των
έξωθεν περιεστηκότων τις, σχεδόν δ' οι πλείστοι των πολιτών
πάρεισιν, ή των δικαζόντων υμών. λοιδορείσθαι is to abuse
people who are present.
φάσκων, generally used with an idea of insincerity. Cp.
Lys. 10 $ 9; 12 SS 5, 34; 32 8 7. Demosthenes does not take
the line which Aeschines here anticipates.
τους ολιγαρχικούς “the oligarchical party, and s0 the
party of disorder' see g 170.
υπ' αυτής...διηριθμημένους “who are really and truly distin-
guished as such'-'the undoubted and notorious oligarchs.'
βο Plato Phaedr. 273 Ε τάς φύσεις διαριθμήσασθαι “to enumerate
in different classes,' 'to distinguish under different categories.'
το του κατηγόρου βήμα “ the accuser's platform.' In the
law courts there were two, furnished with seats, one for the
accuser, the other for the defendant. Cp. Demosth. in Olym-
piod. 8 31 κάγώ, ώ άνδρες δικασταί, σιωπη έκαθήμην επί του ετέρου
Bňuatos. This like the bema in the Pnyx is called by Aristo-
phanes (Acharn. 683) ο λίθος. Cp. 8 257.
208 προς τους στασιαστικούς λόγους “in answer to these
arguments which are meant to produce party-feeling.'
ουκ άν ποθ' η δημοκρατία κατέστη “the democracy would
never have become settled and quiet. Cp. Arist. Equit. 863
όταν μεν η λίμνη καταστη, λαμβάνουσιν ουδέν
εάν δ' άνω τε και κάτω τον βόρβορον κυκωσιν,
αιρούσι και συ λαμβάνεις, ήν την πόλιν ταράττης.
νύν δε but as it is.
το κάλλιστον έκ παιδείας “ the most glorious word which
culture teaches,' 'the fairest outcome of civilisation. Aes-
chines is fond of coining expressions with ¢k,—thus 1, 138 Tò
καλόν εκ των γυμνασίων και supr. $ 150 το έκ της αληθείας αισχρόν ;
180 το αείμνηστον εκ της νίκης; 1, 79 οι εκ της διατριβής ταύτης
14--2
212 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 208
men of that way of life' (gamblers); 1, 83 tàs åv púrwV
ainyàs 'the soundest thrashing in the world.' 2, 168 TÈS ÉK dla-
doxñs ėçódovs... è ñrdov 'I was on every succeeding expedition,'
Lutz Präpositionen p. 54. For traidela see $$ 117, 260.
uri uvno ikakely. An amnesty for all offences committed
during the year of anarchy [404—3] was part of the agreement
come to on the fall of the Thirty. Xen. Hell. II. 4, 38; Plu-
tarch Glor. Ath. c. 7. The amnesty was well observed, although
certain persons still suffered from partial åtiuia, for instance
those who had served in the cavalry under the Thirty, Andoc.
de Myst. § 75; Lysias 16 § 4; 26 § 10; and every opportunity
was taken to get rid of them, Xen, Hellen. 3, 1, 4.
AKOTTOLETS “rip up old sores.' So far from observing the
amnesty, you do your best to remind everyone of old griev-
ances. The word seems to be an ätag ley. Hesychius has
ÉNKOTOLÒV a blister.'
Tv aúnuepoy dóywy 'the pleadings of to-day. You care
more for the result of to-day's speeches than for the welfare of
the city. Many iss. have aŭónuépwv and some Edd. trans-
late .extemporary speeches,' but there seems no point in that.
The meaning of aủonuepòv seems to be 'speeches the interest
of which is but for to-day' in comparison with the lasting
interests of the State. Orationes, quae, quum habentur, plau-
sum ferunt, qui tamen cito perit, quum perspicitur, si eas in
agendo sequamur, nil nasci nisi infortunium. Bremi.
την διά των όρκων πίστιν “the confidence which oaths of
his can give.
karabuyyávy. See Veitch s.v. Quyyávw.
Strouvnuovevoate. See 8 48 n. $ 85.
Tapos tous aútovs rightly objected to by Dobree, and ex-
cluded from the text by Franke, Weidner and Simcox. It is
nonsense to say that 'a man expecting to be believed by the
same audience must have a different audience. Cobet also
wishes to strike out w oỦ déte póY OTL Anuoo Dével út ápxov, but
this is not so certain.
DEOùs kalvoùs gods who did not hear the former oaths, and
who do not punish perjury; for our gods know all things. A
change of gods means a change in the providential arrange-
ments of the universe. xpņu opěti Pntois äpa l tatépa OUT EVELY
η 'πι δεσπόταις θεοίς | άλλοισιν--says the nurse to Phaedra,
Eurip. Hipp. 460. Med. 492 6pkwv dè opoúon miotis, oùd'ěxw
μαθείν | ει θεούς νομίζεις τους τότ' ουκ άρχειν έτι | επεί ξύνοισθά γ'
είς έμ’ ουκ εύορκος ών.
8 209
213
NOTES.
209. τού τόνου της φωνής. See Demosthenes' answer de
Cor. § 280. For the difficulties which Demosthenes had to
struggle with from a naturally defective voice and utterance,
see Plutarch Dem. c. xi. Vit. X. Or. 359 E, while Aeschines was
EÚDwvos (Vit. X. Or. 343 D), hence Demosthenes twits him with
cultivating his voice (πεφωνασκηκώς) de Cor. 8 308.
περιγράψατε...αναπτήσομαι exclude me from all share in
public affairs, -—there is no place to which I can fly.' Cp.
8 226 συκοφαντηθέντας εκ της πολιτείας. The metaphor of περι-
γράφειν seems to be from the notion of drawing a line or
bracket round a name to cancel it. If Demosthenes said this,
he must mean that the condemnation of Ctesiphon would be
practically his own ruin as a statesman, though in form it would
not affect him. For the protasis and apodosis represented by
an imperative and future indicative cp. Hom. Il. XXIII. 71
θάπτε με, όττι τάχιστα, πύλας Αίδαο περήσω. Sometimes with
και, as Plat. Theaet. 145 ο λαβε, και είσει. It is a rhetorical
way of expressing 'If you exclude me, I shall have no place to
fly to.' Donald. Gr. Gr. § 520. Weidner writes tepleypávate
and omits εκ της πολιτείας. But the first would not be true
before the verdict, and the latter alteration seems to be for the
worse, and is against all Mss. but one,
ποίαν...ποία generally used when the insinuation is that
the things referred to are non-existent or not to be thought of
in the circumstances. Arist. Ach. 62 ποίου βασιλέως ; Νύ.
367 ποιος Ζεύς ; ου μή ληρήσεις και ουδ' έστι Ζεύς. ib. 247 ποίους
θεούς ομεί σύ: πρώτον γάρ θεοί | ημίν νόμισμ' ουκ έστι. Soph.
Oed. R. 1489
ποίας γάρ αστών ήξετ' εις ομιλίας;
ποίας δ' εορτάς, ένθεν ου κεκλαυμέναι
προς οίκον ξεσθ' αντί της θεωρίας;
τί προβαλλόμενος...πεπολίτευσαι; “What provision for the
safety of the people has accompanied your political measures ??
Grammatically υπέρ δήμου is connected with πεπολίτευσαι, and
one Ms. has a second ti before emolitevoal which Weidner
retains. It is a case in which the participle and verb seem to
change places, the principal idea being contained in the parti-
ciple. Cp. 8 227; Thucyd. 1, 19 οι μέν Λακεδαιμόνιοι ουχ υποτελείς
έχοντες φόρου τους ξυμμάχους ηγούντο. Madν. G. Synt. 8 176 b.
For the meaning of προβαλλόμενος see Dem. de Cor. 30 τούτο
προυβαλόμην έγώ προ της Αττικής, όσον ήν ανθρωπίνω λογισμό
δύνατον, και τούτοις ετείχισα την χώραν, ουχί τον κύκλος του Πει-
ραιώς ουδε του άστεως. Cp. supr. 88 84, 203.
εκλιπών μεν...έν Πειραιεί... πόλεως in leaving the city you
are not really, as you give out, residing in the Piraeus, but are
in fact starting on a voyage from the city.' He means that the
214 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 210
object of Demosthenes residing in his house in the Piraeus was
to be able to escape by sea at any moment; which indeed may
bave been quite true. From Dinarch, in Dem. 69 it appears
that Demosthenes had a house both in the Asty and in the
Piraeus.
το βασιλικός χρυσίον. See 8 173.
210 όλως “ after all.’ τι...τις to what purpose?? τόνος
της φωνής, op. Dem, de Cor. 8 280.
ο δ' άγών ουκ ατίμητος. The two last words must be taken
close together, and the clause be held to depend on the oŮk
(nonne) in the line above. "And the suit—is it not one in which
damages are to be assessed?” (ουκ ατίμητος = τιμητός.) Bremi
and Simcox try to explain this by saying that if the suit was to
be assessed by the jury Ctesiphon might hope that they would
take his assessment rather than that of his opponent, i.e. would
take the merciful view. But in that case it was surely no
matter of surprise that the orator should exert himself to avoid
conviction. If the words are to stand they may mean: "this
is not the time for all this excitement and zeal; reserve them
for the speeches on the τίμησις.” But perhaps it is better to
omit the words as Weidner does.
περί του σώματος • for your freedom. Op. Lys. 5 8 1 ει
μεν περί άλλου τινός ή του σώματος Καλλίας ηγωνίζετο κ.τ.λ.
23 8 12 ευ ειδώς εαυτόν όντα δούλον έδεισεν εγγυητάς καταστήσας
περί του σώματος αγωνίσασθαι. σώμα like Lat. caput included a
man's civil status. Not that Ctesiphon's freedom was at stake.
επιτιμίας the opposite of ατιμίας, “the possession of full
citizen Tights, op. de Cor. 8 15 ουδαμού δ' επί ταύτην απηντηκώς
έμοί την ετέρου ζητών επιτιμίαν αφελέσθαι φαίνεται. A man thrice
convicted of παράνομα was άτιμος, but he might also become so
by failing to pay a fine imposed upon him, and Aeschines had
laid the penalty at the impossible sum of 50 talents.
η σπουδή, op. Dem. de Corr. 8 5 oίμαι δ' υμάς πάντας, ω
άνδρες Αθηναίοι, αν ομολογήσαι κοινόν είναι τουτονι τον αγώνα
εμοι και Κτησιφώντι και ουδέν ελάττονος άξιον σπουδής έμοί.
211 δν εχρην and this by a man who ought to have
come forward and said,' The relative is thus used without
definite antecedent to refer to a person to whose conduct the
preceding clauses apply. See Lysias 78 23 δεινότατα ούν πάσχω
ός ει μεν παρέσχετο μάρτυρας τούτοις αν ήξίου πιστεύειν επειδή δε
ουκ εισίν αυτώ, εμοί και ταύτην την ζημίαν oίεται χρήναι γενέσθαι.
Op. 1d. 13 8 86.
επί τοιαύτης άκαιρίας “in such unfortunate circumstances,
'at such an unpropitious time,'i.e. when the state is in such
$ 212
215
NOTES.
distress and despair as in the period after the battle of Chae-
roneia. skalpía (1) difficulty' Dem. Olynth. 1 § 24 åkalplav
Thu ékelvou kaipòv újétepov vouio avtes, (2) active, unseasonable-
ness' (want of consideration for the circumstances of the case.'
Theophr. Char. 12.
εν ώ το κήρυγμα γίγνεται emblema arguitur et en sententia
non idonea et ex importuna sede,' Cobet. Weidner, on the
other hand, thinks the words cannot be spared, for it was by
the proclamation of the decree that the åkalpía was first made
conspicuous. There seems no reason to depart here from the
MSS.
ékelpato 'went into mourning,' lit. cut the hair; joined with
Tel 0 câu in [Lysias] Epitaph. 70 jor dot my em: Tạồe To Tabụ
τότε κείρασθαι τη “Ελλάδι και πενθήσαι τους ενθάδε κειμένους.
MET' (petñs 'virtuously' with virtuous motives,' cp. Andoc.
Myst. § 56 eirov dè å kovoa Eúplantov...JET' åpetais álloŮ metà
kaklas.
kálapua 'a worthless abominable wretch,' see on Dem. de
Cor. $ 125; Aristoph. Eq. 1144; Ran. 734.
212 ud 'Hpakléa, Aeschines appears to swear by Hercules
here, as the emblem of that manhood which Demosthenes
lacked.
Sladépwv § 178.
Slaxpňontai. Demosthenes is no Ajax to kill himself for
shame and mortification at missing the prize of valour,
os 'a man who' quippe qui ita irrideat, see § 211. Lysias
7 8 15, πολλάς γάρ αν και μεγάλας έμαυτώ ζημίας γενομένας
απoφήναιμι· δ: πρώτον μεν μεθ' ημέραν εξέκοπτον τον σηκόν κ.τ.λ.
ris após újas pilotulas 'of honour in your eyes,' i.e. as to
whether he gains your approval or no.
υπεύθυνον 8S 13-31. Demosthenes was υπεύθυνος when the
indictment was laid, but not when the speech was delivered.
ούτος Ctesiphon.
uuplákus ‘repeatedly,' an instance of extravagant rhetorical
exaggeration. karatéTunke 'has wounded,' as though Demos-
thenes inflicted the wounds on himself, a charge more than
once repeated by Aeschines. See on § 51; 2 8 93.
TOÚTwy sc. tpavuátwy.
KATAKEKOVSúdiotal 'has been so soundly pommelled. The
word does not occur elsewhere, and even kovduNÍ SELV and kovdu-
disco bar are remarked upon as peculiar by Pollux (8,76) who
216 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $213
says that they were used by Hypereides. Weidner remarks on
it as an example of the opodpórns of the orator, comparing
88 207, 208, 209.
Medlov, see n. on § 32.
mpóoodoy a source of revenue.' He makes an income out
of having his head beaten. Cp. Plutarch Nic. 4 kai őrws apó.
σοδος ήν αυτού τοίς τε πονηρούς η δειλία και τους χρηστοις η φιλαν-
Opwria i.e. 'the bad made an income out of Nicias' timidity,
and the good out of his generosity.' Demosth. F. L. § 1, 46.
[Westermann conjectured a sentence containing two puns où
κεφαλήν αλλά κεφάλαιον, ου πρόσωπον αλλά πρόσοδον κέκτηται,
the first part having been first suggested by Toup. Weidner
prints this in his edition of 1878. It seems a pity that Aes-
chines had not had one of these scholars at his side on the
Bema.]
$$ 213—214 As for Ctesiphon himself you may judge by
what he and Demosthenes go about saying of each other:
Ctesiphon that his only danger lies in the corrupt public cha-
racter of Demosthenes,-Demosthenes that his lies in the vile
private character of Ctesiphon. Arcades ambo.
213 käy uń TuS IT poeltry "even without warning from any.
one.'
κατ' αμφοτέρων αυτών in regard to this precious pair.'
katd with the gen. does not necessarily mean against,' see
8 50; but it may be, and more often is, used with a sense of
depreciation.
TEPLÉPXovtal Triv diyopay 'go about the agora.' The agora
was the daily lounge of the Athenians, where public and private
matters were discussed, and suits before the courts or coming
before them were specially the subject of conversation. It was
looked upon, in fact, as discreditable not to be interested in the
public business. Thus in Lysias Theomn. § 11 the speaker
reproaches his opponent with never having taken the trouble
to go even to the Areopagus when the court was sitting útò
palvulas Kal Malakias. See Plut. Sol. 20.
214 Sláins, cf. SS 3, 114. He has no official position
which can be affected by the verdict, and he hopes the jury will
treat him with indulgence as a plain man, not versed in legal
affairs.
Triv utranělay 'his instability.' Cp. 2 § 164 øveldioas é jou
και πολιτείας έμπληξίαν, ει πεπρεσβευκώς προς Φίλιππον πρότερον
παρεκάλουν επ' εκείνον τους Έλληνας.
εις αυτόν μέν αποβλέπων “when his view is confined solely to
himself. For droBXÉTT ELv to turn from everything else to one
T
a
5216
217
NOTES.
object, cp. § 230. See Dem. de Cor. 210 iâs del kpívelv... Tås
κοινάς προαιρέσεις είς τά των προγόνων αξιώματα αποβλέποντες
“with a single view to.
o Kouvol Kpital ‘you, who are impartial judges,' cp. Dem.
de Cor. § 7 (of a juror) mapaoxwv & AUTÒv loov kai Kolvòv dugoté-
pols ákpoarnv. Here, if the juror listens impartially to both,
he will form a decided opinion against each of the parties on
the allegation of the other, $ 51.
SS 215-229 A defence of his own character, and a
counter-picture of that of Demosthenes. —Demosthenes will
attack me, not for my public acts alone, but for my frequent
abstention from public business. That abstention was the
result of modesty, not of a desire to avail myself of favourable
opportunities. Demosthenes was only quiet when he was paid
to be so, and only loud when his hire was exhausted. În a
democracy an honest citizen will only speak when he sees it to
be expedient, the busy-body and hireling on every possible
occasion (215—220). Then he will twit me with never having
prosecuted him before. Does he think the people have for-
gotten my attacks upon him in the matter of the Amphissian
war, his corruption in Euboea, and his peculation as president
of the navy fund? Or how it was under a threat of impeach-
ment from me that he turned so basely upon Anaxinus; and
how when reproached publicly by me for that wickedness be
made his famous defence about ‘his country's salt'? (220
225). He will reproach me with being too late to assist my
dying country,--it was he that corruptly deprived it of its
chances, and only escaped punishment because his fellow-
citizens after the fatal battle had other more pressing business
on their hands (225—227). I am a Siren, according to him,
whose song brings death. Such a reproach might perhaps
have come from a man who, though unversed in speech, was a
brave general. But from him! A man of words and empty
sound, who, take away his tongue, is as useless as a pipe with-
out a mouth-piece! (228—229).
215 Tuvbávouat. See on § 189.
Snuloupyös lóywy "a professional manufacturer of speeches.'
Another fing at Demosthenes as a professional loyoypápos.
See § 200 texuitms loywv.
216 mhiv nouglay moû. See Dem. de Cor. $S 198, 308.
Tómos point' or 'topic. The word is not used by Demos-
thenes in this sense. But see Isocr. Philip. $ 109 trepi Toivuv
Ηρακλέους...ορώ μέν τόπον ίδιον και παντάπασιν αδιεξέργαστον...
ποθούντα δε τον αξίως αν δυνηθέντα διαλεχθήναι περί αυτών. Ηel.
8 38 ίνα δε μη δοκώ δι' απορίαν περί τον αυτόν τόπον διατρίβειν,
218 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 217
ασυκοφάντητος “untouched by his venal and malignant
tongue.' Another word apparently of Aeschines' coinage.
τας εν τοις γυμνασίοις...διατριβάς. For the discredit at-
tached to this, see 18 135. Also the law quoted in 1 8 12 οι
γυμνασιάρχαι τοίς Ερμαίοις μη εάτωσαν συγκαθιέναι μηδένα των εν
ηλικία τρόπο μηδενί εάν δεν επιτρέπη και μη εξείργη του γυμνασίου,
ένοχος έστω και γυμνασιάρχης τω της ελευθέρων φθοράς νόμο. But
the gymnasia, in spite of this law, were much frequented,
partly by the idle and frivolous (see Theophrastus Char. XXI.
the top is wont των γυμνασίων εν τούτοις διατρίβειν, ου αν έφηβοι
γυμνάζωνται), partly by the sophists : Plato Euthod. 271;
Lysis, 204. The three great Gymnasia at Athens were the
Lyceium, Cynosarges and Academia. Demosthenes does not
mention anything of the sort in his speech, so that Aeschines
had been misinformed, and we may say qui s'excuse s’accuse.
κατά τήσδε της κρίσεως “in regard to this trial, see
83 50, 213.
ευθύς αρχόμενος του λόγου at the very beginning of his
speech.' The charge against Aeschines of acting from motives
of personal spite, and not on public grounds, is not made early
in the speech. See de Cor. S 279, τοσουτουσί λόγους ανηλωκέναι
ιδίας έχθρας και φθόνου και μικροψυχίας εστί σημείον, ουδενός
χρηστού.
ενδεικνύμενος...έχθραν “by way of carrying favour with
Alexander, owing to his dislike to himself (Demosthenes).' έν-
δεικνύμενος making a display with a special reference to the
person before whom it is made. Dem. de Fals. Leg. S 160 ούτοι
δ' έχαρίζοντο πάντ’ ένδεικνύμενοι (sc. εκείνω) και υπερκολακεύοντες
εκείνον.
217 και νή Δί', the usual formula for introducing a quota-
tion from an opponent.
διά τι...έγραφόμην “why I now denounce his policy as a
whole, while I did not try to hinder or impeach it in detail ?'
Dem. de Cor. SS 13, 22, 117, 124, 191, 242 and other places. De-
mosthenes naturally recurs to the point often, for it is a strong
one. If he was ruining the state by his policy, and Aeschines
knew it, his silence then must necessarily cast great suspicion
on his rhetoric now. And Aeschines' anticipatory retort is
feeble and shufi ing to the last degree.
διαλιπών “at wide intervals of time, intermittently. The
fuller expression is used in 8 89 μικρόν διαλιπών χρόνον.
Slatpißa's "habits,' 'ways of spending one's time:' cp. p.
216, Lys. 16 8 11 περί κύβους ή πότους...διατριβώς ποιούμενοι.
8 219
219
NOTES.
.
Ο
Andoc. 4 8 22 αι των νέων διατριβαι ουκ εν γυμνασίοις άλλ' εν δικα-
στηρίοις εισίν.
βουλοίμην. Supply αν from next clause.
ούτε τα αυτα...έδεξάμην αν ζην and I would rather have
died than delivered such public speeches as he made.' Cp.
1, 55 ταύτ' εγώ λόγω σαφώς εν υμίν είπών ουκ άν έδεξάμην ζην.
218 ή του βίου μετριότης “my modest way of life. I was
not living extravagantly, and therefore did not need to put
myself forward in politics, and make those gains which med-
dling politicians like yourself make. See on § 173 for the sort
of profits accruing to politicians.
αισχρώς, grammatically belonging to επιθυμώ, in Sense
qualifies μειζόνων “larget gains made dishonestly.
βουλευσάμενος after deliberation, when I have made up
my mind.'
της εν τη φύσει δαπάνης not under the compulsion of
innate extravagance.' εν τη φύσει is another of Aeschines' com-
pound adjectives, see on 8 208 εκ παιδείας.
λαβών...κέκραγας. See Dem. de Corr. 8 82 ω βλασφημών
περί εμού και λέγων ως σιωπώ μεν λαβών, βοώ δ' αναλώσας. Cobet
would change geolynkas to oryậs, ---Sciolus nescio quis kékpa-
gas perfectum esse ratus utrumque verbum exaequavit scilicet.
But the reference to Demosthenes' entire past is perhaps better
given by the perfect, while the present sense of kékpayas is in
place at the moment as anticipating the speech so soon to
conme. Cp. τίς ή Κραυγή ; κ.τ.λ. 8 210. One MS. has σιγήσας.
οι μισθοδόται “your pay-masters, referring particularly
perhaps to the king of Persia, whose gold had been sent to
Greece to keep up a party against Alexander, 88 173, 209, 239;
but he means also to repeat the general charge of corruption
and venality on which he has been so long harping.
& παραχρήμα for εκείνα ά. «But you are not ashamed of
making those boasts which are at once convicted of falsehood.'
Lit. 'in regard to which you are etc.'
219 ενδείξεως, 3 216.
ούπω σου το περί Παυσανίαν. Ρlutarch, Denm. 22 έγνω μεν
ούν κρυφα την του Φιλίππου τελευτήν ο Δημοσθένης, προκαταλαμ-
βάνων δε το θαρρείν επί τα μέλλοντα τους Αθηναίους προήλθε
φαιδρός εις την βουλήν ως όναρ έωρακώς, αφ' ου τι μέγα προσδοκών
'Αθηναίοις αγαθόν και μετ' ου πολύ παρησαν οι τον Φιλίππου
θάνατον απαγγέλλοντες. Cp. 8 77. Philip was killed in the
summer of B.C. 336; the original motion of Ctesiphon, followed
iimmediately by a notice of a γραφή παρανόμων, was in B.C. 337.
220 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 220
tpos 'Aonvây... Slelleyuevov. We know nothing of this part
of the story, or whether Demosthenes had really professed to
have had supernatural communication. Weidner supposes
Aeschines to bring in the names of the goddesses merely to
heighten the comic effect.
Tapoevedelkyúunu 'how then can I have been (as he alleges)
showing off by anticipation to Alexander ?' i.e. because when I
gave my notice I did not know of Philip's death. This double
compound does not seem to occur elsewhere.
eľ ye un nisi forte, introducing an absurd or impossible pro-
position : 'unless it had opportunely happened that Demos-
thenes and I had had the same dream.'
220 kal mnv dělwol... Tollrelas 'and you think that it
will not be noticed that, in enunciating this maxim, you are
applying a principle borrowed not from democracy but from
some other polity. The maxim is that a man should be forced
to speak. Schol. Tò voui felv äčlov Eivai deivěš dváykns léyelv kai
OŰTW TOLTEÚcobal. The word åčíwors is not used elsewhere by
the orators; but cp. Thucyd. II. 88, 301 oi otpatc@TAL ÉK ollow év
σφίσιν αυτοίς την αξίωσιν ταύτην ειλήφισαν. By ετέρας πολιτείας
is to be understood oligarchy, in which an official class or caste
would do all the business, as opposed to a democracy in which
every citizen would have the right to take his part freely and
only when he chose.
ó Bovlóuevos. Demosth. de Cor. $$ 170, 189. Aristoph.
Ach. 45; Plut. 917. The inalienable right of every citizen to
speak in the assembly, or to bring charges there and in the law
courts, is expressed by this phrase, here opposed to è duvaoteuwv,
the official or man in office in an oligarchy.
Sid xpóvou 'intermittently,' 'at intervals,' as dialeinwr
above.
ÉTU TỐ kalpãy kai Toù ouudépovtos when the hour has
come and the interest of the state demands it.' Cp. Dem. in
Aristocr. § 105 ÉTÈ Kalpoũ Tivos aútois érlemévou Toû Kepoo-
βλέπτου.
epyasouévou of one who makes a trade of it.' Cp. Dem.
in Aristoy. § 82 oủkoûv év kploeol kai dywol kai Trovnpais airiais
άπαντας είναι βούλεται: ταύτα γεωργεί, ταύτα εργάζεται.
221 ÚTèp SÈ TOÛ... ÚToo Xeîv and as to his never having been
brought to trial by me or subjected to the punishment of his
crimes.' Dem. de Cor. $$ 12—16; 251. Weidner in his ed.
1878 reads repi. For Útèp see on Demosth. de Cor. § 9. KEKp-
obal 'to have been brought to trial.' Cp. Demosth. de Cor. $ 15;
in Mid. S 207.
$ 222
221
NOTES.
CAUTÓv trapaloyisel "you are deceiving yourself.' Tapalo-
yiseo dai (1) 'to falsify accounts,' 'to make a deliberately false
reckoning,' in Dem. C. Aph. A § 29 with acc. of the money; in c.
Spoudiam § 30, (2) 'to deceive,' with acc. of person deceived Tous
δ' ειδότας ουτοσί έφευγεν ουκ ηγούμενος εν είναι παραλογίσασθαι.
Cp. 2 8 128, dñlov ydp őtt Meyada tņu tólv trapaloyisetal.
rà trepl tous 'Apologéas no eßnuéva, $8 125-127. Accord-
ing to Aeschines the ασέβημα was that ουκ έα μέμνησθαι των
όρκων, ούς ημών οι πρόγονοι ώμοσαν, ουδε της αρας ουδε της του θεού
Marteias.
Td tepl Triv Etßolav. See $S 85–95; 102-105. Aeschines
really fails to answer the taunt that he had never prosecuted
Demosthenes. He only says here, as in § 125, that he
denounced him (uoù pavepos évavtlov uw geléYXOVTos); but
for one statesman to speak against another in the assembly,
however strongly, is a very different thing from impeaching
him.
xpóvwv éyyeyevnuévwy ¿v ois because certain periods of
time have elapsed since you were publicly denounced by me.'
Demosth. Pantaen. § 2, Távtwv åv@púrw ciwbótwy map' aŭtà
ταδικήματα μάλλον ή χρόνων εγγεγενημένων αγανακτείν. εν οις
(xpóvous) cp. Eurip. Hipp. 375, Mon Tot'év Makpộ xpóvu.
Cor. $ 102. Demosthenes was ÉTTLOTátns roll vautiKOû in. B.C. 340,
members of the symmories contributed according to the value
of their rateable property. The 300 are the nyeuóves TV
žvu uopcô. See de Cor. & 171. The law of Demosthenes was
against the interests of the rich who were by it compelled to
contribute more largely, and who according to him offered him
large bribes to amend or drop it (de Cor. § 103), and actually
did pay Aeschines, he says, to introduce amendments which
spoilt it (de Cor. § 312). It is no wonder then, as it affected
powerful interests, that it should have formed the point of
attack to his enemies. Thus Deinarchus (in Dem. § 42) asserts
that Demosthenes had three talents for introducing various
modifications in it (rpla tálavta laßw Metéypade kal METE-
O KEÚAŠE Tòv vóuov kal'ékáOTNV ÉKKI nolav). Greek morality as
to money was so loose, that it is impossible to feel certain as to
either orator having accepted or refused payment in the course
of the controversy. But the law on the whole had acted well,
and the present accusation, that Demosthenes had deprived the
city of the services of 65 trierarchs, is evidently only a mali-
ciously coloured account of his reforms, which may have
lessened the number of trierarchs while distributing the burden
more equitably. Grote xi. p. 270. Schaefer II. p. 492.
222 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON, $ 223
IIóly. The Athenians under Chabrias defeated a Pelo.
ponnesian fleet off Naxos, which, under the command of the
Spartan admiral Pollis, was cruising in the Aegean to cut off
their corn ships. September B.c. 376. In the battle 18 Athe.
nian ships were disabled. Xen. Hell. 5, 4, 61; Diodor. 15,
34-5; Demosth. in Lept. $ 77; Grote Ix. p. 346; Thirlwall v.
p. 49. Pollis had been ÉTTLOTOREūs, or second in command of the
fleet, in B.C. 393, and by him Plato is said to have been sold as
a slave in Aegina. [Schol. Trepi oŮ kai ó 'Aploteións Néyel év TŲ
[Tài Tập Teơ cápP 8T: 60mos “The II TOva. Xen. Hell. 5, 4,
61; Olymp. vit. Platon. 3.] The ruse of concealing their
colours, which helped to give the Athenian fleet the victory at
Naxos, is related by Polyaenus Strateg. 3, 11, 11.
vavuaxiav Aakedaguovíovs čvikno av. For construction see
§ 181.
223 Tais airiais ‘by the charges which you bring.'
Švédpašas you barred,' stopped.' Properly 'to fence off,'
'to stop up.' Cp. Lycurg. p. 165, § 124 ardoas tås odous Tv
αδικημάτων ένέφραξαν.
Toîs &TTEĞLOÑOL 'your prosecutors,' cp. Demosth. Mid. 107
(a uaptupia) Trešõuev Toll Póvou Tòv ’Apiorapxov. Aeschin. II.
8 93, ουκ επεξιών τη του τραύματος γραφη.
Toluv pèy... dépwy “frequently bringing in the names of
Alexander and Philip into your vituperative speeches.' $ 215,
Cp. the use of multus Verg. Acn. 4, 3.
· TÒ zapòy luualvóuevos Sruining the advantage of the mo-
ment, while you make futile promises for the future.' Simcox
seems wrong in translating lumalvóuevos 'vilifying,' cp. Dem.
de Cor. SS 303, 312. For katetayyellóuevos see § 2o5. He
means that Demosthenes anticipates or discounts the future
with large promises which come to nothing.
Thy 'Ayačivov súlany. This story is only known from
this place, and from Plutarch who seems to have taken it from
our orator. Aeschines here says or insinuates that Anaxinus
of Oreus was in Athens on the harmless mission of making
purchases for Olympias, the mother of Alexander: that De-
inosthenes entertained him and was believed to have been
intriguing with the Macedonian court by his agency; but on
being threatened with impeachment by Aeschines he turned on
Anaxinus, accused him of being a spy, superintended his tor-
ture, and secured his execution. Plutarch vit. Dem. in X Or.
848 (where however the mss. give the name as Anaxilus) says
['Αναξινον] δέ τινά 'Ωρείτην ξένον αυτού γεγονότα συλλαβών έβα-
σάνιζε ως κατάσκοπον, ουδέν δε εξειπόντα εψηφίσατο τοίς ένδεκα
§ 224
223
NOTES.
napadollvar. Demosthenes on the other hand (de Cor. 137)
asserts that Aeschines had corrupt dealings with him; and
assumes that he was a spy of Philip's. See Schaefer II. p. 494,
who thinks that the execution of Anaxinus shews that there
was grave evidence against him; and refers the action of the
Athenians to their anxiety at the time as to the destination
of the Macedonian fleet. The execution of Anaxinus appears
to have taken place in B.C. 342/1. KATAO keváoas, $ 95.
'Olvuttiau. Olympias, wife of Philip II, and mother of
Alexander the Great, was a daughter of Neoptolemus I. king
of Epirus. She was married soon after B.C. 359, had two
children, Alexander and Cleopatra, and after many violent
quarrels with her husband, finally left him in B.C. 337, on his
marrying Cleopatra the niece of Attalus, and remained with
her brother Alexander, king of Epirus, till Philip's death in
B.C. 336. She survived until B.c. 316, when after many vicis-
situdes she was taken by Cassander and condemned to death
by an assembly of Macedonians for numerous acts of violence
during the contests which followed the death of her son.
224 Sis otpeßlocas. One ms. B has dicotpeßlcoas which
both Franke and Weidner (1878) adopt. Bekker has ôleotpéßlwoas
... ypávas ‘you tortured him after having secured his condem-
nation to death.' But this would have been a piece of need-
less cruelty, and almost beyond what exaggerated enmity could
safely attribute to Demosthenes. The object of such torture
was to extract disclosure from a supposed spy or traitor, see
olyậu és mão av Báoavov åtrikveouéVOLOL. Still torture as a mere
punishment was not unknown in Greece, and became alarm-
ingly frequent in the case of political offenders in a later age.
For instances see Polyb. 2, 59; 4, 18; 40, 5 (39, 11). Cp.
Thought, p. 537.
on autoll X Elpí. Simcox supposes that Demosthenes was
merely present to take down evidence. Aeschines however
charges him with putting his hand to the Tpóxos.
Tapà tớ aúto... TOLOÚuevos "and at this same man's house
in Oreus you were wont' to stay, and you ate and drank and
poured libations at the same table with him, and struck your
right hand in his—thereby adopting him as a friend and
guest.' Eating and drinking and sharing in the libation were
always looked upon as involving a certain mutual obligation;
especially the last (orovan) as being a religious rite. Cp.
Dem. de Cor. § 287, mpoońKelv ÚnolaußávovTES TOY époüvt ÉTÈ
τοίς τετελευτηκόσι και την εκείνων αρετήν κοσμήσοντα μήθ' ομώ-
ροφον μήθ' ομόσπονδον γεγενημένον είναι τοίς προς εκείνους παρα-
224 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 225
ταξαμένοις. Ηerod. 9, 16, έπει νύν ομοτράπεζός τέ μοι και
ομόσπονδος εγένεο, μνημόσυνά τοι γνώμης της έμής καταλιπέσθαι
εθέλω, ίνα και προειδώς αυτός περί σεωυτου βουλεύεσθαι έχης
τα συμφέροντα. For the ceremony of the libation see Becker's
Charicles p. 330. Plato, Sympos. 176. The appeal to a man
προς της δεξιάς is common in tragedy, see, for instance,
Eurip. Ηipp. 605, ναι πρός σε τήσδε δεξιάς ευωλένου. Soph.
Philoct. 1398, ά δ' ήνεσάς μοι δεξιάς έμής θιγών. For ενέβαλες
op. Soph. Trach. 1181, έμβαλλε χείρα δεξιάν πρώτιστά μοι.
Phil. 813, έμβαλλε χειρός πίστιν. 'Έμβάλλω μενειν. The words
άνδρα φίλον και ξένον ποιούμενος εre omitted by Weidner,
because they look like a gloss or explanation of a custom
which would be familiar to the audience. But it is dangerous
to emend the orators by cutting out all that seems surplusage.
The object is to heighten the enormity of Demosthenes' pro-
ceedings, and to do so every detail is dwelt upon at length.
ξενοκτόνος guest-murderer, one of the worst of crimes.
In Herod. 2, 115 the king of Egypt is represented as saying
to Paris περί πολλού ήγημαι μη ξεινοκτονέειν. For guests like
suppliants were under the protection of Zeùs Eévios, see Hom.
Odyss. 9, 270, Ζευς επιτιμήτωρ ίκετάων τε ξείνων τε Ξένιος.
Artemis directs her shafts είς αδίκων πόλιν...οι τε περί ξείνους
αλιτήμονα πολλ' ετέλεσκον, Callim. Hymn 3, 123.
απεκρίνου εφ' ω you made an answer which called forth
& shout of indignation from the people, as well as such
foreigners as were standing round the place of assembly.'
Foreigners were not admitted within the space marked out by
the περιρραντήρια, see 8 176, but they seem still to have been
within earshot of the speakers, and, like the strangers in the
gallery of the House of Commons, occasionally to have made
themselves heard.
Tõs trólews alas 'the city's salt,' i.e. my duty to the city
whose salt I have eaten, whose bounty I have experienced,
and to which therefore I owe the first service. To eat à
man's salt' is to be his friend and messmate. Aristot. Eth.
Eud. 7, 2, είς παροιμίαν ελήλυθεν ο μέδιμνος των άλων. Cicero
de Am. § 67, verum illud est quod dicitur multos modios salis
simul edendos esse ut amicitiae munus expletum sit. See also
Aesch. 2 8 22. Demosth. de Fals. Leg. 8 189, που δ' άλες ;
που τράπεζα, που σπονδαι; ταύτα γάρ τραγωδεί περιιών...ib.
8 191, πότεροι ούν τους άλας παρέβαινον και τας σπονδάς, Αισχίνη;
225 κατασκόπων συλλήψεις. We hear of one other such
spy, Antiphon, Dem. de Cor. § 133, whose release was secured
by Aeschines.
βασάνους, i.e. on the rack, Or τρόχος, which seems to have
8 226
225
NOTES.
been the only instrument of torture used, in spite of the
various methods enumerated in Aristoph. Ran. 618.
επ' αιτίαις αγενήτοις on groundless charges. The word
áyévntos is of rare occurrence in this sense. L. and Sc.
quote Alciphro 3, 58, διαβολαι αγένητοι. In Isocr. 397 Α, ων
ουδέν διά τον φεύγοντα την δίκην αγένητόν έστιν it means “none
of which fatal results are unaccomplished as far as the defen-
dant is concerned,' 'it is not his doing that they did not take
place. In this phrase aitial must stand for the things charged'
like the Latin crimina.
ως εγώ πυνθάνομαι και 189.
τίς αν είη...ίατρος, Dem. de Corr. $ 243. It is possible that
Demosthenes might in conversation have used this illustra-
tion, and that it had been reported to Aeschines, as he says;
but it is more likely that it is an after-insertion.
ελθών εις τα ενατα “when he came to the funeral. Dem.
1. ο. επειδή...τα νομιζόμενα αυτό φέρoιτο. τα ένατα sc. ιερά, “the
ceremonies on the ninth day,' the last day of the funeral
solemnities. Isaeus 8 8 39, τα ένατα επήνεγκα ως οιόν τε κάλ-
λιστα παρασκευά σας. A banquet was given on this day to the
friends and relatives, see Plautus Aul. 2, 4, 45, cocus ille nun-
dinalist: in nonum diem solet ire coctum. Becker's Charicles
p. 398.
ÉTTLTndeboas 'by following what regimen,' by what treat-
ment.' This word appears to be used in a medical sense,
though I can find no example of it. L. and Sc. quote medical
writers as using επιτήδευμα for diet.' It may of course be
explained in a general sense, óby what course of conduct.'
226 σαυτόν δ' ουκ αντερωτας “but you don't ask yourself
in your turn.' åvtepwrâv (1) is to answer a question by putting
another, (2) to ask questions in turn.
τίς αν είη “what one is to say of a popular statesman that is
capable of etc. For τοιούτος όστις cp. Lysias 30 89, περί τοιούτων
ανθρώπων... οίτινες τότε συγκαταλύσαντες τον δήμον νυνι δημοτικοί
φασιν είναι. Supr. 88 137, 196.
αποδρας εκ των κινδύνων 8 151.
περιβαλών after involving in.' 8114. Demosth. F. L. $ 267,
τον φανερόν τι ποιήσαι βουληθέντα... τηλικαύτη και τοιαύτη συμ-
φορά περιβαλείν. The metaphor implied in the word is seen
in Thucyd. 7, 25, 7, δεινόν ην...μή ου προιδών ώσπερ περί έρμα
περιβάλη την ναύν.
αγαθόν πεποιηκώς, sc. τον δήμον. All the clauses depending
on όστις, though meant to refer definitely to Demosthenes, are
15
226 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 227
put tentatively and indefinitely, and therefore μηδέν not ουδέν
is used, and the optative mood in the verbs.
επερωτώη δε • but (instead of that) asks the victims of his
vexatious attacks, why they didn't hinder him?' see on § 217,
Demosth. de Cor. SS 196—8.
συκοφαντηθέντας εκ της πολιτείας “harried out of public life
by the vexatious accusations of their political opponents. See
on 8 209.
επ' εκείνων των καιρών, see on 8 220.
227 της μάχης, Chaeroneia.
αιτείς...ποιών. Here again the principal idea is conveyed
by the participle, not the verb. Aeschines means that it was
the dishonour to the country implied by such a demand that
induced him at length to act. Cp. 8 209.
ενταύθα under these circumstances.
&VÉOTNU I interposed,' intercessi. Of an obstacle in a
water-course Dem. In Callicl. 8 10 ηδ' άν ένστη τι. Ιn later
writers it is used to translate the intercessio of the Roman
tribunes.
228 ών...έφ' ω...αγανακτώ μάλιστα “of all the allegations
which I am toid Demosthenes intends to make, that at which
I am most annoyed is what I am now about to mention.' ūv
is attracted into the case of an antecedent implied by é d'
(= επί τούτω δ). The construction of αγανακτείν is (1) ab-
solute, Demosth. Pantaen. 8 2, απάντων ανθρώπων παρ' αυτά
ταδικήματα μάλλον ή χρόνων εγγεγενημένων αγανακτείν. (2)
with accus. Demosth. Comon S 15, ουχ ήττον τούτ’ αγανακτήσαιμ'
αν. (3) with επί, cp. Isaeus 38 30, εφ' ω δή και δεινώς αγα-
νακτώ. [W. reads δει (άξιον ed. 1878) και μάλιστα αγανακτείν,
the MSS. Varying between αγανακτών and αγανακτώ.]
αφομοιοί...Σειρησιν. This comparison does not occur any-
where in the writings of Demosthenes. We may suppose
that he had used it in conversation which had been reported
to Aeschines. The Sirens λιγυρη θέλγουσιν αοιδη, | ήμεναι εν
λειμώνι» πολύς δ' αμφ' οστεόφιν θις | ανδρών πυθομένων, Odyss.
12, 44.
κηλείσθαι, for the Homeric θέλγειν. Op. Plato, Protag. 315
Ε, ξένοι...ούς άγει εξ εκάστων των πόλεων και Πρωταγόρας... κηλων
τη φωνή ώσπερ 'Ορφεύς, οι δε κατά την φωνήν έπονται κεκηλη-
μένοι.
την φύσιν μου “my natural ability, while εμπειρία is skill
obtained by practice.
§ 229
227
NOTES.
tóv dóyoy TOÛTOV 'such an observation as that.' Aeschines
means to disclaim any special oratorical ability or experience.
He is an ordinary citizen whose strength is not in his elo-
quence, in which he has no professional skill, but in the justice
tñs yap airlas... ÉTTLSeitau 'for when a man brings a charge
and can show no justification of it the shame recoils upon
himself.' tris airías Topyov 'the substantial ground of his
charge,' nearly in the sense in which čpyou is usually opposed
to λόγος. The γαρ explains ουδενί πρέπειν it is to no man's
honour, it is aloxpóv.'
229 el 8' riv dvaykalov Such an observation is indeed
wholly unjust as applied to me: but if it was necessary for the
good of the State that it should be made, it did not lie with
Demosthenes to make it. It should have come from some
man of exactly the opposite characteristics: some man who
while a good general was a poor speaker: some man who had
done great public services, and yet had reason to dread the
superior word-fence of his opponent, from a consciousness of
inability to put his own services in a proper light. Aeschines
has been thought to be referring here to Phocion.
Traplotával... SøknKEY "to make his hearers realise the
nature of his administration. Dem. 3 Phil. § 28, CokollO IV
οι τα τοιαύτα λέγοντες την υπόθεσιν, περί ης βουλεύεσθε, ουχί
την ούσαν παριστάντες υμϊν αμαρτάνειν.
E ovouátw ouykeluevos 'a man made up of words,' 'a
mere man of phrases.” Plat. Paed. 98 c, oxyethau Tò cua
Ég óorv Kal veúpwv. Aeschin. 1 $ 105, éš Cv (Tpuoñs, deilías K.T.A.)
αν ο κάκιστος και αλυσιτελέστατος πολίτης γένοιτο.
Kal toútwy... Teplépywy "and those, too, words of bitterness
and elaborate cunning. It is not necessarily & fault that an
orator's words should be prikpol, but Aeschines means that a
man who has such language always at command cannot claim
consideration on the ground of simplicity of character (átló-
Inta) and of being only able to tell & plain tale (rd épya).
où ' a man who, if you cut out his tongue, what is left is
as useless as a flute would be if you cut off its mouthpiece.'
Stob. Flor. 4, 69, anuádns tous 'A Önvalovs eľkašev aúlois, wv, et
Tis doélo trv yiwrtav, TÒ MOLTòv où dév &OTLV (R.). For os in this
sense see Lysias 32 g 20, ös étóluno e qui potuerit. There is no
need to read où ye with Weidner.
SS 230-233 The commencement of the EPILOGUE. Why
then should you acquit Ctesiphon? Not assuredly on the
ground that his proposal is constitutional, or that his cha-
15--2
228 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. & 230
Demosthenes, whose policy has lost you the marks of honour
you used to receive from the Greek States, should be the only
man crowned at the festival! Besides, his character is such
that his honour will be as disgraceful to you as that of Ther-
sites would have been to the Greeks: you will be made the
scapegoat of Demosthenes' shame. You punish those who give
corrupt decisions in law-courts, will you honour a corrupt poli-
tician? Unfair awards in games and cyclic choruses are fined,
you have more important interests to decide. Each of you,
by the possession of a vote, holds an imperial position in
a democracy. If you yield this to fear or favour you dethrone
yourselves.
230 dtoßXÉTTOVTES, $ 214.
ároyndíoalobe trv ypačńy you should acquit him on this
indictment,' amolnoiseo@al opp. to kotayndiğeolai. In this
sense the verb governs (1) the genitive of the person, Dem.
F. L. § 212, BOTE Eủoeßês é XEL Údŵr undevl Toúrou ároyndi-
oaobal. (2) the accusative of the suit or indictment, as here,
cp. [Dem.]'c. Neaeram $ 112, uâllov é volté el uni yevéobal TÒv
αγώνα τουτονι ή γενόμενον αποψηφίσασθαι υμάς.
ws 'on the ground that.'
ÉTTLTÝ SELOS, euphemistically for åžios, W. Cp. Demosth.
6. Androt. § 57, Kaitou ei toiv äpa dokoûOL ÉTTLTýdelal ékeivar
(πόρναι) παθείν, αλλά το πράγμά γε ουκ επιτήδειον γίγνεσθαι.
Aeschines does not dwell on the subject of the consequences
to Ctesiphon of losing the case, because, as I conceive, they
were not likely to be serious: for though the notice given of
the suit technically deprived him of the benefit of the apo-
Deguia, it cannot be supposed that a ypaon tapavouwv not
followed up for six years would involve much beyond a con-
demnation of the probouleuma, which had already by lapse of
time become invalid.
oỦk áp cloi tap újîv eŰOvval Biov “investigations then
into a man's life in your court are practically annulled if you
acquit this man.' $ 214. cioi, present, expressing a certain
consequence. eŰouval is used here in a sense slightly different
from the ordinary one. He says you hold eŭd up at of a man's
conduct in office: if you acquit Ctesiphon it will be as good
as saying that you do not take into account a man's life and
conduct. Cp. § 17, ei uń Tis eůvoias cüduva. Yet from Plat.
Protag. 326 D it appears that the word eco uval was used for the
* punishment of immorality.
ékelvo, referring to what follows, SS 59, 143, 169.
o años eo tedavoûto. The custom of. presenting crowns
8 232
229
NOTES.
to States was common, and is frequently mentioned in Poly-
bius. In the Byzantine decree (Dem. de Cor. § 91) a group
of three statues is ordered to be set up, στεφανούμενον τον
δαμον τον 'Αθηναίων υπό το δάμω τώ Βυζαντίων και ΙΙερινθίων.
ταύτην την ημέραν sc. the day of the new tragedies, S 41.
231 έπεισαγόντων Sc. τους χορούς, cp. Αrist. Acharn. 11,
ο δ' ανείπεν είσαγ', ώ Θέογνι, τον χορόν. The επ- Tefers to the
entrance of the chorus after the business of the proclama-
tions, cp. επεισιoύσιν 8 153 in the same connexion. Cobet
Wishes επεισιόντων here, quoting 8 153; but the words seem
properly used of the poets and actors respectively.
ποιήσειεν were to represent. Plat. Symp. 174 Β, "Ομηρος
μεν γάρ κινδυνεύει... ποιήσας γάρ 'Αγαμέμνονα διαφερόντως αγαθών
άνδρα κ.τ.λ.
ότι φησίν "Ομηρος. Honmer does not use these words, but
describes him as αμετροεπής...ός ρ έπεα φρεσίν ήσιν άκοσμά τε
πολλά τε ήδη, Ιμάν, ατάρ ου κατά κόσμον. And when he has
been beaten by Odysseus ιδνώθη, θαλερόν δέ οι εκπεσε δάκρυ...
ο δ' άρ' έζετο τάρβησέν τε | αλγήσας δ', αχρείον ιδών, απομόρξατο
δάκρυ. Ηom. ΙΙ. 2, 212-214; 266–269. This passage is
interesting as an indication of the spirit in which the tra-
gedians were expected to treat the Homeric characters intro-
duced in their plays; and helps to illustrate the point of view
from which Aristophanes criticised Euripides as lowering the
heroic ideals.
ουκ οίεσθε...συρίττεσθαι don't you suppose that you are
so-to-speak hissed off the stage in the thoughts of the Greeks?'
Cp. Dem. de Cor. 260, συ εξέπιπτες εγώ εσύριττον. [Cobet
would read åv oieo be don't you suppose you will be hissed?"
But the present is the more vivid.]
dverídeo av «used to attribute to,' give the honours of to,
used in a bad sense of 'imputing the blame to’in Dem. de
Cor. SS 16, 294. But in a good sense ib. $ 290, ου το συμβούλω
τήν του κατορθούν τους αγωνιζομένους ανέθηκε δύναμιν αλλά τους
θεοίς. See also infr. S 237.
232 και φατε μεν ευτυχείς είναι, cp. Dem. de Cor. S 253, de
F. L. SS 286—290, where the good fortune of Athens is illus.
trated by a long quotation from Solon. Cp. also Aristoph. Nub.
587, φασί γάρ δυσβουλίαν τήδε τη πόλει προσείναι, ταύτα μέντοι
τους θεούς άττ’ αν υμείς εξαμάρτητ’ επί το βέλτιον τρέπειν.
καλώς ποιoύντες happily. Op. Demosth. de Corr. 231;
Lept. 8 110. Polyb. 28, 9, 7, νύν δε καλώς ποιών ουκ ήλθε ταύτην
την οδόν, δι' ής ή κρατήσας των όλων εξουσίαν υπερήφανον έσχεν
Ö opaleis K.T.A. Bremi thinks that there is often a lenis ironia
230 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 233
implied in the phrase. There seems to be such in eŮ TOLW
Lysias 24 § 14.
υπό της τύχης εγκαταλελειφθαι. Yes, answers Demosthenes
de Cor. § 207, but if you condemn me people will not say that
you were unfortunate in your disasters, but that you made a
mistake when you trusted me.
đTIVOÛTE do you disfranchise ?: The present of what
frequently occurs: $ 192.
τους εκ των Διονυσίων “the judges at the Dionysian
festival,
τους κυκλίους χορούς • the cyclic choruses' danced and sang
dithyrambic poetry, as opposed to dramatic. These perform-
ances were a development of the wild Comus or Bacchic revel,
and still appear to have retained much of their original cha-
racter; for they were sometimes at least performed by bands
of revellers parading the streets (Arist. Ran. 366). Of the
literature which grew out of this custom we have no complete
specimen except the Epinician Odes of Pindar. Suidas s. v.
Arist. Nub. 333, 966. Callim, fr. 279. Donaldson, Theatre
of the Greeks, p. 35 sqq. The Schol. explains įv ois elol otpo-
pai, autiot popai kai émwdaí. Schol. on Arist. Nub. 333, oi
λυρικοί ποιηταί χορούς και αυλούς και λύραις τα ποιήματα ηδον.
ôÀ{yous...Tộ đuarpaỆauévụ, cp. $ 179.
233 ÉTTELTA 'when he has done that.'
αυτός την αυτού. Some Μss. have την αυτός αυτού, which
Weidner prints. Cp. Soph. Aj. 1132, [Plat.] Alcib. II. 144 c.
o outrapakolovec 'haunting him.' Cp. § 157.
Si aútóv yap oluat yéyove tò duáprnua. Weidner follows
Blake in omitting these words, which look like a tentative
explanation of some commentator. If they stand they must
mean .for owing to it (the oath), I presume, was the sin,' i.e.
his action was a sin because it was perjury. But this is a very
unsatisfactory and forced translation, and the words are better
away.
Tipos öv [for tipos ToûTOV, Q] belongs to ãönlos reyévntal
the favour has been concealed as far as the person is con.
cerned to whom he was granting it.'
ydp vñbos ábavns dépetai, these words are omitted by
Bake and Weidner as a gloss. They form certainly rather &
lame conclusion to the sentence; and yet it seems scarcely safe
to strike them out in defiance of all mss. For tñpos bépeta.
see § 198.
8 234
231
NOTES.
88 234.235 To me it appears that our folly has had its
advantage as well as its danger. Its danger is the surrender-
ing the securities of democracy into the hands of a clique;
its advantage the getting rid of factious orators,--such as were
some of those who developed into the Thirty, whose cruelties
you remember. Keep statesmen, then, well subordinate to
the law: if men once feel superior to the law-courts, the next
step is the subversion of the constitution.
234 εις την πολιτείαν ου σωφρονούντες by our want of
prudence in regard to the conduct of the state. The points
referred to by κατορθούν and παρακινδυνεύειν are then explained
in inverse order (Chiasmus) by ότι μέν...ότι δέ.
επί των νυν καιρών, see 8 220.
τοϊς ολίγοις. No formal change in the Athenian consti-
tution appears to have been made in the period following the
battle of Chaeroneia; but Demosthenes ceased to a very great
extent to take a leading part in politics soon afterwards; and
no doubt the triumph of the Macedonian party meant the sup-
pression of the popular leaders and the practical restriction of
debate.
τα της δημοκρατίας ισχυρά • the mainstays of democracy,
especially the γραφή παρανόμων, see 88 191–196.
φορά...ρητόρων a crop of orators at once ill-disposed and
shameless.' Cp. Demosth. de Con:. 61, φορά προδοτών. 8 271,
φορά πραγμάτων.
το δημόσιον • the state, op. Lysias 5 8 4 though it there
may mean 'the treasury,' which is the more usual signification
of it.
τοιαύτας...αι. For this pregnant use of the relative after
τοιούτος Bee 137. Cp. Demosth. de Cor. 263, τοιαύτην είλου
πολιτείαν ... δι' ήν ευτυχούσης της πατρίδος λαγώ βίον έζης...
Lysias 7 8 40, τοιούτους δε επιπέμπουσί μοι, οίς υμείς ούκ αν
δικαίως πιστεύοιτε. id. 13 8 5, έπραξε γάρ ούτος τοιαύτα δι' &
νυνι είκότως μισείται. It is not equivalent to olos, but introduces
a result which actually happened, while explaining the causes.
[For κατέλυσαν W. reads κατεκήλησαν.]
ούτω, as we know they did. He is referring to the party
of innovators who gradually made the usurpation of the Thirty
possible.
έχαιρε γάρ κολακευόμενος. For the susceptibility of the
Demos to flattery cp. Arist. Ach. 636:
μήθ' ήδεσθαι θωπευομένους μήτ' είναι χαυνοπολίτας...
ει δέ τις υμάς υποθωπεύσας λιπαράς καλέσειεν Αθήνας,
εύρετο παν αν διά τάς λιπαράς.
Cp. Eq. 47 sqq.
232 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. S 235
235 και αυτοί... τριάκοντα “some of them were actually
themselves among the Thirty.' He may refer especially to
Theramenes, who at one time at any rate was a popular
favourite. Lysias 128 68. ΓW. omits αυτοί, but it is needed
to mark the distinction between the party whose politics led
up to the 30, and the actual members of that body.]
πλείους ή χιλίους και πεντακοσίους. The Thirty held the
government for about 8 months (March to November B.C. 404),
and in that time, says the herald of the Mystae, killed more
than the Spartans had in ten years, Xen. Hellen. 2, 3, 15--21;
2, 4, 21, cp. Diodor. XIV. 4. For their massacre at Eleusis see
Χen. Hell. 2, 4, 9.
. ακρίτους. For the new law under the Thirty allowed them
to put to death without trial all who were not on the roll of
the 3000 privileged citizens. Xenoph. Hell. 2, 3, 51, έστι δ'
εν τοις καινοις νόμοις των μεν εν τοις τρισχιλίοις όντων μηδένα
αποθνήσκειν άνευ της υμετέρας ψήφου, των δ' έξω του καταλόγου
κυρίους είναι τους τριάκοντα θανατουν. Isocr. 78 67. Lys. 12 8 17.
ουδ' επί τας ταφάς...παραγενέσθαι. Op. Lysias 12 8 87, διά
δε 'Ερατοσθένην και τους συνάρχοντας αυτου δεινόν ήν και των
τεθνεώτων επ' εκφοράν ελθείν. ib. 8 96, τους δε από τέκνων και
γονέων και γυναικών αφέλκοντες φονέας αυτών ηνάγκασαν γενέσθαι
και ουδέ ταφής της νομιζομένης είασαν τυχεϊν. This was the last
degree of cruelty, See Becker's Charicles, pp. 383-4. [Cobet
would strike out και εκφοράς. Βιιε ταφαί are funeral cere-
monies' generally, εκφοραι a particular part of them ; and the
passage in Lysias suggests that, being the most public part, it
was the most dangerous in this case.]
ου ταπεινώσαντες αποπέμψετε...επηρμένους will you not
dismiss these men in humiliation who are not so exultant?'
The emphatic word is the participle ταπεινώσαντες “humiliate'
and so dismiss them, cp. § 227, and åmotÉMŲete is the ana.
logue of απαλλάττειν. W. however in his ed. of 1878 reads
αποπέμψεσθε here, as he had previously done in 8 253 [following
Usener in his note on Εurip. Ηec. 72, ω ποτνία Χθών, απο-
πέμπομαι έννυχον όψιν], and translates it dismiss with exe-
cration.
επέθετο attempted,' cp. Herod. 1, 1, ναυτιλίησι μακρησι
επιθέσθαι.
πρίν αν μείζον των δικαστηρίων. ισχύση until he had
raised himself to a superiority over the courts of law. Till
he was able to despise them. Cp. Cic. 2 Phil. § 115, judicia
2201 metuis : si propter innocentiam, laudo; sin propter vim,
non intelligis qui isto modo non timeat, ei quid timendum est ?
$ 237
233
NOTES.
$8 236-240 Besides-legal or illegal-what are the real
grounds for thus rewarding Demosthenes? (See Dem. de Cor.
297.) His mighty services about the fortifications were stained
by sacrilege; and the Theban alliance, of which he boasts, was
the result of circumstances, not of his diplomacy; just as was
the change of tone in the king of Persia.
236 Séws 8 dvouo.oynoaluny 'I should be glad to
come to some understanding. Cp. Plato, Rep. IV. p. 436, ÉTU
τοίνυν ακριβέστερον ομολογησώμεθα “let us come to a more accu-
rate understanding with each other. The reading of A is
αναλογισαίμην which Weidner and Simcox adopt.
Néyels sc. Ctesiphon.
• Dev Triv åpxvv... ÉTONOW 'the assertion with which you
began your decree,' or 'which you made in the preamble of
your decree.'
Tas táopovs the trenches made for defending Athens after
Chaeroneia, when Demosthenes was a commissioner of the
walls (TELXOTOLÓS) § 17. Dem. de Cor. $$ 113, 299.
Toû yåp taut'... EXEL ‘for the fact that he was the cause of
these measures of precaution being necessary is more damning
than the excellence of their construction is praiseworthy.'
Lit. “his being the cause involves a heavier charge than their
excellent construction.'
ouse ta's Snuoolas adds dvelóvra 'nor for having ob-
literated the funeral honours publicly bestowed.' This seems the
best sense to be given to these words if they are to stand. Cobet
rejects tapás for tombs (though see Herod. 5, 63), and insists that
TOùs tápovs ought to be read, and Weidner, who also omits on mo-
σίας, follows him. On the other hand ανελόντα is not quite the
natural word to be used in this latter case: and it is con-
ceivable, and somewhat after his manner, that Aeschines,
wishing to say that Demosthenes had removed certain tombs,
should express it by saying that he had “abolished' or «ren-
dered nugatory public funeral ceremonies.' So nuaol ávalpeiv
vóuov § 202. These tombs were mostly in the Ceramicus.
The editors all quote Lycurg. c. Leocr. § 44, Kat' ékelvous
τους χρόνους ουκ έστιν ήτις ηλικία ου παρέσχετο εαυτήν εις την
Tas rólews OwTmplav, 70' ñ Mèv xwópa Tà dévopa ouveßallero, oi
O È TETENEUTIKÓTES Tàs Onkas, oi dè vEW Tà Örtla. It may mean
only that Demosthenes had to remove some tombs in making
his ráopos, or that he used some of the tombs for building
materials, as Simcox points out was done before. Thucyd.
1, 93.
237 doelwy tnv dlaçovelav, cp. 8 101.
. Gyal twy épywv, cp. $ 193.
234 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. § 238
$$ 2819 , in a goodus, $ 84, Dem. debobas, § 85
'Audiocéas, SS 114, 125 sqq. Eůßoéas, & 85 sqq. trs
Tipos En Balous ouuuaxlas, $ 84, Dem. de Cor. 178.
dvariéſs, in a good sense 'you give the credit of,' cp.
$S 231, 332.
bewy... TOÚTwy when you omit to mention the nature
of the crisis and the high reputation of these your country-
men. In pretending that the Theban alliance was owing
to Demosthenes you derogate from the honour of Athens;
for that alliance, so far as it was not wholly the result of the
circumstances of the hour, was a tribute to her high cha-
racter. See on g 137.
το της πόλεως αξίωμα “ the prestige properly belonging to
the city.' Dem. de Cor. § 149, Tò tñs mólews å šiwna laßwv.
TTEPLTLOels, § 231.
238 katéTTEN. Vse sent down from Asia.'
đTALOEÚTWs coarsely,' vulgarly,' without the maiòcia of
§ 117, 170 and 260.
oủ yap an seo0€. Simcox appositely quotes Aristoph. Ach.
104 for this abrupt message from the King, où lñyn xpūoo,
XavvómpwKT? 'Iaovaû. For these dealings with Persia see Grote,
XI. p. 347.
239 TÔ yuyl tapórtwy Klydbywy. Alexander was at this
time in Media. The death of Darius appears not to have
been yet knowu at Athens. § 132.
• Sè kouifwy... Kalpos. Cp. § 141.
Td 8' Broun Koyta rálavra. Grote says “it is noway
proved that Demosthenes applied the money to his own
private purposes.' This is the BaollikÒv xpuoiou of which we
have heard more than once before, § 173, 209. Justin 12,
2, 7. The Scholiast says that Demosthenes refused to refund
it to the agents of Darius, saying, raita čuo čteuyar ÚTèp
του συμβουλεύσαι· ει δε ουκ επείσθησαν οι Αθηναίοι ουδέν προς
Èué. Schaefer 3, 145.
ATTEOTÉpnoas "you embezzled,' used thus technically with-
out any word for the person deprived. Cp. Dem. Mid. $ 44,
εάν τις εκών παρ' εκόντος λάβη τάλαντον ένα ή δύο ή δέκα, και ταυτ'
αποστερήση.
240 oủ Si' {vdelay... trapédoc ay 'was it not through want
of money, for the sake in fact of five talents, that the foreign
garrison refused to surrender the citadel of Thebes?' The ac-
cusation against Demosthenes is stated more fully by Deinarch.
SS 18–20. He asserts that Demosthenes had received thirty
.
§ 241
235
NOTES.
Alexander (in B.C. 335) and yet refused to advance the five
talents for which the Macedonian garrison were willing to
surrender the Kadmeia, besieged by the Theban citizens, who,
encouraged by the reported death of Alexander, had declared
their severance from Macedonia; or the ten talents demanded
by Astylos the commander of an Arcadian force, that he should
refuse to serve Alexander and go to the relief of Thebes;
although the Arcadian force had advanced as far as the Isthmus
on their way, and had actually sent back the envoy of Antipater,
who urged them to declare on the Macedonian side. The truth
of this charge is strongly refuted by the fact that the conduct
of Demosthenes in the Peloponnese was named among other
things, some years afterwards, as the ground for a grant of
special honours. See Grote xi. pp. 358—360. Schaefer 111. p.
110 who accuses Aeschines here of downright lying.
ý trpatus oủ yeyévntal. The question is introduced by the
first oů ( = nonne?), this second où belongs closely to yeyévntal
and for the lack of ten talents (which Demosthenes refused to
pay)... has not the whole transaction proved a failure?' The
ir pažis is the negociation with the Peloponnesians. The perfect
is only to be justified by the plea that Aeschines is regarding
the existing state of things as the direct consequence of this
alleged stinginess or dishonesty of Demosthenes.
xopnyeîs “pamper,' 'minister.' Cp. 1, 54, eihnyeral xopnyòv
τη βδελυρία τη εαυτού.
Kal TÒ kepalalov 'and crown and sum up all,' ss 104, 126,
173.
SS 241, 242 As to calling on Demosthenes to speak,--
what could be more nauseous than to hear himi sing his own
praises? You had better conduct your own defence, Ctesiphon.
You cannot plead inexperience; for you have undertaken only
lately a foreign mission requiring skilful oratory.
241 Try átaldevoiav aútwv their want of taste.' Cp.
åma.deÚTWS § 238. See SS 117, 154, 260.
εγκωμιάσει. Two Mss. have εγκωμιάζει and hence Cobet
and Weidner read εγκωμιάζειν, understanding τολμήσει. Cobet
further says that the future of εγκωμιάζω is -άσομαι not -ασω,
see Aesch. 1, 133. But Veitch quotes other instances of the
active form. If Ctesiphon ventured to call Demosthenes,
Aeschines assumes as a matter of course that he will praise
himself, and this is better expressed by the future verb than
by an infinitive depending on todunoel.
TOùs kal' éauty éralyovs. See on § 50. Dem. de Cor.
$ 215.
236 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON, $ 242
ötav dè surely when’; for oè in apodosis see Goodw. $ 274,
Mady. § 183, R. 6.
242 mpóny 'only the other day,' some time in the spring
of the year.
ús Kleottátpav...'Aletávopov TELEUTÑ 'you allowed. your-
self to be elected as envoy to Cleopatra, Philip's daughter, to
condole with her on the death of Alexander, king of the
Molossians.'
Alexander was a brother of Olympias, queen of Philip and
mother of Alexander the Great. Philip first put into his hands
certain cities in Ambracia (Dem. Halon. § 32]; and on the
death of Arymbas, king of the Molossi, B.C. 348, he was by
Philip's influence raised to the throne, to the exclusion of
Arymbas' son Aeacides, father of Pyrrhus [Diodor. 16, 72).
When Olympias was divorced by Philip she took refuge at
her brother's court, and endeavoured to persuade him to make
war against her husband. He refused, and received as his
reward his own niece, Philip's daughter Cleopatra, in marriage.
It was at the celebration of this marriage (B.C. 336) that Philip
was assassinated [Diodor. 16,91–4]. About 332/1 B.C. Alexander
accepted an invitation from the Tarentines to aid them against
the Bruttii. Like his future successor on the Epirote throne,
Pyrrhus, he gladly seized the opportunity of interfering in
Italy; and had some dream of a Western Empire, which was
to be on a par with the Eastern Empire of his nephew and
great namesake. He had some success at first, and even made
a treaty with Rome, but finally was defeated and killed in
a battle near Pandosia (near Consentia in Bruttium) by the
Bruttii and Lucani [Justin 12, 2]. See also Strabo 6, 256,
280; Justin 8, 6, 5; 7, 6, 1; 9, 7, 5–7; 18, 1, 2; 23, 1, 15.
This mention of Ctesiphon's mission of condolence to Cleopatra
seems dragged in for the sake of a sheer at this ante-Macedonian
going on a complimentary embassy to a Macedonian princess.
ulo doll for pay,'insinuating that Ctesiphon had not brought
forward his motion in honour of Demosthenes from his own
conviction, but as the hired advocate of a party or perhaps of
Demosthenes himself.
SS 243—246 Perhaps you think your man is one whose
merits will not be recognised without special advocacy. Yet no
one is in the dark as to the reasons for honouring Chabrias, or
Iphicrates, or Timotheus. The fact is, so far from having
merited a crown, Demosthenes deserves exclusion from his
country, on the same principle as that on which we throw over
the frontier the lifeless instruments which have killed a man.
And above all he ought to be punished for the sake of setting
a good example to the young.
$ 243
237
NOTES.
243 Xaßplay kai 'Ibukpárny kal Tipódeov. The chief
period. IPHICRATES was a inan of low birth, his father
Timotheus being a shoemaker, who raised himself to a
position of great power and influence by military ability. He
is first heard of at the battle of Cnidus (B.C. 394), where his
gallantry secured him the command of the Athenian troops sent
into Boeotia in the same year; and again at Corinth in B.c. 393.
In the course of the latter campaign he introduced his cele-
brated improvement in the army, by forming a corps of light-
armed troops (TelTaotal) which proved very effective; and in
the course of B.C. 392 cut to pieces a Spartan Mora which was
on the march to Lechaeum. From B.C. 387 to 377 he seems to
have been engaged in a semi-private capacity in the wars con-
tinually going on in Thrace, where he married a daughter of
Cotys, who became king of Thrace in B.c. 382, and was allowed
by him to build a town (Apûs) for himself. From B.C. 377 to 374
he commanded Athenian troops in Egypt; and in B.C. 373_1
with Chabrias and Callistratus conducted a war in Corcyra
against Mnasippus. In B.c. 369 he commanded the Athenian
contingent sent to aid Sparta against the invasion of Epami-
nondas, without effecting much. In B.C. 367 he was sent
against Amphipolis with a small force, but seems to have
given most of his energies to interfering in Macedonia, to
drive out the pretender Pausanias. He was one of the four
commanders in the Social War [B.C. 357–355] after the death
of Chabrias; for his conduct in which he was prosecuted by his
colleague Chares, but acquitted. He died sometime before
B.C. 348. Xen. Hell. 4, 4, 6–12, 14–17; 4, 5, 8; 4, 8, 34;
6, 2, 3; Diodor. xiv. 91–2, XV. 29–47, XVI. 57. Nepos, vit.
Iph.
CHABRIAS succeeded Iphicrates about B.C. 392 in the com-
mand of the Athenian army at Corinth; he next defeated the
Spartans in Aegina (B.C. 388), and went to assist Evagoras in
Cyprus: in B.C. 378 was one of three commanders against
Agesilaus in Boeotia, and in 377 B.C. served in Egypt against
the Persians. Recalled from Egypt he commanded the Athen-
ian fleet at Naxos (3.C. 376) and defeated the Spartans in a
sea-fight. This made him specially famous at Athens, as it
was the first victory the Athenians had gained at sea since
the Peloponnesian war. He was successively in command
at Corcyra (B.C. 373) and in the Peloponnesus against Epami-
nondas (B.C. 368). Later on, like Iphicrates, he served in
the mercenary army of a foreign sovereign, Tachos king of
Egypt (B.C. 361). Returning home he was sent to Thrace
(B.C. 358) to command the fleet in the Social War at Chios
(B.C. 357), where he perished in a gallant but rash run into
the harbour.“ Xen. Hellen. 5, 1, 10; 5, 4, 34; 7, 1, 15-19;
238 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $243
Diod. xv. 32–35, 68–9; Nepos, Vit. Chabr.; Demosth. Lept.
479. In the campaign of B.C. 378 he invented the change in
tactic, whereby the hoplite was taught to receive a charge
kneeling on one knee, with his shield resting against the other,
and his spear stretched out before him; and accordingly he
was honoured at Athens with a statne in that position.
TIMOTHEUS, son of the famous Conon, first became a
strategus as colleague of Chabrias and Callistratus in the
war of B.c. 378 against Agesilaus. In B.C. 375 he commanded
a fleet which cruised round the Peloponnese doing damage to
the Spartans and their allies, whom he finally defeated on the
Acarnanian coast, and thereby gained complete mastery of
the sea. In B.C. 372 he served the Persian king against Egypt:
but in B.C. 367 was again serving the Athenians, into whose
power he reduced the important island of Samos. In 364 B.C.
he succeeded Iphicrates in the command at Amphipolis and
the neighbourhood, where he was extraordinarily successful:
took Potidaea and Torone, and all the other Chalcidian towns;
and relieved Cyzicus which was being besieged by the Persians.
He failed however to take Amphipolis, but made a successful
attack upon Cotys king of Thrace and gathered immense booty.
In B.C. 358 he induced the Athenians to oppose the Theban
occupation of Euboea; and in B.C. 356 was joint commander
of the Athenian fleet in the Social War; but in B.C. 354 was
accused of receiving bribes by his colleague Chares and fined
100 talents. Being unable to pay he retired to Chalcis, where
he soon afterwards died. Xen. Hell. 6, 2, 11–13; Diodor. xv.
47. Isocrat. XV. Trepi ávtidóEWS. Nepos vit. Timoth. Isocrates
(xv. 107–13) says that he took twenty-four cities, more than
any other commander had ever done.
trudoù. Schol. TTEPLOT WOW 'ATTIKO TOÛTO kai tò daßoü kai
έρου και τα όμοια.
tàs elkóvas. The statue of TIMOTHEUS stood with one of
his father Conon and of Evagoras king of Cyprus near the
Otoà Baoinelos (Pausan. 1, 3, 2). The bronze statue of
CHABRIAS in a kneeling posture is referred to in Arist. Rhet.
3, 10, who quotes a sentence from Leucoleon's defence of him,
ουδε την ικετηρίαν αισχυνθέντες αυτού την εικόνα την χαλκήν,
cp. Nepos, ch. I., hoc usque eo tota Graecia fama celebratum
est ut illo statu (i.e. kneeling) Chabrias sibi statuam fieri
voluerit, quae publice ei ab Atheniensibus in foro constituta est.
His tomb in the Ceramicus was close to that of Pericles (Paus.
1, 29, 3). The statue of IPHICRATES was at the entrance of the
Parthenon (Pausan. 1, 24, 7).
Trepl Nacov ... pópav... Trepirlouv. See notes above on
Chabrias, Iphicrates and Timotheus. Cp. [Demosth.] XIII.
$ 22.
8 214
239
NOTES.
μόρα Λακεδαιμονίων. The μόρα was a division of the
whole of the Spartan full citizens of military age [Harpocr.
8. ν. μόρων]. According to Miller, Dorians, vol. 2, p. 248,
there were six such divisions. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2, 4.
Hieron 9, 5. Hell. 6, 1, 1; 4, 17. Diodor. XV. 32.
εκάστω... πέπρακται. Dative of agent with perfect passive.
See on Dem. de Cor. s$ 53, 140.
244 τάξιν έλιπε. See 8 152.
και πότερον...τελευτήσαντας. «And, if you do this, will you
be honouring Demosthenes, or dishonouring yourselves and
those who died for you in the battle?' Tñ páxy sc. Chae-
roneia.
σχετλιάζοντας expressing grief and indignation. Cf. $ 254.
Demosth. 1η Phorum. 8 19, αγανακτούντος δε μου και σχετλιάζον-
τος...επί τη τολμή του Λάμπιδος.
εί τα ξύλα...υπερορίζομεν. This was a law of Draco's, Pausan.
6, 11, 2, Δράκων Αθηναίους θεσμούς γράψας φονικούς υπερώρισε και
τα άψυχα εί γε εμπεσόν τι εξ αυτών αποκτείνειεν άνθρωπον. Ρlato,
Legg. 873 F, εάν δε άψυχόν τι ψυχής άνθρωπον στερήση πλήν όσα
κεραυνός ή τι παρά θεού τοιούτον βέλος ιόν, των δε άλλων όσα τινός
προσπεσόντος ή αυτό έμπεσον κτείνη τινά...το δε όφλον εξορίζειν.
The laws of Draco were repealed by Solon πλην των φονικών
(Plut. Sol. 17) and in such cases the old customs seem to have
been religiously maintained.
αγνώμονα senseless.'
εάν τις αυτόν διαχρήσηται. This regulation as to suicides,
that their right hands should be cut off and buried apart, is
not mentioned elsewhere in classical Greek. It will be ob-
served that burial is not denied to them, as to murderers,
though Plato (Legg. 873 D) thinks that their graves should
be without monument and their burial lonely and private.
In Plutarch, Them. 22, a place is mentioned where οι δήμιοι
και τα μάτια και τους βρόχους των απαγχομένων και καθαιρεθέντων
ÉKØépovol. In Josephus, B. J. 3, 8, 5, the regulation seems to
be attributed to Solon παρά τη σοφωτάτω κολάζεται νομοθέτη...
παρ' ετέροις δε και τας δεξιάς τοιούτων των νεκρών αποκόπτειν
έκέλευσαν αίς επεστρατεύσαντο καθ' εαυτών ηγούμενοι, καθάπερ το
σώμα της ψυχής αλλότριον ούτω και την χείρα του σώματος. The
popular sentiment as to suicide however was that it might be,
and often was, more honourable than to cling to life in desperate
circumstances of dishonour. See $ 212, and Polybius' remarks
on the conduct of the anti-Roman statesmen in B.c. 167 (30, 8).
The Stoics indeed held that without the right of suicide a man
could not be wholly independent (Zeller, Stoics, p. 316), and
though Plato (Phaedo, c. 6; Apolog. c. 17) taught that suicide
240 AESCHINES AGALYST CTESIPHON. $245
was equivalent to a desertion of a post in which the gods had
placed men as soldiers, yet in the Laws he extends the regula-
tion as to shameful burial only to one who kills himself without
sufficient cause, who μήτε περιωδύνω αφύκτη προσπεσούση τύχη
αναγκασθείς, μήτε αισχύνης τινός απόρου και αβίου μεταλαχών,
αργία δε και ανανδρίας δειλία εαυτώ δίκην άδικον επιθη.
245 τόν γράψαντα...έξοδον “who proposed our final military
expedition,' that namely which terminated with the battle of
Chaeroneia. πανυστάτην implies also the sense of fatal,
disastrous,' as well as 'last. Weidner quotes Soph. Aj. 858;
Tr. 874. What purports to be the decree of Demosthenes is
given in the de Cor. SS 181-187. He calls it η έξοδος 8 178.
προδόντα, S 146.
επιλείπουσαν evanescentem - fading away, used more than
once of water in a well drying up and disappearing. Demosth.
Symm. $ 30; in Polycl. $ 61.
εαν επερωτώσιν. Weidner with one Ms. omits εάν. Much
the same argument is used in 1 8 186.
προς ποίον...ποιείσθαι on what model they ought to
frame their way of life, cp. Plato, Protag. 326 D, η πόλις τούς
τε νόμους αναγκάζει μανθάνειν και κατά τούτους την κατά παρά-
δειγμα. Isocr. ad Denmonic. 8 11, δείγμα της Ιππονίκου φύσεως
νύν εξενηνόχαμεν προς όν δει την σε ώσπερ προς παράδειγμα.
τι κρινείτε; what will be your decision ?? Weidner with
one Mς. omits the words. They cannot mean simply What
answer will you give?' But, as the decision come to by the
judges will be the best reply to such a question, it amounts
almost to this.
246 ουχ αι παλαίστραι ουδε τα διδασκαλεία ουδ' η μου-
σική. 'The three branches of education of an Athenian boy,
γραμματική, μουσική, γυμναστική. See Plato, Protag. 325 E
γράμματα και κιθάρισις are the first, and in them is included
the learning by heart and reading ποιητών αγαθών ποιήματα εν
οίς πολλαι μεν νουθετήσεις ένεισι, πολλαι δε διέξοδοι και έπαινοι
και εγκώμια παλαιών ανδρών αγαθών, ίνα ο παίς ζηλων μιμηται και
ορέγηται τοιούτος γενέσθαι. After this the boys are sent είς
παιδοτρίβου, ίνα τα σώματα βελτίω έχοντες υπηρετώσι τη διανοία
χρηστη ούση.
τα δημόσια κηρύγματα « the proclamations of public
honours'-answering to the influence of the vóuor in the
passage quoted from Plato Protagoras. One us. has dikala,
and Weidner omits the word κηρύγματα altogether.
ασχημονών τω βίω living in a disgraceful manner. Cap. 2,
8 248
NOTES.
151. Demosth. 1η Andr. 53, ή άλλα ασχημονοίη & δούλων ουκ
ελευθέρων εστίν έργα.
Olepoápn 'is corrupted,' a gnomic Aorist. [W. writes
διεφθαρται to bring it into harmony with πεπαιδευνται, but the
diferences of the tenses in the protases κηρύττεται...δέδωκε
account for the change.]
ο δε νεώτερος...οι δε άλλοι...ο δε είκότως, for the δε in
apodosis cp. § 241.
τάναντία τις...υιόν supposing a man goes home and tries
to school his son, after having given a decision against right
and justice.'.
ενταύθα in such circumstances.' Cp. Herod. 6, 32, ενθαύτα
Περσέων οι στρατηγοί ουκ εψεύσαντο τας απειλάς. [W. omits the
word.]
ενοχλείν ήδη...ονομάζεται “admonition in these ciroum-
stances is called, and indeed with justice, a mere impertinence.'
For ήδη marking an emphatic climax see 88 145, 147.
SS 247-249 Final Appeal to the Jurors. Remember that
all eyes are upon you: that the character of the State depends
on that of the men she delights to honour. Beware then of
men who falsely assume the character of patriots : demand
proofs from everyone who claims rewards for good service.
247 ως oύν μή μόνον κρίνοντες αλλά και θεωρούμενοι “as
being then not merely engaged in delivering a verdict, but as
subjects also of public observation,' 'the observed of all ob-
Servers’ (Edgar). Cp. Demosth. de Corr. 315, προς τους προ
έμαυτού κρίνωμαι και θεωρώμαι; [But Weidner reads θεωρούντες,
supposing the object of it to have been lost, and that correctors
of the mss. changed it to Dewpoúuevol to fill up the gap from
a reference to this passage of Demosthenes.]
eis atrodoylomóv 'with a view to justifying yourselves,' lit.
to be able to give an account to.' A rare word, not=åroloyla,
but derived from the idea of making up accounts [cp. λογίζομαι,
λογισμός 8 59], Polyb. 10, 11, 5, ουχ. ετέροις τισι χρώμενος
απολογισμούς αλλ' οίς ετύγχανε πεπεικώς αυτόν.
προσεικασθήναι that the city should be considered like.'
248 τους προκαταλαμβάνοντας...όνομάτων those who try
to prejudice your feelings in their favour by claiming a
monopoly of public spirit and generosity. For προκαταλαμ-
Bávelv used of such an attempt to get a prejudgment in favour
of a person cp. 88 9, 70, 71. For κοινά “popular, the
reverse of exclusive or selfish, cp. Demosth. de Cor. 268, rávTES
ίστε ότι κοινός και φιλάνθρωπος και τους δεομένοις επαρκών κ.τ.λ.
16
242 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $249
Keltai uÈv év utca are public property indeed': i.e. all may
gain or use them, but practically the people readiest to do so
are those who in their actions are most widely removed from
them.
$S 249-251 The way to avoid such national disgrace is
not to grant these rewards lightly, but to demand à proof
of the claimant's worthiness. If you do not do so, you will
have particular men becoming so powerful as to defy the law
and behave to foreign states, and be treated by them, as though
they really represented the country's greatness in their own
persons; while the people, shut out from its rightful privileges,
must be content with the fragments of power they deign to
leave it.
249 [ξενικών] στεφάνων και κηρυγμάτων εν τοις "Ελλησιν
crowns bestowed by foreign states and proclamations made
before assembled Hellenes.' The objection to this sentence
is that the crown proposed for Demosthenes is not ŠEVLKÓS.
Weidner gets out of the difficulty by following Benseler in
striking out év Tols "Ellnow, one Ms. omitting év. Simcox
says that this crown is called ŠEVLKÒS because given when
foreign crowns should be (3 230). This is not a very obvious
or satisfactory explanation; and perhaps, if the word is to
stand, it is best to take the reference as designedly made
general, so as to include the case of Demosthenes though not
to be confined to it. The objection to εν τοις Έλλησιν is much
less obvious; for by having the proclamation made at the
exhibition of the new Tragedies in the Theatre the presence
of various strangers was secured.
&Traváyelv... Tòv dóyov...cáopova 'bid him go back and ad-
dress his argument to prove the worthiness and sobriety of his
life': for such a cause is practically a Blov euo uva $ 230. For
étraváyelv cp. next note and $ 57. [Some mss. read tûv lóywv,
in which case the words must be dependent on τας βεβαιώσεις
from the next clause.]
Tds Beſaládels Tv kanuátwy "the giving securities for
property. Just as the law orders that a vendor should give a
purchaser of property a security for the validity of his purchase,
so should the orator be compelled to shew that his conduct,
for which the reward is claimed, is a sure and proper ground
on which to grant it. Cf. Demosth. in Zenoth. & 16, kai ei uÈV
είς πίστιν έδωκας, τί προ του κακουργήματος αν τα βέβαια έποιού;
ει δ' άπιστων ετύγχανες, τι ουχ, ώσπερ οι άλλοι, τα δίκαια
“Aduates ev Tm ra; do Pattae10. 8 12, Too Memơ khéoUs 8 GB a -
oûvtos nuev. Beßalwols, see Harpokr. who quotes Lysias. If a
third person disputed the validity of the purchaser's possession,
he could proceed against the vendor by a δίκη βεβαιώσεως.

$ 251
243
NOTES.
Schöm. Att. Proc. p. 720. He who brought such a suit was
said aváyelv ÉTTI TÒV Trpárnpa Poll. 8, 34. Hence Aeschines says
"force him to refer back his claim to its original source.'
en Slaçevyoúons újâs 'which is already slipping through
your hands,'i.e. by the usurpation of individuals.
• 250 εις ιδιωτικάς οικίας. He of course means Demosthenes
and his party; but what letters these were we do not know
($ 225). Deinarch. (in Dem. § 20) asserts that embassies were
sent to Demosthenes from the Arcadians and others, when
they were preparing to march to the aid of Thebes.
των πρωτευόντων εν τη Ασία και τη Ευρώπη apparently
means from the Persian and Lacedemonian courts (Agis).
Aeschines could hardly mean the Thebans by oi mpwTEVOVTES
Év Tŷ Eýpurn as Simcox thinks.
¿D' ois actions for which the penalty assigned by law is
death,' i.e. treasonable communication with foreign states.
The extraordinary severity of Athenian law, especially as to
everything connected with, or that could by any means be
brought under the category of a podocia, may help to account
for the desperate acts to which so many of her statesmen
finally committed themselves. A man with the hemlock within
measurable distance of his lips was not likely to stand at
TrapavaylyváokovoLV 'read and compare with each other.'
BNÉTTELV Eis ta éavt@vmpóowta, cp. $$ 137, 152. Dem, de
Cor. § 283.
251 K tñs áovulas, cp. 1, 131. ŐO TEP mapayeynparws
Trapavoias &alwkós 'as though beside itself from dotage or
declared of unsound intellect. § 156. In either case the care
of the family property was committed to the nearest male
relative. See § 156; Plutarch, ei, peoß. TOLTEUTéov, ch. 3
Σοφοκλής λέγεται υπό των υιών παρανοίας φεύγων αναγνώναι την
év OldTool Tŷ ÉTÈ Kolwvoû mápodov. Cp. Cic. de Sen. $ 22.
vecuáuevou 'having received as your share the leavings of
the joint banquet, so to speak. The orators take all the
substantial advantages : the people are satisfied with such
scraps in the way of pay and office as the orators do not
want.
SS 252–254 That my description of these proceedings
as treason is justified you may learn from the severity with
which much less serious acts were punished: one man for
merely trying to leave Athens for Samos (after Chaeroneia) was
16-2
244 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 252
put to death; and Leocrates for going to Rhodes on the same
occasion only escaped by an equality of votes. Compare their
conduct with that of Demosthenes—with his cowardice, his
mischievous policy, the disgrace he has brought upon Athens!
Amp@, see § 143. ékeldev, cp. § 163,
252 éyéveTÓ Tls... iStúrns there was—tho it pains me to
mention repeatedly the city's misfortunes-a man in this town
in no official capacity.' Madvig proposed to read åtuxía Tân
arble for Tås åtuxlas cñs mólews, and the reading is found in
some Mss. This seems to weaken the sense, but it gets rid of
the somewhat rare construction of ueurnuévos with accusative
of the object when it means 'mention, but cp. Demosth. 1
Olgtle. $ 11, Tò Leuvo 0 at The xảouv.
avrie iSlúrns a man who was in no official position.'
Immediately after the battle of Chaeroneia a resolution seems
to have been passed that no man should leave the country,
but that all should stay and contribute to the safety of the
State, the penalty of treason being inflicted on all who de-
parted. Who the man was who tried to go to Samos is not
certain. It has generally been supposed that it was the Au.
tolycus mentioned in Lycurgus in Leocr. § 53; but it does
not seem to tally with what Lycurgus says of him, that he
remained himself to share the dangers of the people, but was
charged with secretly sending away his wife and children.
ÚTÒ TÔIs é Apelov tráyou Boulñs. The Council of the Areo-
pagus would not in ordinary times try such a case, though it
might lay an information (årópaors) before the people. But
in times of great distress or alarm the Council of the Areo-
pagus seems to have generally taken a more active and de-
cisive part than on ordinary occasions. See de Cor. 133;
Plutarch, Themist. 10 (just before Salamis); Lysias 12 § 69
(after Aegos Potami).
Tepos 8'islátns. This is Leocrates, who after eight years'
absence ventured back to Athens and was prosecuted by Ly.
curgus, whose speech is extant. Weidner strikes out idiúrns,
but see Lycurg. § 31, xwpis Toivuv TOÚTWY Lewkpárns åvaßoń-
σεται αυτίκα ως ιδιώτης ών και υπό της του ρήτορος και συκο-
Oávtov DELV ÓTYTOS åvaprašáuevos. Leocrates appears to have
pleaded that his voyage to Rhodes was for ordinary mercantile
business. After about two years' residence at Rhodes he
returned to Megara, where he stayed five years before venturing
back to Athens.
clonyyéren 'was impeached' on an eloayyedia, for which
see $ 223.
8 234
245
NOTES.
ίσαι αι ψήφοι, in case of an equality of votes there was
an acquittal by a time-honoured principle of law. See Aeschyl.
Eunnen. 723:
ανήρ όδ' εκπέφευγες αίματος δίκην
ίσον γάρ έστι ταρίθμημα των πάλων.
Antiphon 58 51, και μεν δή τα έξ ίσου γενόμενα του φεύγοντός
έστι μάλλον ή του διώκοντος, είπερ γε και των ψήφων αριθμός εξ
ίσου γενόμενος τον φεύγοντα μάλλον ωφελεί ή τον διώκοντα. Cp.
also Eur. Iph. T. 1483; Elect. 1274. Hence the casting vote
for acquittal was called ψήφος 'Αθηναίας, Dio Cass. 51, 19.
υπερώριστ' άν would have been banished and still be
in banishment. The force of äv with pluperf. is to state some-
of which would have remained up to the present. For the
word cp. 8 244.
253 απέδρα δ' εκ της πόλεως. This charge is ridiculous,
if it refers to the visits of Demosthenes in the Peloponnese
after Chaeroneia to raise money and allies for Athens. See
8 159. He may also refer to his transferring his residence to
the Peiraeus, 8 209.
αποπέμψετε, 8 235.
ως ληστής των πραγμάτων as a pirate who infests the
State,' who commits his piracies on the State,' the objective
genitive. W. quotes Soph. O. R. 535, ληστής εναργής της
εμής τυραννίδος.
επ' ονομάτων...πλέοντα cruising through the State on their
Wordy craft.' The pirate would sail επί ληστρικής κέλητος
(Thucyd. 4, 9, 1), so the orator is said to cruise επ' ονομάτων.
254 τον καιρόν μέμνησθε. See on μεμνημένους S 252. W.
Yeads επιμνήσθητε (ed. 1878).
τα Πύθια. The Pythian games were held every four years,
the third year of each Olympiad (this was B.C. 330 or Olymp.
112. 3), some time in April (or according to others in Sep-
tember), at Crissa.
το συνέδριον το των Ελλήνων. This is interpreted by
Bremi and Weidner to mean the meeting of the Amphictyons,
as in § 161; and W. supposes that the recent movement in the
Peloponnese was to be brought before the Council by the Mace-
donian officers. But this is entirely a conjecture. The phrase
is sometimes used more generally, see Demosth. de Cor. $ 22;
and it seems more natural to suppose that the assembly of the
Greeks from various states at the Pythian games is here indi-
cated. Aeschines means that the decision they come to now
246 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 255
will be canvassed in this great collection of Greeks in a spirit
of hostility already engendered by the policy recommended by
Demosthenes; though there may be a veiled allusion to possible
ulterior consequences of a more definite character.
περί τους νυν καιρούς in regard to the present crisis,' or
dangers'; i.e. when Alexander is so successful, and when
therefore it will be dangerous to honour such an avowed enemy
of Macedonia.
$S 255-259 Remember then it is your own country
which will be affected by your vote. Do not let private in-
timacy sway your feelings; but contrast with him and his
empty boasts the glorious services of the heroes of old; and
show yourselves true sons of those men who punished with
death the man who brought Persian gold into the country,
though not for himself.
255 τας φιλοτιμίας μη νέμετε άλλα κρίνετε make the attain-
ment of the objects of ambition the result, not of mere largess,
but of deliberate judgment. For φιλοτιμία in a concrete sense
of honours' cp. $ 45 φιλοτιμίαν κτάσθαι. For νέμετε cp. Dem.
Lept. 8 141, ουδ' ελάττους ενείματε τάς τιμάς δια ταύτα.
εις βελτίω σώματα • for the use of better persons' S 78.
åtróleo de reserve,' 'store up.' Cp. [Demosth.] ad Timoth,
3 31, δίδωσι αποθείναι το Φορμίωνι μετ’ άλλων χρημάτων και
φιάλας λυκιουργείς δύο. Εurip. Ι. Τ. 376, πολλά δ' άπεθέμην
ασπάσματα εσαύθις, ώς ήξουσ' ες "Αργος αυ πάλιν. Cobet would
however read κατάθεσθε, which certainly is commoner in this
sense.
οι συγκυνηγέται και οι συγγυμνασταί αυτού “who were his
fellows in the hunting-feld and the gymnasium, i.e. who were
boys and young men with him and attended the same gym-
nastic school. Thus Orestes addresses Pylades (Eur. I. T.
709) ώ συγκυναγε και συνεκτραφείς έμοί.
έν ηλικία = έν ήβη in youth.'
αλλ' έπασκών... κεκτημένους. Demosthenes has not passed
but in practising artifices to catch men of property.' Cp. 1,
8 167, Δημοσθένης γάρ, επείδη την πατρώαν ουσίαν ανήλωσε,
περιήει περί την πόλιν θηρεύων νέους πλουσίους ορφανούς, ών οι
μεν πατέρες τετελευτήκεσαν αι δε μητέρες διώκουν την ουσίαν.
Lys. 24 & 19, συλλέγεσθαί φησιν ανθρώπους ως έμε πονηρούς,
οι τα μεν εαυτων ανηλώκασι, τοις δε τα σφέτερα σώζειν βου-
λομένοις επιβουλεύουσι.
256 αλλ' εις την αλαζονείαν αποβλέψαντες. There is no
apodosis to this sentence. We must therefore either suppose
s
S 258
247
NOTES.
that some words have been lost, as Weidner does, marking the
lacuna after διαγεγένηται, Or we must suppose that this is
ο designed αποσιώπησις,- the orator meaning to end with
some such word as καταψηφίζεσθε, but breaking off with the
parenthetical sentence oίεται γάρ
Βυζαντίους, Dem. de Cor. 88-90. Byzantium was be-
sieged in B.C. 340 by Philip and relieved by a combined fleet
of Athenians,' Chians, and Rhodians. Demosthenes asserts
that it was mainly through his exertions that this help was
sent from Athens, and a friendship made with Byzantium.
Cp. Ρlutarch Deith. 17, Phoc. 14.
αποστήσαι δε 'Ακαρνάνας “caused the Acarnanians to
revolt from Philip.' About the time of the relief of Byzan-
tium a league was formed comprising Euboea, Megara, Corinth,
Achaia, Corcyra and Leucadia to act under the leadership of
Athens, and it seems from this passage and 8 97, that.
Acarnania also joined the League. Plut. Dem. 17.
Θηβαίους. Ρlutarch 1. ο. ο μέγιστος ύπελείπετο τω Δη-
μοσθένει των αγώνων, θηβαίους προσαγαγέσθαι τη συμμαχία. De
Con». S 211.
ώσπερ Πειθώ τρέφοντας as though you were nourishing
among you a goddess of persuasion. Cp. the description of
Pericles by Εύπολις (ap. Schol. in Arist. Ach. 535) πειθώ τις
επεκαθέζετ' επί τοις χείλεσι. Τhus Ennius calls M. Cethegus flos
delibatus populi suadaeque medulla (Cic. Brut. 58). For tpé-
φοντας of the people keeping certain persons in their midst,
cf. Arist. Ran. 1431 (of Alcibiades) μάλιστα μεν λέοντα μή 'ν
πόλει τρέφειν.
257 επί του βήματος. See 8 207.
αντιπαρατεταγμένους drawn up to oppose Demosthenes and
his friends.
Σόλωνα νόμοις. Solon was credited with all lars of great
antiquity at Athens, § 168. See Dem. de Cor. 6. He is here
alluded to as a typical φιλόσοφος also, that is, as a legislator on
philosophical principles, as well as a man of general learning.
σοφίας μεν γάρ ήν ομολογουμένος εραστής, ός γε και πρεσβύτερος ών
έλεγε. Γηράσκειν αιεί πολλά διδασκόμενος, Ρlut. Sol. 2. [Weidner
strikes out άνδρα φιλόσοφον και νομοθέτην αγαθόν.]
258 τον τους φόρους τάξαντα τοις "Ελλησιν who settled
the assessment of contribution for the Greeks,' i.e. in virtue
of the confederacy of Delos. Plutarch, Arist. 24, ταχθήναι
βουλόμενοι (οι "Έλληνες) κατά πόλιν εκάστους το μέτριον ήτήσαντο
παρά των Αθηναίων 'Αριστείδης και παρέταξαν αυτώ χώραν τε
και προσόδους επισκεψάμενον ορίσαι το κατ' αξίαν εκάστω και
248 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON. $ 259
δύναμιν. This assessment was always looked back upon with
admiration in after-times, when the pópos was increased. Cp.
de Fals. Leg. 8 23. See above 8 181.
τας θυγατέρας εξέδωκεν portioned his daughters, as Aris.
teides died poor. Ρlut. Αrist. 27, και τας μεν θυγατέρας ιστο-
ρούσιν εκ του πρυτανείου τοΐς νυμφίοις εκδοθήναι, δημοσία της
πόλεως τον γάμον εγγυούσης και προίκα τρισχιλίας δραχμάς έκα-
τέρα ψηφισαμένης.
σχετλιάζοντα, 8 244.
τω της δικαιοσύνης προπηλακισμό “the dishonour done to
his title of the Just.'
"Αρθμιον...Μήδων χρυσίον. Before the campaign which
ended at Plataea Mardonius sent agents into Greece to buy
the support of certain persons in the various cities (Herod.
9, 2; Diodor. XI. 28). Among these appears to have been
Arthmios of Zeleia in the Troad. He was caught, and on the
motion of Themistocles was declared áriuos with all of his
descendants, that is apparently, incapable of being a citizen of
Athens or any state in alliance with her. See Demosth. 3 Phil.
8 42, τί ούν λέγει τα γράμματα; "Αρθμιος, φησίν, ο Πυθώνακτος
ο Ζηλείτης, άτιμος έστω και πολέμιος του δήμου των Αθηναίων και
των συμμάχων αυτός και γένος. είθ' η αιτία γέγραπται δι' ήν ταύτ'
έγένετο. ότι τον χρυσόν τον εκ των Μήδων είς Πελοπόννησον ήγαγεν.
See also Plut. T'hemist. 6. Deinarch. in dristog. S 24.
πρόξενον. See 8 42.
παρ' ουδέν μέν ήλθον were within an ace of putting him
to death. This use of παρά is common, παρά νύκτα εγένετο
λαβείν (Thucyd. 4, 106, 3), παρά ολίγον ή διέφευγες ή απώλλυντο
(id. 7, 71, 4), παρ' ολίγον απέφυγες (Eurip. Ι. Τ. 87): but παρ'
ουδέν is & Somewhat strange exaggeration of the phrase, and
I should be inclined to suggest παρ' ολίγον ή ουδέν.
259 ου κομίσαντα, who has not indeed brought Persian
gold into the country, as Arthmios did, to distribute to
others, but who has accepted it himself and has it in his
possession to this day.
Θεμιστοκλέα. Themistocles and the Μαραθωνόμαχοι are
invoked to bring odium upon Demosthenes for accepting
Persian money (το βασιλικός χρυσίον); but of course the gist
μετά των βαρβάρων ομολογών τοις "Ελλησιν αντιπράττειν,-which
Demosthenes can easily show was not the case; for the Hel-
lenism of the Macedonian government was only admitted by
a minority in Greece: he and those who acted with him would
plead that they accepted the Persian gold to defend Greece
8 260
249
NOTES.
against an equally alien enemy, who for the moment was the
more formidable of the two.
260 I have spoken my utmost in behalf of all that is highest
and best. It rests with you, O judges, now to vote for the
right.
The end of the last section was the true climax. But
Aeschines felt the pressure of the Attic rule. He must not end
thus. The storm must be laid in a final harmony. And so he
passed on to the most tremendous failure that ever followed so
close upon a triumph.' Jebb, Attic Orators, vol. II., p. 407.
παιδεία, η διαγιγνώσκομεν “ that culture and refinement by
which we learn to distinguish between good and evil.' Cp.
88 117, 170, and Plato Protag. 325 D, τροφος και μήτηρ και
παιδαγωγός και αυτός ο πατήρ περί τούτου διαμάχονται όπως ως
βέλτιστος έσται ο παίς, παρ έκαστον και έργων και λόγον διδάσ-
κοντες και ενδεικνύμενοι ότι το μέν δίκαιον το δε άδικον, και τότε
μεν καλόν, τόδε δε αισχρόν.
βεβοήθηκα S0. υμίν. This appeal to sun, earth, virtue etc.
is ridiculed by Demosthenes in de Cor. § 127.
και εκ των ειρημένων λόγων και εκ των παραλελειμμένων as
well from what I have said as from what I have left unsaid.'
A rhetorical commonplace, sce Lys. 14, 17; 31, 34 (W.).
APPENDIX A.
ON THE LAWS CONCERNING THE PROCLAMATION OF CROWNS,
SS 32–48.
It is generally admitted that in regard to his first count,
that the law forbade the voting a crown to a man who was
ÚTTEÚDuvos, Aeschines was legally in the right. The plea put
forvard by Demosthenes that it was proposed to give him
the crown, not for his conduct in office, but for his extra-
official services and benefactions, cannot stand discussion.
The question in regard to the second count, that the law
ordered that a proclamation of such a crown should be made
only in the Bouleuterion or the Pnyx, according as it had been
voted by the Boulè or Ecclesia, is a somewhat more com.
plicated one.
The view put forward by Aeschines is to this effect. There
are two laws, the latter of which he calls the Dionysiac Law
($ 35). Demosthenes he supposes will quote the second in his
favour. Now it is impossible, according to the Athenian con-
stitution, that two contradictory laws should exist together;
and they are to be reconciled as follows.
(A) BY LAW NUMBER I. all proclamations of crowns are
confined to the Bouleuterion or Pnyx.
But this regulation was so worded that it had been held
to refer only to such crowns as were yoted by the Demos or
the Boulè; and crowns (1) given by a man's tribe or deme,
(2) by foreign states, were frequently proclaimed in the
theatre; as well as (3) other matters of a more private nature,
such as the liberation of slaves. These things were done
without an appeal to the people, and came to be regarded
as a nuisance to the festival (T) Oéatpov... Nvwxneiro § 44):
and accordingly there was enacted
(B) LAW NUMBER II. • AlOVuolakÒS vóuos. This had no
reference to persons crowned by Demos or Boulè,--their pro-
clamations were confined to the Pnyx and Bouleuterion by
Law I., and were not now in question. It referred solely
to the second class of crowns, those voted by demes and tribes,
APPENDIX A.
251
and by foreign states, and to the proclamations of emanci.
pation. In regard to these it ordered that no crown voted
by deme or tribe should be proclaimed in the theatre, and
no act of emancipation. The only crowns left untouched are
those given by foreign states. Therefore the following clauses
of the law,-'No crown shall be proclaimed in the theatre
without a special vote of the people (ěày un inpiontal é oņuos),
and if such a proclamation does take place the crown shall
be taken from the person and dedicated in a temple,'-can
only refer to these foreign crowns.
He accordingly infers that Demosthenes cannot support
his case by referring to this second law; for it does not touch
the question of his crown, which is to be voted by Boulè and
Demos; and comes under the first law.
To this Demosthenes [de Cor. § 120–2] answers very
briefy by quoting a law which contains the saving clause
πλήν εάν τινας ο δήμος ή η βουλή ψηφίσηται.
If there were two laws such as Aeschines describes, and
if Demosthenes is here quoting only the second of the two,
this is no answer at all. But if Law I. had this clause, and
if Aeschines suppressed it [vóuous METATOLWV, TW 8 åpaipwv
Mépn, de Cor. § 121], then Demosthenes may be held perhaps
to have established that by a special vote of Demos or Boule
such a proclamation was admissible. Blass (die Attische Bered-
samkeit, ļII. 2, p. 186—7] holds with Kirchhoff that Aeschines
did so mutilate the law. It seems surprising that an orator
should venture to do so, when the law itself was within every-
one's cognisance, and the omission would give such a handle
for a retort by his opponent: and it is remarkable that De-
mosthenes entirely evades the point of there being two laws,
and rapidly drops the subject and passes to a general criticism
of his opponent's method of attack. It looks very much like
the famous instruction to counsel, No case: abuse the Plaintiff's
Attorney.' I feel therefore considerable hesitation in accepting
Blass' decision that Aeschines had not the law on his side.
I am more inclined to believe that technically he was right;
but that, in spite of the law, custom was against him; and
that though the clause èàv un inpiontal ó oņuos, or any
táv tivas ó oņuos Ý Ý Bounn undiontal (whether only in the
second or in both laws), did not really cover the case of
Ctesiphon's proposal,—as we might see perhaps if we pos-
sessed the laws,-yet that it had been tacitly allowed to autho-
rise such proclamations at various times; and that, as Blass
says, Aeschines' 'assertion that what was constantly occurring
was unlawful, was likely to surprise everyone.' Nevertheless
it might be the fact, for all that; although without having the
text of the laws before us it is not possible to decide with
certainty.
APPENDIX B.
ON Δελφών όσοι επί διετες ήβωσι 8 122.
Aeschines is probably not using the words of the Amphic-
tyons, but is employing a phrase familiar to Athenians to
express a certain time of life, as the second Scholiast says,
The question is, what period in the life of a youth is
meant?
(1) Didymus is quoted in the first scholium as saying
that it meant from 16 to 18, at which latter period a youth
became έφηβος (being said ήβάν before, or called πρόσηβος),
and was entered in the register of his deme as eligible for
office [το ληξιαρχικός γραμματειον], remaining έφηβος two years.
This view is accepted by Weidner in his note ad loc. Cp.
Bekker's Charicles p. 238.
(2) But a second Scholiast says that it means the period
between 18 and 20, during which he served as trepitodos, not
being liable to foreign service until 20.
This is supported by Pollux (8, 105):
περίπολοι έφηβοι περιήεσαν την χώραν φυλάττοντες, ώσπερ
ήδη μελετώντας τα στρατιωτικά. και είς μεν τους εφήβους εισήεσαν
οκτωκαίδεκα έτη γενόμενοι, δύο δ' εις περιπόλους ήριθμούντο,
είκοστή δε ενεγράφοντο το ληξιαρχική γραμματεία και ώμνυον
¿v ’Aypaúlov.
Against Didymus also it may be urged that he himself
affirms that at 14 a boy is said “Bây, and there does not seem
therefore any reason for beginning the period two years later,
at 16.
Again, against identifying the period described by érd
δίετες ήβάν with the time of service ας περίπολος is the assertion
of Aristotle (ap. Harpocr. and Suidas s.v. Tepimolos) that
the necessary period of such service was one and not two
years; which is illustrated by the boast of Aeschines [de f.
Leg. § 167] that as soon as he had ceased to be a mais he
served two years as tepimolos, as though it were a work
of supererogation,
APPENDIX B.
253
I think the explanation of these apparent contradictions
is to be sought in the variety of usage as to the period in
life at which the dokimaria of youths took place, a variety
extending, according to circumstances or the wish of parents,
between 14 and 18, this last being the outside limit. When
the dokluao la had taken place, a certain period had to
elapse before the youth obtained full citizenship, was entered
in the register, and took the oath; this period is described
by the phrase és dietes rßây, and during a part of it at any
rate he served as trepimolos, and sometimes during the whole.
Until the end of it he could not exercise the rights of property
in some cases which the law gives him. Thus the son of an
heiress only took control of the family property when he had
completed this period: see [Dem.] in Steph. B, § 20, èàv... Qua
ńBńon dietes. Isaeus 8 § 31, TOTE ÉTÈ dletes Ýß noav. Id.
10 § 12, ÉTÈ dletes rißño avras. Sạidas (s. V. »ßñoavtes) curiously
seems to confine the phrase to this particular class of cases.
That a youth could perform some acts of a public nature
before this period seems to follow from Lysias 12 g 31, where
the speaker says that he instituted a prosecution ÉTELOY Tá-
xlota dokluár önv. And id. 32 § 9 where a boy is told to
shift for himself ÉTELÓN dėdokiuao ai kai ávno yeyévno ai.
But if we accept the account of Pollux, we must regard
the civil rights as not perfect at this point: and my view,
therefore, is that the period indicated by éri dietes Bâv was
that between dokluaola (which varied from the 14th to the
18th year) and the formal entry in the ingcapXckòv ypaullatelov.
This latter could not take place until the service as trepimolos
had been performed. But some put this off till 18 (devoting
themselves meanwhile to gymnastics), others performed it
at once. But whenever the period came, or whether it was
really two years or less or more, it was equally described by the
phrase & mi dietes Ýßav.
APPENDIX C.
NOTES ON THE TEXT.
A stands for three codices named by Bekker g. k. 1. Ah
for these same together with a fourth which he calls h. B
for four codices which Bekker calls a. g. m. n. These two
groups of MSS., though derived from one archetype, have
special features in which as groups they differ from each
other, and agree as between the members of the groups. The
readings of many other mss. are given by Bekker, Schultz and
Weidner: but in the following notes on the Text I have only
noticed the variations of these two groups, and in them only
when their variation is of definite importance in constructing
the text: which will be found to be more often in agreement
with that of Franke in the Teubner series (1883) than with any
other. Its deviation from the text of the Zurich editors (BS)
is also noticed; and a full account given of the emendations of
A. Weidner (W. 1872 and 1878). These emendations appear to
me to be often violent and unnecessary. In at least forty-
four places he omits one or more words on the ground that
A and B vary their order, in many cases I believe without im-
provement, and in some with actual damage to the text. Another
frequent ground of excision is the supposed superfluity of
explanation conveyed by certain words or phrases. But it
is sometimes necessary to remember that reiteration of even
well-known truths is effective with a popular audience; and
moreover that Aeschines was not a master of his art as was
Demosthenes; and that an unerring instinct as to what is or is
not superfluous is perhaps the surest note of such a master.
Some of Weidner's excisions in the edition of 1872 are restored
in that of 1878, and with these restorations I have generally
found myself in agreement. To balance them he has seen fresh
reason in 1878 to suspect words which he had passed over
in 1872, so that the total result is a very considerable altera-
tion of the text. Though I have not often followed him,
there can be no doubt that his emendations have considerable
value, and deserve to be considered in each case. I have
therefore given I believe all of them in the subjoined notes.]
APPENDIX C.
255
8 1. ώ Αθηναίοι. So all but two MISs. Weidner adds
άνδρες throughout. He quotes Ηarpocration S.V. παραγγελία,
where this opening sentence is given with ώ άνδρες Αθηναίοι.
Cp. Suidas and Photius Lex. under the same word. Their
testimony is not cumulative, as they appear to have copied
the article the one from the other.
δεύτερον δε. Group A have έπειτα δεύτερον. From this
W. gathers that δεύτερον δε is a gloss on έπειτα.
ουδεμίαν...ισχύειν. W. ουδεμίαν άν. But the simple in-
finitive more forcibly represents a constant habit attributed
to juries.
8 2. ίν' εξην. ΒS. έξη.
ώσπερ οι νόμοι κελεύουσι omitted by W. after Bake. Β.
has προστάττουσι. χωρίς omitted by W. with A.
8 3. τα ψηφίσματα. W. brackets. Westermann omits.
εισαγγέλλειν. Reiske altered to εισαγγελείν and is followed
by Schultz and Weidner. But the present and aorist in-
finitive are found with απειλείν. See Goodw. I. and T.,
8 136.
δυναστείας. W. τας δυναστείας.
περιποιούμενοι Α. περιποιούντες Β.
8 6. ότι όταν. In 1872 W. transferred ότι το precede εν
ταύτη, but restored it to this position in 1878.
8 7. τήνδε την ημέραν. Some Μss. have είς τήν δε, from
which W. elicits όντες. I should rather conjecture είναι, cp.
the phrase απέδειξεν είναι in Ηerodotus (e.g. 5, 25).
8 8. γεγραφότα is more natural in reference to actions
long past, and is supported by A.
8 9. τας μεγίστας αρχάς. Some Μss. have τας μεγ. εν τη
πόλει αρχ., Sonne τας αρχάς εν τ. π. μεγίστας. Hence W. τα
μέγιστα των εν τη πόλει, ed. 1872, but restores τας μεγίστας
αρχάς in ed. 1878. τα μέγιστα is not ordinary Greek for the
most important things.'
8 10. εκ των δικαστηρίων. W. brackets in 1878.
8 11. κρείττους. κρείττονες λόγοι των νόμων MIS. κρείττους
τινές των νόμων W. In 1878 he also brackets τούτων γάρ
[τινες] μέτριοι [εισι] and προς τα ψηφίσματα. κρείττους λόγοι
Schultz.
8 13. εκείνας είναι. W. εκείνας τ’ είναι.
8 14. ο νομοθέτης. W. omits.
8 15. επειδή...άρχoυσι, W. brackets the whole clause.
256 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
8 16. κακούργον και σοφιστών. Thus two ΜSS. W. κα-
κούργον άνθρωπος και σ. Balke κακούργον, σοφιστών.
$ 19. διαχειρίσταντας. Bake and W. -ζοντας, but is not the
aorist required ? who after having had the management.'
προσόδων del. Bake and w.
8 20. ευθύνας [διδόναι]. W. Cob. omit, cf. $ 15. But εγγρά-
φειν λόγον is the particular, ευθύνας διδόναι the general. [και]
τον om. W. άγει. W. άγων. ευθύνας δίδοναι...άγει omitted in
Ab. W.'s emendation seems unnecessary and far from an
improvement.
8 21. λέγει. W. brackets in 1878. χρήματα. [η] χρήματα
W. omits in 1878. πάλιν υπεύθυνον. W. brackets in 1878.
τας ουσίας...τας των υπευθύνων. W. τα των υπευθύνων.
τάς in 1878.
8 22. και ανεξέταστον om. W. I suppose as a gloss on
αζήτητον. But in fact it is very hard to say which was the
gloss on the other.
8 23. δέκα...είληφώς. W. omits. [έκ τών χειρών] bracketed
in 1878. μηδ' έμπροσθεν των νόμων. W. [1872] μηδέ πρόσθε,
but (ed. 1878) έμπροσθεν.
$ 24. περαιτέρω τούτου. W. as usual onnits, because the
order is reversed in the two classes of mss.
8 25. και νεώριον. Dobr. και νεωρίων άρχήν. W. και νεωρίων
τ' επεμέλoντο.
8 27. και δικαστηρίων ηγεμονίας ελάμβανε om. V. DIS.
Laur. ανελάμβανε. μηνός om. W. because the two groups vary
the order. But cp. § 67.
επί τα τείχη. W. περί “vitium natum ex compendiis π π.'
In 1878 των περί. But is not επί better ? See Lutz Prüρο-
sitionen, p. 119 § 4. Schultz omits the words.
8 28. ευθυς. ΒS. ευθέως. βραχύς και σαφής και ταχύ λύων,
'nondum persanatum est,' W.
[πρώτον] προειπείν del. W. vitium ex dittographia.
8 29. και των δημοσίων επιστάται del. W.
αίρετοι. W. brackets in 1878.
8 30. εαυτών. W. αυτών. See Meisterhans p. 121. Only
one Ms. has αυτών, the rest αυτών.
8 34. Κτησιφών δε εν τω θεάτρω. W. Κτησιφών δε ουκ
έν Πυκνί αλλ' εν τ. θ. quite unnecessarily.
αγωνιζομένων καιγών Β. W. with three MISS. γιγνομένων,
but suggests εισιόντων.
APPENDIX C.
257
8 35. οίσουσι. W. εποίσουσι, but επoίσει above is rather
against this being used in a different sense. 1878, μετοίσουσι.
8 36. τηδε τη γραφή. ΒS. γραφή τηδε. έτερον δ' είναι
[νόμον] om. W. φήσουσιν. W. brackets in 1878.
[τον] δεδωκότα om. W. but the aorist participle would be
more natural without róv. He restores it in 1878.
8 38. άλλ' ουκ έχει. W. ούτ', which to my mind weakens
the sentence.
$ 39. και τους μεν αναιρεϊν των νόμων τους δε καταλείπειν.
W. brackets.
8 40. αληθής [ήν]. W. omits, wrongly I thinle.
8 41. όθεν δε [δη]. W. omits. Restores in 1878.
ελευθέρους, μάρτυρας [της απελευθερίας] τους "Έλληνας ποι-
ούμενοι. 'The first word is Cobet's emendation of απελευ-
θέρους, who also omits της απελευθερίας. Schultz and W.
both follow him.
8 42. ή και άλλης τινός πόλεως. W. brackets for his
asual reason, that one group of MSS. has τινός άλλης.
8 44. υπό των [φυλετών και δημοτών. W. omits. In
1878 brackets [υπό των δημοτών] and [και περί των ξενικών
στεφάνων].
8 45. εις το βουλευτήριον εις την εκκλησίαν. W. after
Usener omits eis.
στεφανουμένοις after δήμου and δημοτών is omitted by
Cobet, and bracketed by W.
και φυλετών om. W. A has των φυλετών, Β φυλετών.
§ 46. ubya om. W. as usual because in A and B the order
is reversed. A σημείον υμίν μέγα. Β μέγα σημείον υμίν.
καταγνώναι [του δήμου των Αθηναίων] om. W.
και καθιερούν om. W. with some Μss.
8 47. στέφανον Γάναρρηθέντα] om. W. As A and B reverse
order. In 1878 omits στέφανον restores αναρρηθέντα.
μή κηρύττεσθαι. W. μηδέ.
στέφανον [έν τω θεάτρω]. W. omits.
8 48. γέγραφεν. W. ούτος γέγραφεν. A has γέγραφαν.
Β γεγράφας (so Franke).
8 52. επί της νεώς om. W. [Most Iss. have νεώς.]
17
258 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
8 56. των Γάλλων πολιτών (Β) om. W. A has των πολιτών
και των άλλων. He restores it in 1878. .
όσοι δη. W. όσοι γε.
αποκρίνομαι. W. adds δή.
8 57. προσδοκώ. Cob. μοι δοκώ.
Δημοσθένης [αίτιον γεγενημένον] om. W.
τη [του λόγου] τάξει om. W., as A and B reverse the order.
ταύτη in 1872, ταύτη in 1878.
ποιείσθαι] μέλλειν om. W. because A and B reverse, but
would not a glossator have written χρήσεσθαι?
8 59. ψευδείς οίκοθεν [ενίοτε) δόξας έχοντες om. W., as A
and B reverse ψευδείς ενίοτε.
κατά των λογισμών om. W.
8 61. τους [παρ' εκείνου] πρέσβεις om. W.
έκδοτον δε [Φιλίππω] πεποιηκότα om. W., as A and B
reverse Φιλίππω and πεποιηκότα.
8 62. χρόνος...βουλευτής. W. bracliets.
8 63. έδωκε. ΒS. δέδωκε.
8 64. προσέχετε [τον νούν] om. W., as A and B reverse
the order.
8 65. επ' αυτόν [ήδη] στρατεία om. W., as A and Breverse
επ' αυτ. and ήδη.
παρηγγέλλετο. Cob. W. παρήγγελτο as in 8 116. Franke
παρηγγέλλετο, cp. 9 90.
8 66. Δημοσθένης. Οm. W.
8 67. προάγων. ΒS. προαγών (so Franke).
Γήδη] παρώσιν om. W., as A and Breverse the order.
8 68. ακούσατε των ψηφισμάτων. V. των ψηφισμάτων
αυτών ακούσατε. There is no objection to αυτων, though it
is not positively necessary. A and B vary the order; A has
ψηφ. άκ. , Β ακ. των ψηφ.
8 69. ω'Αθηναίοι. W. omits and writes έν γε τη προτέρα.
8 70. μετά κοινού συνεδρίου om. W.
8 71. τοιαύτην τινά δόξαν. W. τοιουτόν τι υπειληφώς.
Cp. 1, 49, και τοιουτόν τι τη διανοία υπολάβητε. But here the
τη διανοία makes all the difference. W. restores the words
in 1878.
παρημεν. W. from Cob. παρημεν, but wrongly, see note.
He restores παρημεν in 1878.
APPENDIX C.
259
των χθες ειρημένων. W. έχθές. The evidence for the two
forms is not very satisfactory. έχθές is not found elsewhere
in the Orators except in a fragment of Antiphon, see Athenaeus
397 D. Cp. Arist. N. 175. xoès is also rare. Cp. Dem. de
Cor. 130; Thucyd. 3, 113; Herod. 2, 53. On the whole, it
seems safest to stand by the mss.
8 72. ερωτήματ’ ήρώτα. W. in 1878, which I have accepted
for ερώτημά τι. Α. omits τι.
κατά της πόλεως bracketed by W. 1878.
8 74. Φιλοκράτης om. W. after Balke.
μετά των άλλων γραμμάτων om. W.
Δημοσθένης om. W.
ενώ γέγραπται. W. after Martel omits; Franke retains it.
8 76. μοί [εστι] om. W. as A and Breverse.
[μόνον και] πρώτον om. W. As A and B reverse. 1878
πρωτον και μόνον.
και κολακείαν om. W.
$ 78. ουδέποθ' υμάς...ποιήσεται. W. ουδέποτ' άν υμάς...
ποιήσαιτο. Βιιt the indicative better serves to mark the definite
reference to Demosthenes ; ουκ άν... γένοιτο is a supposititious
case.
8 80, και τάς τε έν Φωκεύσι. W. τάς τ' έν Φωκ. and adds
και τας εν Βοιωτοίς, referring to Dem. XIX. 8 112, 141.
S 81. [υπέρ τούτων] υπέρ ών om. W.
πονηρός πιστός. W. ως πιστός. Restores in 1878.
§ 82. ápxds (aŭtoîs] om. W., as.A and B reverse.
8 83. τάς [της ειρήνης] συνθήκας W. omits: A has τας περί
της ειρήνης.
8 84. ταύτα τρία μέγιστα. W. τα μέγιστα.
8 85. πεζή. ΒS. πεζική.
8 88. [αγαθοί] εγένοντο om. W., ας A and B reverse the
order : but he restores it 1878.
μάχη W. brackets.
[μέγιστόν] έστι [κακόν]. W. έστι δεινότατον.
αναξίους [αυτού] om. W. as A and Breverse the order.
8 89. διαλιπών [χρόνον]. V. brackets.
8 90. αδικήσας δε Φίλιππον κακείθεν αποδρας. W. άδι-
κήσας δε κακείνον αποδρας.
Τα.
17-2
260 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
8 91. ελπίδας [κενάς] om. W., A and B reversing the
order. :
ή τε Φιλίππου και η Θηβαίων om. W.
δεύτερον δ' [ήκον...συμμαχίαν] om. W.
8 92. Δημοσθένης. W. brackets.
8 94. ο Χαλκιδεύς. W. brackets.
Ευβοϊκόν [συνέδριον] om. W., the Ass. varying the order.
8 96. πεζήν. Β8. πεζικήν.
8 98. πλέον Α. πλείονας Β. W. πλείν. I have adopted
the reading of A as the truer Attic. See Meisterhans Gramm.
der Att. Inschr. p. 120. Cob. regarded alev as the true Attic
form, but this is not borne out by inscriptions.
8 100. γράφει [κελεύων] ελέσθαι Β, W. omits ; A has και
κελεύει.
τα πέντε τάλαντα om. V.
και πάλιν ετέρους [αιρείσθαι] εις 'Ωρεών (προς τους 'Ωρείτας)
[πρέσβεις]. W. omits words in square brackets, Cob. those
in round. Franke objects to αιρείσθαι after ελέσθαι, and seems
to think the sentence much corrupted.
δεήσονται. Β8. δεήσονται αυτοίς.
8 101. και τας τριήρεις om. W. de Boor και τας τερατείας.
την αλαζονείαν. Υ. τάς αλαζονείας.
[ανάγνωθι και] του om. W. and before του inserts αυτού.
των Αθηναίων. W. το Αθηναίων. .
8 104. ότι ελαχίστου χαλκού ουδέν δέοιτο. W. ότι και
μάλα χρυσου χαλκού δ' ουδέν δέοιτο. In 1878 ότι πολλου μέν
χρυσου χαλκού δ' ουδέν δέοιτο.
εισπράττειν Β. εισέπραττεν W with A.
8 106. [αυτου] πλημμελημάτων om. W., A and B varying
the order.
8 107. Κιρραίον. W. Kρισαίον, and omits ώνομασμένον. He
refers to Harpocr. But Harpocr. has Kippalov, and cannot be
held to support the omission of wvouaouévov. The strongest
argument is the repetition of the word.
8 108. ανδρός διατετριφότος om. W., as does Cobet on
the ground that such a description of Solon before an Athenian
audience is perinepta; cp. § 257. It is very difficult to say
what ornamental surplusage an Orator might think in place.
It is Aeschines' cue here to dwell much on the piety and
justifiableness of the war; and to make that clear he may have
APPENDIX C.
261
thought it well to emphasize the character of Solon however
familiar to his hearers.
In 1878 W. brackets’ Αθηναίου.
8 109. την πόλιν [αυτών]. V. omits. και φωνη. ΒS.
bracket.
8 110. [μόνον] τον όρκον. W. omits, the Mss. varying the
order.
8 111. [τέκνα] τίκτειν. W. omits, the Mss. varying the
order.
ήτταν δε [αυτοϊς] είναι. W. omits, the Mss. varying the
order.
8 114. δισχιλίας. ΒΧ. χιλίας.
ανδρος ιδιώτου. W. ή ιδιώτου.
8 115. Λέκκιον “of the deme Leccum' (Hesych.), a con-
jecture of F. A. Wolf for the MIS. Λέσβιον. But three MSS.
have εξ Οίου, by which name two Attic demes were known ;
and it might perhaps be safer to take this. iepouvnuova
[Διόγνητον]. W. omits.
8 116. εξηγγέλλετο. W. εξήγγελτο. The imperfect how-
ever better expresses that the information came from several
persons. Cp. 8 65.
επέγραψεν. W. for the Mss. επεγράψαμεν. Schultz retains
επεγράψαμεν, but then he reads ανέθεμεν for ανέθηκε, three
DISS. giving åvédeke. But åvéanke is supported by Harpocration
(s. V. εξαράσασθαι); and it is harsh to have such a change of
person in verbs coupled so closely.
S 118. επήλθε δέ μοι επί την γνώμην. W. επήει δ' ούν μοι.
Baiter wished to omit επί την γνώμην. επήει is in four MSS.
oủv in A.
της των 'Αμφισσέων περί την τεράν ασεβείας. W. της
των 'Αμφισσέων παρανοίας. There is a variant in the MSS. of
παρανομίας for ασεβείας : but W.’s deduction is a bold one.
He says παρανοίας = ασεβείας. But is it definite enough ?
Κιρραίον. W. Kρισαίον as before.
8 119. πεπρακότας. Hamalker for πεπραχότας of the Nss.
I have admitted this conjecture with some hesitation. Both
words might be explained and defended. But perhaps the
perfect best applies to the past action of the selling the
customs,' the effect of which still remains, whereas you know
that they have exacted' might mean that they have ceased to
do so, which is contradicted by λαμβάνοντας.
262 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
8 120. [τοίς βωμούς] τα θύματα om. W., as the Mss. vary the
order.
8 121. [τούτους] παρέντες om. W., the Iss. varying the
order.
και τελευταίον. W. και το τελευταίον.
εν τη αρά γέγραπται. Hamaker would omit, and it cer-
tainly seems like a gloss. W. brackets.
8 122. ήκειν άμα τη ημέρα. W. ήκειν εις αύριον, the Nss.
varying between ήκειν αύριον and αύριον ήκειν. But according
to his usual principle it is aŰplov he should have omitted: and
it is that word which seems to me to be the gloss. Both
Schultz and Franke omit αύριον.
το Θυτείον. Ηarpocration has θύστιον, but says that he
has seen it written θύτιον.
8 124. εκκλησίαν γαρ- θεώ bracketed by W. and Herwerden
as an unnecessary explanation. But I doubt whether this
proceeding was very common.
ενταύθ' ήδη. W. ενταύθα δή. One MS. ενταύθα δέ.
πολύς δ' έπαινος [ήν]. W. omits, though it is in nearly all
MSS. He does not say why.
8 125. εκφέρεται προβούλευμα [είς την εκκλησίαν] om. W.
after Dobree.
8 126. ήδη επαναστάσης της εκκλησίας om. W. after
Dobree. B has επ' αναστάσει της εκκλησίας.
και των πολλών δέ. W. και των πλείστων δή : cp. 8 115.
8 127. των Αθηναίων. W. τον.
πρός ηδονήν λεγόμενον. W. λέγειν. There is no need for
the change.
8 129. κατελθόντας διά των 'Αμφικτυόνων om. W. The
MSs. have και κατελθόντας.
§ 131. dętos [el]. W. omits, the mss. varying the order,
and adds συ before άξιος.
8 133. περί τήν του ιερού κατάληψιν om. W. with Dobree.
8 135. μέγ' επήγαγε πημα. ΒS. μέγα πημα δώκε.
αποτίνυται. Β8. αποτίννυται.
8 137. ου...ου...ού. W. ού...ουδέ...ουδέ.
8 140. τον αυτόν πόλεμον. W. omits with Mead, Taylor,
Herwerden; but restores in 1878.
[έν τοίς όπλοις] διεσκευασμένοι. W. omits.
S
APPENDIX C.
263
8 141. εις τας Θήβας-Δημοσθένης. W. brackets in 1878.
S 142. [μόνον] ει. W. brackets in 1878.
από Θηβαίων om. W. But there seems to me an especial
point in the words. Aeschines accuses Demosthenes of flattering
the Thebans by speaking of them instead of ‘Boeotians'-as
though they were the head of the confederacy. W. restores the
words in 1878.
8 144. τα τούτου. W. αυτου from B. The latter is per-
haps the more natural, but the former is the more vituperative.
8 146. από του βήματος om. W.
εκ του στρατηγίου om. W., to my mind spoiling the an-
tithesis. Cobet inserts πάντων before στρατηγών. W. inserts
1n .
8 149. προς Φίλιππον om. W.
ως Γώετο, τούτο] om. W.
S 151. [τους Βοιωτάρχας] απεκάλεσε om. W., owing to the
Μss. varying the order. απεκάλει Ah W. But it is not to be
supposed that he went on calling them προδόται.
[Θηβαίους] δίοδον om. W. But again he enmphasises the
fact that, looking on the Boeotarchs as traitors, he proposed
to ask the Thebans this favour.
απετράποντο. Β8. άπετρέποντο.
8 152. W. 1878 brackets και ακαλλιερήτων and και λελοιπόσι
την τάξιν.
των τετελευτηκότων om. W. A has τελευτησάντων.
και συναποθανείται. W. ή, which I think spoils the sense.
• And will you endure it, if Ctesiphon makes the proposal,
and will your memory die along with the dead ?' i.e. will you
forget his misdoings? But what ñ can mean I do not know.
He restores και in 1878.
8 154. ελευθερίως. Cobet, W. for Mss. ελευθέρως.
8 156. και τέκνα. W. και τείχη.
8 158. πόλις [γαρ] om. W. A and B reverse.
ιδιώτης [ανήρ] om. W. as A and Breverse.
8 159. After εκ της πόλεως W. marks lacuna with Reiske.
κατά μεν τους πρώτους χρόνους. Taylor om. W. brackets.
8 160. μέν Φίλιππος. W. ο μέν Φίλιππος, not necessary,
see on 8 53.
είς αιτίαν δε [ευαγγελίων θυσίας] την βουλήν κατέστησεν.
W. om. and reads είς αιτίαν δε την Αθηναίων βουλήν. Might we
264 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
read ευαγγέλια θύσας ? But even if ευαγγελίων θυσίας is a
gloss, and it looks suspicious, there is no warrant for the
insertion of 'Αθηναίων, nor is it necessary.
8 162. διαφέρων [γενόμενος] omitted in one MS. and cer-
tainly intolerable. Bake conjectures óppavòs yevóuevos.
πράττων ή πάσχων. W. omits, as A and B reverse the
order.
8 163. τι τούτων. V. τοι ούτως. A has του, Βτι.
αυτώ. ΒS. αυτό.
σαυτού. ΒS. αυτού.
8 166. σιδήρεοι. Cob. σιδήροι.
ανατετμήκασι...δήμου. W. brackets in 1878.
8 167. χρυσοίς στεφάνοις στεφανούσθαι. W. χρυσούς
στεφάνους. Α χρυσούς στεφάνους αξιώσεις στεφανούσθαι.
S 168. των λόγων [αυτού]. W. omits, as A and Breverse.
8 169. ομολογήσαι Γυμάς. W. omits, as A and B reverse.
Many Mss. have ομολογήσειν, for which see on Dem. de Cor.
147. Goodw. M. and T. 8 208.
ελεύθερον [αυτόν] om. W. as A and Breverse the order.
8 170. και τους πολέμους om. W. Ah have τους κινδύνους.
8 172. γίγνονται [αυτώ] om. V. as Ah and B reverse
the order.
του πρός μητρός om. Ah and W.
αυτού [των προγόνων]. Herwerden omits.
8 173. έκ της πόλεως. V. πολιτείας from Nicolas Dam, 4,
166 and Ah.
8 174. δεινός...κακός. ΒS. δεινώς...κακώς.
S 175. εισί γάρ και δειλίας γραφαι. W. omits with Bake.
The words I think should not be omitted: for δειλία was a
specific charge, one of several which were included in the
general indictment known as γραφή λιποταξίου. See note.
8 176. και ουκ έα. W. ουκ ουν έα. I do not see the
improvement.
8 177. [ταύτας] δωρεάς. W. omits, as the MSS. reverse the
order.
8 178. τότε [ησαν] πλείους. W. omits, as the Iss. reverse
the order.
τα καλά. W. τα τοιαύτα. See note.
APPENDIX C.
265
8 179. ουδείς άν ποτ' ήθέλησεν [έπασκεΐν]. W. ουδ' είς
αν ποτ' ηθέλησεν.
8 180. το. W. omits before all these adjectives.
εκ της νίκης. W. είναι το νικάν.
8 181. ότε τη Σαλαμίνι ναυμαχία τον Πέρσην ενικάτε.
W. brackets and reads ότ' εν τη περί Σαλαμίνα. He removes
the brackets in 1878.
έτι δε...καταγαγόντες. W. brackets after Markland.
'Αριστείδης δ' [και δίκαιος]. W. om., A adds επικαλούμενος.
8 182. οι μη τετιμημένοι. W. om. after Herwerden.
8 186. [πρώτω] γραφηναι. W. om., as the MSS. reverse.
8 187. [αυτοίς] εις θυσίαν. W. om., as the Mss, reverse.
εν Χαιρωνεία om. W.
8 188. παρανάγνωθι. W. παράγνωθι δή.
8 189. Φιλάμμωνά [φησι]. W. omits. Many Mss. have φασί.
8 191. ως εγώ. W. υιός εγώ.
ούς πολλάκις. Μarkl. Μss. ός. W. ώστε. Μarkland's
change makes the sentence a little less intolerable. But I
do not think that we have got it right yet. I cannot admit
W.'s vids nor his wote. In 1878 he omits core and reads
απάντων δε μετασχών πολλάκις.
8 193. υμίν. ΒS. omit.
8 195. αυτω από Φυλής. The MSS. Vary the order of αυτω.
So W. omits all three words.
ούτω νύν μένοντας εξελαύνειν [παρά τους νόμους γράφοντά
τι]. W. κατελθόντας. He omits the words bracketed because
their order is reversed in the Mss.
από Φυλής [Θρασύβουλος]. W. braclkets 1878.
8 196. τοϊς παράνομα. W. τους τα παράνομα.
8 197. το δε δεύτερον [ύδωρ]. W. omits, very probably
with justice.
8 198. [υμάς] την πρώτην. W. omits, as the Iss. reverse
the order.
8 199. μόνον των παρανόμων. W. μόναις ταις των παρα-
νόμων. ταϊς των is his conj. μόναις is in one MIS. One Ms. has
ταις, most των, none ταίς των.
την γραφήν [των παρανόμων]. W. omits.
8 201. αυτω. ΒS. αυτώ.
τας δικαίας. Β8. τάς ού δικαίας.
266 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHỌN.
8 202. κακούργον άνθρωπον. W. omits, op. 8 16. Ah have
σοφιστών.
In 1878 W. brackets oιόμενον-αναιρήσειν.
8 203. και υπομνήσω. W. και τούθ'.
των δημοσίων αδικημάτων. W. (1878) των αδικημάτων των
δημοσίων.
έχων [λέγειν] om. W. Ah and B varying the order.
8 205. βούλεται om. W. Many Mss. have βούλοιτ' άν. If
βούλεται is to be omitted in either clause, I think it is in the
latter of the two.
8 206. τους του πράγματος λόγους. W. του παρανόμου
with Ab.
αυτού [των λόγων] om. W.
8 208. προς τους αυτούς. Dobr. omits.
ών...υπάρχον. Cob. Would omit, W. brackets.
8 210. ο δ' άγων ουκ ατίμητος. W. omits, I hope rightly:
still it is difficult to see how it came into the text: it explains
nothing, and involves some difficulties.
8 211. [επένθησε και εκείρατο. W. omits, as the MISS.
reverse the order.
8 212. των Μειδίου. W. brackets in 1878.
ου κεφαλήν. W. adds αλλά κεφάλαιον ουδε πρόσωπον αλλά
πρόσοδον, from the conjecture of Toup and Westermann.
8 217. είναι βουλoίμην. W. έβουλόμην. Βekker noticed the
absence of äv. İf Bouloiuny stands, äv must be supplied from
the next clause. W. in 1878 αν είναι βουλoίμην.
8 218. βούλει. W. αν βούλη. A needless uniformityI
think; the meaning of βούλει is quite indefinite enough.
8 219. ταυτό. Cob. ταυτόν. But see Meisterh. p. 122,
9, 10,
8 220. δημηγορεί Βekk. conj., BS. κατηγορεί.
και 223-4. W. κατεσκεύασας...διεστρέβλωσας... γράψας. But
in 1878, διαστρεβλώσας... γράψας.
και παρά τω αυτώ...κατήγου. W. παρά ποτ’ –κατηγάγου.
In 1878 παρω και ποτ'.
της αυτης τραπέζης έφαγες. W. ώ έφαγες, but omits και
in 1878.
άνδρα φίλον και ξένον ποιούμενος και om. V. A has
κατ' ανδρός φίλου και ξένου.
ο δήμος. W. και ο δήμος.
APPENDIX C.
267
S 225. [έν τη πόλει] νεωτερίζειν. W. omits, as the MSS. Ah
and B reverse the order.
& επιτηδεύσας...άν εγένετο. W. άττ' άν...έγένετο.
8 228. αγανακτώ μάλιστα. W. δεί (άξιον in 1878) και
μάλιστα αγανακτεϊν.
και γαρ υπ' εκείνων ου καλείσθαι φησι. W. και γαρ εκείνων
ωδαίς φησιν ου κηλείσθαι. In 1878 και γάρ εκείνων φωνη ου
κηλείσθαι.
8 229. ου την γλώτταν. W. ου γε.
8 230. εύθυναι. Β8. ευθύναι.
8 231. άνανδρον [αυτόν] είναι om. W., Ah and Breversing
the order.
8 232. ου κυκλίων χορών κριται. W. ου κριται χορών. The
MSs. have έγκυκλίων.
κριται καθεστηκότες. ΒS. onmit κριται.
8 233. αυτός την. W. from Ah την αυτός.
δι' αυτόν...αμάρτημα. V. omits after Balse.
η γαρ ψήφος αφανής φέρεται. W. omits after Balke.
8 234. φορα [καθ' ημάς]. W. omits, as the Iss. reverse the
order.
πρότερον μεν [γάρ]. W. γε, but restores γάρ in 1878.
κατέλυσαν τον δημον. W. κατεκήλησαν. Sorme Iss. have
κατέλευσαν.
ενεχείριζε. W. (1878) ένεκεχείρικε (?).
8 235. ένιοι δε και αυτοί των Β. W. ένιοι δε αυτών και
των. Ah δε αυτών και αυτοί.
ταφάς και. W. brackets (1878).
μέμνησθ'. W. after Cobet μεμνήσεσθ'.
[πρότερον] τη. W. brackets (1878).
8 236. ομολογησαίμην. W. αναλογισαίμην from Ah.
στεφανώσαι. W. στεφανούσθαι. Αb στεφανωθήναι.
λέγεις. W. 1878 [λέξεις].
τας [δημοσίας] ταφάς. W. omits, as the Mss. vary the
order. In 1878 he accepts Cobet's emendation τους τάφους.
8 238. ενέγραψεν. ΒS. ενέγραψεν εν τη επιστολή.
8 241. λέξoντα εις υμάς. W. omits.
εγκωμιάσει. V. after Cobet εγκωμιάζειν.
268 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
S 242. ποίησαι. W. ποιήσει after Bekker.
συναχθεσόμένος. Cobet. BS. with Mss. συναχθησόμενος.
S 243. άμα [σοι]. W. omits, as the Mss. reverse the order.
απέκτεινε. W. (1872) διέφθειρε, (1878) ανείλε.
S 244. Δημοσθένει δ' εάν τις έρωτα διά τί ου δώσετε; ότι...
W. (1872) Δημοσθένει δ' αύ, ότι...(1878) Δημοσθένει διά τί;
ότι...
8 245. το δε μέγιστον, εαν επερωτώσιν. W. και το μέγιστον
επερωτώσιν. εάν is omitted in A. και το is given in A..
τί κρινείτε; W. omits with Ah.
8 246. τα δημόσια [κηρύγματα]. W. omits. Ah has δίκαια.
διεφθάρη. W. διέφθαρται.
νουθετείν [ενταύθα] ενοχλείν. W. omits as the Mss. vary
the order of the two last words.
ήδη [και] δικαίως. W. omits with several Iss.
8 247. θεωρούμενοι. W. θεωρούντες, and marks & lacuna,
with BS.
8 249. [ξενικών] στεφάνων. W. omits after Benseler.
εν τοις "Ελλησιν om. W.
8 250. ή ού δεινόν [δοκεί υμίν είναι] ει. W. omits. For εί
he gives ötl with Ab.
8 252. τας άτυχίας της πόλεως. W. άτυχία τη πόλει,
with Ah.
[8] Kleiv om, W. and adds uóvov with two MSS.
έκπλεύσας [ιδιώτης]. W. omits, as A. and Breverse the
order of the words.
εισηγγέλθη [και ίσαι αι ψήφοι αυτώ εγένοντο]. W. omits,
the mss. reversing the order.
8 256. [πρεσβεύσας εξελέσθαι του Φιλίππου. V. omits,
as the mss. reverse the order; and gives Tŵy with two MSS.
for του.
8 257. άνδρα φιλόσοφον και νομοθέτης αγαθόν. W omits.
Cp. 8 108.
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.
139, 194'
'Αθηνά 46, 77, 150, 219,
'Αθηνά Προναία 108, 110,
111, 121
'Αθήναζε 98, 114. Αθήνησι
26, 91, 114. Αθηναίος [Σό-
λων] 108. ω 'Αθηναίοι 1,
2, 6, 8, 12, 13, 16, 25, 33,
34, 40, 58, 75, 77, 85, 105,
107, 128, 177, 183, 186,
199, 209, 230, 234, 236,
244, 246, 247. άνδρες Αθη-
ναίοι 177, 209, 211. ο δή-
μος ο Αθηναίων 90, 116,
117, 120, 155, 156, 209,
237, 258. εν μέρει των άλ-
λων Αθηναίων 4; 'Αθηναίους
είναι γράφειν 85; 'Αθηναίοι
από Μήδων 116; τον αυτόν
'Αθηναίοις φίλος και εχθρον
νομίζειν 100; 'Αθηναίους βοή-
θεϊν Βοιωτούς 142 ; ή 'Αθη-
ναίων βουλή 160; 'Αθηναίοι
την εν Νάξω ναυμαχίαν Λα-
κεδαιμονίους και Πόλλιν ενί-
κησαν 222 ; εξ απάσης (πό-
λεως) ής Αθηναίοι άρχουσιν
258; εκκλησιαζόντων 'Αθη-
'Αλέξανδρος ο Μολοττων βασι-
λεύς 242
Αλέξανδρος (king of Mace-
donia) before his accession
219; his accession 160; his
invasion of Asia 163, 164,
165, 238. Demosthenes
calls him Margites 160;
charges Aeschines with sub-
servience to him 216, 219;
rejoices at his difficulties
164; Demosthenes' hostility
to him 163, 167, 223; who
yet corresponded with him
secretly 162. Embassy of
Lacedaemonians to 133
Αλόννησος 83
Αμεινιάδης 130
'Αμφικτύονες, their war with
the Cirrhaeans 107, 108,
109, 112; With the Am
109, 112, with the Amphis-
sians 115, 116, 118, 122,
124, 128---9. εν τοις 'Αμ-
φικτύοσι 114; εκκλησία των
'Αμφικτυόνων 124; ώ άνδρες
'Αμφικτύονες 119
'Αμφίπολις 54
"Αμφισσα 125, 147
'Αμφισσείς 113--124, 128-9,
146, 221, 237
'Αμφιτρίτη 112
'Αναγυράσιος, ο, [Μειδίας] 115
'Αναξίνος 223
'Αναφλύστιος, ο, [Πύρρανδρος]
139; [Διόγνητος] 115
ναίοισι καλείσθαι κοσμητάς
πολέμου 185; ηγεμόνεσσι δε
μισθόν 'Αθηναίοι τάδ' έδωκαν
184
"Αθως 132
'Ακαρκάνες 97, 256
270 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
'Αντίπατρος 72, 165
'Απόλλων 110, 111, 121; ο
ΙΠύθιος 108
'Αρειος πάγος. εγράψατο είς
'Αρειον πάγον 51; ή εξ'Αρείου
πάγου βουλή 252; ή βουλή
η εξ 'Αρ. 20 ; ή βουλή ή εν
'Αρ. 20
"Αρης 184
"Αρθμιος ο Ζελείτης 238
'Αριστείδης 258
'Αριστίων και του Αριστοβούλου
υιός 162
'Αριστόβουλος 162
'Αριστόδημος 83
'Αριστοφων ο 'Αζηνιεύς 139, 194
'Αρκάδες 240
'Αρκαδία 165
Δημοσθένης και την τάξιν λιπών
181; και περιττός εν τοις λό-
γοις 172 ; ο μισοφίλιππος 66;
ο μισοτύραννος 92. την του
Δ. δωροδοκίαν 214; see also
14, 23, 24, 60, 202, 205,
208, 212, 214, 218
Διόγνητος 115
Διόδωρος ο δολιχοδρομήσας 91
Διονύσια, επειδή παρεληλύθει
τα 69; τα Δ. έν άστει 68 ;
τους κριτές τους εκ των Δ.
232
Διονυσιακός νόμος 35
Διόνυσος, το ιερόν του Δ. 176;
ορχήστρα του Δ. 156; εν
Διονύσου 52
'Ελάτεια 140
Ελλάς 58, 128, 131, 133, 134,
157, 158, 258
'Αρχέδημος ο Πήληξ 139
'Αρχίνος ο εκ Κοίλης 187, 195
'Ασία 163, 238, 250
'Ατρείδαι 185
'Αχαιοί 95, 165
'Αχαρν εύς, ο, [Λεωδάμας] 138
Βοιωτάρχαι 145, 149, 151
Βοιωτία 142
Βοιωτοί 140, 142; Βοιωτοί οι
έν θήβαις 142
Βόσπορος 171
Βυζάντιοι 256
Γανίς 82
Γάνος 82
Γλαυκέτης 91
• Γλαύκος (πύκτης) 189
Γνωσίδημος 103-4
Γύλων εκ κεραμέων 171
Ελληνικόν συνέδριον 58
“Ελλήσποντος 51; και τον Ε.
. ζεύξας 132
'Εμπέδων 91
'Επώνυμοι, οι 39
'Eργίσκη 82
'Ερετρία 94, 100, 103
'Ερετριεύς 85, 100
Ερμής, λίθινος 183-5; στοά
των “Ερμών 183
Ερχιεύς 138
Εύβοείς 84, 237
Εύβοια 85-7, 89, 95, 221
Ευβοικόν συνέδριον 89, 94
Εύβουλος 25
Εύμολπίδαι 18
Εύριπος 90
Ευρύματος 137
Ευρώπη 250
Ζελείτης, ο, ["Αρθμιος] 238
Ζεύς 135, 156; παρά του Διός
77 ; νή Δία 172, 217; 'Ολύμ-
πιος 255
Δαναοί 185
Δαρείος 164
Δελφοί (the Delphians) 122
Δελφοί (Delphi) 106, 107, 113,
115, 123, 126, 130, 132
Δημομέλης 51
Δημοσθένης (father of the
Orator) 171-2
Ηγήμων 25
.
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES.
271
'Ήιών 184
'Ηλείοι 165
"Ήρα 219
Ηρακλής 21, 212
Ησίοδος 134, 136
Κότσυφος 124, 128
Κοτύλαιον όρος 86
Κραγαλίδαι 107-8.
Κρονίων 135
Κρωβύλος 118
Κτησιφών 26, 33, 36, 53, 105,
242
Λακεδαιμόνιοι 133, 150, 165,
187, 222, 243
Λακωνικά, τα 167
Λητώ 108, 110, 111, 121
Λοκροί 113, 123
Λυκίνος 62
Θαργηλιών 27
Θεμιστοκλής (Archon in Β. C.
347) 62
θεμιστοκλής ο στρατηγήσας (at
Salamis) 181, 259
θεμίσων 85
θεόφραστος 115
Θερσίτης 231
θετταλία 83
Θετταλοί 140, 161, 167
θηβαι 76, 133, 140--1, 145,
148, 1501
Θηβαίοι 84--5, 116, 137, 156,
239, 240
Θησείον 13
θράκη 61, 65, 73
θρασύβουλος 195
θράσων 138
'Ιλιάς 100 "
Ιφικράτης 243
5
Μακεδόνες 73
Μακεδονία 73,78,83,89, 128,160
Μαραθών 181, 186, 259
Μαργίτης 160
Μεγάλη πόλις 165
Μεγαρείς 95
Μειδίας 115
Μενεσθεύς 185
Μήδοι 116, 183–4, 258-9
Μιλτιάδης 181, 186
Μνήσαρχος 85
Μολοττοι 242
Μυργίσκη 82
Νάξος 222, 243
Ναυσικλης 159
Νίκαια 140
Νύμφαιον 171
Τ
Καδμεία 145
Καλκιδεύς 86, 89, 94
Καλλίας 85-6, 89, 92-4, 100
-1, 103–4, 195
Κεραμεϊς 171
Κέρκυρα 243
Κερσοβλέπτης 61, 65, 74
Κέφαλος 194
Κήρυκες 18
Κηφισόδοτος 51
Κιθαιρών 161
Κιλικία 164
Κιρραίοι 107–8. το Κιρραίον
πεδίον 118, 123
Κλείταρχος 103
Κλεοπάτρα 242
Κλεοφων 150
Κοίλη 187, 195
Κολλυτεύς, ο, [θρασύβουλος]138
Κόρραγος 165
'Ολύμπια 179
'Ολυμπίασι 189
'Ολύμπιος Ζεύς 255
"Ομηρος 185, 231
Παιανιεύς 51, 171-2
Πανταικίων 189 -
Πάραλοι 162
Παυσανίας 160, 219
Πειθώ 256
Πειραιεύς 209
Πέλλα 160
272 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
Ταμύναι 86, 88
Ταυροσθένης 85, 87
Τρωικών πεδίον 185
Πελληνείς 165
Πελοποννήσιοι 97
Πελοπόννησος 95
Περραιβοί 167
Πέρσης 132, 181 ; βασιλεύς
των Περσών 132, 163, 238
Περσική ίππος 164
Πήληξ 192
Πλαταιαι 259
Πλαταϊκός 162
Πλούταρχος 86
Πνύξ 34
Πόλλις 222
Πόντος 171
Προναία 109, 110, 111, 121
Πυθία, ή 108, 130
Πύθιος Απόλλων 108; τα Πύθια
254
Πύλαι 80, 126, 128
Φαρσάλιος 128
Φειδίας 150
Φιλάμμων 189
Φίλιππος sends a herald to
Athens 63; ambassadors
from 67 ; league attempted
against 68; attacked by
Demosthenes 81, 223; his
supposed hostility to Athens
215; his intrigues at By-
zantium 256
Φιλοκράτης 54, 74, 81
Φρυνώνδας 137
Φυλή 181, 187, 190, 195, 208
Φωκεύς 80, 118
Φωκικός πόλεμος 148; ξένος 87
Φωκίς 140
Ρόδιος 42
“Ρόδος 252
Σαλαμίς 158, 181
Σάμος 152
Σειρήνες 228
Σκύθης 128-9, 172
Σκύθις 172
Σόλων 2, 108, 175, 257
Στειριεύς, ο, [θρασύβουλος] 195
Στρατοκλής 143
Στρυμών 183-4
Χαβρίας 243
Χαιρώνδας 27
Χαιρώνεια 55, 187
Χαλκιδεύς 86, 89, 92
Χαλκίς 89, 91, 94, 103
Χαριγένης 103
'Ωρείτης 223 ; 'Ωρείται 100-1,
103-5
'Ωρεός 94, 100, 103, 224
'Ωρωπός 85
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
αγανακτείν 147
αγαπάν 142, 147, 160
άγειν ειρήνης 55
αγένητος 225
άγνωμοσύνη 153
αγορά, η 1; of dennes and
phylae 27; αγοραί public
speeches 111
αγορεύειν, τίς βούλεται και 4
αγωνίζεσθαι 134
άγωνοθέται 180
αδαμάντινος 84
αεργία, επί πάση 108
αηδία 72, 164
αθύτων των ιερών 131, 152
αίθων 184
αιρείν “prove' 59; “convict’
156
αιρετοί 13, 30
αισχρώς 218
άκαιρία 211
άκαλλιερήτων 131
ακροασόμενοι 201
αλαζονεία 237, 256
αλαζόνες 99
άλας της πόλεως 224
αλιτήριος 131, 157
αλλ' ούν γε 11
άλλοθι 48
αλώσεται 50
αμηχανίη 184
αμπελουργείν 166
αμφί 184
αναβοαν πρώτος 202
αναγκαιότατος 169
ανάγκης, εξ 126
αναγράφειν 37
αναίρειν 40
αναλώσας κέκραγας 218
αναπέμπεσθαι 133
αναπέτομαι 209
αναπηδαν 173
αναποδίζειν 192
άναρπάζειν 133, 146
αναρρηθήναι 45
αναστρέφειν 150
ανατέμνειν 166
ανατίθημι 143, 231, 237
αναφαίνεσθαι 81, 173
άνδρείον 170
ανθεστηριών 98
ανθρώπινος βίος 132
άνθρωπος 99, 157, 159
αντιβλέπειν 151
αντιγραφεύς 25
αντιδιαπλέκειν 28
αξίωμα 237
αξίωσις 220
απαγγέλλειν 63
απάγειν divert’ 100; arrest
150
απαγορεύειν μή 10, 35
απαιδευσία 241
απαιδεύτως 238
απαλλάσσω 158
απαντάν 53, 69, 198
απαράσκευος 146
άπας ών 101
απαυράω 135
απειλημμένος 164
απελευθερία 41
απέρχομαι 59
274 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
ασέλγεια 170
άστεφάνωτος 176
αστράτευτος 175
ασυκοφάντητος 216
άσχημονείν 246
αsyndeton 157
ατίμητος 210
ατυχήματα 169
αυθημερόν λόγων, των 208
αθλια 119
αυτό το έργον 62
αυτοί αlone 72; αυτά 155; τον
αυτόν 'Αθηναίοις φίλον και
έχθρόν νομίζειν 100
αυτόματον 167
αυτομολεϊν 75
αυτοσχεδιάζειν 158
αφελών 101, 237
αφιστάναι 167
αφοσιω 120
απεχθάνεσθαι 172
απήεσαν 76
απλούς 50
από of the agent, 98. απ’
εισαγγελίας κρινόμενος 52 ;
από τών αυτών πολιτευμάτων
79; από Μήδων 116; αφ'
υμών αυτών 156; τα από της
μητρός 172
αποβλέπειν 168, 214, 230, 256
απογνώτω 60
αποδείκνυμι 45
αποδεκται 25
αποδημεϊν 21, 68
αποδιδράσκω 55, 226, 253
αποδούναι 40; λόγον 54 και τους
όρκους 74; απέδωκε συνιδείν
75; απέδοτο τριάκοντα μνών
52 και αποδοθέντος 125
απόθεσθε 255
αποκληρούν 13
αποκρίνομαι 224
απολαβείν λόγον 168
απολογία, δικαία 202
απολογίζεσθαι 25
απολογισμόν, είς 247
απομνημονεύειν 16, 48, 57, 85
αποπέμπειν 235, 253
απορρήτων, διά 96
απορώτατος 203
αποστερείν 239
απούσης βουλής 45
αποφαίνεσθαι 134
άποψηφίζεσθαι 230
απροσδόκητος 159
άπτομαι 101, 193, 237
άρα ncredulity 13, 60 ; ει άρα
162 ; ιntroducing the words
of another 137; αν άρα 193,
αράμενοι κίνδυνον 190
άργυρολογείν 159
αρκτου, έξω της 165
αρνείσθαι μή 175
αρπάζειν την φιλοτιμίαν 23
αρχή 13; αρχήν 117; την αρ-
χήν ποιείσθαι 236
άρχων (marking date) 62
βαλαντιοτόμος 2017
βάρβαρος 172
βάσανος 225
βασιλικός χρυσίον 156, 173,
209
βεβαίωσις 249
βελόνας διείρουσι 166
βήμα 173; του κατηγόρου 2017,
* 257
βίος 173
βλέπειν εις τα πρόσωπα 137,
* 151, 152, 250
βοηθήσοντες 86; βοηθών 169 ,
βoυθυτεϊν 77
βουλεύεσθαι μετά των συμφύ-
των νοσημάτων 81
βουλόμενος, o 2, 220
βραχέων, διά 60, 69
βραχύς λόγος 175
burials, public 152

202
ge emphatic 189
γένεσθε την διάνοιαν 153
γένη, τα 18
genitive after comparative for
ñ with dative 47
γέρα, τα 18
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
275
διατελεί λέγων 49
διατέμνω 207
C
γλώττα 229
γνώμη = ψήφισμα 3; γνώμην
αποφαίνεσθαι 2
γόης 137, 207
γράμματα δημόσια 75
γραμματεύς of the logistae 15;
of the Boulè 16
γράφειν είναι 85
γράφεσθαι 217
την γραφήν αλίσκεσθαι 50 ;
γραφή τραύματος 51; την
γραφήν ο φεύγων 204
γυμνάσια 216
δαιμονίου τινός προαγομένου
117
dative of agent 243
δέ place of 96-7
δέησις 1; ξένων δεήσεις 7
δειλός, δειλία 175
δή, και εί 155; δή φίth imm-
perative 170
δημαγωγός 78
δημιουργός λόγων 215
δημοσία συμφορά 147
δημόσιον, το 234
δημόται 41, 45
δημοτικός 169
δήμω, εν τω 38
διά accus. 58, 70, 156, 162;
with gen. Of medium 104;
δι' απορρήτων 96; διά βρα-
χέων 60, 69; τήν διά των
όρκων πίστιν 208 ; διά χρό-
νου 220; δι' ένδειαν 240
διαβιβάζειν 87
διαγωνίζεσθαι 132, 206
διαδικασία 146
διακονία 13
διαλιπών 217
διαλογίζεσθαι 95
διαλύσασθαι 88
διαμαρτύρεσθαι 146
διάνοια 153, 170
διαπολιτευόμενοι 194
διαπράττεσθαι 42, 179, 232
διατέθεικε την πόλιν ουτωσί 127
διαφέρων γενόμενος 162; δια-
φέρων 178, 212
διαφεύγειν 249
διαχρήσθαι 212, 244
διδασκαλεία 246
διδόναι offer 83
διενεγκείν 198
δίετες, ήβησαι επί 122
διεφθάρη 246
διηριθμημένοι 207
δίκαιος, ο 181
διοικείσθαι 2
διοίκησις 31
διόμνυμι 150
διορθούν 38
διορίζειν 119
δοκιμασθείς 15, 29
δολιχοδρομεϊν 91
δραπέται πόδες 152
δραχμή του μηνός της μνας
104
δυναστεία 145; δυναστείαι 3
δυνάστης 114
δύσκολος 59
δωροδόκημα 69
δωροδοκία of Demosthenes 58
εα, ουκ 127
εβουλόμην 2
εγγράφειν 15, 50
εγκαθήμενοι 206
εγκαλύπτεσθαι 53
εγκαταλαμβάνειν 60
εγκαταλιπείν 90
εγκωμιάζειν 241
εί γε μή 219
είς απολογίαν 35; παρεΐναι εις
71; καθέζεσθαι εις 73 ; εις
οπότε 99 ; έπασκείν εις τα
'Ολύμπια 179
εισαγγελίας, από 52, 79
εισαγγέλλειν 3, 252
είσελαύνειν 206
εισήειτε 140
εισιέναι γραφήν 191
18-2
276 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
*
*
*
*
*
“είσκαλείς 176
ένοχλεΐν 246
εισπράττειν 104
ενταύθα 227, 246
εκ παρασκευής 3, 62, 73; έκ ένταυθοι 201
παρατάξεως 88; εξ ανάγκης εξαιρείσθαι 7
126; εξ ίσου 57; εκ φύσεως εξαίρετος 89
160; έκ τριηράρχου 173; έκ εξανηλώμενοι 103
της πόλεως 173; έκ τών νό- εξαράσασθαι 116
μων 176; έξ έθους 178; έκ εξέκλεισε 74
προνοίας 178; το κάλλιστον εξήν 2
εκ παιδείας 208; εξ ονομάτων εξηρτημένος 164
συγκείμενος 229 ; και εκ των έξοδος 245
ειρημένων και εκ των παρα- εξουσία 130
λελειμμένων 260
εξωνείσθαι 66
έκδοτον ποιεϊν 61, 73, 142 επάγειν 140
έκδούναι 258
επακούειν 56
εκείνος 115; εκείνως 59, 163, επανάγειν 57
168
επανορθούν 177
εκκλησία, τη (of time) 34 ; έκ έπασκεϊν 179, 256
κλησίαν ποιείν 39, 67, 124 επεισάγειν 207, 231
εκποίητος 21
έπεισιoύσι 153
έκτην επί δέκα 98
έπειτα 187
έκτροπαι 206
επέστη 79
εκφέρεσθαι 125; έκφέρων λό- επευθύνειν 158
γους 173
έπεύχεται 111
ελαχίστου του χαλκού ουδέν. επήλθεν επί την γνώμην 108
δέοιτο 104
επί πολύν χρόνον 7; εφ' και
ελευθερίως 154
σπουδάζω 49; πρεσβεία ή
ελευθέρους αφεϊναι 41
επί τους όρκους 73; εφ' ημάς
έλκοποιείς 208
έλθείν 37; εφ' υμάς 89; επί
εμβάλλειν 224
ταφάς παραγενέσθαι 235; εφ'
εμπιμπλάμενος 130
ημων 132, cp. 150, 178, 234;
έμπληξία 214
επί των καιρών και του συμ-
έμπροσθεν των νόμων 23; οι φέροντος 220, cp. 226, 234;
έμπροσθεν χρόνοι 60
εφ' ώτε 114, 183; εφ' ώ άνε-
έμφράσσω 223
βόησεν ο δήμος 224; επ' αι-
εν μετριότητι κριθήσονται 133; τίαις 225; εφ' ώ αγανακτώ
εν αρετη 202
228; εφ' οίς ζημία έστι θάνα-
ένατα 225
τος 250; επ' ονομάτων πλείν
έναυλος 191
253
ένδεικνύμενος 216
επιβολάς επιβάλλειν 27
ένδειξις 219
επιγράφειν 159, 167, 183
ενδιδόναι αρχάς 82
επίδειξις 133
ενεδρεύειν 206
επιδιδόναι 19
ενεπιορκεϊν 149
επιλαχών 62
ενέχεσθαι 175
επιμέλεια 13
ενεχυράζειν 21
επισκήπτειν 157
ενήρκται τα κανα 120
επιστάτης 14; των προέδρων
ένιοι 130
επιστάτης 2, 39
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
277
επιστρατεύειν 83
επιτήδειος 230
επιτηδεύειν 225
επιτίθεσθαι 235
επιτιμία 210
επιτυχείν 165
επιφέρειν 35, 41; επιφέρεσθαι
172
επιχειρήσεις 152
επιχώριος 172
επωδή 192
έρανίζειν 45
εργάζεσθαι 220
έργον της αιτίας, το 228
etymologica figura 2, 3
ευαγγέλια 160
ευγνώμων 170; ευγνωμοσύνη 174
εύθυνα OY ευθύνη 17
εύθυναι βίου 230
ευθύς αρχόμενος 21, 216
εύρημένοι 42 ; εύρηται 162
ευτυχία of the Athenians 232
ευφημίας ένεκα 92
έφεστηκότες, οι 2
εφικόμενος της ανδραγαθίας 189
έως άν 165; έως έτι μέμνημαι
177
θηρίον 182
θόρυβος 201
ίδιον και ο κοινόν 99; περί των
ιδίων 204
ιδιώτης 3, 114, 125, 214, 252
ιερά ημέρα 67
ιερά, τα δημόσια 176; τα ιερά
προδεδωκέναι 176
ιερομνήμων 115
ιερόν είναι 46
imperative in protasis 110
ίσου, εξ 57
ισχυρά της δημοκρατίας, τα 234
ισχυρίζεσθαι 57
κάθαρμα 211
καθέζεσθαι εις την εκκλησίαν 73
καθιερούν 21
και ταύτα 52 ; και δή 57 ; και
coupling part with whole 58;
και...δή οι δε 115; και γαρ
εάν 155
καινοί θεοί 208
καιρος δημόσιος 163; καιροί 5,
91 ; οι νύν καιροί 178, 254 ;
καιρός 239
καίτοι γε 131
κακούργος 202
καλόν καλόν 75; τα καλά 178;
καλώς ποιoύντες 232
κανών 199
katá with gen., "concerning'
50, 124, 213, 217, 241,
"against' 170
καταβαίνω 164
κατάγειν 187
καταγελάστως 173
καταγνώναι τί τινος 46
καταγνώτω 60
κατακεκλειμένος 87
κατακλύζειν 173
κατακοινήσαντες 66
κατακονδυλίζειν 212
καταλογίζεσθαι 202
καταλύειν 177, 200
καταπέμπειν 238
καταπλύνειν 178

ηγεμονία δικαστηρίων 27
ήδειμεν 82
ήδέως αν ομολογησαίμην 236
ήδη 52, 129, 145, 147, 174,
* 246
ηλικία 255
ημέραις, μεμνήσθαι εν ταίς αυ-
ταις 182
ημιθνής 159
ήν = ήσαν 184
ήνορέη 185
ησυχία 216
ήτοι...ή 40
θαλλός 187
Θαργηλιών 27
θαύματα 167
θεοβλάβεια 133
θεσμοί 190
θεωρούμενοι 247
278 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
κατασκευάζειν τον χρόνον 70
κατάσκοπος 82, 225
κατασπεύδειν 67
καταστέφω 164
κατατιθέναι 19; καταθέσθαι
χάριν 42
καταφάνης 103
καταφυγγάνειν 208
καταχαρίζεσθαι 53
καταψεύδεσθαι 77
κατεπαγγέλλεσθαι 223
κατεπαγγελλόμενος 205.
κατεσκευασμένος 95, 145
κατέστη 208
κατηγορείν 50
κατιδείν 82
κείρασθαι 211
κείται εν μέσω 248
κεκρίσθαι 221
κεραμεία 119
κεφάλαια 69; το κεφάλαιον 173,
240
κηλείσθαι 228
κήρυγμα 149, 249; τα δημόσια
κηρύγματα 246
κητος 130
κίναδος 167
κλέμμα 100
κλέπτειν 35, 99, 200
κοινά, τα 19; τα κοινά των
ονομάτων 248; την ηγεμονίαν
εποίησε κοινήν 143
κοινοί κριται 214
κολακευόμενος 234
κρίνειν 245
κύκλιοι χοροί 232
κύριοι νόμοι 37
μάγος 137
μακρότερον της Ιλιάδος 100
μάλιστα μεν...άν δ' άρα 202
μάχην μη νικήσασι 87; μάχην
νικήσας 181, 222
μείζοσι τιμάσθαι 43
μελλήματα 72
μεμνήσθαι 118; μνήσθητε 254
μέν, place of 53; μέν...δε...δε
124
μέρει, εν 2, 4
μέσω, κείται έν 248
μετά των συμφύτων νοσημάτων
81 ; μεθ' ημέραν μίαν 133;
μετ' αρετής 211
μεταβαλλόμενος 2017
μεταβολή 64, 78
petağú with participle 12
μεταστήναι 117, 122
μεταφέρεις τα πράγματα 142;
μετήνεγκεν 145; μετενή νεκ-
ται 193
μέτρια 1
μέτριος 170
μετριότης 133; ή του βίου με-
τριότης 218
μετρίως 9, 129
μέχρι δεύρο 24
μη γαρ ότι 46, 167
μητρώον, το 187
μισθοδόται 218
μισθού 242
μνησικακείν 208
μόνον 69
μόνος και πρώτος 77
moods, change of 65, 104
μόρα 243
μουσική 246
μυριάκις 212
μύσται, οι 130
λαβων μεν σεσίγηκας 218
λαχών 62
λήμματα 149
ληρεϊν 143, 252
λίθινος 183
λίμος αίθων 184
λογογράφος 173
λόγος 170; λόγους εκφέρων 173
λυμαινόμενος 223
ναι 28, 48; ναι αλλά 168
ναυμαχία 181
νειμάμενοι 251
νεώς, ο καινός 116
νικών ψήφισμα 63; ταύτ' ενίκα
72
νομιζόμενα, τα 77
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
279
νομοθέταις' 39
νοσήματα 81
νύν δε 180, 208
ξενοκτόνος 224
ξυνός 184
oath of dicasts 6
οικίαι ιδιωτικαί 250
οικουμένη 165
ofouai with pres. infinitive 231
όλα, τα 133
ολιγαρχικός 168, 170; οι ολι-
γαρχικοί 207
ολίγοι, οι 234
ομηρεύσοντες 133
όμμασι, πoίoις 121
όνομα όμοιον και το έργον 191
όπλοις, εν τοις 140
optative, third person plur.
aorist 111
ορφανοι 154
δρώντων φρονούντων βλεπόντων
94
Ós without antecedent 211, 212
οτιδήποτε 172
ου μη ποιήσετε 177
ουδέ γε 78
ούτω δή 189, 205
παραδόξως 80
παραδύνω 37
παρακαλείν επί Φίλιππον 58,
64, 68, 200
παρακαταθέμενοι 180
παραλλάσσειν 192
παραλογίζεσθαι 221
παραναγιγνώσκω 188, 201, 250
παρανοίας εαλωκώς 251
παρανομείν 77
παρανόμων εγράφη 62 ; τας γρα-
φάς των παρανόμων ανείλον
191; το παράνομον 192; γρα-
φην παρανόμων πέφευγεν
194; λύειν το παράνομον 205
παραπηδάν 192
παραπλήσιοι αυτής 128
παρασκευή 1; έκ παρασκευής 3,
62, 73
παράταξις 1, 88, 151
παραταχθείς 35
παραχωρείν 5
παρελθείν 80, 129, 166
παρεμβολή 205
παρηγγέλλετο 65
παρημεν εις εκκλησίαν 71
παριδών 172
παριστάναι 229
παριών 82, 145
παρρησία 6
participle conveying the main
. idea 209, 227
πάσι δικαίοις, επί 170
πατρικός 52
πατρώα, τα 173
πείσας (τον δήμον) 42
πεντακόσιοι, οι 2
πέρα 80
περί, τα περί τους 'Αμφισσέας
ήσαβημένα 221; τα περί την
Εύβοιας 221
περιβαλών 226
περιγενέσθαι 115, 173
περιγράφειν 209
περίεργος, ο 172
περιδινών 167
περιελεϊν 136
περιέρχονται την αγοράν 213
παγκράτιον 179
παιδεία 117, 208, 260
πάλαισμα δικαστηρίου 205
παλαίστρα 246
παλαίχθων 190
πανδημεί 123
πανσέληνος 102
πάνυ 100
παρά κατηγορίας 37 και παρά τού-
των 40; παρ' υμών 53; παρά
τω αυτώ 224 ; παρά τούτο
131; παρά τον γενόμενον πόλε-
μον 143 ; τα δεινά 170; παρ'
ουδέν ελθείν 258
παραγεγηρακώς 251
παραγράφειν 74
παράδειγμα 245
παραδοξολογίαν, εις 132
280 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
περιεστηκότες, οι έξω 207
περιέστησε τα πράγματα 82
περιίστασθαι 206
περιπατέω 160
περιπετάννυμι 76
περιποιείσθαι 89, 173
περιρραντήρια 176
πληγή 147
πλήθη, τα 134
pluperfect with äv 40
πνύξ 34
ποδι και φωνη 109
ποιείν (of poetical representa-
tion) 231
ποίος 209
πολιτείαι, τρεις 6
πολιτείαν, προσελθείν προς την
134
πολιτεύεσθαι 7; πεπολίτευται
54
πολιτικαι δυνάμεις 98, 147
πολύς 223
πονηρός 173
πραγματεία 13
πράξεις 21, 106
πρεσβείας πρεσβεύειν 138
present, for immediate future
119, 188; of frequent occurr-
Tence 192, 232
προαιρείσθαι 170
προαίρεσις 170
προβάλλεσθαι 11, 84, 203, 209
προγέγραπται 48
προεδρεύειν 4
προεδρία 76, 154
πρoέμενος 173
προενδείκνυμι 219
προηρημένος 116
προκαταλαμβάνειν 9, 12, 248;
το βήμα 71
προλαμβάνειν 142
προξενία 42 ; πρόξενος 258
προοίμιον 201
προπέμπειν 76
προπηλακισμός 258 [see Classi-
cal Review, vol. II. p. 251]
προς τη the presence of 33, 49;
προσελθείν πρός τι των κοινών
21; interchanged with els
168; του προς μητρός 172
προσαπειπείν 45
προσβιασάμενος 72
προσβιβάζειν 93
προσγελάν 87
προσγράφειν 203
προσεικασθήναι 247
προσελθείν 21
προσέχειν τινι 65
προσκαθίζειν 167
προσκεφάλαια 76
προσλαμβάνειν 9
πρόσοδον, εις 95, 212
προσποιείν, μή 201
προσπολεμείν 82
πρόσταγμα 127, 155'
προστάται 154
προστροπή 110
προφέρειν 66
πρώην 242
πρωτεύειν 250
πυθου 243
πυλαγόραι 113
πυλαγορούντες, οι αεί 126
question, rhetorical, for apo-
dosis 202
ραδίως 3
relative for cognate accusative
101
ρήμα 72, 92, 167, 202
ρητώ χρόνω, εν 129
σανίδιον 200, 201
σημεία των χρηστών, τα 99
σιδήρεοι 166
σιωπηθήσεται 155
σκευαγωγείν 80
σκευοθήκη 26
σκυθρωπός 20
σπένδεσθαι τινι 63
σπλάγχνα, φυλάττειν τα 160
σπονδή 224
στάσις 206
στασιωτικοί λόγοι 208
INDEX TO THE NOTES.
281
στεφανίται αγώνες 179
στέφανος αλλότριος 47; ξενικός
249
στοά των Ερμών 183; ποικίλη
186
στρατηγήσας 181
στρατήγιον 146
στρατηγών, αι συνηγορίαι των 7
στρατιωτικά, τα 146
στρεβλώσας 224
oú emphatic 167
subject, change of 7
subjunctive 7; deliberative
21; interrogative 163
συγγυμνασταί 255
συγκείμενος 229
συγκυνηγέται 255
suicide 244
συκοφαντηθείς εκ της πολιτείας
226
συλλήβδην 18
σύλληψις 225
σύλλογος 126
συμβαίνω 167, 174
συμμαχίας, ποιείσθαι τάς 93
συμμεταβαλέσθαι 165
συμμεταπίπτειν 75
συμπαρακολουθών 233
συμπατηθήσεσθαι 164
συμπρέσβεις 81
συναπολογείσθαι 62
συνάχθεσθαι 242
συνέδριον of the Amphictyons
116; of the Greeks 161, 254;
συνέδριον συνάγειν 89
συνείθεσθε 144
συνήγορος 37 ; συνήγοροι 201
συνοικίζειν 171
σύνταγμα συντάξας 95
σύνταξις 91
συντελεϊν 95
συρίττεσθαι 231
συσπένδων 52
συσσιτων 52
συστάντες επί 58
συστρέψας 100
σχετλιάζειν 146, 244, 258
σώμα 210; σώματα 255
τα μετά ταύτα αdυ. 64
τάξιν λιπείν 7, 148, 181, 187,
244
τάξις του λόγου 206
taxiarchs 13
ταφαί 235; δημοσίαι ταφαί 236
τάφροι 236
τε...δέ 80
τειχοποιός 14
τείχος Σέρριον 82
τέκνα 156; τέκνα γονεύσι έoικότα
111
τέρατα 111
τερατεύεσθαι 160
τεχνίτης 200
τηνικαύτα 191
τίμησις 198
TIVES contemptuous 3, 58, 191,
195; υαgue 7
τοιούτος ος 137, 234
τόπος 216
τραγωδούς (time) 36, 45, 176;
τραγωδών γιγνομένων. 41 ;
καινών τραγωδων αγωνιζομέ-
νων 34
τρέφειν Πειθώ 256
τριάκοντα, οι 235
τριακόσιοι, οι 222
τρίμηνος 70
τριττύες 30 '
τροπαι του Ευρίπου 90
τρόπαιον ιστάναι 156
τρόπον, μεταλλάσσειν τον 78
τρυφάν 20
τύχη of Demosthenes 157;
τύχη αγαθή 154
υπάρχειν 97, 169; υπάρχουσα
ειρήνη 55
υπέθεσαν προσόδους 105
υπέρ 221
υπερκαταγέλαστος 192
υπερπηδαν 200
υπερορίζειν 131, 244, 252
υπεύθυνος 9, 212
υπό της αληθείας 207; στεφα-
νούσθαι υπό των φυλετων 44;
υφ' υμιν έξετε 235; υπό την
282 AESCHINES AGAINST CTESIPHON.
υμετέραν ψήφον άγειν 20, op.
19
υποβάλλειν 23, 48, 95
υποδοχήν, εις 62
υποθέσεως, μένειν επί της 76;
αποπλαναν από της υποθέ-
σεως 176, 190
υποθέσθαι 105
υποκηρύσσεσθαι 41
υπομένειν κρίσιν 171
υπομνήματα 186
υποπεπτωκότες 116
υποτέμνεσθαι 67, 166
υποτρέχει 163
υφελέσθαι 101
φόρους, τον τάξαντα τους 258
φυλακή των δημοσίων γραμμά-
των 75
φυλάσσεσθαι 157
φυλή προεδρεύουσα 4
φύσις 175, 228; της εν φύσει
δαπάνης 218
φωνάς προσκτησάμενοι 130 ;
του τόνου της φωνής 200
χαλκοχίτων 185
χαρακόω 140
χαρίζεσθαι 180
χάριν καταθέσθαι 42 ; είδέναι
47
χειροτονίας αναγορεύειν 3
χορηγείν 240
χρόνων εγγεγενημένων 221
χρυσόκερων 164
χωρείν 164
φανείται 76
φάσκειν 207
φαύλος 168
φέρων 82, 90, 143, 146; φερό-
μενος 89
φεύγειν τας δικαίας απολογίας
201 ; ο φεύγων see γραφή
and παρανόμων
φησί 110
φθίνοντος έκτη 73
φιλανθρωπία, φιλανθρώπως 37
φιλοτιμίας νέμειν 255
φοινικίδες 76
φορά ρητόρων 234
φορμορραφούμεθα 166
ψέγεσθαι 53
ψεύδεσθαι, ου γαρ δεί 171
ψηφίζεσθαι κατά τους νόμους 6;
εάν ψηφίσηται ο δήμος 36 ;
εάν μή ψηφίσηται ο δήμος 47
ψήφον αιτεί 198; ψήφος αφανής
φέρεται 233; ψήφοι ίσαι 252
ώνιος 160
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ܛܺܕܙܬܚܨܙܗ ܚܲܙܵܬܸܗܕܸܗܵܝܵܐܹܐܲܢܵܨܪܲܒ݂ܪܵܗܲܝܸܟܼܬܼܝܼܘܼܗܝܝܬܕܪܕܪܪܝܪܕܚܨܬܼܐܲܢܵܣܒ݂ܘܿܕܐܵܕܐܵܟܼܕܸܪܕܕܪܶ.mܞܞܨܬܨܕܢܕܺܝܚܺܚܺܙܵܪܸܘܿܚܝܼܟܼܘܼܗܚܵܝܼܕܼܘܪܝܕܪܬܕܐܘܕܕܗܕrܕܕܲܨܪܕܟܪܘܕܗܐ;ܗܟ݂ܪܺܕ݂ܕ݂ܙܙܶ.: ܕ ܪܚܚܵܝܼܚܵܚܸܫ.ܪܕܘܿܪܫܲܒ݂ܪܘܿܪܵܗܵܕܸܝܼܫܕܵܪܕܲܕ݂ܟ݂ܪܰܕܗܲܡܙܲܡܗܵܕܸܫܽܘܨܚܗܪܘܝܪܬܘܼܒܼܚܲܕܵܐܵܫܛܫܕ::ܕܼܝܼܙܕܿܐܲܚܟܙܗܕܺܢ݈ܕ݂ܗܘܽܞܞܕܨܪܪܙ9
܂..... ܗ. .:.ܚ ܐܢܗܘܪ܀܀ܕܕܪܝܼ. ܪܪܫ. ܝܕ ܪܚܸܕ. ܕܚܚܚܝ....... ܗܕܪܕ ܚܘܨܕܐܪܐܕܪܪܝܪܳܘܽܪܼܲܢܐܝܳܕܙܘܚ:ܙ ܕ݂ܝ.ܢܐܬܝܫܙܕܗܙܪ ܂ܐܝܺܢ.:.ܕܕܺܚ ܐܲܚܝܿܬܬܐܘܨܫܺܚܝܺܪܽܢ
ܚ …." - ܕ --- - ܝ . . . . . . . . .. ..ܚܪܝܫ:ܢ...ܪܝ-:' ܀ ...ܕ.. .. .. .. ...ܢ::..ܝ.. .i-ܨܪܸܐܚܪ̈ܐ ܆ܫܪܝ..ܫܝ܀. --.܆ ܗܘ ܗܕܲܚܕܳܚܕܚܫܫܗ݈ܝܺ,ܪܙܚܰ:" ..: ::ܪܫܪܬܵܐ: ܚ , ..ܕܗܢ..ܐ:ܕܝܪ: ܟܘܕܕܪܫ ....ܚ ܗܕ... ܪ..ܕ ܕܝܕܢ:-:: : ܝܺܬ݂ܕ݂ܢ:..ܗܶܙܝܪܘܚܫܕܪܪܐܵܗܵܕܸܕܼܪܵܝܵܐ ܗܵܪܵܐܝܚܕܬܛܪܬܝ
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