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1883

i
ARTES
LIBRARY
1837
SCIENTIA
VERITAS
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
PLURIBUS UNUM
TUEBOR
SI QUAERIS PENINSULAM AMOENAM
CIRCUMSPICE
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HISTORICAL SKETCHES
OF
7340


NEW MEXICO
FROM THE
Earliest Records to the American Occupation,
Baron
BY
L. BRADFORD PRINCE,
President of the Historical Society of New Mexico,
Late Chief Justice of New Mexico, Etc.
SECOND EDITION.
1
LEGGAT BROTHERS,
CHAMBERS STREET, NEW YORK.
RAMSEY, MILLETT & HUDSON,
KANSAS CITY
1883
}

}
{
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1883, by
L. BRADFORD FRINCE,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C

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Electrotyped and Printed by Ramsey, Millett & Hudson, Kansas City, Mo.
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DEDICATION.
TO THE
PEOPLE OF NEW MEXICO,
Three-fold in origin and language, but now one in nationality, in
purpose, and in destiny;
TO THE PUEBLOS,
Still representing in unchanged form the aboriginal civilization
which built the cities and established the systems of government and
social life which astonished the European discoverers nearly four
centuries ago;
TO THE MEXICANS,
Who, in generosity, hospitality, and chivalric feeling, are worthy
sons of the Conquistadores, who, with undaunted courage and match-
less gallantry, carried the cross of Christianity and the flag of Spain
to the ends of the earth;
TO THE AMERICANS,
Whose energy and enterprise are bringing all the appliances of
modern science and invention to develop the almost limitless
resources which nature has bestowed upon us;
TO ALL, AS NEW MEXICANS,
Now unitedly engaged in advancing the prosperity, and working
for the magnificent future of the Territory, of which the author is
proud to be a citizen,-these sketches of part of its earlier history are
respectfully dedicated.
Tak
CONTENTS.
PREFACE…………..
CHAPTER I-INTRODUCTORY.........
II-THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES…………………..
III-THE JOURNEY OF CABEZA DE BACA..
IV-THE EXPEDITION OF MARCOS DE NIZA..
V-THE EXPEDITION OF CORONADO..
VI-THE MISSION OF FRIAR RUIZ......
VII-THE EXPEDITION OF ESPEJO..
VIII-THE COLONIZATION BY OÑATE.
IX-1600 TO 1680.......
PAGE.
7
11
20
40
96
116
149
153
161
167
. 176
X-THE EXPEDITION OF SALDIVAR..
.....
XII-THE REVOLUTION OF 1680.........
XI—THE QUIVIRA EXPEDITION OF PEÑALOSA……………………. . 179
XIII-THE PUEBLO GOVERNMENT 1680-1695...
190
197
XIV-THE RECONQEUST BY VARGAS...
206
XV-THE 18TH CENTURY..
221
XVI-1800 To 1846......
228
XVII-PIKE'S EXPEDITION,
246
XVIII-THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.....
266
XIX-THE INSURRECTION OF 1837...
285
XX-THE AMERICAN OCCUPATION..
290
XXI-THE REVOLT OF 1847...
313
r
PREFACE.
THE present volume has been prepared in order to
meet, to some extent, the felt want of some book con-
taining, as far as practicable, in a connected form, the
historical items relative to New Mexico, heretofore
scattered, and often unobtainable, or only preserved
in the memory of persons fast growing old.
I have called it "HISTORICAL SKETCHES," instead of
"A History of New Mexico," because it is not possi-
ble at this time to write a satisfactory continuous ac-
count of the history of the Territory. The most of
the records prior to 1680 were burned in the Pueblo
Rebellion; many of those of more recent date were
sold for waste-paper, and so lost or destroyed, in the
days of Governor Pile; and the remainder are unpub-
lished, and generally unavailable, at present, for the
purposes of the historian. It is to be hoped that be-
fore many more years pass, a sufficient appropriation
will be made by the Government for the classification
and arrangement of all the existing archives, and the
publication of such documents as may have historic
value
It had been hoped that records of interest relating
to New Mexico might be preserved in the archives at
Guadalajara, as all the territory north of Zacatecas
was subject to the audiencia of that city; but the offi-
cial investigations made by Hon. John W. Foster, the
ск
PREFACE
American Minister, in the year 1873, destroyed any
expectations from that quarter; as it appeared that,
even if documents of that character had previously
been in existence, they were destroyed by the great
conflagration of 1859.
In the preparation of this volume the following
books (among others) have been consulted: Relation
of Cabeza de Vaca, Buckingham Smith; Relation of
Friar Marcos de Niza, Hakluyt; Letters of Coronado,
Hakluyt; Castañeda's Relation of Coronado's Expedi-
tion, Ternaux-Compans; Relation of Juan Jaramillo;
Histories of the Conquest of Mexico, by Bernal Diaz,
Antonio de Solis, and Prescott; Histories of Mexico,
by Clavigero, Mayer, and Frost; W. W. H. Davis'
"Spanish Conquest of New Mexico" and "El Gringo;"
Gemeli Careri's Travels in New Spain; Humboldt's
New Spain; Peñalosa's Quivira Expedition, Shea;
Bonnycastle's Spanish America; Pike's Expedition;
Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies; Marcy's Prairie.
Traveller; Kendall's Santa Fé Expedition; Ruxton's
Mexico and the Rocky Mountains; Meline's Two
Thousand Miles on Horseback; Explorations in Texas,
New Mexico, etc., Bartlett; Mexico, New Mexico, and
California, Branz Mayer; Reports of Operations in
1846-7, Emory, Abert, Cooke, and Johnston; Abert's
Examination of New Mexico; Hughes' Doniphan Ex-
pedition; Campaign with Doniphan, Edwards; Con-
quest of New Mexico, Cooke; Reconnaissances in New
Mexico, Johnston, Smith, etc.; Simpson's Navajo Ex-
pedition; Sitgreaves' Zuñi Expedition; Heap's Central
Route to the Pacific; Hayes' Santa Fé Trail; Inman's
PREFACE.
9.
Trail Sketches; Anderson's Silver Country; Peters'
Life of Kit Carson; Cozzens' Marvelous Country; Re-
ports of Wheeler, Powell, Jackson, Stevenson, etc.;
New Mexican Blue Book, Ritch; Bancroft's Native
Races; North Americans of Antiquity, Short; Mor-
gan's Homes of American Aborigines; Putnam's Ar-
chæology of Pueblos, etc.
I beg to tender my acknowledgments to Sergeant
Francisco de la Peña, who was in the Mexican Mili-
tary Service as early as 1832; Hon. Levi J. Keithley,
member of the First Territorial Legislature (1847);
Hon. Gabriel Lucero, Hon. Samuel Ellison, Capt. J.
M. Sena y Baca, Henry O'Neill, Esq., Hon. Amado
Chavez, and others, for information of value relative.
to the more recent history of the Territory.
L. B. P.
SANTA FÉ, June, 1883.
HISTORICAL SKETCHES.
CHAPTER I.
THE
INTRODUCTORY.
HE history of New Mexico may be divided into
three epochs-the Aboriginal or Pueblo, the Span-
ish, and the American.
The aborigines had no written records, and conse-
quently what is known of their history is f:om tradition
or the relation of such Europeans as came in contact
with them. Several times before the final conquest and
occupation of the country by the Spaniards, travellers
or explorers traversed the country; sometimes by acci-
dent, as in the case of Cabeza de Vaca; sometimes bent
on conquest, as with Coronado; sometimes as mission-
aries, as with Friar Ruiz; sometimes to spy out the
land for others, as with Marcos de Niza. Each of these,
in the narrative of what he saw and did, has given us a
brief glimpse of the country as it existed just at that
time; and this is all we have from which to gain a
knowledge of the history, condition, and customs of the
people during long periods. These narratives are of
great interest, as they afford us life-like views of a
unique form of civilization, existing almost isolated,
in the midst of encircling deserts and nomadic trib s.
But the absence of chronicles from native sources makes
it impossible to give a connected and continuous history
of that time. We have isolated glimpses, and nothing,
more. As the Wandering Jew is said in the legend to
visit the same locality at intervals of 500 years, and to
find on each occasion a new people and altered customs,
INTRODUCTORY.
12
without having any knowledge of intervening events
or the causes of such changes, so the brief views into
the interior of New Mexico presented by the early nar-
ratives (separated sometimes by nearly half a century)
revcal changes for which, with no knowledge of the
occurrences between, we cannot account. Thus, when
Coronado marched through New Mexico, Tiguex and
Cicuyé were the two most important cities in the val-
ley of the Rio Grande; but forty years later, when Es-
pejo travelled over the same ground, it is impossible to
distinguish them either by description or by name. In
the days of Coronado, of Oñate, and of Peñalosa, much
was heard of Quivira as the great city of transcendent
riches and glory across the eastern plains; but during
the 200 years which have since passed its name is not
mentioned.
All, then, that can be done in the way of a history
of the earlier epoch is to bring together what we know
from various sources of the origin and life of the Pueblo
aborigines, and then to present, one by one, the brief
glimpses that we have of the country from the observa-
tions of those who from time to time penetrated to its
interior. The earliest of these is Cabeza de Vaca, the
first European who ever stood on New Mexican soil.
While his visit was unpremeditated and involuntary,
yet the story of his long journey across the continent,
of its strange adventures, its dangers and privations,
can never lose its interest; and in New Mexican history
his name will always have the leading place. Fortu-
nately, he has left us a full narration, made to the king
on his return to Spain. Then comes the expedition of
Marcos de Niza, the record of which, written by himself,
is so extravagant and exaggerated that it might thereby
lose in interest if his had not been the first journey
made for purposes of exploration, the first coming across
the western desert, and the first which brought any
European in sight of one of the great cities of the
INTRODUCTORY.
13
Pueblos. This was immediately followed by the cele-
brated march of Coronado, who with an army not only
traversed the whole of New Mexico, but even crossed
the Great Plains to the valley of the Mississippi. Of all
the expeditions this was the most important, as it oc-
cupied a sufficient time for a full examination of the
country; and it is matter for congratulation that we
have so perfect a narrative of it as that of Castañeda,
supplemented by the letters of Coronado himself, and
the relation of Captain Jaramillo.
Forty years pass, and then we have the brief account
of a journey of another kind, not undertaken for glory
or conquest, save the glory of God and the conquest of
souls the missionary effort of Friar Ruiz and his com-
panions, in 1581. That led to the expedition of Espejo,
for the rescue of the monks; and the wide extent of
country which he traversed--from El Paso to Zuñi-
gives us a brief vision of many places rendered familiar
in Coronado's day. Passing less-important travellers,
we next come to the colonization of the Rio Grande
valley by Oñate, and the establishment of a regular
Spanish government in the Province; with the build-
ing of churches and the rapid spread of Christianity.
Then ensues a long period of which the records were
probably nearly all destroyed at the time of the Pueblo.
Revolution, though some may yet be recovered in Mex-
ico or Spain; and in 1662 we have the romantic and
brilliant expedition of Peñalosa across the Great Plains.
again to the city of Quivira, which might have brought
great results had he been permitted to carry out his
programme of conquest and colonization. Throughout
this period we find the natives being gradually reduced
to more and more severe bondage, until in 1680 they at
last rose in successful revolt, and drove the Spaniards
from the country. From the history of this contest and
their subsequent action, we learn that their long servi-
tude had made them cruel and revengeful, and had un-
14
INTRODUCTORY.
fitted them for self-government; as the years of their
supremacy mark a period of jealousy and conflict, and
that in which they suffered greater diminution in num-
bers than ever before. Then comes the protracted con-
test for new supremacy by the Spaniards, ending at last
in 1696 by the final subjugation of the natives and paci-
fication of the Province. After this follows a period
during which no events of great interest occurred-gen-
eration following generation in an existence almost en-
tirely isolated from the world, and the monotony of life
varied by little save almost continual warfare with one
or another Indian tribe which desolated the borders.
Whatever there is of interest in the succeeding century
is hidden among the remaining archives at Santa Fé,
or lost with those which were so needlessly destroyed.
But nothing occurred sufficiently important to cause a
ripple on the surface of the general history of the world,
or even of Mexico. The people lived happy, peaceful,
tranquil lives, except when aroused by Indian troubles;
they improved their surroundings and amassed property
and wealth, and were less troubled by the fierce conflicts
which shook the world during that period than any
other civilized people. The revolution in Mexico made
a change in government, and aroused the sentiment of
independence among the people; but New Mexico was
too remote to be a scene of conflict, and quietly passed.
from being the dependency of a kingdom to its position
as part of a republic. Meanwhile the overland trade
with the United States had commenced, and the Santa.
Fé Trail was the route which made the capital of the
Territory the great distributing point for merchandise
in northern Mexico. The revolutionary spirit which
for so long a time prevented stability in government in
the Mexican Republic affected New Mexico as well as
other sections; and the year 1837 saw an insurrection
which resulted in the killing of the Governor and other
high officials, and the proclamation of a Pueblo Indian
INTRODUCTORY.
15
as Provisional Governor, soon followed by a counter-
movement which executed Gonzales and brought Ar-
mijo into power.
Less than ten years after, the American "Army of
the West," under General Kearney, entered Santa Fé,
New Mexico was proclaimed American territory, and a
provisional government established. The "Taos insur-
rection," in which Gov. Bent and a number of others
were killed, followed; but this was speedily suppressed,
and the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo finally ceded the
Territory to the United States. Of late years, with
more perfect protection from Indians, the introduction
of railroads, telegraphs, and other modern inventions, a
rapid increase in population, and a general development
of her unequalled natural resources, New Mexico is
making rapid strides in progress and swiftly fitting
herself to be a rich and influential State in the Amer-
ican Republic.
This is an epitome of the history of New Mexico.
Under the peculiar circumstances it is not possible to
arrange a continuous narrative, and all that is attempted
in the chapters to follow is to present the various scenes
in the historic drama as truthfully as may be.
In pre-
senting the substance of the narrations of the early
expeditions, the spirit of the old chronicles has been
retained as far as possible, although it might be strongly
tinged by exaggeration, as in the case of Marcos de
Niza; for the reason that only by that means can we
properly appreciate the influence which those reports.
had on the actions of others. One thing has to be
specially borne in mind in judging either of the
grade of civilization which the Pueblo Indians had
attained, or the dangers and difficulties encountered by
the early adventurers, and the courage and endurance
necessary in surmounting them—and that is, that many
of the events narrated occurred nearly three and a half
centuries ago; that the whole world has made vast
16
INTRODUCTORY.
strides in progress since that time, and that systems of
various kinds which to-day may seem crude were then
fully equal to the average civilization of the world;
while a journey, which, with our geographical knowl-
edge and rapid conveyance, appears but a holiday trip,
was then a plunge into an unknown wilderness, requir-
ing enterprise and fearlessness of the highest type. It
is difficult for persons in our generation to realize the
circumstances under which the various expeditions and
explorations connected with New Mexico were made.
during the sixteenth, and indeed the seventeenth
century. We have been so accustomed to the general.
geographical contour of the American continent from
our earliest youth, we know so well the distance from.
ocean to ocean, and from the gulf to the Arctic region,
that it seems difficult to remember that the intrepid
explorers who penetrated to the north, after the fall of
the Montezumas, had no idea at all of the extent of the
main-land, and were never sure, as they ascended a
mountain, but that its summit would bring to view the
South Sea to the west, the North Sea or Atlantic to the
east, or the great Arctic Ocean toward the Pole. Yet we
know that Columbus thought he had reached the East
Indies when he first discovered land in the western
hemisphere, and that after all his voyages he died with
no idea of the true distance to that goal; that Hudson
ascended the river which bears his name, supposing it
to be a strait leading to the China Sea, and that the
Chesapeake was explored in a similar belief; that Cali-
fornia was for long years represented on all maps as an
island apart from the American continent, and that the
narrowness of the land between the oceans at Darien,
and even in Mexico, naturally gave rise to the idea that
the terra firma was of no great width at any point, and
the great seas of the earth nowhere very far apart.
The universality of this opinion among all nations is
illustrated by the fact that the early charters of the
INTRODUCTORY.
17
English colonies extend their limits westward to the
South Sea, with no knowledge as to whether it might
be a 100 or a 1,000 miles distant, but in a belief that
would have been shocked if any one had suggested that
it was giving them an area 2,500 miles in length.
The explorer of those days was travelling entirely
in the dark. Nothing in more modern times has been
similar to, or can again resemble, the uncertainty and
romance of those early expeditions. For the recent ex-
plorers of Africa, for example, had a perfect knowledge
of the shape of the exterior of the continent, and knew
exactly what tribes lived on each shore, and what rivers
emptied into each ocean. All that was left as a terra
incognita was a certain area in the center, and that of
known length and breadth. But the early explorers of
America literally knew nothing of the land they entered.
It was absolutely virgin soil. They might find impass-
able mountains or enormous lakes; they might have to
traverse almost interminable deserts, or discover rivers
whose width would forbid their crossing; they might
chance upon gigantic volcanoes, or find themselves on
the shore of the ultimate ocean. And as to inhabitants
and products they were equally ignorant.
We are sometimes induced to smile at the marvelous
stories related by some of the older explorers, at their
still more extravagant expectations, and the credulity
with which everything (however exaggerated or unnat-
ural) relating to the new continent was believed. But
we must remember that it was a day of real marvels,
and that nothing could well be imagined more extraor-
dinary and unexpected than those things which had
already been discovered as realities. An entire new
world had been opened to the enterprise, the curiosity,
the cupidity, and the benevolence of mankind. It is
as if to-day a ready mode of access to the moon were
discovered, and the first adventurers to the lunar re-
gions had returned laden with diamonds, and bearing
18
INTRODUCTORY.
tidings of riches and wonders far beyond the wildest
imagination of former generations. Just so the early
explorers had returned to the Eastward, telling of the
marvels of the new Indies; of the luxuriant vegetation,
the vast extent, the untold riches, the silver and the
gold, of the western continent. As one adventurous
explorer followed another, new discoveries were con-
stantly made; each apparently exceeding its prede-
cessor in importance, in riches, and in glory. Ameri-
cus Vespucius landed on the main-land of the south,
and the Cabots and Verrazani skirted the shores of the
northern parts of the continent. Then Cortez discov-
ered and conquered the great empire of the Montezu-
mas, and Pizarro subdued the rich dominion of the
Incas. The wealth of these two fallen kingdoms was
a marvel, as the accumulated treasures of generations
fell into the hands of the conquerors as it were in a
moment.
After such discoveries, what might not be expected?
When the realities already known so far surpassed all
former extravagance of imagination, why might not the
future bring forth things even more surprising? Why
might not kingdoms be found as far transcending Mex-
ico and Peru as those kingdoms exceeded the barbarism
and poverty of the savage inhabitants of some of the
first-discovered islands? There was nothing impossible
in this, nor illogical in the anticipation; and this
should be borne in mind in reading of the later expedi-
tions into the interior of the continent, of the readiness
with which stories of marvelous riches and stores of
gold and precious stones were credited, and of the eager-
ness with which men braved danger and hardship in
the venturesome expeditions of that day.
And another element is not to be overlooked, and
that is the religious one. In many hearts this was a
strong, impelling principle. Here were unknown hea-
then nations to be brought to the knowledge of the
INTRODUCTORY.
19
faith; here were untold thousands of souls to be saved.
In this view it was the old spirit of the Crusaders that
was aroused. As men left their homes, abandoned their
property, deserted their families and friends, and en-
countered every form of difficulty and danger to rescue
the tomb of the Lord from the dominion of the unbe-
lievers; so, a little later, others imbued with the same
martyr spirit were ready to venture all and suffer even
death to carry a knowledge of Christianity to heathen
tribes.
With these facts in our minds, we can better under-
stand how it was that, within twenty years after the
fall of Montezuma, Castilian enterprise and prowess
had penetrated more than 1,500 miles to the north,
over mountain and desert, to the Land of the Seven
Cities, and how, later on, they travelled hundreds of
miles further into the interior, in search of new lands
to conquer, new riches to acquire, and new tribes to
christianize.
CHAPTER II.
T
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
HE origin of the aboriginal inhabitants of New
Mexico as found by Cabeza de Vaca, Coronado, and
the other early travellers and explorers, and as existing
to-day in the persons of the Pueblo Indians, is involved
in such obscurity that nothing certain can be positively
asserted of it. We have, in the description given by
the first Europeans who penetrated the country, the
pictures of populous communities, occupying the val-
ley of the Rio Grande and its branches, and extending
westward as far as Zuñi and Moqui, entirely different
in character from the nomadic tribes of the plains, but
so analogous to each other as to show a common origin
and early history. Their villages were alike in all im-
portant respects, in the material, the height and pe-
culiar terrace form of the houses, in the smallness of
the rooms and the presence of estufas, in the methods
of ingress and of defense. Their dress was similar,
their customs identical, their agricultural products the
same, their pottery uniform in general design and orna-
mentation. In all these respects they were unlike the
tribes which surrounded them, and more similar to the
civilized people of Mexico than to any who dwelt
nearer. This is not the place to trace out all the feat-
ures of resemblance, although the subject is one so
interesting and inviting that it is difficult to forego its
discussion; but suffice it to say that everything in
analogy, as well as in tradition, points to the truth of
the words of Baron von Humboldt, where he says:
"Everything in these countries appears to announce
traces of the cultivation of the ancient Mexicans.
We
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
21
are informed, even by Indian traditions, that twenty
leagues north from the Moqui, near the mouth of the
Rio Zaguananæ, the banks of the Nabajoa were the
first abode of the Aztecs after their departure from
Aztlan. On considering the civilization which exists
on several points of the north-west coast of America,
in the Moqui, and on the banks of the Gila, we are
tempted to believe (and I venture to repeat it here) that
at the period of the migration of the Toultecs, the
Acolhues, and the Aztecs, several tribes separated from
the great mass of the people to establish themselves in
these northern regions."
Without going into any details of early Mexican
history, which would be out of place here, it is well to
remember a few leading facts. The Toltecs started on
their southern pilgrimage from the old home at Hue-
huetlapallan in the far north-west, in the year 1 Tecpatl,
which Clavigero considers equivalent to 596 of our era.
"In every place to which they came," says that author,
"they remained no longer than they liked it, or were
easily accommodated with provisions. When they de-
termined to make a longer stay they erected houses, and
sowed the land with corn, cotton, and other plants, the
seeds of which they had carried along with them to
supply their necessities. In this wandering manner
did they travel, always southward, for the space of 104
years, till they arrived at a place to which they gave
the name of Tollantzinco, about fifty miles to the east of
that spot where some centuries after was founded the
famous city of Mexico." Twenty years later they
moved forty miles westward and founded the city of Tol-
lan, or Tula, named after their native country, and which
continued as their capital. Gondra makes the date of
their arrival in Anahuac 648, and the foundation of
Tula 670; but for some reason he states the year of their
departure from the north as 544, or just a Mexican
century (fifty-two years) earlier than the chronology of
22
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
แ
Clavigero. After them came the Chichimecas, likewise
from the north, where their country was called Ama-
quemecan (Mr. Short says Amaquetepic," probably
meaning the "Mountain of the Moquis'), marching
under Xolotl, the brother of their king, who had heard
of the rich country to the south and was determined to
found an independent empire. They were a less civil-
ized and more violent people than the Toltecs, and
Torquemada says that before the migration they lived
in caves in the mountains, which may have some con-
nection with our cave and cliff dwellings. They were
soon succeeded by the three princes of the Acolhuan
nation, with a great host of followers, coming from
Tenoacolhuacan, which we are told was near Ama-
quemecan, and who by marriage with the daughters of
King Xolotl became dominant in the valley of Mexico.
And last came the Aztecs, who left their home in
Aztlan, which Clavigero says was "a country situated.
to the north of the Gulf of California, according to what
appears from the route they pursued in their migra-
tion." They crossed the Colorado River and proceeded
as far as the Gila, where they remained for some time;
the Casa Grande, of Arizona, now so well known.
through the descriptions of Emory, Bartlett, and others,
and the sketches of Ross Browne, and at which both
Marcos de Niza and Coronado stopped, being part of the
remains of their city. From thence they journeyed to the
place called the Casas Grandes, in Chihuahua, "where,"
says Clavigero, "the immense edifice still existing is
constructed on the plan of those of New Mexico; that
is, consisting of three floors with a terrace above them,
and without any entrance to the under floor. The door
for entrance to the building is on the second floor, so
that a scaling-ladder is necessary; and the inhabitants.
of New Mexico build in this manner, in order to be less
exposed to the attacks of their enemies-putting out
the scaling-ladder only for those to whom they give
1
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
23
admission to their house." The famous picture which
was afterwards shown by Don Carlos de Siguenza to
Dr. Gemeli Careri, in 1698, and copied in the history of
the travels of the latter, and more recently reproduced.
in the interesting work on Mexican antiquities by the
learned Ysidro R. Gondra, in Mexico, gives a graphic
representation of the wanderings of the Aztecs from the
time of their leaving Aztlan until their final settlement
in Mexico. The date of the commencement of this
migration is given by Clavigero at 1170, and Boturnini,
Veitia, etc., make it 1168; but there seems to be an error
respecting this, for Gama puts it at 1064, and Humboldt,
who had the benefit of all the earlier researches, at 1038;
the principal discrepancy arising from the omission by
the former writers of two Mexican centuries amounting
to 104 years.
The historical picture referred to was found on a
sheet of maguey paper, thirty-three inches long by
twenty-one in width, and hieroglyphically represents
each of the places at which the Aztecs remained for any
length of time during their journey. After a repre-
sentation of an ancient flood, in which only one man
and one woman were saved, and in the history of which
a dove plays an important part, the picture presents the
march of the Aztecs from "a place of magpies," (called
by Gondra “flamingoes "), through "a place of grottoes,"
"a place of the death's head," "the woody place of the
eagle," "chalco, the place of the precious stone," "the
place of passes," "a whirlpool where the river is swal-
lowed," etc., to the final arrival at Chapultepec, "the
hill of grasshoppers," to which they came in 1245.
The legend of their seeing the eagle perched on the
cactus, and in obedience to that omen determining to
found their capital on that spot, gave rise to the emblem
on the Mexican coat-of-arms, and is well known; but
can be no more than thus briefly alluded to in this place.
Whether the aborigines of New Mexico are of Toltec
24
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
or Aztec origin, there can be little doubt that they are
a portion of one or the other of these nations that for
some reason was left behind in the great migrations. It
will be observed that all of the successive waves of pop-
ulation that succeeded each other in Mexico came from
the north-west. They all appear to have taken about
the same route through Arizona. Their journeys were
not continuous, nor with any predetermined plan as to
the locality of ultimate settlement. On the contrary,
they sometimes occupied centuries, and the moving na-
tion stopped for many years at places which suited its
convenience or its fancy. There is nothing unnatural
in the supposition that an offshoot from the Toltecs or
the Aztecs settled along the rivers of New Mexico, while
the main body of their people was in that vicinity, and
when the general migration continued still farther to
the southward, remained contentedly in the homes they
had established. In no other way can we account for
the existence of an intelligent people, living in great
houses of excellent workmanship and most admirably
adapted for defense against all the weapons of that day;
with successful agriculture, skillful manufacturers, and
an excellent system of government; - existing in the
midst of the savage and wandering tribes without home
or property, who surrounded them. And their own tra-
ditions, though vague and unsatisfactory, all point to
the same origin. The name of Montezuma runs through
all of these (not generally referring to the king whom
we are accustomed to identify with that name, but to
the great chief of the golden or heroic age—the demi-
god of their earliest traditions, watching over them
from heaven and waiting to come again to bring to
them victory and a period of millenial glory and hap-
piness). They call themselves the People of Montezuma,
or the Children of the Sun; for the sun was the real ob-
ject of their adoration. The use of the estufa for re-
ligious and other important purposes is universal, and
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
25
its origin is attributed to Montezuma.
The little idol
representing God seen at one of the pueblos, and de-
scribed by W. W. H. Davis, was called Montezuma.
Their ancient dramatic dances generally represent
Montezuma and Malinche.
One tradition is that they came from Shipop in the
far north-west, beyond the sources of the most distant
branches of the Rio Grande. They were wanderers and
lived in caves and sheltered cañons. For awhile they
sojourned at Acoma, the birthplace of Montezuma, who
became their ruler and guide. He taught them to
build pueblos with lofty houses, and to construct es-
tufas wherein was to be kept the sacred fire, ever
guarded by chosen priests. Pecos was founded by him,
and here for a long time he dwelt. He planted a tall
tree, saying that when he disappeared a foreign race
would tyrannize over his people, and there would also
be lack of rain; but they were constantly to watch the
sacred fire until that tree should fall, when white men
would appear from the East to overthrow their oppress-
ors; then he would himself return to reign, and peace,
with plenty and great riches, would prevail. And this
they say was in part fulfilled by the coming of the
Americans; and that the sacred tree fell as Gen. Kear-
ney entered Santa Fé.
The fire in the estufa at Pecos was carefully guarded
for hundreds of years, by vigils which grew in rigor as
the number of participants decreased, until less than
half a century ago the Indians at that pueblo became
so reduced in numbers that they determined to abandon
their home, and preserving the sacred fire with jealous
and untiring care, they carried it still burning to the
pueblo of Jemez, where their own language was spoken.
and where they and their descendants still live.
Lieut. Simpson relates that Hosta, his guide, and a
very intelligent Pueblo Indian, said of the great
pueblos in the Chaco valley, that "they were built by
26
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
Montezuma and his people when on their way from
the north to the region of the Rio Grande and to Old
Mexico," and, "that after being there for a while they
dispersed, some of them going east and settling on the
Rio Grande, and others south into Old Mexico." Mr.
Short, in his "North Americans of Antiquity," says:
"The many-sided culture-hero of the Pueblos, Monte-
zuma, is the centre of a group of the most poetic myths
found in ancient American mythology. The Pueblos
believed in a supreme being—a good spirit, so exalted
and worthy of reverence that his name was considered
too sacred to mention, as with the ancient Hebrews
Jehovah's was the 'unmentionable name.' Nevertheless,
Montezuma was the equal of this great spirit, and was.
often considered identical with the Sun. The variety
of aspects in which Montezuma is presented to us is due
to the fact that each tribe of the Pueblos had its partic-
ular legends concerning his birth and achievements.
Many places in New Mexico claim the honor of his
nativity at a period long before those village-builders
were acquainted with the arts of architecture which
have since given them their distinguishing name; in
fact, this culture-god was none other than the genius
who introduced the knowledge of building among them.
Some traditions, however, make him the ancestor and
even the creator of the race; others its prophet, leader,
and lawgiver." Mr. Bancroft says, on the same subject:
“Under restrictions, we may fairly regard him as the
Melchizedek, the Moses, and the Messiah of these Pueblo.
desert-wanderers from an Egypt that history is ignorant
of, and whose name even tradition whispers not. He
taught his people how to build cities with tall houses,
to construct estufas, or semi-sacred sweat-houses, and to
kindle and guard the sacred fire." It has been aptly
remarked by Mr. Tyler, that Montezuma was the great
somebody" of the tribe to whom the qualities and
achievements of every other were attributed. The
66
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
27
legends of Montezuma are almost innumerable, and as
various and contradictory as could well be imagined.
In some of them an abrupt connection takes place be-
tween Montezuma, the demi-god of the golden age, and
Montezuma who was conquered by Cortez; but no doubt
the latter idea was engrafted after the Spanish occupa-
tion.
At some of the pueblos are old documents which are
apparently legends of the conquest of Mexico. These
are held in great veneration, and are guarded most care-
fully against the prying eye of the stranger. Meline,
in his "Two Thousand Miles on Horseback," quotes one
of these which was with great difficulty obtained for a
few minutes by the Indian Agent, Major Greiner, in
1862, at the San Juan Pueblo, and of which he made a
hasty copy. The following are a few passages to show
the style, although the legend is probably not of very
ancient origin, and seems to include matter suggested
by the early priests in order to lessen the opposition to
the introduction of Christianity. It opens with Cortez
as speaker: "They will respect and obey me in what-
ever I will command. I will teach them the law of Jesus
Christ, God of Heaven, him unto whom all should ren-
der infinite thanks for the benefaction about to be
received by the Children of the Sun; that they should
always cheerfully receive the waters of baptism."
"From this issued much pleasure among all the people,
dances taking place in which there was shown no ran-
cor against the Children of the Sun; and seeing this,
the King Montezuma said to the great Cortez that as
his children had so much joy in being transferred to
the control of Cortez, he charged him that he would
treat them with great kindness." "Cortez said to the
King, 'I wish you to tell me concerning how many prov-
inces has New Mexico, and its mines of gold and silver.'
The monarch said, 'I will respond to you forever as you
have to me. I command this province, which is the
28
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
first of New Mexico, the Pueblo of Teguayo, which gov-
crns 102 pueblos. There is a great mine near by, in
which they cut with stone hatchets the gold of my
crown. The great province of Zuñi, where was born
the great Malinche. This pueblo is very large, full of
Indians of light complexion who are governed well.
In this province is a silver mine, and its capital con-
trols eighteen pueblos. The province of Moqui. The
province of the Navajoes. The great province of the
Gran Quivira, that governs the pueblos of the Queres
and the Taños. These provinces have different tongues,
which only La Malinche understands. The province of
Acoma, in which is a silver mine in a blackish colored
hill.' Seeing this, the great monarch sent Malinche to
these provinces to new conquests."
As will appear further on, when the Europeans first
entered the country the natives were found living in
well-built cities of stone and adobe, composed of houses
from three to five stories high, usually built around a
plaza, the stories decreasing in size at each floor, so that
the whole pueblo was of a terrace shape. Their number.
was then very large. If Espejo's figures are correct,
the population must have been nearly or quite 300,000,
as he counts 234,000 in the nine provinces of which he
states the population; and this does not include Zuñi,
nor the first two that he passed through on the river.
Probably this is considerably exaggerated, but yet no
one can be acquainted with the vast ruins which exist
all over the country from the cañons of the Colorado,
the San Juan, the Chelly, and the Chaco, at Abiquiu,
Ojo Caliente, and all through the valley of the Rio
Grande, to the now desert country of the south-east
around Gran Quivira-without recognizing that a nu-
merous, intelligent, and industrious people lived there
before the Christians ever heard of the Seven Cities of
Cibola; and it is not extravagant to put the population
at 150,000 at least.
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
29
The architecture of the Pueblos was analogous to
that of the Aztecs of Mexico; and indeed as nearly sim-
ilar as the varied circumstances relative to material and
the requirements for defense would permit. They were
constructed of adobe, of cobble-stones and adobe mortar,
of hewn stone and mortar, or of matched stone, carefully
put together without mortar, as the case might be. At
Quarra the walls yet standing show the buildings to
have been of red sandstone, the pieces used being not
more than two inches thick, the walls two feet wide,
and the outer face dressed off to a plain surface. The
walls of Abó, according to Lieut. Abert's description,
were "beautifully finished, so that no architect could
improve the exact smoothness of their exterior surface.”
The ruins west of the Rio Grande, near San Yldefonso,
are of buildings made of blocks of lava or malpais,
roughly squared and put together with adobe mortar;
the blocks are comparatively small. Some of the great
pueblos on the Chaco (first described by Lieut. Simpson
in 1849) were built of tabular pieces of sandstone, laid
with adobe mortar; the stones being from three to six
inches in thickness, and from six to eighteen inches in
length. The Pueblo Bonito showed great beauty and
precision in its masonry. The material was a firm,
hard, gray sandstone, in blocks of a uniform thickness
of three inches, and laid without mortar; the joints are
always carefully broken, and the crevices between the
ends filled with thin pieces of stone, not over one-fourth
of an inch thick. In the Pueblo of Peñasco Blanco the
manner of building was "a regular alternation of large
and small stones, the effect of which is both unique and
beautiful. The largest stones, which are about one foot
in length and one-half foot in thickness, form but a
single bed, and then alternating with these, are three
or four beds of very small stones, each about an inch in
thickness." These ruins in the Cañons of Chaco and
Chelly are of special interest because there is no possi-
30
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
bility of Spanish influence on the architecture, as there
may have been at Quarra and Abó.
The general design of all the great pueblos was the
same. They were communal buildings, or as some late
archæologists word it, "joint-tenement houses." They
contained from 50 to 500 apartments, and would ac.
commodate from 200 to 1,000 inhabitants. A whole
town was contained in one building; or rather, perhaps,
we should say, all the houses of a town were built to-
gether, forming one continuous structure. In this they
resembled the edifices further to the south. "From
Zuñi to Cuzco," says Mr. L. H Morgan, "at the time of
the Spanish conquest, the mode of domestic life in all
these joint-tenant houses must have been substantially
the same." Speaking of the Pueblo of Hungo Pavie
(which Simpson's Report describes as 300 feet long,
with wings each 144 feet in length, three stories high,
in terrace form, and built of stone, the first story con-
taining seventy-two apartments, the second forty-
eight, and the third twenty-four) Mr. Morgan says:
"We may recognize in this edifice a substantial re-
production of the miscalled 'palace' of Montezuma
in the Pueblo of Mexico, which, like this, was con-
structed upon the three sides of a court, in the
terraced form, and two stories high. In the light
which these New Mexican houses throw upon those of
the Mexicans, the house occupied by Montezuma is seen
to have been a joint-tenement house of the American
model. It is therefore unnecessary to call any of these
structures palaces in order to account for their size, or
to assume a condition of society in which the palace of
the ruler was built by the forced labor of his subjects.”
Some of the pueblo edifices were of great size.
Among those in the Chaco Cañon that of Wege-gi
was 700 feet in circumference, and contained 99
rooms; Chethro - Kettle, 1,300 feet, and 124 rooms;
Peñasco Blanco, 1,700 feet, and 112 rooms on ground-
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
31
floor; and the Pueblo Bonito was 544 feet long, 314 in
width, and contained 641 rooms. The ruined Pueblo of
Chipillo, west of San Yldefonso, measures 320 feet by
300, surrounding a plaza containing two estufas; and
the Cuesta Blanca Pueblo, not far distant, is 450 feet in
length. The ruins of most of these buildings, and not-
ably those in the Chaco Cañon and Cañon de Chelly,
agrce exactly with Castañeda's description of the large
pueblos which Coronado visited in the Rio Grande val-
ley; as they were built around courts, with a high,
straight wall on the outside, without openings for either
doors or windows, and terraced in stories on the inside
like an amphitheatre. All were furnished with estufas,
some as large as sixty feet in diameter, and frequently
considerable in number. Speaking of the analogy be-
tween these buildings and those of Mexico and Central
America, Mr. Morgan says: "These seem to have been
the finest structures north of Yucatan, and the largest
ever erected by the Indians of North America. There
is no reason for supposing that the Pueblo of Mexico
contained any structures superior to them in character."
What gives special interest to the pueblo dwellings
of New Mexico is that nowhere else on the continent
are buildings still inhabited precisely as they were.
when Columbus discovered America. In several in-
stances, as at Taos and in the western pueblos, the
people are now living in identically the same houses.
which were then occupied. "These pueblos," says the
author last above quoted, "were contemporary with the
Pueblo of Mexico, captured by Cortez in 1520." The
buildings at Taos are about 250 feet long, 130 feet deep,
and five stories high. While they are irregular in form,
and rudely built in comparison with some of those de-
scribed by Castañeda and the stone structures of the
Chaco, yet they preserve the general idea and the an-
cient manner of living in all essential respects. An-
other point of similarity between the pueblos of New
32
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
Mexico and those situated farther south, is the custom
of building on the tops of hills, or mesas. This was the
usual course with the older pueblos in New Mexico, the
great majority of the ruined villages being so situated.
Acoma is the best illustration among existing pueblos;
but Zuñi, the town on the "Moro," and many ruins in
the valley of the Rio Grande and its tributaries, show
how usual it was in the days when safety had to be con-
sidered more than convenience a number being so
situated as to be practicably impregnable. It is well
known that similar situations were selected for many
Mexican pueblos.
When the Spaniards first settled in the country, the
pueblos were divided into four groups, by reason mainly
of difference of language. These were the Piros, Teguas,
Queres, and Taños. Such a distinction still exists-
five entirely distinct languages (not dialects of one
language) being in use. So far as existing pueblos are
concerned this division is as follows:
1. Santa Ana, San Felipe, Cochiti, Santo Domingo,
Acoma, Zia, and Laguna.
2. San Juan, Santa Clara, San Yldefonso, Nambe
Pojuaque, and Tesuque.
3. Taos, Picuris, Sandia, and Isleta.
4. Jemez.
5. Zuni.
The first represent the Queres group, the second the
Teguas, and the third the Piros. In the early records
the Zuñis and Moquis are counted as belonging to the
Queres, and they were probably originally of the same
stock.
Several curious features are presented by this subject,
the first being the fact itself of this very difference in
language among a people in other respects almost
entirely identical, possessing the same appearance,
customs, mode of living, manufactures and agriculture.
The language of the Tegua towns is almost entirely
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
33
monosyllabic; the words in the Queres group are
usually of two syllables, and the language of the Piros
rejoices in words of extraordinary length, as does also
that of Zuñi. Take as an example the word "earth,"
one of the first employed in any language. In Queres
it is hah-ats; in Tegua, nah; in Piros, pah-han-nah; in
Jemez, dock-ah; in Zuñi, ou-lock-nan-nay. What is
very singular is that the distribution of these languages
is not geographical; that the groups are not compact.
divisions, but lap over each other in the situation of
their towns. For example, at Taos in the north and
Isleta in the south, the same language is spoken; but
between them are all the Tegua towns and many of the
Queres, covering the most of the central valley of the
Rio Grande. Again, the language spoken at Pecos was
identical with that used at Jemez, but none of the inter-
vening pueblos were acquainted with it; so that when
the former Pueblo of Pecos was abandoned by its in-
habitants, they had to pass by the Queres pueblos of
Santo Domingo, Santa Ana, Zia, etc., before finding a
resting-place where their speech was intelligible. The
languages are so entirely different that the people of
different pueblos, not of the same nation, usually talk to
each other in Spanish, with which all are more or less
acquainted.
The Taños pueblos are all extinct, not one remaining
to represent this once powerful nation. These were
situated along the Galisteo, and south of it, including
probably Abó, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, and at one
time were numerous, thickly populated, and influential.
Espejo estimated the number of Taños Indians at 40,000;
though this was probably an exaggeration. Several
of these pueblos existed during the earlier Spanish
occupation, but they appear to have been destroyed or
abandoned in the wars between the Pueblos that were
so fatal to the native races and towns during the years
of the Indian supremacy, from 1681 to 1693. The one
34
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
whose locality is best known to modern travellers is the
Pueblo of San Marcos, though San Lazaro and San
Cristobal are frequently mentioned in the earlier
histories.
In the time of Coronado's expedition, there were
seventy pueblos, according to Castañeda's list, as fol-
lows: Cibola, 7; Tucaya, 7; Acuco, 1; Tiguex, 12;
Tutahaco, 8; Quivix, 7; Snowy Mountains, 7; Ximena,
3; Cicuyé, 1; Jemez, 7; Aguas Calientes, 3; Yuque-
yunque, 6; Braba, 1; Chia, 1. Forty years afterward,
Espejo described the provinces, and so far as can be as-
certained the number of pueblos had slightly increased.
He enumerated them as follows: On the Rio Grande,
near Isleta, 10; Teguas, 14; province on the west ad-
joining Cibola, 11; Queres, 5; Cunames (Zia, etc.), 5;
Amies, 7; Acoma, 1-being fifty-three in all; to which
are to be added those of the provinces that he describes,
but neglects to state the number of villages in, as Cibola,
or Zuñi, which we can call seven, Zaguate and the
other Moqui towns, which were five, and the provinces
of the Tubians and the Taños, whose population he
placed at 25,000 and 40,000, respectively, which, at the
usual ratio, would represent twenty-five or thirty
pueblos, but which was no doubt largely exaggerated
as he gave the figures from hearsay, and probably did
not represent more than fifteen. Calling the number in
these two nations fifteen would give us eighty pueblos
in all, existing in 1582. At the present they are reduced
in numbers to twenty-five, being nineteen in the valley
of the Rio Grande and its tributaries; one at Zuñi and
the five Moqui towns; which latter have been the least
disturbed in the course of centuries. How or when
did the number become so greatly reduced? Partly, we
believe, by the consolidation of small neighboring
pueblos into one, during the Spanish occupation, and
more largely by the destruction and abandonment of
villages in the wars between themselves, which occurred
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
35
in the period of the Pueblo control, from 1681 to 1696.
The decree of the Emperor Charles V., issued from
Cigales, March 21, 1551, specially looking to the concen-
tration of the peaceful native population into a moder-
ate number of towns, took effect of course in New Mexico,
as soon as it was under Spanish control. The object,
which was spiritual as well as temporal, is set forth in
the decree as follows,-
"The effort has been made with much care, and
particular attention, to make use of such means as are
most suitable for the instruction of the Indians in the
Holy Catholic faith and spiritual law, to the end that,
forgetting their ancient rites and ceremonies, they might
live in fellowship under established rule; and in order
that this object might be obtained with the greatest cer-
tainty, the members of our council of the Indies, and other
religious persons, on different occasions met together,
and in the year 1546, by order of the Emperor Charles.
V., of glorious memory, there convened the prelates of
New Spain, who, desiring to render service to God and
ourselves, resolved that the Indians should be brought
to settle-reduced to pueblos-and that they should not
live divided and separated by mountains and hills,
depriving themselves of all benefit, spiritual or tem-
poral, without aid from our agents, and that assistance
which human wants require men mutually to render
one another.
"And in order that the propriety of this resolution
might be recognized, the kings, judges, presidents, and
governors were charged and commanded by different
orders of the kings, our predecessors, that with much
mildness and moderation they should carry into effect.
the reduction, settlement, and instruction of the In-
dians, acting with so much justice and delicacy that with-
out causing any difficulty a motive might be presented
to those who could not be brought to settle, in the hope
that as soon as they witnessed the good treatment and
36
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
protection of such as had been reduced to pueblos, they
might consent to offer themselves of their own accord;
and whereas the above was executed in the larger part
of our Indies, therefore we ordain and command that
in all the other portions care be taken that it be carried
into effect, and the agents should urge it according to,
and in the form declared by, the laws of this title.”
This decree was intended, at the time, for the prov-
inces of New Spain, to the south, but there can be little
doubt, from various circumstances, that it was acted on
in New Mexico during the seventeenth century, and
resulted in the consolidation of numbers of small, ad-
jacent pueblos, bringing the people to the central village,
in which was the church, and the priest, and the local
civil authority. The great reduction in the number of
the native villages took place, however, during the brief
period of Pueblo government, after the expulsion of the
Spaniards in 1681. When Vargas made the reconquest,
twelve to fifteen years later, he found ruined and aban-
doned pueblos everywhere. Mutual jealousies, and the
struggle for food caused by the successive failures of
crops, had caused almost constant wars, in which villages
had been destroyed by the enemy, or abandoned by their
inhabitants in advance of a siege. The result was, that
at the time of the final pacification under Spanish au-
thority, say in 1696, the number of pueblos differed very
little from that existing at present. The official list
made by Governor Mendoza in May, 1742, is as follows
(exclusive of the Moquis),—
"Taos, Picuries, San Juan, San Ildefonso, Santa
Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, and Tesuque, north of Santa
Fé; Pecos east, and Galisteo south of Santa Fé; Cochiti,
Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Zia, Jemez,
Laguna, Acoma, Zuñi, and Isleta south or west of
Santa Fé."
In 1796, and again in 1798, the missionaries in
charge made reports of the population of the different
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
37
pueblos, in which the lists of villages only differ from
the above in the dropping of Galisteo and the addition
of Sandia and Abiquiu Galisteo had been abandoned
in the interval (the remaining inhabitants having re-
moved to Santo Domingo, with whose people they had
extensively intermarried), and Sandia had been estab-
lished under peculiar circumstances, which will be here-
after referred to. At Abiquiu 176 Indians are stated
to live, but whether at the pueblo on the hill (now de-
serted and in ruins), or in connection with the Spanish
town, does not appear. 124 Indians are also reported at
Belen. The total Pueblo population at the time, ac-
cording to these statistics, was 9,453 in 1796, and 9,732
in 1798. In 1805 Governor Alencaster prepared a com-
plete census of all the inhabitants of New Mexico (di-
vided by races), according to which the Spanish popu-
lation was 26,805, and the Pueblos 8,172. The list of
pueblos, with their mission names and population, ap-
pearing in his report, is as follows:-
San Geronimo de Taos...
San Lorenzo de Picuries.....
San Juan de los Caballeros....
Santo Tomas de Abiquiu....
508
250
194
134
Santa Clara......
186
San Ildefonso..
175
San Francisco de Nambe.
143
N. S. de Guadalupe de Pojuaque..
100
San Diego de Tesuque.....
131
N. S. de los Angeles de Pecos.
104
San Buena Ventura de Cochiti..
656
Santo Domingo..
333
San Felipe...
289
N. S. de los Dolores de Sandia..
314
San Diego de Jemez.....
264
N. S. de la Asumpcion de Zia
254
Santa Ana
450
...
San Agustin del Isleta....
N. S. de Belen......
San Estevan de Acoma....
San Josef de La Laguna.
419
107
731
940
N. S. de Guadalupe de Zuni…....
1470
Both Abiquiu and Belen are reported with large
Spanish populations, so that it does not appear whether
38
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
;
the Indians were in separate pueblos there or not. This
list, it will be observed, agrees perfectly with that of
1796. The report of Lieut. Whipple (Pacific R. R. Sur-
veys, 35° parallel) contains the same list, with the addi-
tion of Cuyamangue and Chilili. But their insertion
was a mistake, as both were destroyed in the Pueblo
revolt 160 years before. An old deed in. che archives at
Santa Fé refers to "Cuyamangue, a pueblo abandoned
and in ruin, since the insurrection in 1696 by the native
Tegua Indians of said pueblo." Since Gov. Alencaster's
census, no change has taken place, except in the abandon-
ment of the Pueblo of Pecos by the removal of its surviv-
ing inhabitants to Jemez. We are, therefore, safe in
saying that the Pueblo towns exist to-day as they did
at the final reconquest in 1696, with the exception of
abandonment of Galisteo and Pecos, and possibly of the
pueblo near Abiquiu, and the establishment of Sandia;
the great reduction in numbers as previously stated,
havingtaken place in the 17th century.
The circumstances of the establishment of the Pueblo
of Sandia, which is the only modern one, were as follows:
In 1748 Friar Juan Miguel Meuchero, Preacher and
Delegate, Commissary General, made a petition to the
Governor, in which he stated that for six years he had
been engaged in missionary work among the Indians,
and had "converted and gained over 350 souls from here
to the Puerco River, which I have brought from the
Moqui Pueblos; bringing with me the cacique of these
Moqui Pueblos for the purpose of establishing their
pueblo at the place called Sandia," and thereupon asked
for possession of the land at that point "so as to pre-
vent any converts from returning to apostasy." There-
upon the Governor made the desired grant, and the new
pueblo was established in due form by the name of
"Our Lady of Sorrows and Saint Anthony of Sandia."
From the beginning the Spanish authorities sought
first to conciliate, and afterwards to protect the pueblos
**
THE PUEBLO ABORIGINES.
39
by confirming to them considerable tracts of land
around each village. The decree of Philip II., in June,
1587, had special reference to this subject, and the
limits were afterwards extended until in most cases the
pueblo land constituted a square-measured one league
in each direction from the parish church.
In local government the pueblos have always been
practically independent; each one elects annually a
governor, a war captain, and a fiscal, and in each is a
cacique, usually an aged man, who holds his position for
life, and is consulted on all matters of special importance.
These officials govern the community according to their
own rules of justice, and to this time no criminal com-
plaint has ever been made by one Pueblo Indian against.
another in any Territorial court. Industrious, frugal,
honest, and hospitable, they still retain the character-
istics which were noticeable in the days of Cabeza de
Vaca and Coronado, and remain in the midst of surround-
ing changes the most interesting existing illustration
of the higher aboriginal life of the native American
people.
CHAPTER III.
CABEZA DE VACA.
THE first European to set foot on New Mexican soil,
to meet with any of its original inhabitants, and
see the "fixed habitations" in which they dwelt, was
Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, who came not as a con-
queror, a missionary, or even an explorer, but by an ac-
cident, which led him through this portion of the con-
tinent while endeavoring to reach some European settle-
ment, after long years of wanderings, sufferings, and
virtual imprisonment. He came of noble lineage, and
held many high positions, but that which carries his
name down on the page of history most securely is his
brief connection with New Mexico. Here his name
stands at the head of the roll, his narration is the first
written word descriptive of the country and its people;
he can claim to be its discoverer, and the father of all
Europeans who came after. Among the people of New
Mexico his name will always be held in veneration, and
every circumstance connected with his famous journey
be considered of interest. On this account, and because
it so thoroughly illustrates the methods of the early
Spanish expeditions and conquests, and the condition
of the natives in various sections surrounding New
Mexico, as well as within its borders, we give it an ex-
tended space.
The expedition of Panphilo de Narvaez set sail from
San Lucar de Barrameda, on the 17th of June, 1527; its
object being the conquest and colonization of the main-
land of Florida, Narvaez having been empowered by the
Emperor Charles V. to take possession of all the coun-
try from the Rio de la Palsmas to the southerly ex-
CABEZA DE VACA.
41
tremity of Florida, and to assume the government
thereof. This Rio de las Palmas was on the east coast
of Mexico, 100 leagues north of Vera Cruz, so that the
country which was to be occupied and governed em-
braced all of the present States of the Union bordering
on the Gulf of Mexico, besides a part of north-eastern
Mexico itself; in which was included New Mexico.
The principal officers of the fleet, under the Governor,
were Cabeza de Vaca, who was Treasurer of the expedi-
tion, and had the title of High Sheriff; Alonzo Enri-
quez, Comptroller; Alonzo de Solis, Royal Distributor
and Assessor; and for spiritual duties, five Franciscan.
Friars, headed by Juan Xuarez, who was also Com-
missary.
The manner in which the expedition was under-
taken appears from the petition of Narvaez to the
king of Spain, and the order made thereupon; all
of which are still in the "Archivo de Indias" at
Seville. The following extracts from the petition
quaintly show the objects and ambition of the leader:
"SACRED CÆSAREAN CATHOLIC MAJESTY: In-as-much
as I, Panfilo de Narvaez, have ever had and still have the
intention of serving God and Your Majesty, I desire to
go in person with my means to a certain country on
the main of the Ocean Sea. I propose chiefly to traffic
with the natives of the coast, and to take thither re-
ligious men and ecclesiastics, approved of your Royal
Council of the Indies, that they may make known and
plant the Christian Faith. I shall observe fully what
your Council require and ordain to the ends of serving
God and Your Highness, and for the good of your sub-
jects. I propose to undertake this in person, with my
experience in those countries, and when the occasion
shall present itself, to the extent of my property, which,
to God be the praise, I have to employ in that enter-
prise, and am ready to make manifest when that shall
become necessary. I ask that the subjugation of the
42
CABEZA DE VACA.
:
countries from the Rio de Palmas to Florida might be
given me, where I would explore, conquer, populate,
and discover all there is to be found of Florida in those
parts, at my cost; and to that end I beg Your High-
ness to bestow on me as follows: Your Majesty be
pleased to make me Governor and Chief Justice for my
term of life, and Captain General, with adequate salary
for each. I entreat Your Majesty to confer on me the
High Constabulary of said lands I shall people in your
Royal name, for me, my heirs, and successors. I entreat
Your Majesty to grant me the tenth of all that you may
have of royal rents forever. I ask that Your Majesty
will make me Adelantado of those territories, for me, my
heirs, and successors, That Indians who shall be
rebellious after being well admonished and comprehend-
ing, may be made slaves, etc."
The order made by the Council was that the king
concedes the conquest requested to Narvaez on condition
that he take no less than 200 colonists from Spain,
founding at least two towns; and he was made Governor
with a salary of 100,000 maravedis, and Captain Gen-
eral, with a salary of 50,000, besides being Adelantado.
He was furnished with a proclamation to be made "to
the inhabitants of the countries and provinces that
there are from Rio de Palmas to the Cape of Florida,”
which is interesting as showing the grounds to the
Spanish claim of sovereignty over America. It reads in
part as follows:
"In behalf of the Catholic Cæsarean
Majesty of Don Carlos, King of the Romans and Em-
peror ever Augustus, and Doña Juana, his mother,
Sovereigns of Leon and Castilla, Defenders of the Church,
ever victors, never vanquished, and rulers of barbarous
nations, I, Panfilo de Narvaez, his servant, messenger,
and captain, notify and cause you to know in the best
manner I can, that God our Lord, one and eternal,
created the heaven and the earth. All these nations
God our Lord gave in charge to one person called Saint
CABEZA DE VACA.
43
Peter, that he might be master and superior over man-
kind, to be obeyed and be heard of all the human race.
where-so-ever they might live and be, of whatever law,
sect, or belief, giving him the whole world for his king-
dom, lordship, and jurisdiction. This Saint Peter was
obeyed and taken for King, Lord, and Superior of the
Universe by those who lived at that time, and so like-
wise have all the rest been held, who to the Pontificate
were afterward elected, and thus has it continued until
now, and will continue to the end of things. One of
the Popes who succeeded him to that seat and dignity,
of which I spake as Lord of the world, made a gift of
these islands and main of the Ocean Sea to the said
Emperor and Queen, and their successors, our Lords in
these Kingdoms, with all that is in them, as is contained.
in certain writings that thereupon took place, which
may be seen if you desire."
Having thus demonstrated the rightful power of the
sovereign, the proclamation calls on them "to recognize
the Church as Mistress and Superior of the Universe,
and the High Pontiff, called Papa, in its name; the
Queen and King our masters, in their place as Lords.
Superiors, and Sovereigns of these Islands and the main,
by virtue of said gift. If you shall do so, you will do
well in what you are held and obliged; and their
Majesties, and I, in their Royal name, will receive you
with love and charity. If you do not this, and of malice.
you be dilatory, I protest to you that with the help of
Our Lord I will enter with force, making war upon you'
from all directions and in every manner that I may be
able, when I will subject you to obedience to the Church
and the yoke of their Majesties; and I will take the
persons of yourselves, your wives, and your children, to
make slaves, sell and dispose of you as their Majesties
shall think fit; and I will take your goods, doing you
all the injury that I may be able.”
As the peculiar interest which the student of New
44
CABEZA DE VACA.
Mexican history feels in this expedition arises from the
narrative of Cabeza de Vaca of the long journey of him-
self and the other three survivors of the party across the
continent, in the course of which they traversed New
Mexico, and were thus the first Europeans who ever
visited our territory, we give some particulars of his
personal history, before proceeding with the account of
the expedition itself. Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca.
came from one of the oldest and most renowned of
Spanish families, whose lineage a chronological history
traces back to the 12th century. His grandfather was
the Conqueror of the Canary Islands, and from him came.
his proper patronymic of Vera; but for reasons unknown
he preferred the name of his mother's house, "Cabeza.
de Vaca," or "Cow's Head." Various accounts are given
of the origin of this rather undignified appellation, of
which we reproduce the one narrated by M. Ternaux,
in the preface to his French translation of Cabeza de
Vaca's Commentaries: "In the month of July, 1212,
the Christian army, commanded by the kings of Castile,
Aragon, and Navarre, advanced against the Moors; and
arriving at Castro-Ferrel, found all the passes occupied.
by the enemy. The Christians were about to return on
their steps, when a burger named Martin Alhaja pre-
sented himself to the King of Navarre, and offered to
indicate a route by which the army could pass without
obstacles. The king sent him with Don Diego Lopez de
Naro and Don Garcia Romen; in order that they might
recognize the pass, Alhajo placed at the entrance the
skeleton of the head of a cow (Cabeza de Vaca.) The
twelfth of the same month the Christians gained the
battle of Navas de Tolosa, which assured forever their
supremacy over the Moors. The king recompensed
Alhaja by ennobling him and his descendants, and to
commemorate the event by which he had merited the
honor, changed his name to Cabeza de Vaca."
Our cavalier having been appointed Treasurer of
CABEZA DE VACA.
45
the new colony to be established, received a lengthy
document of instruction, signed by the king and dated
at Valladolid, February 15, 1527, which commences,
"What you, Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, will perform
in the office you fill as our Treasurer of Rio de las
Palmas and the lands which Panfilo de Narvaez goes to
people, on whom we have conferred the government
thereof, is as follows" and proceeds with great par-
ticularity to charge him with the collection of the
various percentages, rents, duties, and fines belonging to
the royal treasury, and as to the manner of safely
transmitting the "gold, guaniñes (impure gold valued
by the nations of the Antillas partly for its odor), pearls,
and other things," to the officials at Seville.
Thus furnished with documents sufficient for the gov-
ernment of an Empire, Narvaez and his companions
started with five vessels and about six hundred men, and
sailed first to Santo Domingo for the purpose of laying
in stores and procuring horses, but their forty-five days
stay at that island produced rather more loss than gain,
as no less than140 men deserted the expedition to try their
fortunes on the luxuriant shores. Here also an addi-
tional ship was purchased and added to the fleet. They
proceeded thence to Cuba, where a tremendous hurricane
destroyed two of the vessels, with all the men and
material on board. Cabeza de Vaca had command of one
of them, and only escaped through his good fortune in
being on shore at the time. He tells us that "nothing
so terrible as this storm had ever been seen in these
parts before;" and it must have been of tremendous force,
as the only small boat that was ever found belonging to
the lost vessels, was discovered in the branches of a tree
at quite a distance from the shore. So tempestuous was
the season that Narvaez determined to proceed no fur-
ther until spring, and so the four remaining vessels.
wintered at Xagua, under the charge of Cabeza de Vaca.
On the 22d of February, 1528, the fleet again set sail,
CABEZA DE VACA.
46
having been augmented by the addition of a brigantine
from Trinidad; but again misfortune followed it, as the
vessels became grounded on the shoals called Canarreo
and were detained there fifteen days; and were overtaken
by a great and dangerous storm at Guaniguanico, and
another at Cape Corrientes. They then attempted to
reach Havana, but violent winds drove them northerly,
and on Tuesday, April 12, they came in sight of land
on the west coast of Florida; and the next day, which
was Holy Thursday, they anchored near the shore in a
bay, at the head of which they saw some Indian habita-
tions.
On Good Friday the Governor landed with a number
of men, but found the houses all deserted, the inhabit-
ants having fled in their canoes at night. Their houses
were called "buhios," and had double-shedded roofs,
which were their distinguishing feature among Indian.
dwellings. One of these buildings, probably used for tri-
bal purposes, was so large as to accommodate 300 persons.
On Saturday the Governor raised the Spanish ensign
and formally took possession of the country for his im-
perial master. He proclaimed his authority to act as
Governor, and was acknowledged as such; and then the
other officers presented their commissions for his in-
spection. These formalities being concluded, the whole
force was disembarked, as well as their horses; but the
latter had been reduced to forty-two in number during
the passage, and were in wretched condition.
On Easter day some of the natives appeared, and
made signs for the Spaniards to leave the country; but
there being no interpreter present, they could only be
imperfectly understood. The next day a party of forty
men, under the Governor, Enriquez, Solis, and Cabeza
de Vaca, commenced to explore the main-land toward
the north, where they found a large bay stretching far
inland, and soon afterward captured four Indians. (This
bay was undoubtedly the Tampa Bay of our geographies.)
CABEZA DE VACA.
47
As the language was wholly unintelligible, recourse was
had to signs; and various things were shown to the na-
tives, to see if they were acquainted with them before.
Led by these Indians, the Spaniards went to their town.
at the head of the bay, where they found corn, linen
and woolen cloth. and bunches of feathers, and what
was the special object of all their expeditions-gold.
On being asked whence these things came, the Indians
pointed to the north, where they said was a great
country called Apalache, which abounded not only in
gold but in the other articles which the Spaniards de-
sired. Ten or twelve leagues further on, the expedi-
tion found another town, where a large amount of corn
was cultivated; and soon after returned to the place
where their ships and comrades were, and communi-
cated the results of the trip.
The next day the Governor held a consultation with
the principal officers, and some others in whom he had
confidence, as to the best course to be pursued. He de-
sired to march into the interior in order to explore the
country, and have the ships sail along the coast until
they found a harbor, which the pilot insisted existed
not very far to the north-west; but he wanted to hear
the opinion of the others. Cabeza de Vaca strenuously
opposed any separation from the vessels until the latter
should be safely moored in a secure harbor, and he called
attention to the fact that the pilots were far from agree-
ing as to the situation of the wished-for haven. He
showed the danger of starting off to explore a country
of which they had no knowledge or information, and
where they could not communicate at all with the
natives for want of an interpreter; especially in their
present condition of scarcity of food. In short, he
opposed the plan with many arguments, and recom-
mended that they should re-embark in the vessels and
explore the coast until they found some satisfactory
locality, especially as the country where they now were
48
CABEZA DE VACA.
,
was the poorest and least valuable of any that had been
found in the new world. The Commissioner, Xuarez,
gave exactly contrary advice. He favored following
along the line of the coast by an expedition on land,
while the ships kept within easy distance by sailing
along that same shore. He based his argument on two
principal grounds: Firstly, that the looked-for bay
could more easily be found from the land than from the
sea, as it was represented to extend a considerable dis-
tance back into the country; and secondly, that it would
be tempting Providence again to take to the water after
the many misfortunes which had befallen the fleet ever
since it first left Spain. The feeling with regard to the
course to be pursued evidently ran high, for when the
Governor concluded to continue the expedition by land,
Cabeza de Vaca made a formal demand that the ships
should not be left until they were in a safe harbor, and
asked a certificate from the notary that he made such a
demand; and the Governor, on his part, asked of the
notary a certificate that he moved on with his colony in
quest of a better country and port, for the reason that
the place in which they were would neither support a
population nor afford a haven for their ships. What the
notarial official did in this dilemma does not apppear from
the chronicle, but the Governor went on with his prep-
arations for advancing, and then, in presence of the
officers, offered Cabeza de Vaca-as he was opposed to the
land expedition-to give him the command of the fleet.
This Vaca refused; and when repeatedly urged by the
Governor to accept the position, and finally asked why
he so persistently declined, he answered, as he himself
relates, that "I rejected the responsibility, as I felt cer-
tain that he would never more find the ships, nor the
ships him; and I preferred to subject myself to the
danger which he and the others were exposed to, and to
undergo what they might suffer, rather than take charge
of the ships and give occasion for any to say that I re-
CABEZA DE VACA.
49
mained behind from timidity, and so my courage be
called in question. I chose rather to risk my life than
to endanger my reputation."
The Governer thereupon appointed a Spanish Al-
calde, named Caravallo, as Captain of the fleet, and pro-
ceeded to arrange for the march. Provisions were
already scanty; on the day of starting the men were
given a ration of two pounds of biscuit and one-half
pound bacon, but thereafter the bread was reduced to
one pound. The whole land expedition consisted of 300
men, of whom the officers, etc., who were mounted, were
forty. On Sunday, the 1st of May, they took up their
march and proceeded northerly for fifteen days, without
seeing any kind of habitation or a single Indian.
During this time they found nothing eatable to add to
their scanty store, except the palmetto or fan palm,
which abounded and from which they ate the heart.
At the end of the fifteen days they came to a river so
wide that it was passed with much difficulty-rafts
having to be made for those inexperienced in swimming,
and the crossing occupying an entire day. (This
undoubtedly is the river now called Withlacoochee.)
On the north side of this river the expedition for
the first time encountered a considerable number of
natives. They were about 200 in all, and the Governor
attempted to open communication by signs, but the
Indians made such insulting gestures that the Spaniards.
could not bear it; and so, rushing forward, they captured
several, and compelled them to show them where their
village was. This was found about half a league away;
and more important to the invaders than the poor
Indian cabins, were large fields of corn, just ready to be
gathered. "We gave infinite thanks to our Lord for
having succored us in this great extremity," piously
exclaimed the chronicler, "for we were yet young in
trials, and besides the weariness in which we came, we
were exhausted from hunger."
50
CABEZA DE VACA.
Here the army rested for three days, when the chief
officers all besought Narvaez to send to search for the
sea, so as if possible to find the safe harbor of which the
Indians spoke. He gave them no satisfaction at the
time, but afterwards authorized Cabeza de Vaca to take
forty men and make the exploration. So he set out on.
foot on May 18th; but the result of the search was, that if
a harbor was to be found at all, it was by following the
river down on its south side and not on the north; so
the Treasurer returned, and Captain Valenzuela was
sent on a second expedition; but this only discovered
that the bay was too shallow for vessels of any size,
although a number of canoes carrying Indians wearing
plumes was seen passing across its waters.
Abandoning, therefore, the hope of finding a suit-
able place for a permanent port in that vicinity, the
expedition recommenced its march toward the land of
Apalache, of the riches of which they heard so much;
having now for guides the Indians they had captured.
For almost a month they travelled without meeting any
natives, when on June 17th, just before they reached
the banks of a very wide and rapid river (which is easily
distinguishable as the Suwanee of modern times), they
were approached by a chief, covered with a painted deer-
skin, and carried in the arms of another Indian. Many
of his people attended him, and in advance were musi-
cians playing on flutes of reed. This appears to have
been the method in which they showed hospitality and
good will; as eleven years later, when De Soto arrived
at the same place, he was met by Indians "playing upon
flutes, a sign among them to others that they come in
peace." A conference by signs ensued, the Spaniards.
endeavoring to convey the idea that they were going on
to Apalache; and understanding in reply that the chief
was an enemy to the Apalachians, and would accompany
and assist the expedition. Presents were then ex-
changed, the chief giving the Governor the deer-skin
CABEZA DE VACA.
51
which he wore; and the next day the army attempted
the difficult passage of the river. A boat was con-
structed, and on this all were finally taken across safely,
except one horseman, Juan Velasquez, who was too im-
patient to wait for his turn, and plunging into the river,
was carried away by the swift current. His horse, found
drowned on the bank below, furnished the first fresh
meat that the soldiers had enjoyed for many days. The
next day the expedition reached the town of the chief,
whose name is given by Cabeza de Vaca as Dulchan-
chellin, but by other writers as Uzachil, Osachile, Ochile,
etc., (all evidently mispronunciations of the same name),
and received some corn as a present.
But now, for some reason, the demeanor of the In-
dians changed. Heretofore they had been hospitable,
and helpful; indeed, without their assistance the army
could not have crossed the Suwanee; but now they
assumed a hostile attitude. Some slight conflicts ensued,
in which three or four natives were captured; and then
Narvaez proceeded on his march, on June 20th, the latest
captives being now his guides. The country now
traversed was covered with dense forests of enormous
trees, of which so many had fallen to the ground that
travelling was very difficult and slow. After six days of
toilsome march their eyes were at length gladdened by
the sight of the city which was the goal of their hopes.
"We gave many thanks to God," says the Treasurer,
"at seeing ourselves so near, having confidence in what
we had heard of the land, and believing that here was
the end of our great hardships; and having come to the
wished-for place, where we had been told was much food
and gold, we felt that we had already recovered in part
from our suffering and fatigue."
After viewing the town from a distance, the Gov-
ernor directed Cabeza de Vaca to take nine horsemen
and fifty foot soldiers and enter the place. This was
done without difficulty, as all the men were absent from
52
CABEZA DE VACA.
a
their homes and only women and children remained;
but shortly afterwards the men returned, and seeing the
strangers in possession, commenced discharging arrows at
them. This, however, did no damage beyond killing the
horse of the Assessor, and the Indians then took to flight.
The Spaniards then proceeded to explore the town, but
were entirely disappointed both as to its size and riches.
Instead of a large city, they found a village of forty
small, low houses, scattered in sheltered places, and
built of thatch. No gold was to be found, or anything
of value, except corn and deer-skins. The whole coun-
try was level and sandy, but pines, cedars, oaks, liquid
amber, and palmettos abounded. In openings in the
country around were patches of corn, but the whole pre-
sented a scene of barrenness and poverty far different
from what the adventurers had hoped. Within a short
time the Indians who had fled returned in peace, asking
for their wives and children, who were restored to them;
but for some reason Narvaez detained one chief, which
produced much excitement and brought on hostilities
anew, which were kept up as long as the Spaniards
remained in the town, which was twenty-five days.
During this time they endeavored by explorations and
inquiries to ascertain regarding the surrounding country
and any cities of wealth that it might contain; but their
expeditions showed them simply a sparsely populated
plain, and the answer to all inquiries was, that no other
town was as large or as good as their own, except one
called Aute, near the sea, and distant nine days' journey.
Finding nothing worth conquering where they were,
the Spaniards determined to march to this city, not only
because it was the most important that they could hear
of, but also because it would bring them again near to
their ships. So they set out on the 20th of July, but
were greatly annoyed in their march by the Indians,
who assailed them with arrows from behind trees and
fallen timber, and from the shallow lakes, in which they
i
บ
CABEZA DE VACA.
53
stood nearly covered by the water. These Indians appear
to have been powerful and expert archers, for they
wounded many of the men and horses, and drove their
arrows with almost incredible force into the bodies of
great oaks and elms. Their bows are described as being
as thick as a man's arm, of eleven or twelve palms in
length, and their aim at 200 yards was almost
infallible.
After nine days of hard travel the army arrived at
Aute, but found that the news of their approach had
preceded them, for the houses had all been burned and
the inhabitants had fled. However, they found corn,
beans, and pumpkins in great quantities-a most wel-
come sight to the hungry and weary Spaniards. Here
they rested for two days, and then Cabeza de Vaca, at
the request of the Governor, went to discover the sea.
After a day's march he arrived at a bay where there.
were good oysters, but examination showed that the
Gulf itself was far distant; and so he returned again to
the camp. (This bay was probably Apalachicola Bay.)
Everything now was in a most discouraging condition.
An unknown malady had appeared and spread with
great rapidity among the men. Among the stricken
were the Comptroller, the Inspector, and the Governor
himself. The Indians had taken advantage of this
season of weakness and made an attack which had well
nigh been disastrous. The position of the army was
very embarrassing, and there was no hope of improve-
ment where they were; so it was determined to set off
immediately for the shore. But this journey, though
short, was no easy task. The sick increased in number
daily, and there were not enough horses to carry them.
Scarcely any of the men continued fit for active duty;
and while thus compassed by difficulties their danger
was increased by a plot entered into by those who were
mounted to abandon the Governor and their comrades
and press on themselves to a place of safety. This
+
54
CABEZA DE VACA.
scheme, however, was fortunately frustrated and aban-
doned.
On arriving at the bay the condition of the army
was not much improved-except that they could obtain
oysters from the water. Affairs soon became so critical
that the Governor asked the advice of all the leading
men as to the course which promised best to relieve
them in their emergency. A third of the men were
sick, and the number was continually increasing. Ev-
ery day augmented their difficulties. It was dangerous
to move, and dangerous to remain still. They were on
an arm of the Gulf of Mexico, but the whereabouts of
their vessels no one knew. Yet they were unable to
march farther, and the sea presented their only means
of escape.
At last, after all their circumstances were
considered, all agreed that they must endeavor, if possi-
ble, to build boats which would carry them away from
this land of misfortune. But no project could well
seem more impossible of execution. They had no tools,
no iron, no forge, no rigging-in short, no single thing
of those most necessary; and no man who had a knowl-
edge of the manufacture. Besides all this, they were
nearly out of provisions. They were about abandoning
the idea when one of the men said that he believed he
could make a bellows from a wooden pipe and some
deer-skins; and in their despondent condition even
this suggestion seemed like a ray of hope from heaven.
They agreed to use their stirrups, spurs, and everthing
which they had of iron, in the manufacture of nails,
axes, and other tools. From the outer fibrous covering
of the palmetto they prepared a good substitute for tow.
A Greek named Teodoro made pitch from the adjacent
pine-trees. From the palmetto leaves and the tails and
manes of their horses, ropes and rigging were ingen-
iously manufactured; and sails were made from the
shirts of the men. But a single carpenter was in their
entire company; but under his direction they worked
CABEZA DE VACA.
55
with such diligence that in the period from August 4th
to September 20th they built five boats, each twenty-
two cubits in length. Meanwhile a good supply of pro-
visions was obtained by making armed excursions to
Aute, from which, in all, about 640 bushels of corn were
brought; and on every third day a horse was killed to
furnish meat. The skins from the legs of these animals
were taken off entire, and by rude tanning made into
bottles to hold water for the coming voyage. They also
obtained shell-fish from the adjacent coves; but this
work proved dangerous, for bands of Indian archers at-
tacked all isolated parties, and so powerful and accurate
was their shooting that their arrows even pierced the
armor of the men, and in one day ten soldiers were
thus killed in sight of the camp. More than forty died
from the disease before mentioned, and when the boats
were completed, but one horse remained unconsumed.
There was, therefore, little time to lose, and on the
20th they embarked in their frail boats, which were
found scarcely sufficiently large to convey the whole
number. The company, which now consisted of 247
persons, was divided equally, from forty-eight to fifty
going in each boat. One was commanded by the
Governor, Narvaez; one by the Comptroller and Com-
missary; one by Captain Alonzo del Castillo and An-
dres Dorantes; one by Captains Peñalosa and Tellez,
and one by Cabeza de Vaca and the Assessor. So heavily
were the vessels loaded when all were on board that not
more than a span remained above water; and the men
were so crowded that they could not move without dan-
ger. What greatly added to their difficulties was, that
among the whole company there was not one who un-
derstood even the first principles of navigation.
Never, perhaps, in all history, has an enterprise been
undertaken in the face of more discouragements and
difficulties than this embarkation of the army of Narvaez.
For a single man cast away, to frame a raft on which to
56
CABEZA DE VACA.
attempt escape, is not rare; but without a nail or tool
of any kind, to build boats capable of carrying a quarter
of a thousand people, working in the midst of sickness
and the attacks of the enemy, is without a parallel.
The place where this work was accomplished the
Spaniards called "Bahia de Caballos," the "Bay of
Horses." A few years later (1539), a party from the
army of De Soto, under Juan de Añasco, visited it and
heard from the natives an account of the sojourn of the
army of Narvaez, being shown the spots where the ten
Spaniards had been killed and other memorable events
had occurred. He even found the furnace in which the
spikes had been made for the boats, still surrounded by
charcoal, and some large hollowed logs that had been
used for horse-troughs. This bay is easily recognizable,
from its situation and description, as Appalachee; and
this theory is confirmed by the extract from Charlevoix
in 1722, given hereafter. It is possible, however, that
it may have been near the mouth of the Apalachicola
River.
The army embarked on the 22d of September, and
proceeded along the shallow waters of the coast, seeing
nothing of unusual interest until toward evening of the
28th, when they approached an inhabited island, from
which five canoes full of Indians came toward them.
The natives, however, were overcome with fear at the
sight of the number of the pale-faced strangers, and
hastily abandoning their canoes, swam to the shore for
safety. The Spaniards pressed on to the island, where
they found a number of houses, and what was most
acceptable in their condition, some dried mullet and
fish-roes. The abandoned boats they made useful in
heightening the sides of their own dangerous vessels,
until they were two palms above the water. In these
frail crafts for thirty more long days they moved along
the coast, their sufferings from lack of food increasing as
time passed and stores became exhausted, and their diffi-
CABEZA DE VACA.
57
culties much enhanced by the scarcity of fresh water.
which could only be procured by entering creeks and
going beyond the reach of the tide, which of course
entailed the loss of much time. Unfortunately, their
singular bottles of horses' legs did not meet the hopes of
their ingenious inventors, for they soon rotted and
became worthless, leaving the boats without any vessels
in which to preserve any quantity of the necessary water.
In
On the 30th day they saw a small island, and went
on shore in hopes of finding a spring, but in this were
disappointed; and while thus on land so violent a storm
arose that they were afraid to tempt the waters again,
and were thus detained for six days, during the last
five of which they were utterly destitute of drink. So
frightful became their sufferings from this deprivation.
that at length some of the men in desperation drank
the salt sea-water, and in a short time several died.
this terrible position, death from thirst threatening
them if they remained, and destruction by the storm
impending if they took to the sea, they chose the lat-
ter horn of the dilemma as that which, at all events,
presented some chance of escape, and so pushed out.
again into the Gulf. The waves were so high, and the
weather so tempestuous, that many times they were
nearly overwhelmed; but when death secmed almost in-
evitable, just at sunset, they passed around a projecting
point of land and found a calm harbor beyond. What
was equally welcome at such a time, they saw an Indian
village and a number of natives in caroes.
The Span-
iards quickly approached the shore, and lost no time
in gaining the land, being hastened by the sight of jars
of water standing in front of the houses. From them
they quenched their almost inexhaustible thirst, and
then proceeded to observe the surroundings. The
houses of these Indians were made of mats, and appeared
to be permanent dwellings. The men were tall, of fine
form, and when first seen had no arms of any kind.
58
CABEZA DE VACA.
The Cacique of the village soon appeared and invited
Narvaez to his home, where he supplied him with cooked
fish, and in return the Governor presented the chief
with various trinkets. The Spaniards gave the Indians.
a little of their remaining scanty store of corn, and the
natives supplied them with fish and whatever they had
to offer. The best of feeling appeared to prevail on both
sides; but just at midnight, when the Spaniards, ex-
hausted by their long watching, were heavily asleep,
the Indians suddenly made an attack on them, and
killed three of those who were sick and had been
brought on shore. They made an attempt to kill Nar-
vaez, and succeeded in striking him in the face with a
stone. Some of the Spaniards seized their chief, but
the Indians being greater in number rescued him. The
Governor was carried to his boat, and the sick and feeble
were also put on board, while fifty of the strongest of
the Spaniards remained to meet the attack of the In-
dians. The latter fought with bravery and determina-
tion. Three times during the night they drove the Eu-
ropeans back, and but for lack of arrows, the historian
(who was an active participant) thinks that they would
have inflicted great damage. As it was, every Spaniard
was more or less wounded; Cabeza de Vaca himself be-
ing stricken in the face. The next day, as soon as the
weather permitted, the boats set sail again; having,
however, unfortunately, no means by which to carry
any sufficient supply of water.
One trophy they retained from this adventure of
which the chronicler makes special mention. When
the Cacique was rescued by his people, they left in the
hands of the Spaniards his robe of civet-marten. "These
skins," says Vaca, "are the best, I think, that can be
found; they have a fragrance which can be equalled by
amber and musk alone, and even at a distance is strongly
perceptible. We saw other skins there, but none to be
compared with these."
CABEZA DE VACA.
59
Sailing along the shore, the little squadron soon came
to the mouth of a river, and again saw Indians in canoes.
The Governor made signs that he wanted water, and they
replied that they would bring it. Thereupon Don Teo-
doro, the same Greek who manufactured the pitch for
the boats at the Bahia de Caballos, insisted on going on
shore with them, and in spite of all the protestations
of his companions went, taking with him a negro from
one of the boats. All that could be done by the cap-
tains to secure his safety was to detain two Indians on
a boat as hostages. At night the Indians came again,
bringing the vessels but no water, and without the
Greek or the African. They said something in their
own language to the two hostages, whereupon the latter
attempted to jump into the sea, but were seized and re-
strained by the Spaniards. Seeing this, the Indians
who had come fled in their canoes. The next morning
a large number of Indians in boats surrounded the little
squadron and demanded the delivery of their two com-
panions, but were answered that they must first return
the two Christians. To this they gave no satisfactory
answer, only saying that if the Spaniards would come
on shore they would not only deliver Teodoro and the
African, but would also supply them with water and
other necessaries. The Spaniards, however, feared some
treachery, and as the Indians seemed to be attempting
to cut off their retreat, by taking possession of the en-
trance of the bay, Narvacz immediately set sail for the
sea. The natives then showed their hostile intentions,
for they began to hurl clubs and throw stones from
slings at the Spaniards, and threatened to shoot with
arrows. The wind, however, favored the latter, and
they succeeded in getting into the open sea and beyond
the reach of their assailants; but while thus saving
themselves, they had to abandon the Greck and negro
to their fate. Years afterwards, when De Soto passed
through, his soldiers heard of Don Teodoro, and were
60
CABEZA DE VACA.
shown a dirk which had been his; but the accounts of
his fate, and that of his companion, were conflicting.
At all events, they never lived to return to their homes,
or even to see a European face again.
The little fleet sailed westward all that day, but
about the middle of the afternoon came in sight of a
point of land and the mouth of a broad river. So great
was the volume of water brought down by this stream
that the sailors took fresh water from the sea which
was fit for drinking purposes; and shortly afterwards,
attempting to pass the mouth of the river, they found
it to be impossible, as the current was so violent that it
continually drove them out to sea, while they were
straining every nerve to reach the land. Three full
days they toiled in this way, trying to gain the shore
against the mighty current which was stronger by far
than anything which human arms could do, and before
which the frail boats were but as bubbles on an ocean;
and on the morning of November 3d the little vessels.
had become so far separated that none of the others
could be seen from that of Cabeza de Vaca.
There can be no doubt from the description, as well
as from the locality, that this river with the enormous
current of fresh water was the Mississippi; and that
while De Soto has the honor of being the first to see it
in its proper form as a river running through the land,
the fleet of Narvaez, several years before, was in sight
of its mouth and felt the force of its mighty current,
and actually drank of its waters as they made a channel
through the salt waves of the Gulf of Mexico.
We can imagine the feelings of the party in the boat
of the Treasurer when they found themselves alone in
the open sea. They had suffered almost every possible
privation before, but always in the companionship of
their comrades--but now even that consolation was re-
moved. Keeping on their westerly course, however, just
at evening, they were rejoiced again to see two of the
CABEZA DE VACA.
61
boats, one near at hand, and one far out at sea. Ap-
proaching the former, they found it to be that of the
Governor, and a consultation took place as to the best
course of action. Cabeza de Vaca contended that they
ought to join the other boat at all hazards, so as to be
together, and then proceed on their way; but the Gov-
ernor answered that the other boat was too far out at
sea, and that they ought to reach the shore as soon as
possible. He expressed his own determination to take
that course, and told Vaca that if he wanted to remain
in his company he must keep every man at the oars in
order to bring the boat to land. This the Treasurer did,
taking an oar himself to aid and encourage the men;
but the soldiers were worn out with fatigue and hunger,
and could not compete as oarsmen with the stronger
men in the Governor's boat-which had been manned
by the healthiest and most athletic of the army. Find-
ing that he could not keep up with the Governor's boat,
Vaca begged them to give him a rope so that his boat
could be towed along; but this the Governor refused,
saying that it would be all they could do, with every
exertion, to reach the shore that night, alone. Vaca
then asked what could be done, as his men were too
feeble to follow the Governor's boat without assistance;
and Narvaez answered that it was no longer a time for
one man to give orders to another; that each should do
what seemed the best to save his own life; and that he
had determined to act on that principle himself. And
with this abdication of control, and cry of "sauve qui
peut," he pressed forward with his own boat, and was
soon lost in the darkness.
As Vaca could have no more hope from that quarter,
he directed his course to the other boat, which awaited
his approach and which he found to be that commanded
by Peñalosa and Tellez. These two little crafts, com-
panions in misery, and laden with as unhappy a set of
men as ever burdened a vessel, kept company with each
62
CABEZA DE VACA.
other four days, while the passengers were reduced to a
diurnal allowance of half a handful of raw corn. Then
a storm arose and they became separated, never more to
see each other. The wretchedness of the situation in
his own boat is so vividly described by Cabeza de Vaca
himself that it seems best to use his own words.
"Because," says he, "of winter and its inclemency, the
many days we had suffered hunger, and the heavy beat-
ing of the waves, the people began next day to despair
in such a manner that when the sun sank all who were
in my boat were fallen one on another, so near to death
that there were few among them in a state of sensibility.
Of the whole number at this time not five men were on
their feet; and when night came, only the master and
myself were left who could work the boat. Two hours.
after dark he said to me that I must take charge of her,
as he was in such condition he believed he should die
that night. So I took the paddle, and going after mid-
night to see if the master was alive, he said to me he
was rather better, and would take the charge until day.
I declare in that hour I would more willingly have died
than seen so many people before me in such condition.
After the master took the direction of the boat, I lay
down a little while, but without repose, for nothing at
that time was farther from me than sleep." Toward
morning the Treasurer heard the roaring sound which
told of waves beating on a shore, and on sounding found
that they were in seven fathoms of water. The Captain
advised that they should keep off shore until it was light
enough to land with safety, and so Vaca himself took an
oar and pulled the boat out into the Gulf. There a great
wave struck the boat, throwing it entirely out of the
water and arousing all of the men within it, no matter
how exhausted; and as she was forced near the shore
again, they got out on the rocks and crawled to the
land on their hands and feet to the shelter of some
ravines. There they made a fire, parched and ate the
CABEZA DE VACA.
63
scanty remainder of their corn, and relieved their thirst
from pools of rain-water.
The morning having come, and the men being some-
what refreshed, Vaca ordered the strongest of the party,
one Lope de Oviedo, to climb to the top of some trees
near at hand and reconnoitre the country; and he soon
returned to say they were on an island which seemed
inhabited. This aroused mingled feelings of joy and
fear, which were enhanced when the same messenger
returned from a second trip to tell of finding some
empty huts, and bringing an earthen pot, a little dog,
and a few mullets, which he had found in them. Just
as he arrived three Indians came in view following him,
and half an hour later their number was increased by
fuily 100 of their companions, all armed with bows.
"They were not large," says the chronicler, "but our
fears made giants of them. The Spaniards were in no
condition to meet any hostile attack, so they attempted
to conciliate the natives. The Treasurer and the Over-
seer went to meet them, and by signs endeavored to
open friendly intercourse. They gave them beads and
bells, and in return each Indian gave Vaca an arrow in
token of friendship, and promised to bring some provis-
ions the next day. True to this promise, at sunrise
the Indians brought a quantity of fish and a kind of
edible root, about the size of a walnut; and again at
evening they returned with more of the same supplies.
The Spaniards in return gave such presents as they
could to the women and children, who flocked to see
them.
Being thus refreshed, they began to think of pursuing
their journey, and with much difficulty dug their boat
out of the beach-sand, under which it was buried. They
were still so weak that all exertion was a great burden,
and in endeavoring to launch the craft they stripped off
their clothes so as to work the better. The boat was
scarcely in the water, and but a little way from shore,
64
CABEZA DE VACA.
when a wave passed over her, making the oars so slippery
as to be temporarily useless, and the next minute another
wave completely capsized the boat. Three of the crew,
including Don Alonzo de Solis, the assessor, seeking to
save themselves by clinging to the vessel, were carried
under and drowned; the rest of the Spaniards being
thrown violently upon the beach, naked and half dead.
Here the cold wind, beating upon their wet and unpro-
tected bodies, would have caused them to perish, but that
they found a few embers still remaining from their last
fire, and soon had a bright blaze to warm and comfort
them. When the Indians came as usual at sunset to
bring fish and roots, they were so amazed and alarmed
at what seemed to them a miraculous transformation of
their strange guests, that they immediately fled; but on
learning the true state of affairs by signs, and seeing the
dead bodies washed onto the shore, they returned and
expressed their sympathy and condolence by loud and
mournful lamentations for the space of half an hour.
"It was strange," says Vaca, "to see these men, wild
and untaught, howling like beasts over our misfortunes.
It caused in me, as in others, an increase of sorrow and
a more vivid sense of our calamity." Nothing could
well exceed the kindness experienced at the hands of
these Indians. Cabeza de Vaca suggested to his com-
rades that in their forlorn condition it would be best to
ask the natives to take them to their homes. The
soldiers generally objected to this, fearing that they
would be sacrificed to the native idols; but Vaca per-
sisted, and begged the Indians to take care of them.
The proposition was received with great favor, and so
careful and considerate were the Indians that they
carried the half-starved and exhausted white men in their
arms up to their village, and on account of the extreme
cold and the nakedness of their guests, built four or five
large fires at easy distances along the road with which to
warm the Spaniards on the way.
CABEZA DE VACA.
65
Arrived at the village, the strangers were lodged in
a house just constructed for them, and were supplied
with fires; and would have been most comfortable but
for an unpleasant idea that they were only being well
cared for at the present in order to be prepared to be
suitable victims in a great sacrifice. Meanwhile the
Indians celebrated the event by dancing and rejoicings,
which continued all night. The next day the keen eye
of Vaca observed with one of the Indians an European
article which their own party had not brought, and on
inquiry was told that it was a gift from some other men
similar to the Spaniards, who were not far off. Amazed
and delighted by this intelligence, the Treasurer sent a
small party to seek their countrymen, who were soon
met, as they had heard of the arrival of Cabeza de Vaca
and were hastening to visit him-and who turned out
to be the entire company from the boat of Captains
Dorantes and Castillo. Their respective stories were
quickly told; and it appeared that the day before Ca-
beza de Vaca and his comrades were cast on that shore
the other boat had been capsized a league and a half
from there, but all the men were saved, and succeeded
in preserving a large proportion of their goods. It was
soon agreed that the best plan was to repair their boat.
so that the strongest of the united company could pro-
ceed along the coast in search of assistance, while the
others remained to regain their strength, or until succor
should arrive. In accordance with this plan they set at
work; but their efforts were fruitless and their hopes.
disappointed, for the boat proved unfit for service, and
finally sank to the bottom of the sea. There was then
no alternative but to winter on the island; for the weak
condition of the men, as well as their lack of covering,
prevented further effort at that cold and boisterous.
season.
Four of the most powerful of the company, however,
being all expert swimmers, volunteered to make one
66
CABEZA DE VACA.
more attempt to reach the Spanish settlement at Pan-
uco in Mexico (which they all believed to be not far
distant), in order that, if a good Providence crowned
their efforts with success, relief might be sent to the
wretched party on the island. The men who thus
risked their lives were a Portuguese named Alvaro
Fernandez, and three Spaniards named Mendez, Fi-
gueroa, and Astudillo. They were accompanied by an
Indian of the island-which was called by the natives
Auia, but which the Spaniards, from their own sad ex-
periences there, appropriately named Malhado, or Bad
Luck.
And now these experiences were to become more and
more unfortunate. The weather soon became so tem-
pestuous that the natives could no longer find the roots
which grew at the water's edge, and the fish-nets caught
nothing, so that semi-starvation ensued; besides this,
the exposure to the winter blasts without any sufficient
protection made many a stout heart but emaciated body
succumb. Five Spaniards living by themselves in an
isolated place near the shore were reduced to such
straits that as each died the survivors lived on his
dead body; so that when visited, only the corpse of the
last survivor was found unmolested. So great was the
suffering and mortality that before spring sixty-five
out of the eighty who had come on shore in the two
boats had perished. Then the Indians themselves, prob-
ably on account of their insufficient food, became af-
flicted with a disease of the bowels, which proved so
fatal that full half of the whole population fell victims
to it. Never having been so afflicted before, they at-
tributed their misfortune to the malign influence of
the pale-faced strangers, and determined to put the sur-
viving Spaniards to death for their own safety, if not
in retaliation for the scourge inflicted on their people;
and this purpose would, no doubt, have been put into
execution but for the enlightened advice of the Indian
CABEZA DE VACA.
67
who had special charge of Cabeza de Vaca, who re-
minded his companions that if the Europeans had
power over life and death they would certainly have
saved their own people from the dire destruction which
had carried off nearly all of their number; that those
who remained were not only feeble, but showed no ill
will to the natives, and that it would be far better to
leave them in God's hands. Fortunately, these argu-
ments prevailed, and the remnant of the Spaniards was
saved from the impending peril. Thus they remained
on the island until April, suffering great privations.
themselves, but none greater than those undergone by
the Indians; some of whose immemorial customs en-
tailed great inconveniences and danger in such a time
of pestilence. For example, if a son or a brother died
in a family, none of the household could go out in search
of food for three months, but had to be supplied by their
friends and relatives; and they would sooner perish than
violate this observance. While ordinarily this might
produce no inconvenience, yet during this winter, when
nearly every house had lost one of its inmates, it caused
great hardships. The number of those still permitted
to obtain food was so greatly reduced that though they
toiled from morning till night, the supply was far less
than what was required, and yet none had the temerity
to break through the custom; and had not a part of the
people passed over to the main-land, where there were
oysters, nearly the whole population would have per-
ished. In April the Spaniards under Cabeza de Vaca
also crossed over, and lived on blackberries all that
month; while the Indians carried on their spring cere-
monials and dances. This probably gave rise to the re-
port which was brought back to Cuba by a vessel which
had been sent along the shores of the Gulf in search of
the expedition of Narvaez, and which is referred to in a
report made by Lope Hurtado to the Emperor Charles
V., dated May 20, 529, in the following words: "A car-
CABEZA DE VACA.
68
aval has arrived here from searching after Narvaez, and
brings eight Indians from the coast; they state by signs.
that he is inland with his men, who do little else than
eat, drink, and sleep."
Among this people Cabeza de Vaca and his com-
panions first appeared in the character of physicians,
in which they were afterwards compelled to act in many
places. The native system of medical attendance was
by blowing upon the sick, and with that breath and the
laying on of hands they performed the cures. They
also made cauteries with fire and then blew upon the
spot, which gave the patient relief. The Indians in-
sisted that the Spaniards should act as their physicians,
and when the latter demurred and said that they had no
knowledge of medicine, the Indians insisted that it
could not he, but that the whites being extraordinary
men, must possess this power; and believing that the
refusal came from stubbornness, they withheld all food
from them until they had starved them into compliance.
While thus constrained to obey, the Spaniards were in
great fear, lest their ill success should bring new dangers
upon them; but these apprehensions seem not to have
been realized. Cabeza de Vaca tells us: "Our method
was to bless the sick, breathing upon them, and recite a
Pater-noster and Ave-Maria, praying with all earnest-
ness to God our Lord that he would give health, and in-
fluence them to make us some good return. In his
clemency he willed that all those for whom we suppli-
cated should tell the others that they were sound and
in health, directly after we made the sign of the blessed
cross over them. For this the Indians treated us
kindly; they deprived themselves of food that they
might give to us, and presented us with skins and some
trifles.'
As the spring advanced the other Christians returned
to the island, but Vaca remained on the main-land,
where he became very sick. Hearing of this, the others,
CABEZA DE VACA.
69
under Alonzo del Castillo and Andres Dorantes, desired
to visit him, but had considerable difficulty in getting
the tribe with which they were to allow them to cross.
Those still alive on the island were fourteen in all, but
two, named Alviniz and Lope de Oviedo, were too feeble
to travel. The other twelve crossed to the main-land,
and there found another of their party, Francisco de
Leon; and these thirteen started to travel along the
coast, leaving Cabeza de Vaca alone and to his fate, as
he was unable to move. Here he remained for more
than a year, treated by the natives as a slave, and com-
pelled to perform the most toilsome and painful work.
During this time he was continually planning how to
escape to some other tribe, and so gradually move on to
Mexico, but it was long before an opportunity was pre-
sented. At length he proposed to his masters to go
trafficking for them to the adjacent tribes, and as he was
expert in such matters, they soon let him travel on such
business to considerable distances. The goods that he
took to trade with, were shells, and a peculiar fruit, like
a bean, which the interior tribes used as a medicine;
and in return he obtained skins, ochre for painting the
face, hard cane to make arrows, sinews, flints, etc., etc.
This business gave him not only great liberty, but better
fare and treatment; and besides, he was continually gain-
ing information as to the best way to go forward when
he should escape and start for Christian settlements.
For nearly six years he remained thus among the
natives, with no European for a companion, but living
naked and in all respects like an Indian. The reason,
he says, that he remained so long was that he wanted,
when he went, to take with him Oviedo, who had been.
left on the island, and whose companion, Alvaniz, had
soon after died. With this in view he went over to the
island every year and saw Oviedo, and tried to induce
him to start on the journey toward the Christian settle-
ments. But Oviedo, who seems to have been satisfed
70
CABEZA DE VACA.
with his lot, or else afraid to venture on new trials, kept
putting him off, until in the year 1533 Vaca finally took
him away and carried him with him toward the West;
although as Oviedo could not swim, he had to support
him in the water in crossing rivers and bays. So they
proceeded until they arrived at a wide expanse of water,
which they believed must be the bay called Espiritu
Santo. There they met some Indians from the western
side of the bay, who said that there were three white
men with their tribe, and inquiry showed that these
were the sole survivors of the thirteen who had passed
on; five of the others having been killed by the Indians,
and the others having died of cold or from privations.
They gave such a frightful account of the manner in
which the three survivors were being treated that the
courage of Oviedo completely gave out, and he insisted
on returning to the island; and notwithstanding the
entreaties of Cabeza de Vaca, he could not be dissuaded
from the purpose, and so departed, leaving Vaca again
entirely alone among this new tribe of savages. As soon
as he could, he ascertained where the three Spaniards
were to be found and visited them; his appearance creat-
ing the greatest astonishment, as they had supposed
that he was long since dead-and the natives had so
reported. In the words of Vaca: "We gave many
thanks at seeing ourselves together again, and this day
was to us the happiest that we had ever enjoyed in our
lives." The three Christians who were there found
were Alonzo del Castillo, Andres Dorantes, and Estev-
anico, the latter being an African. They soon talked of
plans of escape, and Dorantes said that for a long time.
he had been urging the others to unite with him in
pressing forward, but that they had refused because they
could not swim, and were afraid of the rivers and bays
which so abounded in that country. They advised Vaca
that he must not arouse any suspicions on the part of
the natives that he intended to leave there, or he would
CABEZA DE VACA.
71
certainly be kill d; and that for success in any project
of escape, it would be necessary to wait for six months,
until the time when the Indians regularly went to
another island to eat prickly-pears. Cabeza de Vaca
was given as a slave to the same Indian who owned
Dorantes, and so had a further experience in enforced
servitude to a native.
While here he heard of the fate of the other boats of
the expedition, and of the death of Narvaez and the
Comptroller. The boats in which were the Comptroller
and the Friars had been cast away on the coast, and
that of Narvaez had been carried out to sea by a north
wind, while scarcely any except the Governor were on
board, and was never more heard of. All of the men in
both those parties had perished in various ways, except
one, named Hernando de Esquivel, who was believed to
be still alive among the Indians to the west. One other
Spaniard still survived, Figueroa, one of the party of
four who were dispatched from the island the year before
to endeavor to force a passage through to Mexico, and
send succor to their enfeebled commander. It might be
added here, that some time after, information came
through the Indians of the destruction of the party
under Peñalosa and Tellez, who were in the fifth and
last boat. It appeared that they had reached the shore
a little farther west than the others, but in so feeble a
condition that they were all destroyed by the Camones
tribe, who inhabited that region, the Spaniards not
having the strength to offer any resistance even when
being slain.
While among the tribe where they now were, the
Spaniards suffered greatly, being cruelly treated, com-
pelled to work very hard, and suffer much hunger; but
the Indians themselves, except in the prickly-pear
season, fared little better as to food, as they were com-
pelled to live on roots, which were scarce and difficult
to dig, and frequently were reduced to the use of spiders,
72
CABEZA DE VACA.
worms, lizards, and snakes, and even earth and wood.
They had a singular custom as to their children, all the
female infants being cast away at their birth. The
reason of this was that they were surrounded by tribes
that were enemies, and if their daughters grew up, they
would have to marry into some of these tribes, and so
serve to increase the number of their foes-as it was not
allowable to intermarry in the tribe. For their own.
wives they captured or bought the women of their
enemies, in that way strengthening themselves and
weakening their opponents.
When the prickly-pear season arrived, to which they
had looked forward as the time of their deliverance, by
great ill fortune the masters of the Spaniards had a
quarrel and separated a considerable distance, so that it
was impossible for them to meet and escape; and thus
a whole year was lost until the same season came again.
During the year Cabeza de Vaca suffered many things-
three times narrowly escaping being killed by his mas-
ters; but at length the summer arrived once more, and
the tribe moved as before. After encountering many
difficulties in arranging to escape, the Spaniards finally
succeeded in uniting beyond the encampment of the
Indians, and pressed on as rapidly as possible to avoid
being overtaken. After two days they came to another
tribe called Avavares. These people had already heard
of the Spaniards, and of the wonderful cures which they
had performed among the Indians on the island; so that
scarcely had they arrived when some of the Indians came
to Castillo saying that they had severe headaches, and
asking to be relieved. He made the sign of the cross
over them and commended them to God; whereupon
they all said that the pains had departed, and soon re-
turned with prickly- pears and a piece of venison-a
rare treat for our adventurers. As the news of their
cures spread, many others came, each bringing a piece
of venison as a fee, until more meat had accumulated
CABEZA DE VACA.
73
than the Spaniards knew how to dispose of; whereupon
they gave thanks to God for his goodness. As the season
was now well advanced and inquiry showed that there
were no provisions at that season in the country beyond,
the Spaniards concluded to remain through the winter
with these Indians who treated them so well. All
through that period the sick and wounded of the sur-
rounding country were brought to them for cure; and
they had such success that nothing else was talked of
by the adjacent tribes but the astonishing power of
these pale-faced strangers. At first only Castillo and
Cabeza de Vaca acted as physicians; but as time passed,
and the number applying for help increased, Dorantes
and the negro also commenced to practice-and all with
equal success; "although," says Vaca, "in being vent-
uresome and bold in the performance of cures, I greatly
excelled." "No one whom we treated," he adds, "but
told us he was left well; and so great was the confidence
that they would become healed if we administered to
them, that they even believed that whilst we remained
none of them could die" The Indians not only treated
them well, but showed great appreciation of their char-
acter as their benefactors: "Thus," says the narrative,
"when the Cuthalchuches (who were in company with
our Indians) were about to return to their own country,
they left us all the prickly-pears they had — without
keeping one; they gave us flints of very high value
there, a palm and a half in length, with which they
cut. They begged that we would always remember
them, and pray to God that they might always be well;
and we promised to do so. They left the most satisfied
beings in the world-having given us the best of all
they had."
For eight months they stayed among these people;
and then, as the prickly-pears began to ripen, they stole
away (as that was the only means by which they could
pursue their journey) to another tribe, called Malia-
74
CABEZA DE VACA.
cones; and thence to the Arbadaos, a people very weak
and lank-probably for lack of food. "Among them,"
says Cabeza de Vaca, "we underwent greater hunger
than with the others; we ate daily not more than two
handfuls of prickly- pears, which were green, and so
milky they burned our mouths. In our extreme want
we bought two dogs, giving in exchange some nets
(with other things), and a skin with which I used to
cover myself. I have already stated that throughout
all this country we went naked; and as we were unac-
customed to being so, twice a year we cast our skins,
like serpents. Sometimes the Indians would set me to
scraping and softening skins; and the days of my
greatest prosperity there were those in which they
gave me skins to dress. I would scrape them a very
great deal, and eat the scraps; which would sustain me
two or three days. When it happened, among these
people (as it had likewise among others whom we left
behind), that a piece of meat was given us, we ate it
raw; for if we had put it to roast, the first native that
should come along would have taken it off and devoured
it-and it appeared to us not well to expose it to this
risk; besides, we were in such condition it would have
given us pain to eat it roasted, and we could not have
digested it so well as raw. Such was the life we spent
there, and the meagre subsistence we earned by the
matters of traffic, which were the work of our own
hands."
After eating the dogs the Spaniards felt refreshed,
and continued their journey, and at night came to a
village of fifty dwellings. The inhabitants probably
never had heard of white men, as they were greatly
amazed at their appearance, showing at first much fear.
In the morning the Indians brought their sick, on
whom they prayed for a blessing. Here the Spaniards
stayed some days; and when they stated that they must
leave, the whole town was in tears at their departure,
CABEZA DE VACA.
75
begging them to remain. They went forward, however,
and were received by the next tribe with equal hospi-
tality. Here for the first time they saw the Mesquit,
and ate of its fruit, and of flour made from it. Though
these people arranged a special festival in honor of the
travellers, they did not tarry, but passed on; and after
crossing a river as wide as the Guadalquiver, arrived at
a large Indian town of a full hundred habitations. Here
the fame of the strangers had preceded them, and the
people came out to receive them, making a barbarous
kind of music with their voices and hands, and carrying
gourds with pebbles in them, which were used solely on
important occasions; because, as the gourd did not grow
in their country, but was only found when brought
down the river occasionally in times of floods, they con-
sidered it peculiarly sacred, and as coming direct from
heaven. Having heard of the wonderful cures effected
by the pale-faces, the people pressed upon them in
crowds, each trying to be foremost in touching them in
order to receive some of the miraculous virtue, so that
the Spaniards were in danger of their lives and had to
retire into a house. All night long the natives danced
and sang in honor of the occasion, and the next morn-
ing the whole town came to be touched and blessed, as
they had heard had been done in other places, and made
presents to the Indians who had guided the Spaniards
from the last town. This latter custom was continued
from place to place in an increasing degree. Those that
accompanied the party from the town just mentioned to
the next, took from each person who came to be cured
his bow and arrows, and any ornaments which he might
wear, apparently as payment for having brought the
wonderful physicians; and the sick men were so full of
rejoicing over what they considered a certainty of cure
that they cheerfully yielded all that they had. The
people of that town, when they in their turn conducted
them to still another, were even more grasping, entering
76
CABEZA DE VACA.
the houses and carrying off whatever suited their fancy;
but when the Spaniards showed sorrow and displeasure.
at this, the people who were thus despoiled assured
them that they need not be grieved, as they were so
gratified at their coming that they considered the
payment by their property but a small equivalent; and
besides (and this was perhaps the real reason of their
complacency), that as the Spaniards went on, they in
their turn would be well rewarded by those in advance,
who were very rich.
About this time the four travellers first came in sight
of some mountains, all the country heretofore having
been a level plain. These were undoubtedly the San
Saba Mountains of modern atlases, though Cabeza de
Vaca in describing them gives a good illustration of the
indefinite ideas of geography then existing in America,
by saying that "they appear to come in succession from
the North Sea," or Atlantic. They were guided towards
them by Indians, who took them to the villages of their
kindred, because they did not wish their enemies to
enjoy so great a privilege as the presence of the wonder-
working strangers; but who, nevertheless, did not forget
to plunder the towns visited as a kind of reward. At
length this custom became so well known that at any
place that they approached the people would hide a
portion of their goods. Sometimes they made voluntary
presents to the Spaniards, but the latter always dis-
tributed them among the natives who were bearing
them company, in order to carry out the national
custom. At this point they followed up the course of a
river for a considerable distance, being desirous to seek
the interior, where they found uniform kindness and
hospitality, rather than trust themselves again with the
tribes near the coast, who were more violent and had
proved cruel task-masters.
Once when the Spaniards had preferred to follow
their own ideas of the proper route, rather than the
CABEZA DE VACA.
77
suggestion of the accompanying people, the latter left
them and the little company of adventurers journeyed
on alone; and on arriving at a village found every one
in sorrow, because news had come that wheresoever the
Spaniards came the town was pillaged by their escort.
When they saw that the party was unaccompanied, they
gained courage, and gave them prickly-pears to eat.
But their sense of security was short-lived, for at dawn
a lot of Indians from the preceding town suddenly
broke open their houses and plundered them of almost
everything. As consolation the marauders told them
that the Spaniards were the children of the Sun, having
power to cure or to destroy, to cause to live or die. They
advised them to do everything to make the strangers
satisfied, and to show them the highest respect; not to
mind what they lost in doing this, but to conduct the
Spaniards to places where the people were numerous,
and then to pillage the town, as that was the custom.
The hearers were apt pupils, and when Cabeza de Vaca
and his party were ready to move, they accompanied
them, repeating what they had been told of the Span-
iards, and adding much more; for "these people," says
the chronicler, "are all very fond of romance, and are
great liars, particularly when it is to their interest."
On the journey two native physicians presented them
with two gourds, which the Spaniards thereafter carried,
thus increasing the estimation in which the people held
them. Here they reached the base of the range of hills,
and proceeded almost directly inland for fifty leagues,
when they came to a village, where, among the articles
presented to them, was a hawk-bell of copper, thick an 1
large, and figured with a face, which the natives ad
greatly prized, and brought as their choicest offering.
On inquiry they said that it had come from the north,
where there was much of that metal, but they had only
received this one piece from a neighboring tribe. The
next day the travellers passed over a ridge seven leagues
78
CABEZA DE VACA.
in extent, and in the evening came to a beautiful river,
on which was a village, where they stopped. Here the
people as usual were profuse with their gifts, presenting,
among other things, little bags of Marquesite and pul-
verized galena, with which they rub the face. Here
also the Spaniards first found Piñons, which Cabeza
describes by saying that "in that country are small pine.
trees, the cones like little eggs; but the seed is better
than that of Castilla, as its husk is very thin, and while
green, is beat and made into balls, to be thus eaten. If
the seed be dry, it is pounded in the husk, and consumed
in the form of flour." At this time Vaca performed
a very notable cure, removing from a man's breast, close
to the heart, a large arrow-head, which for many years
had been imbedded there. "From there," says the
chronicler, “we travelled through so many sorts of peo-
ple, of such diverse languages, that memory fails to re-
call them. They ever plundered each other, and those
that lost, like those that gained, were fully content.
We drew so many followers that we had not use for
their services. Whatever they either killed or found,
was put before us, without themselves daring to take
anything until we had blessed it, though they should be
expiring of hunger, they having so established the rule
since marching with us. Frequently we were accom-
panied by three or four thousand people, and as we had
to breathe upon and sanctify the food and drink for each,
and grant permission to do the many things they would
come to ask, it may be seen how great was the annoy-
ance."
The party now arrived at a "great river coming from
the north," and after proceeding thirty leagues over a
level section, met a number of persons who had come out
of their town to receive them, and who welcomed them
most hospitably to their homes. These obliging hosts
also guided them on their way more than fifty leagues,
over rough mountains devoid of water or any kind of
CABEZA DE VACA.
79
food, where the party suffered much with hunger; but
having accomplished that distance, their eyes were glad-
dened by the sight of a very large river, the water of
which was breast high. (The "great river coming from
the north" was almost without a doubt the Pecos, and
the "very large river" the Rio Bravo del Norte, now
better known as the Rio Grande.) Proceeding westerly,
they stopped at a plain at the base of the mountains,
where they found a considerable population, who gave
them so many goods that half of them had to be left for
lack of means to carry them. Vaca told the Indians to
take back the goods which were left, or they would soon
be spoiled; but they answered that "that was not pos-
sible, as it was not their custom after they had bestowed
a thing to take it back." It is evident that the
phrase "Indian giver" did not originate with this par-
ticular tribe of natives, whose customs were so thoroughly
based on an opposite principle. The party remained
here some days, first letting the natives know that
they wished to reach the land of the setting sun. To
this the Indians replied that the inhabitants in that di-
rection were remote, and were hereditary enemies of
their own tribe. Cabeza then asked them to conduct
the party to the north, but of this journey they gave
an even more discouraging account, saying that there.
were neither people, nor food, nor water in that direc-
tion. The Spaniards, however, insisted on that course,
and when the inhabitants of the village still objected to
going with them, Vaca became offended and went to
sleep in the woods away from the houses, which so dis-
tressed the natives that they went where he was and
remained all night, begging him to forgive them and
be no longer angry, and saying that they would go
whithersoever he desired, even though they were sure
they should die on the way. The terror which this
display of displeasure on the part of the Spaniards oc-
casioned was greatly heightened by the strange coinci--
80
CABEZA DE VACA.
dence that on the next day many of the Indians became
ill and some of them died. "Wheresoever this became
known," says Cabeza de Vaca, "there was great dread,
and it seemed as if the inhabitants would die of fear at
sight of us. They besought us not to remain angered,
nor require that more of them should die. They be-
lieved we caused their death by only willing it, when
in truth it gave us so much pain that it could not be
greater; for beyond their loss, we feared they might all
die, or abandon us from fright, and that other people.
thenceforward would do the same, seeing what had come
to these. We prayed to God our Lord to relieve them,
and from that time the sick began to get better."
After remaining here over a fortnight the travellers
again proceeded on their long journey, a number of
women acting as guides, as that was the only possible
course when the tribe to be met was hostile to that just
left. After marching three days, Castillo, with Este-
vanico, the African, set off on an expedition with two
women as guides, one being a captive from the country
they were approaching. The latter led them to the
river that ran between some ridges where there was a
town in which her family lived, and there it was, to use
the language of the narrator, that "habitations were
first seen having the appearance and structure of houses."
Castillo in his report described them as "fixed dwell-
ings of civilization;" and in speaking of their next
journey, Vaca uses the term "settled habitations."
The party was certainly then in New Mexico, though
in what exact spot it is impossible now to say, but their
description seems to point very distinctly to some of the
Pueblo towns. The points that would specially strike
a man who had lived so long away from civilization, and
where a tent is the most pretentious dwelling, would
naturally be those of permanence and stability, and of
resemblance to the solid houses of European communities,
and these are precisely the ones to which the narrators
CABEZA DE VACA.
81
allude. The inhabitants of these towns, of which the
Spaniards visited several, are described as the "finest
persons of any we saw, of the greatest activity and
strength, who best understood us and most intelligently
answered our inquiries." "We called them," says Vaca,
"the cow nation' because most of the cattle killed are
slaughtered in their neighborhood, and along that river
upwards for fifty leagues they destroy great numbers."
The country was found to be very populous, and the
inhabitants lived on beans, pumpkins, and corn, al-
though at that time the latter was scarce on account of
drought. The people did not understand the language
of the Indians who had accompanied the Spaniards, and
seemed to be different in many ways. After stopping
a few days the Christians told them that they must go
on toward the setting sun, and enquired concerning the
best route. The Indians replied that the only fea-
sible path was to follow the great river they were on up-
ward to the north, for if they went more directly to the
west, they would have a long journey across a desert,
where there was nothing to eat except a fruit called by
the natives "chacan," which, even when ground between
stones, could scarcely be used as an article of food on ac-
count of its dryness and pungency. Along the river, on
the contrary, there was a continuous population; and
though they had few provisions, yet they would receive
the strangers with the best of good-will and hospitality.
The Spaniards, however, disliked to add anything un-
necessary to the length of the journey required to bring
them to some of their own nationality, and determined
to brave the dangers and sufferings of the desert route.
They found it as represented, and indeed were not able
to swallow the chacan fruit at all, but had to subsist
on a handful of deer suet each day, this being the most
concentrated form of nutriment that Cabeza de Vaca
could devise, and he having devoted much time to its
collection for the purpose
82
CABEZA DE VACA.
The route here is obscurely recorded, as it appears
they did proceed up the river for seventeen days, and
then, after crossing, a further journey of seventeen days
brought the travellers to a land of plenty again, where
were large supplies of flour, grain, beans, and pump-
kins; but before reaching this, they had passed through
a section where during four months of the year the peo-
ple lived on nothing but the powder of straw, and their
journey happening to come exactly at that time, they
were compelled to accept the same scanty diet. It may
be added that on the journey they were presented with
"coverings of cowhide," meaning buffalo-hides, in con-
siderable numbers. The land of plenty, when reached,
was one where the natives had permanent structures
for houses, some of earth, and some of cane mats.
Through this good land they travelled by their own
computation (which is almost always exaggerated)
over 100 leagues, finding everywhere settled habita-
tions, and plenty of corn and beans. The people gave
them "cotton shawls, better than those of New Spain,
many beads, and certain corals found on the South Sea,
and fine turquoises that came from the North." "In-
deed they gave us," says the chronicler, "everything
they had. To me they gave five emeralds, made into
arrow-heads, which they use at their singing and danc-
ing. They appeared to be very precious. I asked
whence they got these, and they said the stones were
brought from some lofty mountains that stand towards
the north, where were populous towns and very large
houses, and that they were purchased with plumes and
feathers of parrots." The "populous towns and very
large houses" undoubtedly referred to the greater
pueblos to the north. Here for the first time the Span-
iards saw the use of the "Soap-weed" (Yucca filamen-
tosa, called also Spanish Bayonet and Amole) for cleans-
ing purposes, and found a people who habitually used
coverings for the feet, like shoes or moccasins. "These
CABEZA DE VACA.
83
Indians," continues the narrative, "ever accompanied
us until they delivered us to others, and all held full
faith in our coming from heaven. While travelling we
went without food all day until night, and we ate so little
as to astonish them. We never felt exhaustion, neither
were we in fact at all weary, so inured were we to hard-
ship. We possessed great influence and authority; to
preserve both we seldom talked with them. The negro
was in constant conversation; he informed himself
about the ways we wished to take, of the towns there
were, and the matters we desired to know. We passed
through many and dissimilar tongues. Our Lord
granted us favor with the people who spoke them, for
they always understood us, and we them. We ques-
tioned them and received their answers by signs, just as
if they spoke our language and we theirs; for although
we knew six languages, we could not everywhere avail
ourselves of them, there being a thousand differences.
Throughout all these countries the people who were at
war immediately made friends, that they might come
to meet us, and bring what they possessed. In this way
we left all the land at peace, and we taught all the in-
habitants by signs which they understood, that in
heaven was a man we called God, who had created the
sky and the earth; him we worshiped and had for our
Master; that we did what he commanded, and from his.
hand came all good; and would they do as we did, all
would be well with them. They are a people of good
condition and substance, capable in any pursuit.”
Proceeding on ward, always to the west, and through
a town which they named the Town of Hearts (Pueblo
de los Corazones), they came to a village, where the in-
cessant rain detained them for a fortnight; and during
that time at length saw the first signs which gave token
of an approach to the European settlements which they
had so long been seeking. Hung to the neck of an In-
dian, Castillo saw the buckle cf a sword-belt, and at-
84
CABEZA DE VACA.
come, and was
tached to it the nail of a horse shoe. While small
things in themselves, to the Spaniard these spoke vol-
umes, for they were sure signs of some communication
with a civilized and Christian people. Eagerly he in-
quired of the owner whence they had
told that they had come from heaven. He asked how,
and who had brought them, and then came the answer
they were so earnestly waiting for, that a number of
men with beards like the Spaniards had come from
heaven to the river near by, bringing horses, lances,
and swords, and that they had lanced two Indians.
"What had become of these men," asked the travellers,
endeavoring to suppress any signs of their intense in-
terest. The answer was that "they had gone to sea
putting their lances beneath the water, and going them-
selves under the water; afterwards they were seen on
the surface of the water going towards the setting sun."
Never were men more rejoiced than the Spaniards, at
the news which showed that the colonies of their
countrymen were near at hand.
From this point information regarding Europeans,
and signs of their recent presence, increased at every
step. Unfortunately, too much of this was of an un-
favorable and shameful character. Everywhere the
new-comers had made themselves feared and hated, and
not loved. Wherever they had been they had killed,
abused, or enslaved the natives. Cabeza de Vaca in
pressing westward told the natives that he was going in
search of these people to tell them no more to kill or
enslave them, nor despoil their houses and lands, nor
do other injustices; and at this the poor natives greatly
rejoiced. Passing on, they found whole territories
depopulated because the inhabitants had fled to the
mountains for fear of the Spaniards. For two years.
they had planted no corn, because whatever they raised
was stolen by the marauding parties of the Europeans.
They had abandoned their houses, which were found
CABEZA DE VACA.
85
going into decay; and although the land was of great
fertility and well watered, they were wretchedly sub-
sisting on roots and the bark of trees. To Cabeza de
Vaca and his companions, whom they never associated
in any way with these Spanish oppressors from the
west, they cheerfully brought the few things which
they had saved by concealment; at the same time tell-
ing them of the forays of their bearded enemies, who
had carried off half the men and all the women and
boys from the valleys into slavery, only those remain-
ing who had escaped to the mountains. Contrasting
·
the generous confidence with which his own party was
received, and the high respect and veneration paid to
them, though they were impoverished, naked, and half
starved, with the fear and hatred which the outrages
and oppression of the Spaniards of Sinoloa had inspired,
the chronicler well says in his report to the emperor:
"Thence it may at once be seen, that to bring all these
people to be Christians, and to the obedience of the Im-
perial Majesty, they must be won by kindness, which
is a way certain, and no other is."
Trying to collect the natives, as usual, for a confer-
ence, the messengers of Cabeza de Vaca returned, saying
that it was impossible, as some of the people had seen
the Christians from behind trees the night before, and
so all were fleeing to the mountains; especially, as they
had seen slaves in chains with the Spanish party. The
truth of this was soon evident; as the travellers reached
a point where the Christians had encamped at night,
the stakes showed that they were horsemen. Vaca cal-
culated that the distance from this point to the town
where they first saw the buckle and nail was ninety-two
leagues; the river, where the Spaniards had first been
seen by the natives, being about twelve leagues west of
that village. As the Spanish marauding party had now
been passed, and Vaca feared that they were killing and
enslaving the kind and hospitable people through whose
86
CABEZA DE VACA.
country he had just come, he turned back, with Estev-
anico and eleven Indians, to seek them; and followed
their trail ten leagues, and finally the next day overtook
four of them on horseback. What a strange meeting!
Men born in the same land, across the Atlantic, meeting
in an Indian territory close to the Pacific; one party,
after journeying for seven years across a continent, en-
during all kinds of hardships, emaciated, and having
almost lost the semblance of European civilization; the
others coming from the opposite direction, well armed,
and on horseback, seeking conquests and riches. "They
were astonished at sight of me," says Cabeza de Vaca;
"so confounded that they neither hailed me nor drew
near to make an inquiry. I bade them take me to their
chief; accordingly, we went together half a league to
the place where was Diego de Alcaraz, their captain."
After his surprise at seeing Vaca had subsided, Al-
caraz told him that he was completely discouraged; that
for a long time he had not been able to capture any In-
dians; and that his men were worn out and discontented
from hunger and fatigue. Vaca then told him that his
companions, Castillo and Dorantes, were but ten miles
off with a multitude of friendly Indians, and desired
that they should be sent for; which was quickly done,
three horsemen being swiftly despatched, with Estev-
anico as a guide. Five days afterwards they returned
with Castillo and Dorantes, and more than 600 Indians;
many of whom were those who had fled from Alcaraz,
but who gladly showed their confidence in Cabeza de
Vaca and his companions. Alcaraz begged that they
would ask the Indians to bring food; and this they cheer-
fully did at the request of Vaca-bringing pots full of
corn, which they had hidden in the ground, and Vaca
distributed it to the Spanish troops. But no sooner had
the latter satisfied their hunger than they forgot all
sense of obligation, and wished to capture the Indians
and make slaves of them. This outrage Cabeza de Vaca
CABEZA DE VACA.
87
and his companions opposed vigorously, and finally suc-
ceeded, after many high words, in preventing it; and
persuaded the Indians, by promises of future good treat-
ment, to return to their houses and fields.
The confidence which the natives showed in these
wanderers, in contrast to the hatred and fear for the
Mexican Spaniards, caused a strange feeling of jealousy
on the part of the latter; and calling an interpreter, they
told the Indians that Cabeza de Vaca and his friends
were of the same people as themselves, only they had
been lost a long time; that they themselves were the
lords of the land who must be obeyed and served, while
the wanderers were persons of mean condition and
small importance. But the Indians were not to be in-
fluenced by any such talk, and conversing among them-
selves said, as the narrative of Vaca tells us, "that
the Spaniards lied, for we came from the land where
the sun rises, while the others came from the land where
the sun sets; we healed the sick, they killed the sound;
that we had come naked and barefooted, while they
had arrived in clothing and on horses, with lances; that
we were not covetous of anything, but all that was
given us we directly turned to give, retaining nothing;
that the others had no other purpose than to rob whom-
soever they found, bestowing nothing on any one. Even
to the last I could not convince the Indians that we
were of the Christians, and only with great effort and
solicitation we got them to go back to their residences.
We ordered them to put away apprehensions, establish
their towns and cultivate the soil. The Indians at
taking their leave told us they would do what we com-
manded, and would build their towns, if the Christians.
would suffer them; and this I say and affirm most
positively, that if they have not done so, it is the
fault of the Christians." So early could an experienced
traveler and military officer, with no natural predilec-
tion in favor of the Indians, state in one brief and terse
88
CABEZA DE VACA.
sentence the fact so often repeated since, of the original
cause of the great majority of difficulties between the
Europeans and the native possessors of the land.
Dismissing now their Indian escort, the four travel-
lers hastened on to the habitations of their own people;
and when three leagues from Culiacan, were met by the
Alcalde of that town, Don Melchior Diaz, who was also
Captain of the Province, and who had heard of their ap-
proach. He wept at sight of them, and gave praise to
God who had preserved them through such great dan-
gers. On behalf of the Governor, Nuño de Guzman, as
well as himself he tendered all the hospitality and service
in his power. The travellers wished to lose no time in
journeying towards Mexico, but the Alcalde begged
them to remain long enough to give confidence to the
Indians and induce them again to inhabit the fruitful
valleys which were now going to waste. This was no
easy task, as Alcaraz immediately after the departure of
Cabeza de Vaca had recommenced his outrages upon
the natives; but finally through the influence of those
to whom they looked up with so much reverence and
respect they were brought in. Many of them were
baptized, and the Captain of the Province, in the pres-
ence of them all, made a covenant with God no more to
invade, or consent to invasion, nor to enslave any of
the people. Having accomplished this double benefit
to both Spaniards and Indians, the four companions
proceeded on their way, arriving at the town of San
Miguel on April 1, 1536, and on July 25 at the City
of Mexico, where they were welcomed with great re-
joicing, and entertained most handsomely by the Viceroy
of New Spain, and by Cortez, who now bore the title of
Marquis of the Valley. From thence, by reason of
storms and the dangers of enemies on the sea in the
war then raging, they were over a year in reaching.
Europe, finally landing at Lisbon on the 8th of Au-
gust, 1537, more than ten years after they had left San
CABEZA DE VACA.
89
Lucar, in high hopes of conquering an empire in
Florida.
Thus ended the expedition begun with intent to find
another El Dorado, similar to those of the Montezumas
and the Incas, and which, though doomed to disaster.
from its very inception, and utterly unsuccessful in ac-
complishing its design, yet lives in history through the
sufferings and endurance of the four men who were the
first to cross the continent north of the comparatively
narrow domains of Mexico. By the people of New
Mexico the name of Cabeza de Vaca will ever be held in
special remembrance as that of the first European who
ever passed through her territory. While some parts
of his narrative are obscure, and in the absence of names
that can be identified with any of those of more modern
days, or even with those preserved by subsequent travel-
lers among the Spaniards, it is difficult always to deter-
mine localities with entire certainty, yet we are enabled
with a little care to distinguish quite accurately the
general course of this most extraordinary journey.
The following seem to be the points of most inter-
est in this regard: The bay in which the Spaniards
first landed and where Narvaez set up the Imperial
Ensign, was probably Charlotte Harbor, or some-
where in that vicinity, on the west coast of Florida;
and the large bay discovered on Easter Monday, and
which stretched far inland, was undoubtedly Tampa
Bay. It is possible that the first landing place was
one of the coves which are found in the southerly
part of the same bay, as the distance between the two
places was not great. The river reached after fifteen
days travel, and which was crossed with difficulty on
account of its width, was certainly the Withlacoochee,
as there is no other that answers the description; and
the "wide and deep river with the rapid current," where
they had to stop and build a canoe in order to cross
and where Juan Velasquez was drowned, was undoubt-
90
CABEZA DE VACA.
edly the Suwanee. As thirty days were occupied in
travelling from one of these rivers to the other, either
the journey must have been specially slow and difficult
or else the expedition crossed the latter pretty high up,
probably just below the junction of the Santa Fe, its
eastern branch, as the narrative makes no mention of
crossing that stream separately.
The next point of interest is the town of Apalache;
and this appears to have been situated in the vicinity
of Tallahassee, though from the time required to reach
Aute, it may have been further north, in south-western
Georgia, or near the locality of Chattahoochee. Of the
town of Aute, we know that it was but a days' march
from the sea and near a very large stream, which the
Spaniards called Magdalena. This may have been near
St. Marks, or perhaps the great river was the Apalachi-
cola, and Aute may have been near the site of Fort
Gadsden. This seems more probable, as the expedition
of twenty men sent out to explore the coast gave a re-
port of the bay being large and the seashore still dis-
tant. Charlevoix, however, who was at San Marcos de
Apalache (St. Marks) in 1722, writes: "This bay is
precisely that which Garcilasso de la Vega, in his his-
tory of Florida, calls the port of Aute;" and an ancient
map, drawn by no less an authority than Sebastian
Cabot, shows Apalache Bay, with the note in bad Span-
ish, “Aqui deSan Barco panflo de Narnez." (Aqui desembarcó
Panfilo de Narvaez). If this is true, then the Bahia de
Caballos of Narvaez is the Apalache Bay of the present.
The village where the battle was had with the Indians,
and where the robe of civet-marten was obtained, was
probably near Pensacola; and the place where Teodoro,
the Greek, was abandoned, at the month of Mobile Bay.
But there is some authority for believing that the lat-
ter point was also in Pensacola Bay, instead of being
further west. However this may be, there can be no
doubt that the great river which emptied such enor-
CABEZA DE VACA.
91
}
mous quantities of fresh water into the Gulf, with such a
swift current, was the Mississippi.
ever,
From this point it is more difficult to trace the exact
route of the travellers, as times and distances are
wanting, except in a few instances. The Island of
Malhado and Espiritu Santo Bay have been located by
different historians in widely varying localities. Buck-
ingham Smith, in the first edition of his translation of
Cabeza de Vaca's narrative, places them as far east as
Mobile Bay, and traces the travellers' route north to the
Muscle Shoals in the Tennessee River. This, how-
could not well be, in connection with other parts
of the route. And in the edition of 1871, he has
changed his views so far as to suggest that the locality
may have been as far west as San Antonio Bay in
Texas. W. W. H. Davis, in his "Spanish Conquest of
New Mexico," expresses the opinion that Malhado was
one of the low islands on the coast of Louisiana; and the
mention of a tribe called Atayos in the narrative, who
are probably identical with the Adayes, who lived in
1805 about forty miles from Nachitoches, and the
Hadaies, who years before were reported as being be-
tween the Nachitoches and Sabine Rivers,-adds plausi-
bility to this view. It is possible that the island may
have been at or near Galveston, or as far west as the
beaches or islands known as Matagorda Beach and Mat-
agorda Island, which are the outer protections of Mat-
agorda and San Antonio Bays All that we can say
certainly is that the Island of Malhado was one of the
low islands so numerous on the coast of western Louisi-
ana and Texas; and rest contented with that amount of
knowledge. From here the course of Cabeza de Vaca
and his three companions was in a generally north-
westerly direction until the plains were reached, and
afterwards the mountains seen, and from thence gener-
ally south-west into Sonora and Sinaloa.
The country with towns of "fixed habitations"
CABEZA DE VACA.
92
undoubtedly referred to the domain of the Pueblo In-
dians in New Mexico; and the great river coming from
the north, which they crossed, was in all probability the
Pecos. From there they were guided through fifty
leagues of desert, and over rough mountains to another
very great river, the water of which was breast high.
This was undoubtedly the Rio Grande; and it was here
that they had the long parleying with the natives as to
the route to be pursued, the latter telling them of the
great deserts to be passed if they went directly west-
ward. Up this river they marched for thirty-four days
-seventeen on the east side and seventeen on the west.
Part of the distance was over plains lying between
chains of great mountains; and they proceeded till they
reached permanent habitations, where abundance of
corn was raised, and where the natives, besides pump-
kins, beans, etc., had "shawls of cotton." Some of their
houses were of earth and some of cane mats. Just how
far up the valley of the Rio Grande Cabeza de Vaca came
we shall probably never know; but evidently not further
than central New Mexico, as the turquoises which were
presented to him, and which certainly came from the
great Chalchiuitl Mountain in the Cerrillos, twenty.
miles south of Santa Fé, he mentions as coming "from
the north." From the highest point reached, the party
seem to have turned quite abruptly west, probably as
soon as they had passed by the desert regions on the
west of the river; and then marched for more than a
100 leagues, continually finding settled domicils, with
plenty of maize and beans. It may be well conjectured
that this was along the line of the Puerco and San Jose,
and among the numerous pueblo towns, of which we
have such full descriptions a few years later, in the time.
of Coronado; although the route may have been further
south. From this time the course of the travellers was
south-west until they reached the points in Sonora,
where they neard of the nearness of other Christians.
CABEZA DE VACA.
93
Before leaving the subject of Cabeza de Vaca, it seems
only proper to add a few words as to the subsequent his-
tory of this extraordinary man-everything in relation
to whom is of interest in connection with early New
Mexican history: For three years after his arrival in
Spain, and the presentation of his "Relation" to the
king, he appears to have lived in comparative seclusion;
recovering slowly from the terrible exhaustion and after-
effects of his wanderings, privations, and sufferings. At
the end of that time (1540), news came to Spain of the
death, by an Indian ambuscade, of the Commander Ay-
olas, who had been governor of a colony in South Amer-
ica, where the Republic of Paraguay is now situated.
The surviving colonists sent urgent entreaties to the
mother country for succor, and Cabeza de Vaca was se-
lected to command the new expedition, and appointed
as the governor of the colony. He was to furnish 8,000
ducats towards the expenses of the enterprise, but in
return was given the titles of Governor, Captain-Gen-
eral, and Adelantado, and entitled to one-twelfth of the
produce of the countries he should conquer.
After many difficulties he landed at St. Catharine's,
in Brazil, in March, 1541; and from there marched across
an utterly unknown country, and amid dangers which
exceeded anything, even, that he had known in North
America, to the River Parana. Arrived here, he ex-
pected to be met by boats to convey his troops to Asun-
cion; but the Lieutenant-Governor, one Irala, was an
ambitious man, who had brought about the destruction
of the preceding Governor, and was in no way desirous
to hasten the advent of his successor and so none were
at hand. With his indomitable energy, however, Vaca
surmounted all difficulties, and finally arrived at his
capital on March 11, 1542. But Irala secretly labored
against him, and finally succeeded in raising an insur-
rection; in the midst of which the Governor was seized,
thrown into prison, and so closely confined that his
94
CABEZA DE VACA.
friends, for nearly a year, thought him dead. At length,
more dead than alive, he was carried on board a vessel
and sent to Spain, with documents from Irala (now Act-
ing-Governor) accusing him of the gravest crimes. Dur-
ing the voyage he was loaded with chains, and treated
in the most inhuman manner; and on his arrival in
Spain, in September, 1545, his ill fortune followed him,
for his friend, the Bishop of Cuenca (President of the
Council), was just dead, and had been succeeded by the
stern Bishop of Burgos, the advocate of Indian slavery,
who was indisposed to look favorably on Cabeza de Vaca.
His enemies prevailed, and he was thrown into prison.
to await his trial; and while constantly petitioning to
be released on security, remained in confinement for
more than six years. Finally, in March, 1551, the Coun-
cilors of the Indies delivered their judgment, which
was-that he be stripped of all the titles and privileges
he had enjoyed, and banished for five years to Oran in
Africa, there to serve the king, at his own expense,
with horse and arms, on penalty of having the term of
banishment doubled. It is doubtful if this sentence
was in all respects executed-the history of the re-
mainder of his life being clothed in much obscurity.
It is to be hoped that the record of Charlevoix is cor-
rect, which says: "At last the Emperor granted him a
pension of 2,000 crowns, and gave him a place in the
Royal Audience of Seville, where he died at an advanced
age." Charlevoix adds: "I have, indeed, seen a memo-
rial in which it is said that he was immediately gratified
with a seat in the Council of the Indies."
Altogether he was a remarkable man,and though his
cotemporaries differed greatly in their estimate of his
character, yet none could disparage his courage or his
power s of endurance. Some went so far in their
regard for his reputation as to credit him with the
working of miracles, and a theological controversy
arose therefrom, as to the possibility of the performance
CABEZA DE VACA.
95
of a miracle by a layman. We may all, however, con-
cur in the closing remarks on his character by the
late Thos. W. Field: "He attempted the abolition of
slavery to which the Indians had been illegally sub-
jected, and a reform of the morals of Christians to a
standard which would entitle them to the respect
of savages; and in both he failed. He is scarcely
to be decried for this, as three centuries elapsed
before the first object was accomplished, and of the last
history has little to record."

CHAPTER IV.
TH
THE EXPEDITION OF FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
a
HE next European to enter the territory now em-
braced in New Mexico was Friar Marcos de Niza, a
Franciscan. As will shortly be seen, his expedition,
which was purely one of exploration, was the direct
result of the news which Cabeza de Vaca brought to
Mexico of the rich countries to the north; and the negro
companion of Cabeza became the guide of Marcos.
But before proceeding with the story of the journey
of the Friar, a few words should be devoted to an
attempt previously made to enter New Mexico from the
south-west, based on information of the great wealth
and splendor of its cities, brought by a native Indian.
In the year 1530 Nuño de Guzman, who was President
of New Spain, possessed an Indian who was a native of
the Valley of Oxitipa, which the Spaniards call Tejos.
The Indian told him that he was the son of a merchant
who had died a long time before, but who, in his life-
time, used to travel through the interior of the country
in order to sell ornamental feathers, to be made into
plumes, and who obtained in exchange for them great
quantities of gold and silver, which metals were very
common in that country. The Indian added that he
had accompanied his father on one or two of these trips,
and had seen cities which were so splendid and large as
to compare favorably with the City of Mexico. These
cities were seven in number, and in them were whole
streets occupied by goldsmiths. To reach this country,
it was necessary to march for forty days across a desert,
where there was no vegetation but a species of short
grass about five inches high, and to go into the interior
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
97
of the continent in a northerly direction between
the two oceans.
Nuño de Guzman, full of confidence in these state-
ments, raised an army of 400 Spaniards and 20,000 In-
dian allies, in New Spain, and starting from the City of
Mexico, marched through the Province of Tarasca, a
dependency of Michoacan. According to the report of
the Indian, he would find the desired country-to which
he had given the name of the"Land of the Seven Cities"
by proceeding toward the north, and the President be-
lieved it to be about 200 leagues distant, calculating from
the forty days which his informant had said would be
required for the journey. All went well until he arrived
in the Province of Culiacan, which was beyond his
own government and within what afterwards consti-
tuted the Kingdom of New Galicia; but there he began
to meet many difficulties. The mountain regions.
which he had to traverse, were so wild and inaccessible
that notwithstanding the most strenuous efforts he was
unable to find a passage. On account of this lack of
roads the army was obliged to remain at Culiacan, and
the rich Spaniards who had accompanied him, and who
had left in Mexico large numbers of slaves, became dis-
heartened and very desirous of returning to their homes.
Perhaps Guzman himself would have agreed to this.
and marched back to Mexico, but just then information
was received that Cortez had arrived from Spain, with
increased powers and honors, and bearing the new title
of "Marquis of the Valley." As Guzman, while he
had been President during the absence of Cortez, had
shown himself his bitter enemy, and had seized and
wasted his property, and that of his friends, he was
afraid that the new Marquis would retaliate by like
treatment, or perhaps worse. So, finding it impossible.
to go on with the expedition and yet fearing to return
to Mexico, he determined to colonize the Province of
Culiacan, and so remained there with such of his
98
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
Spanish friends as he could induce to take part in the
new enterprise. They established themselves at Xalisco,
afterwards called Compostello, and at Tonala, which is
the present Guadalajara; and finding enough to occupy
them in this work, they abandoned all idea of continu-
ing their expedition. The Tejo Indian died, and so for
several years the "Seven Cities" remained unknown,
except in name.
For eight years Guzman remained and governed this
Province, when, with the suddenness which character-
ized political changes in the Spanish Colonies at that
time, he found himself not only succeeded by a new
Governor sent from Spain, and named De la Torre; but
accused of various crimes and thrown into prison. The
new Governor lived but a short time to enjoy his colo-
nial dignity; and the naming of his successor devolved
upon Don Antonio de Mendoza, Viceroy of all New
Spain, who appointed Francisco Vasquez Coronado.
This gentleman was a native of Salamanca, but had
established himself in Mexico, where he had greatly
strengthened his position by a marriage with the
daughter of the Treasurer, Don Alonzo d'Estrada, former
Governor of Mexico, and who was generally believed to
be a natural son of King Ferdinand, the Catholic. Cor-
onado was a man of wealth and high character, and at
the time of his appointment was travelling through New
Spain, in order to see the country, and at the same time
making valuable acquaintances for the future. Just as
Coronado had been appointed by the Viceroy, Antonio
de Mendoza, as Governor of New Galicia, Cabeza de
Vaca, accompanied by Dorantes, Castillo, and the negro
Estevanico, arrived in Mexico from that very Province,
after their perilous and romantic journey; and their
appearance years after they had been supposed dead, and
the strange stories they told of their adventure, attracted
much attention. To the Viceroy they made a special
report, in which they gave a glowing account of parts
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
99
""
of the countries they had traversed, and in particular
spoke of great and powerful cities, in which the houses.
were four or five stories in height, and "of other things,
adds Castañeda, writing of it long after, "very different
from those which existed in reality." These accounts.
were quickly communicated by the Viceroy to Coro-
nado, and caused the latter to be so much excited at the
thought of the possibilities of discoveries and conquests
in the vicinity of the Province which he was appointed
to govern, that he abandoned a tour in which he was
engaged, in order to hasten immediately to Culiacan.
He carried with him the negro Estevanico, who had
accompanied Cabeza de Vaca, and also three Franciscan
monks, Marcos de Niza, who was a priest and theolo-
gian, and Daniel and Antonio de Santa Maria, lay
brothers; Marcos having already much experience in
hazardous expeditions, under Alvarado in Peru.
No sooner had Coronado arrived at the seat of his
new Government than he took immediate measures to
send the Franciscans, under the guidance of Estevanico,
in search of the Land of the Seven Cities. It appears
that the monks were not at all pleased with the conduct
of the negro, who carried with him everywhere a num-
ber of women, and whose only thought was to enrich
himself; but as he was able to understand the language of
the natives of the country which they wished to penetrate,
and as the Indians were acquainted with him, they
concluded to send him in advance, so that they might
be able to follow peacefully, and gather the information
desired without difficulty or danger. Friar Marcos had
received special instructions from the Viceroy Mendoza,
before leaving Mexico, as to his duties on this expedition,
"undertaken for the honor and glory of the Holy
Trinity and for the propagation of our Holy Catholic.
Faith." The very first sentence shows the good effect
of the influence of Cabeza de Vaca, as the Franciscan is
told, as soon as he arrives at Culiacan, to exhort the
Uor M
100
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
Spaniards to treat the Indians better, promising them
rewards if they obey, and threatening punishments if
they refuse, and then to visit the Indians and assure
them that the Emperor has been greatly pained at their
sufferings, that they shall no more be enslaved, and
that every one maltreating them shall be punished.
"Make them banish all fear and recognize God our
Saviour, who is in heaven, and the Emperor whom He
has placed on earth, to reign and govern." The
instructions went on to say that if a route was found
into the interior, then he was to proceed to explore,
taking Estevanico as guide. He was to use great care and
avoid all occasions of difficulty with the Indians, and to
observe carefully the characteristics of the people, the
nature of the soil, the temperature, the trees, plants
and animals, the minerals and metals; and, wherever
possible, to obtain specimens. In case his travels took
him to the South Sea, he was to bury at the foot of some
conspicuous tree on the shore such documents as would
be valuable, and to raise a large cross there to designate
the spot. If a large city was found, where it seemed
desirable to found a monastery, he was to return to Culi-
acan to make the necessary arrangements therefor; "for
in the proposed conquest the most important matter is
the service of our Lord, and the good of the natives of
the country." And lastly, "as all the earth belongs to
the Emperor, our master, you are authorized to take
possession of new countries in the name of his majesty;
and you will make the natives understand that there is
one God in heaven, or one Emperor on earth, who reign
and govern." These instructions the Friar acknowl-
edged having received, and promised to obey, on the
25th of November, 1538; and very soon after set off with
Coronado and the two lay brothers for Culiacan.
We are fortunate in having a full account of the
expedition of Friar Marcos written by his own hand.
It is full of inaccuracies and extraordinary exaggera-
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
101
tions; but we give the substance of it here, as a knowl-
edge of those very exaggerations is necessary, not only
to give us a correct view of the spirit of the times, but
also to show on what kind of statements the expedition
of Coronado, in the succeeding year, was based. The
"Relation of Friar Marcos de Niza" is in the form of a
report to the king; and was most formally certified by
the writer to be absolutely true, in the presence of the
Viceroy, the Auditor, Francisco de Ceiños, and Governor
Coronado, and attested by various notaries, at Temixti-
tan, on September 2, 1539. It is published in Ramusio,
Vol. III., page 297; Hakluyt, Vol. III., page 438; as an
appendix to H. Ternaux's Castañeda, page 256; etc., etc.
"By aid of the favor of the Holy Virgin Mary, our lady,
and of our seraphic father St. Francis, I, Friar Marcos
de Niza, left the city of San Miguel, in the province of
Culiacan, on Friday the 7th of March, 1539," commences
the "Relation." The Friar was accompanied by Friar
Onorato, and by Estevanico, or Stephen, the Barbary ne-
gro; and also by a number of Indians whom the Viceroy
had freed from slavery for the purpose, and a large body of
other Indians belonging to Petatlan, and a town called
Cuchillo, some fifty leagues beyond. They first travelled
to the town of Petatlan, following the general line of
the coast of the Gulf of California, and a short distance
from it. Everywhere along the route the people re-
ceived them with joy, and did everything in their
power to show their appreciation of the action of the
Viceroy and Governor in saving them from slavery and
stopping the outrages to which they had before been
subjected. They brought provisions and flowers as
presents; and wherever there were no houses, con-
structed temporary bowers of the branches of trees for
shelter for the travellers. At Petatlan, Friar Onorato
fell sick, and after waiting a few days Marcos felt com-
pelled to proceed without him,-"continuing my jour-
ney as the Holy Ghost did lead me, although I was
102
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
unworthy of such guidance," as he piously writes
Wherever he came, the Indians gave him a warm wel-
come; raising triumphal arches, and furnishing from
their scanty stores the best provisions that they could.
So he went on, still following the line of the Gulf, for
about seventy-five miles, when he was met by some
Indians from the island which Cortez had visited on
his voyage not long before; and also by Indians from
another island, larger and more distant, who wore shells
of mother-of-pearl suspended from their necks, and who
told him that pearls abounded on their shores.
Here he reached the border of a desert so wide that it
required four days to cross it, and which evidently formed
a complete barrier to intercourse between the natives,
for when he arrived on the other side and met the peo-
ple there, they were greatly astonished to see him, be-
cause they had never before heard of Europeans, or seen
any persons who resembled the strangers. They called
the Friar" Hayota," meaning "a man from heaven," and
pressed him simply to touch his garments, and in every
way showed their respect and veneration. In return,
by means of interpreters, he endeavored to teach them
of God and the Emperor, the heavenly and earthly au-
thorities whom they ought to obey. As these people
were poor, the travellers eagerly inquired for news of any
large cities or wealthy tribes; and were told that in the
interior of the country, four or five days' journey from
the base of the mountains, there was a very extensive
plain, which contained a considerable number of great
towns inhabited by a people who were dressed in cotton,
and whose vessels were made of gold. On further in-
quiry, they said that these people wore "certain round
green stones hanging at their nostrils and at their ears,
and that they have certain thin plates of gold where-
with they scrape off their sweat," and that the precious
metal was so plentiful that the walls of their temples
were covered with it.
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
103
This description was certainly sufficiently enticing,
but as he wished not to be drawn so far into the interior,
the Friar concluded to defer the exploration of this rich
country until his return; and meantime prcceeded for
three days through the domain of the same tribe that
he first met beyond the desert, when he arrived at a city
of medium size ("reasonable bigness" the old translation
in Hakluyt expresses it), where the people received him
with great hospitality, and a bountiful supply of pro-
visions, of which they had abundance, as the land was
very fertile. The Spaniards arrived here on the Friday
before Palm Sunday, and Marcos determined to remain
until after Easter, and meanwhile to obtain all possi-
ble information of the surrounding country. Under-
standing that the Pacific coast (South Sea) was but
forty leagues distant, he sent Indian messengers by
three different routes to bring to him some of the in-
habitants of the main-land and the adjacent islands, in
order that he might learn from them direct the facts re-
garding their country. The negro, Stephen, he dispatched
towards the north, with instructions to proceed fifty or
sixty leagues, to see if anything of importance was to be
discovered in that direction. His instructions were, if
he gained any information of interest, either to return
or to send an Indian messenger; and in the latter case
a novel series of signs was agreed on. If the discovery
"was but a mean thing, he should send me a white cross
of one handful long; if it were any great matter, one of
two handfuls long; and if it were a country greater and
better than New Spain, he should send me a great cross.
Stephen started on his journey on Palm Sunday in the
afternoon, and so prompt was he to meet the highest ex-
pectation that only four days had elapsed when Friar
Marcos was greatly elated by the sight of messengers
returning, bringing a great cross as high as a man, and
news that Stephen had met people who told him of a
country which was the greatest in the world. With
در
R
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FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
the messengers, the African sent one of the people who
had visited this wonderful land, in order that the Friar
might have accurate information. This Indian told
him that it was a thirty days' march from the point
where Stephen was to the nearest of the cities of the
great nation beyond, whose country he called Cibola.
In that land there were seven very great cities, all of
which were ruled by one sovereign; the houses were
large and built of stone and lime, the smallest being of
one story surmounted by a terrace, and others of two
and three stories. The palace of the ruler was four sto-
ries high and very finely built. The doors of the prin-
cipal houses were ornamented with many turquoises cu-
riously wrought, that stone being common in that coun-
try; and the inhabitants were all well appareled. As if
this was not enough, he added that beyond the Seven
Cities were other provinces exceeding them in greatness
and riches.
Marcos held long conversations with this man, in
order to obtain ali the information possible, and was
more and more convinced of the truth of his statements,
as he found him reasonable and intelligent. Naturally,
he was eager to push on to the discovery of these
wonderful regions, but he felt that he ought to await the
return of the other messengers sent to the coast, and so
remained several days longer at Vacupa. Meanwhile
there arrived three Indians of the race called “Pintados”
-on account of their being elaborately painted on the
face, breast, and arms-who lived far to the east; and
they corroborated all that the natives sent by Stephen
had told of the glories of Cibola. Having received the
report from the Pacific coast, in which we have no
special interest, Marcos lost no time in setting out to
overtake Stephen, taking with him the three Pintados
and some other Indians, and starting on the Tuesday after
Easter. He soon met other envoys from the negro,
carrying a cross as large as the first, and a message beg-
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
105
ging him to hasten on, as more recent information
showed the country before them to be even greater and
more marvelous than the first accounts had stated. Two
days afterwards he arrived at the village at which
Stephen had first heard of Cibola, and from which her
had sent the first message. The negro had gone on
without waiting for the Friar, but the latter found so
many persons here to tell him of the country beyond
that his time was well occupied. They all bore testi-
mony to the same facts previously stated by the messen-
gers, and added that besides the Seven Cities there were
three other great kingdoms, named Marata, Acus, and
Totonteac. The Indians said that they were familiar
with Cibola, because they went there each year to work
in the fields, and received their payment in hides and
turquoises; the latter being very common there, so that
all the people wore fine and beautiful ones suspended
from their ears and noses, and all the principal doors
being ornamented with them. They described the dress.
of the men of Cibola as consisting of long gowns of
cotton descending to the feet, fastened at the neck with
a button and a long string, which hung down; that the
sleeves were of the same size from the shoulder to the
wrist, and that they wore belts of turquoise around the
waist. From the description the Friar thought that
these dresses must be quite similar to those of Bohemia.
The women were similarly costumed, wearing gowns
which reached their feet.
The people of this town showed great hospitality to
Marcos, not only attending to all his wants after his ar-
rival, but sending out supplies to meet him on the
road. They brought their sick to him to be healed, and
clustered around to touch his garments. They also
brought him several "cow skins," (buffalo-hides), so
admirably tanned and dressed that they appeared as if
prepared by a most civilized people; and all these they
told him came from Cibola.
From Vacupa the Friar
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FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
continued his journey, accompanied only by the Pin-
tados, who refused to leave him, and arrived toward
evening at another village where he was equally well
received, and where he found another large cross, left
by Stephen as a token that the news was increasingly
good. This, Marcos thought, was a proper place to
carry out his instructions as to taking possession of the
country for the Spanish Crown, and he consequently
set up two crosses, and formally made the appropriate
proclamations. Thus he travelled on for five days, find-
ing a succession of villages, in each of which the people.
vied with each other to do him honor, and finally, just
before reaching a desert of which he had been told, ar-
rived at a large town, beautifully situated near several
small rivers, and where he was received by a great con-
course of men and women wearing cotton clothing,
although some were covered with well dressed buffalo-
skins, which they preferred to any other material. All
the people of this town were "in caconados"-that is to
say, wore turquoise ornaments suspended from their
noses and ears, which were called "cacona." At their
head were the chief of the community and two of his
brothers, all exceedingly well dressed in cotton fabrics,
and ornamented with caconas, and collars or necklaces
of turquoise. They brought to the Friar great quan-
tities of game of various kinds, as well as many buffalo-
skins and turquoises, but he declined them all according
to the custom which he followed in all places.
Marcos himself was dressed in a kind of gray woolen
cloth, then called saragosa, which Governor Coronado
had sent to him. The chief, and some others of the
principal men, quickly observed this, and examined the
material with interest; then said to the Friar that at
Totonteac there was abundance of similar stuff, of which
the people of that country made their clothes. Marcos,
wishing to ascertain if they really distinguished the dif-
ference between cotton and wool, laughingly said that the
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
107
material of their own clothing and his was the same.
At this they seemed indignant, and said: "Thinkest
thou that we are ignorant that this fabric is different
from that which we wear? Thou wilt see in Cibola all
the houses full of material such as ours; but at Toton-
teac there are little animals which furnish the wool
from which your kind of cloth is made.” This sur-
prised and interested the Franciscan greatly, as it was
the first information that had been received of the ex-
istence of any kind of sheep in the country. On leaving
this town he had to enter the desert, which would occupy
four days in crossing; but even here the kindness of the
natives had provided for him, for during the whole pe-
riod he found at each stopping-place, whether at noon
or night, bowers made for his accommodation, and pro-
visions prepared to meet his wants.
After passing this desert he came to a most charming
valley, through which he travelled for five days, and
which was everywhere cultivated like a garden. Vil-
lages were scattered all through its extent, being only a
league, and sometimes half a league, apart. In one of
these he found some very intelligent men, from whom
he learned still more of Cibola and Totonteac,-of the
great houses of the former, and the sheep and woolen
cloth of the latter. In particular, they spoke of the
buildings, the streets, and public places of Cibola.
Wishing to test their accuracy, the Friar said that it
was not possible that houses could be built of the height
that they had stated. Whereupon they took some earth
and some ashes and wet them, and then showed how the
stones were laid one on top of another, and how the
building was thus constructed of alternate layers of
stone and mortar, until it had arrived at its full eleva-
tion. Still feigning ignorance, the Friar asked whether
these men had wings so as to be able to fly to the upper
stories of the edifice?-at which they laughed heartily,
and drew a picture of a ladder as well as he himself
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
108
could have done it, explaining that by this means the
upper portions were reached. Totonteac they said was
built of similar houses, but better constructed, and more
numerous; it was so great a city that it might be called
limitless.
Soon after passing this town Marcos met with an
actual resident of Cibola, the first whom he had seen,
and from him received a great deal of interesting infor-
mation. The traveller describes this man as (6 a white
man of a good complexion, of far greater capacity than
the inhabitants of this valley or those which I had left,
behind me." He was quite aged, and had fled from the
city on account of some difficulty, but said he would re-
turn with the Friar if the latter would procure his par-
don. He said that the Lord of the Seven Cities lived at
one of them called Ahacus, having lieutenants in charge
of the others. Cibola is a very large and populous city
having many fine streets and market-places; that in
several places there are immense houses five stories in
height, (the French version of Ternaux-Compans says
"ten stories"), in which the rulers meet at certain times
of the year.
The houses are of stone and lime, the gates
and smaller pillars of the principal residences are of
turquoise, while all the household vessels and ornaments
are of gold. Satisfied with modestly saying this much
as to his own city, the Indian then informed Friar
Marcos that all of the others of the Seven Cities were
similarly built, but several were larger than Cibola, the
most extensive being Ahacus the capital. Toward the
southeast was situated another kingdom called Marata,
with a large population, and many-storied houses,
which was continually at war with the ruler of the
Seven Cities. To the west was the kingdom of
Totonteac, which was the greatest and most important
in the world, thickly populated and very rich. Here
the people were dressed in woolen cloth like that of the
Friar, only more beautiful. They were highly civilized
1
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZĂ.
109
and very different from those already seen. There was
also another very large kingdom called Acus, which he
begged Marcos not to confound with Ahacus, the city,
although the names were somewhat similar. Among
other things the Cibolan said that the people of his city
slept on "beds raised a good height from the ground,
with quilts and canopies over them, which cover the
said beds." In this valley the Friar counted over a thou-
sand buffalo hides, extremely well prepared, and a con-
stantly increasing amount of turquoise, all of which,
however, was said to come from Cibola. Here also he
was shown an enormous hide, half as large again as that
of the largest ox, which he was told was that of a great
beast having one horn growing from the middle of hist
forehead, which bent down towards his breast, but has a
point going straight forward, so strong that it would
"break anything how strong soever it be, if he run
against it;" and the natives told him that these animals
were very abundant in that country.
While here, and just before reaching the borders of
another desert, Marcos was met by other messengers
from Stephen, with most encouraging tidings. The
negro sent word that he was very joyful," because the
further he advanced the more he heard of the richness
of the country, and the surer he was of the correctness
of the reports. Before leaving this fertile valley and
entering upon the long march across the desert which
separated it from Cibola, the Friar was induced by the
people to stop for three days for rest and refreshment,
and to allow a number of them to prepare to accompany
him on his journey. Three hundred had thus acted as
an escort to Stephen, but from the multitude who pre-
sented themselves for that purpose at the appointed
time, Marcos selected only thirty of the wealthiest and
most influential men-those who were best dressed and
adorned with the greatest number of turquoise neck-
laces-as companions, with a number of others as
110
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
servants to carry provisions; the passage across this last
desert being a long and dangerous one, usually occupy-
ing fifteen days. They started on this journey on the
9th of May, 1539; finding a broad and well beaten road,
which was used for the travel to Cibola, each noon and
night stopping at places where an advance party had
built a temporary house for the Friar, once or twice
recognizing the houses which had been similarly pre-
pared for Stephen a short time before, and seeing the
remains of many old ones used by former travellers.
Thus they journeyed for twelve days, full of enthu-
siasm and high hopes, when they were suddenly met by
an Indian who was one of those who accompanied
Stephen, and was the son of one of the principal natives.
then with the Friar. He was covered with perspiration,
nearly exhausted with fatigue, and his face was full of
sadness and terror; and after the first salutation, he told
the following story: "One day, shortly before arriving
at Cibola, Stephen sent the calabash, or gourd, which he
carried as a mace and which had a peculiar significance,
by messengers, according to his custom, in order to
announce his arrival. To this gourd was attached a
string of bells and two feathers, one white and the other
red. When the messengers had arrived in presence of
the chief who rules that city for the Sovereign, they
handed him the calabash. The chief took it, but when
he saw the bells, became suddenly enraged and dashed it
on the ground, ordering the messengers to leave immedi-
ately; for he knew these strangers, and that they had
better not enter the city, or they would all be put to death.
The messengers hastened back to Stephen and reported
to him what had occurred; but the negro replied that
that was of no importance, for those who seemed dis-
pleased at his coming always received him the best, and
he continued his journey until he arrived at Cibola.
At the moment when he was about to enter, he was met
by a party of Indians, who took him into a large house
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
111
just outside of the city, and forthwith despoiled him of
all that he had with him, including the articles he had
brought for trading purposes, some turquoises, and many
other presents that he had received during the journey.
He passed the night in this place, without anything
either to eat or drink being given to himself or his com-
panions, who were lodged with him. The next morn-
ing the narrator, who was one of them, being very
thirsty, started out of the house in order to get some
water from a river which flowed near by. Soon after,
he saw Stephen running away, pursued by the Cibolans,
who were killing the Indians who were with the negro.
As soon as the narrator saw this, he hid himself by the
river, and at the first opportunity started back through
the desert."
This news threw the party of the Friar into conster-
nation; they began to lament and murmur against their
leader, so that he tells us he began to fear for his life;
but he quaintly adds: "I did not fear so much the
loss of my own life as that I should not be able to re-
turn to give information of the greatness of that country
where our Lord God might be glorified." With a keen
insight into human nature, he forthwith opened some
of the packages of goods which he had brought for traffic,
and distributed the contents among the principal men,
telling them not to fear but to go forward. This they
consented to do; but when within a days' journey of
Cibola they met two other Indians who had ac-
companied Stephen, bloody and covered with wounds.
These told the same story as the first comer, as to the
capture and attempted escape of Stephen. They had
been among those who were with him at the time, when
a great multitude of natives had pursued them, killed
some and wounded all; but they had fortunately escaped
and lain concealed all day thereafter, hearing much.
noise, and seeing crowds on the walls of the city, but
neither seeing nor hearing more of Stephen, so that in
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FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
their own language, "We think they have shot him to
death, as they have done all the rest who went with him,
so that none are escaped but we only." The news of
the death of so many relatives and friends roused the
indignation of the Indians almost to frenzy, and soon
the Friar was informed by a trusty servant, named
Marcos, whom he had brought from Mexico, that they
were conspiring to kill him, as they felt that through
him and Stephen their fathers and brothers had been
slain, and that they were liable through the same
means to meet similar destruction. Friar Marcos tried
the same method as before to pacify them, distributing
many of the most beautiful and fascinating articles, and
succeeded to some extent, and then endeavored to pre-
vail on some of them to go on towards the city so as at
least to get further news of the fate of Stephen; but
this they absolutely refused to do. Then he told them
that God would surely punish the men of Cibola, and
that the Spanish Viceroy would speedily send an army
to chastise the city when he should learn the news of
the death of Stephen; but they only replied that that
was not possible, for no people could withstand the
power of Cibola.
By this time Marcos was convinced of the impossi-
bility of forcing an entrance into the city or visiting
it peaceably, and so concluded to make as thorough an
examination of it as he could from without. So he
told his followers that he proposed to see it at all events,
but not one would accompany him. Finally, when they
saw him actually start alone, two of the chiefs consented
to join him; and with them and his own Indians.
from the south he proceeded until he was within sight of
the long-looked-for city. He found that it was situated
"on a plain at the foot of a round hill, and maketh
show to be a fair city, and better seated than any that I
have seen in these parts. The houses are builded in
order, according as the Indians told me, all made of stone,
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
113
with divers stories, and flat roofs, as far as I could
discern from the mountain, whither I ascended to view
the city. The people are somewhat white; they wear ap-
parel and lie in beds; their weapons are bows; they
have emeralds and other jewels, although they esteem
none so much as turquoise, wherewith they adorn the
walls of the porches of their houses and their apparel
and vessels, and they use them instead of money
through all the country. They use vessels of gold and
silver, for they have no other metal, whereof there is
greater use and more abundance than in Peru." Hav-
ing viewed the city, which his comrades told him was
the least of the "Seven Cities," the Friar named the
country"El Nuevo Reyno de San Francisco;" "and there-
upon," he says, "I made a great heap of stones by the aid
of the Indians, and on the top thereof I set up a small,
slender cross, because I lacked means to make a greater,
and said that I set up that cross and heap in the name
of the most honorable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoza,
Viceroy and Captain-General of New Spain, for the Em-
peror, our lord, in token of possession." Not, satisfied
with thus formally annexing the City of Cibola itself to
the Spanish dominion, De Niza further solemnly declared
that the possession which he then took was "also of the
'Seven Cities,' and of the Kingdoms of Totonteac, of
Acus, and of Marata."
Having thus at any rate formally accomplished
great political things, and having really penetrated to a
region theretofore unseen by European eyes, he turned
his back on Cibola and hastened to overtake the little
army which had accompanied him on his march across the
desert, and which was now moving, as he expressed it,
"with more fear than victuals." Here he had an opportu-
nity of learning very soon the old lesson, that the consid-
eration in which a man is held is largely proportioned
to his success, for as he briefly puts it, "I was
not made so much of as before."
before." Indeed, when
114
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
he arrived at the town of the
of the valley, whence
his companions and those of Stephen had come,
he was afraid of his life on account of the great
lamentation made by both men and women over the loss of
the slain and missing; and so "with fear," he says, "I
hastened from the people of this valley and travelled ten
leagues the first day,and so daily eight or ten leagues, until
I had crossed the second desert." Thence he went back
to San Miguel and finally to Compostella, where he
found the Governor, and made a report of the wonder-
ful things which he had seen and heard of. This report
reduced to writing, was sent to the Viceroy, and he in
turn transmitted it to the Emperor, accompanied with
an account of the ill success of several more ambitious
attempts to discover golden regions, and adding, "It
seemeth unto all men that it was God's will to
shut up the gate to all those who by strength of human
force have gone about to attempt this enterprise, and to
reveal it to a poor and barefooted Friar."
Before closing the account of this expedition, it
seems proper to notice another version of the death of
Stephen, which appears in the "Relation" of Castañeda,
and which contains particulars not known, probably, to
the frightened Indians who escaped to carry the first
tidings to Friar Marcos. Castañeda says: "Stephen
arrived at Cibola with a great quantity of turquoise, and
some fine women who had been presented to him along
the route. With him were a large number of Indians
who had been furnished as guides at different places,
and who believed that under his protection they could
traverse the whole world without having anything to
fear. But as the people of Cibola were more brave and
spirited than those who accompanied Stephen, they
shut up his whole company in a house outside of their
city, and there the caciques and aged men of the place
questioned him as to the object of his coming into their
country. After having continued this inquiry for three
FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
115
As
days, they held a council to decide as to his fate.
the negro had told them that he was the forerunner of
two white men, sent by a powerful prince, who were
very learned in the heavenly affairs, which they would
come to teach them, they considered that he must be
the guide or the spy of some nation which desired to
subjugate them. It seemed to them, also, unreasonable
to believe that this man who was black came from the
country of men who were white. Besides, Stephen had
demanded of them their riches and their women; and
this seemed to them hard to consent to. So they con-
cluded to kill him, without doing any harm to those
who accompanied him. And this they did—taking
merely a few young boys, and sending back all the
rest, who numbered about sixty."
The route taken by Marcos de Niza on this celebrated
expedition is, so far as its main features are concerned,
easy to distinguish. He first travelled nearly parallel
with the coast of the Gulf of California, until he reached.
its head, and then turned to the north-east, and con-
tinued travelling in that general direction for the rest
of the distance. The fertile and populated valleys were
along the Gila and its tributaries. There is no doubt
at all that Cibola was Zuñi, being what is now called
the "Old Pueblo," or "Old Zuñi." The kingdom to the
south-east may have referred to the Pueblo country in
the vicinity of Acoma and Laguna, or possibly to one still
more distant and across the Rio Grande, towards Abó
and the ruins now called "Gran Quivira." Totonteac,
if situated as stated, to the west, would be identical with
the Moqui towns; and Acus might have been the country
now represented by the ruins in the Chaco Valley, the
Pueblo Bonito, etc. But the experience of Coronado,
shortly afterwards, shows these reports of kingdoms to
have been very shadowy, and at all events greatly ex-
aggerated.
CHAPTER V.
THE
THE EXPEDITION OF CORONADO.
HE highly colored account with which Friar Marcos
regaled Governor Coronado, and afterwards the Vice-
roy himself, was enough to excite the ambition as well as
the cupidity of even less adventurous men. In addition
to his written narration, or report, which was sufficiently
enticing, the Friar made most exaggerated statements.
of what he had been told by Indians of the countries
beyond Cibola; and his position in the Franciscan order
lent weight to his words. The Viceroy became intensely
interested, believing that here was an opportunity to
obtain both fame and gold, and determined to lose no
time in organizing an expedition for the exploration.
and conquest of the rich kingdoms beyond the desert.
No sooner was it known that an expedition for the
conquest of Cibola and the wonderful Land of the Seven
Cities had been decided on, than the most adventurous
cavaliers of New Spain hastened to take part in the
enterprise. The best families of Castile were repre-
sented among them, and the troop of 400 which
finally started was the most brilliant which, at
that time, had ever been raised in the new world.
Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, the Governor of New
Galicia, was very properly appointed as Captain-General,
by the Viceroy, both because the discovery of Cibola
had been made through his instrumentality, and because
his province was the natural starting-place of the expe-
dition. He was a man experienced both in arms and
in government, wise, prudent, and able, and a great
favorite with Mendoza. The Viceroy also appointed the
other officers of the expedition; and here the only diffi-
CORONADO.
117
culty which arose was from an "embaras de richesses."
"Seeing the great number of gentlemen taking part in
this expedition," says Castañeda, "the Viceroy would
have been glad to give each one the command of an
army; but as the soldiers were so few, it was necessary
to make a choice. He concluded to name the captains
himself, because he was so greatly loved and respected
that he knew no one would refuse to obey those whom
he designated." "He chose for standard-bearer Don
Pedro de Tobar, a young cavalier, son of Don Fernando
de Tobar, mayor-domo of the late Queen Joanna,
our legitimate sovereign, whose soul may God preserve.
He appointed as Maestro de Campo, Lope de Samaniego,
governor of the arsenal of Mexico, and a chevalier well
worthy of this position. The captains were Don Tristan
de Arellano, Don Pedro de Quevara, Don Garcia Lopez
de Cardenas, Don Rodrigo Maldonado, brother-in-law of
the Duke of Infantado, Diego Lopez, member of the city
council of Seville, and Diego Gutierrez, captain of cav-
alry. All the other gentlemen were placed directly
under the orders of the General, because they were
men of distinction, and a number of them were after-
wards appointed captains." The commander of the in-
fantry was Pablo de Melgosa, and the chief of artillery
Hernando de Alvarado. The historian of the expedition,
Pedro de Castañeda de Nagera, who accompanied it
through all its journeyings, and afterwards in Culiacan
wrote a full account of all that occurred, mentions a
number of other illustrious names, in order to impress.
upon the reader the chivalrous and aristocratic char-
acter of those who were engaged in it, and to prove that
it contained more men of quality than any which has
been undertaken for the making of discoveries," adding
that it must surely have been successful but for the
great riches, and the young bride, noble and charming, left
behind by the commander, to which attractions he at-
tributes his intense desire to return at a later day.
"
118
CORONADO.
*
With the 400 Spaniards were 800 Indian soldiers, so
that the entire expedition was composed of 1,200 men;
and these were directed to rendezvous at Compostella,
the capital of New Galicia, in the spring of 1540. At
the same time Don Pedro Alarcon was ordered to start
from Natividad, on the Pacific, with two ships, and
proceed to Xalisco with such munitions as the soldiers
could not well carry, and thence sail along the coast as
near as possible to the army, so as to keep up communica-
tion with it, the supposition being that the route of
the expedition was near to the coast of the Pacific. In
reality the line of march of the land forces so soon di-
verged to the east that these vessels were of no service;
but they made many very interesting discoveries, as
are quaintly recounted in the report made by the com-
mander, Alarcon, after his return, and subsequently
published in the collections of Ramusio.
Meanwhile the troops were concentrating at Com-
postella, and thither the Viceroy went in person in
order to give to the expedition the distinction and ben-
efit of his official presence. He was splendidly enter-
tained by Cristoval de Oñate, who had been appointed
to act as Governor of New Galicia while Coronado was
absent; and he held a grand review of the whole army,
which is described as a most brilliant spectacle. The
Viceroy was exceedingly popular, and was received
with great enthusiasm. He addressed the soldiers on
the vast importance of the expedition in a threefold
aspect; to their country by conquering this great
province; to the Indians by bringing them to a knowl-
edge of Christianity; and to themselves by bettering
their fortunes. He then caused each man to swear on
a missal containing the gospels never to abandon their
General, but to obey all that he might command; and
in order to encourage them to the fullest extent, he ac-
companied them for two days on their march. The
army set out early in January, 1541, from Compostella,
CORONADO.
119
as brilliant an array and as full of enthusiasm and high
expectations as was ever seen in the new world. As
soon as the Viceroy had departed, the regular march
commenced, and the days of holiday parade were over.
Many difficulties were at once experienced. The bag-
gage was found to be a great annoyance; it had to be
transported on horses, and the animals proved to be too
fat, and ill accustomed to fatigue. Besides, many
soldiers did not know how to pack them properly, so
that very soon a large part of the baggage was abandoned,
or given to any one who would take it. Necessity
caused many a cavalier to perform work to which he
was unaccustomed, so that it was not rare, we are told,
to see men of gentle birth acting as mule-drivers.
After much fatigue, the army reached the town of
Chiametla; and here it was discovered that the supply
of provisons was already failing, and a halt of some days
was required in order to replenish the stock. From this
place, Samaniego, the Maestro de Campo, imprudently
went with only a few men to an adjacent Indian village,
and while there was shot in the head with an arrow and
killed. A grand military funeral was had, and all the na-
tives who even "seemed to be " inhabitants of the place
where the murder took place, were hung; but the affair nat-
urally cast a gloom over the expedition. Another discour-
aging event occurred at this town. Some time previ-
ously Coronado had dispatched two officers named Mel-
chior Diaz and Juan de Saldibar, with a party of a dozen
men, to explore the route toward Cibola, which had
been traversed by Friar Marcos de Niza.
The party
had gone as far as Chichilticale, which was the town
so glowingly described by Marcos at the edge of the great
desert, but found nothing very inviting nor in any way
equaling the report of the Friar; and so had returned
and met the army at this point. While they only com-
municated with Coronado, yet it soon became known in
the camp that the news was unfavorable, and many
120
CORONADO.
began to be discouraged. Friar Marcos, however, assured
them that the countries to be visited were of great rich-
ness, and that every man would reap a splendid reward,
and in this way somewhat revived their spirits; and
they resumed the march to Culiacan. Here they were
received on the day after Easter with great demonstra-
tions. The inhabitants arranged a grand sham fight,
in which they pretended to defend their town against
the approach of the army, and then falling back, allowed
the latter to enter the city in triumph. The officers
were entertained with marked hospitality by the citi-
zens, who insisted that they should occupy their houses
instead of the quarters prepared; but Castañeda throws
a doubt on the disinterested character of these professions.
by saying, "This hospitality was not to their disadvan-
tage, for the officers were very well equipped, and as
they could not carry all their baggage on their animals,
they preferred giving many articles to their hosts
rather than expose them to the chances of the future."
The army remained here for a month, but Coronado
himself only stayed half of that time, as he was im-
patient to press on to the exploration, if not the imme-
diate conquest, of the famed lands before him. So he
took a few of his most intimate friends, and with fifty
horsemen and a few soldiers on foot, started in advance,
leaving the main body of the army under the command
of Don Tristan de Arellano, with orders to follow him
in a fortnight. The General took with him all of the
priests, as for some reason none of them would remain
with the army; but after proceeding on the march thrce
days, one of their number, named Antonio Victoria,
happened to break his thigh and had to be sent back to
Culiacan for treatment; "which," says Castañeda, "was
no small consolation for all the people." Meanwhile
Coronado and his party were proceeding successfully on
their journey, full of enthusiasm, and meeting with no
trouble from the natives, as many of the latter were
CORONADO.
121
acquainted with Friar Marcos, or had acted as an escort
on the recent expedition of Diaz and Saldivar; and so
they arrived at Chichilticale. But here a great dis-
appointment awaited them. Instead of the flourishing
town they had been led to expect, they found in reality
but one single building, and that in ruins and even
without a roof. It is true that its proportions and style
of architecture proclaimed it to be the work of some
superior and civilized nation, differing widely from the
inhabitants of the country around, but that was small.
consolation under the circumstances. They had come
seeking the riches of the present, and not the relics of
the past. This building, Chichilticale, is almost beyond
a doubt identical with the structure now called the
"Casa Grande" of Arizona, which has been so frequently
described by travellers in recent days; both the situa-
tion and the description making the identification
almost positively certain.
At this point the great desert began; but Coronado
would not wait for his army, but pressed on rapidly
with his little escort in hopes of making discoveries of
such importance that the present disappointment would
be forgotten. For fifteen days they marched through a
continuous desert, barren, sandy, and devoid of water;
but at length their eyes were gladdened by the sight of
a narrow stream, whose waters had such a reddish tinge
that they named it Vermejo. What added to their joy
was the fact that they were but eight leagues from the
special object of their journey-the City of Cibola.
Here they saw a few Indians, but could open no com-
munication, as they fled as soon as they were approached.
Marching on, on the evening of the next day, when they
were but two leagues from the city, they discovered
some Indians on an elevation, who raised such a fright-
ful cry that it startled and alarmed the Spaniards, who
were unaccustomed to such extraordinary sounds; the
fright of some of the soldiers being so intense, Castañeda
122
CORONADO.
(C
says, that they "saddled their horses wrong end fore-
most." But," he adds "these were men of the new
levy." The veterans started in pursuit of the Indians,
but the latter succeeded in escaping to the city. The
next day the whole army arrived in sight of Cibola;
but here their disappointment was even greater than
at Chichilticale, and the air was filled with maledictions
against Friar Marcos and his enormous exaggerations.
Instead of the large city described in his "Relation," they
saw a small town located upon a rock, containing not
over 200 warriors, but protected from capture by the
steepness and difficulties of its approach. It was true.
that the houses were of three or four stories in height,
but they were small and inconvenient, and one court-
yard had to serve for an entire quarter. The whole
province contained seven cities, some of which were
much larger and better fortified than Cibola.
The Spaniards had hoped that their overtures of
peace and friendship would be accepted without ques-
tion or delay, but the Indians seemed to understand
that peace meant subjugation, and so only replied to the
demand of the interpreter by menacing gestures, and
drew up their warriors in good order to resist an attack.
This speedily followed, for Coronado led his followers
to an immediate charge, with loud cries of "Santiago."
The Indians could not withstand this attack, but fled to
the shelter of the town. The Spaniards followed, but
found that the task before them was not an easy one.
The single approach was steep and dangerous, the com-
manding position of the town on the summit of a rocky
mesa giving its defenders an immense advantage. The
assailants, as they attempted to carry it by storm, were
received with showers of stones, one of which struck
Coronado himself to the ground, where he would have
been killed had not Hernando de Alvarado and Lopez de
Cardenas thrown themselves before him, and protected
him from the showers of missiles with their own bodies.
CORONADO.
123
Nevertheless his followers pressed on, and "as it is im-
possible to resist the furious attacks of Spaniards," says
Castañeda, in less than an hour the city was captured,
and the Europeans marched in triumph through the
streets of the first Pueblo town that had ever felt their
tread. The conquerors were rejoiced to find a plentiful
supply of provisions, of which they were sorely feeling
the need; and after a short period for rest, Coronado suc-
ceeded in reducing the entire province to subjection.
Meanwhile the army which had been left at Culiacan
under the command of Arellano had slowly proceeded
on its march, travelling on foot and with considerable
difficulty. They passed through the town which Cabeza
de Vaca had called "Corazones," where the commander
was so much pleased that he concluded to colonize the
country. From here they tried to obtain news of the
ships which were to have accompanied them to the
head of the Gulf, but could learn nothing, and so they
stopped at the new town, which was called Sonora,
awaiting news and orders from Coronado. These came
in the middle of October, by the hands of Melchior Diaz
and Juan Gallegos, and the main army immediately set
out for Cibola. Gallegos proceeded to Mexico to carry
an account of the expedition as far as it had progressed;
and he took with him Friar Marcos, who had been
obliged to fly from the army at Cibola on account of the
indignation of the troops at the exaggerations and falsi-
ties of which it had now been proved he had been guilty,
in the relation of his former journey. Arellano and a
considerable number of soldiers who were sick, or had
not the strength requisite for the hardships of the com-
ing journey, remained at Sonora. The main body
marched over the same route taken by Coronado, and
were hospitably received by the Indians along the road,
who had been well treated by the General. They
reached the desert at Chichilticale without notable
adventure, except that many were seized with a violent
124
CORONADO.
disease from eating preserved Indian figs, given to them
by the natives. When almost across the desert, and
within a day's march of Cibola, they encountered a
violent storm, followed by a very severe and deep snow.
The Spaniards resisted the cold without difficulty, but
the Indians who accompanied them suffered very
severely, as they came from the warm country to the
south, and had never experienced such intensely frigid
weather before. Some succumbed to the exposure and
perished, while many others were only saved by being
carried on the horses while the Spaniards walked.
arriving at Cibola, however, the army found not only a
warm welcome from the General and their comrades,
but that Coronado, with an unusual degree of care, had
prepared for them excellent and comfortable quarters in
advance.
While the whole army, thus reunited, was resting
after its desert march, Coronado endeavored to obtain in-
formation of the surrounding country. He was soon
told of a province called Tusayan, twenty-five leagues.
distant, where there were seven cities similar to those
of Cibola. The inhabitants were said to be very brave,
but the Cibolans could give no very exact information
concerning them, because there was no intercourse be-
tween the two provinces. Coronado was unwilling to
continue his march until this province had been visited,
and consequently sent a small detachment under Don
Pedro de Tobar, in whose bravery and address he had
special confidence, to reconnoitre, and if practicable,
take possession of the country. With them was sent as
an adviser, half spiritual and half military, Friar Juan
de Padrila, a Franciscan monk who had been a soldier
in his younger days. The expedition marched so
rapidly and secretly that it arrived in the province and
up to the very walls of the houses of the first village
without being discovered, and encamped after dark in
the midst of the unsuspecting population. At dawn
CORONADO.
125
the Indians were astonished to see the strangers at their
doors, and especially amazed at the sight of the horses,
the like of which they had never seen before. An
alarm was sounded, and the warriors quickly assembled
with bows and clubs to drive away the invaders. The
Spanish interpreter endeavored to explain that they
came as friends, but the Indians, while hearing them
politely, insisted that the strangers should withdraw;
and drawing a line on the ground, forbade any of the
Spaniards to pass beyond it. One soldier rashly vent-
ured to cross, when he was immediately attacked and
driven back. At this the Friar, who seemed to have
been more aggressive even than the Captain, urged a
charge, exclaiming in vexation at the delay, "In truth,
I do not understand why we have come here!" at which
the Spaniards rushed forward and killed a great num-
ber of Indians, while the remainder fled to the houses
for protection. These soon returned in the attitude of
suppliants, bringing presents, and offering their own
submission and that of the whole province. During
the day deputations came from the other towns to con-
firm their surrender and, to invite the Spaniards to visit
them and trade. In this province, which was then
called Tesayan, but which is identical with the modern
Moqui, were seven villages, which were governed as
were those of Cibola, by a council of aged men; having
also governors and captains. They raised large quanti-
ties of corn, and had well tanned leather; and among
the presents which they brought to Tobar were poultry
and turquoise.
Having accomplished its object, the expedition
returned to Cibola, where Don Pedro gave an account of
his adventures to Coronado, and also told him of a great
river further to the west, of which he had received
information from the people of Tusayan. On this river
it was said that a race of giants lived; and so much was
told of its extraordinary size and character that Coro-
126
CORONADO.
nado determined to send another expedition to explore
it. Accordingly, Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with.
twelve horsemen set forth, proceeding first to Tusayan,
where they procured guides and laid in provisions for
the desert journey. After traversing an uninhabited
country for twenty days, they at length arrived on the
banks of the river, which was in so deep a cañon that
the sides seemed "three or four leagues in the air." It
was impossible to descend the rugged and almost per-
pendicular banks to the water, so the party marched
along the side for three days hoping to find a safe place
at which to make a descent. The river was so far below
that it appeared but an arm's length in width, but the
Indians assured the Spaniards that it was fully one-half
a league across. At length they arrived at a point that
seemed more favorable for an attempt to descend, and
Captain Melgosa, Juan Galeres, and one other soldier, who
were the lightest and most active of the company, vol-
unteered to make the experiment; but toward night-fall
they returned, torn and exhausted, reporting that they
had only been able to accomplish a third of the distance
They said that even from there the river assumed large
proportions, and that some of the rocks, which from the
surface appeared scarcely as high as a man, were in
reality taller than the tower of the Cathedral of Seville.
The expedition proceeded somewhat further along the
river, until it reached some great falls, but was finally
compelled to return for want of water. This river the
discoverers called the Tison, correctly recognizing it as
the same of which the mouth had been seen at the head
of the Californian Gulf. It is now known as the Colorado
of the West; and its Grand Cañon, along which Cardenas
thus marched nearly three and a half centuries ago, is
one of the most wonderful natural curiosities of the
world.
While these expeditions were being made to the
west, a deputation of natives came from a province far
CORONADO.
127
to the east, called Cicuyé. This was headed by their
chief, a young man, tall and fine-looking, who, from the
unusual circumstance of his having long mustaches, the
Spaniards called "Bigotes." He said that they had
heard in their country, seventy leagues away, of the
* arrival of the white men, and had come to offer their
friendship and services, with the hope that the Spaniards,
as they advanced, would consider them as allies. Coro-
nado received them graciously, and an exchange of
presents took place, the Indians being specially pleased
with some little bells. Bigotes gave a general description
of the intervening country, its productions and animals,
particularly dwelling on the number of native cows
(buffaloes) which were to be found to the eastward. This
presented too good an opportunity for exploration to be
lost; so Coronado directed Hernando de Alvarado, with
twenty men, to accompany the deputation on their
journey back to their country, and to return within
eighty days with an account of his discoveries.
Proceeding easterly, after a five days' march, they
arrived at Acuco-the present Pueblo of Acoma-a town
built on the summit of a great rock, with sides so per-
pendicular that ascent was impossible except at one
place, and there only by the use of artificial steps. The
situation was practically impregnable; for after ascend-
ing 200 steps, it was necessary to climb 100 more
that were far more difficult, and then a perpen-
dicular ascent of twelve feet remained to be accom.
plished, which could only be done by the use of
holes made in the face of the rock. On the summit was
heaped a quantity of great stones, to be rolled down on
the heads of any enemies attempting to scale the height,
while those above were entirely protected from danger.
The flat crown of the rock contained enough good soil
for the cultivation of large quantities of corn, and wells
sunk in the solid stone supplied the town with water.
Acuco boasted of about 200 warriors, and from their
128
CORONADO.
fearlessness, and the security of its position, was the
terror of the surrounding country.
On the approach of the little band of Spaniards, the
Indians came down boldly into the plain, and haugh-
tily forbade them to proceed further; but finding that¸
Alvarado displayed no fear, but was preparing his com-
pany to make an attack, they suddenly changed their
tone and sued for peace and amity, which were readily
accorded. They soon afterwards presented the Span-
iards with a great quantity of poultry, together with
bread, corn, piñons, etc., which were very acceptable.
Alvarado, however, did not delay, but pressed on his
journey, arriving in three days at a province called
Tiguex, the inhabitants of which, on seeing Bigotes,
who was highly esteemed in all that country, received
the Spaniards with great hospitality. The precise loca
tion of Tiguex cannot be determined at this time; but
from the distance to various surrounding points, such as
Jemez, Cicuyé, etc., it is evident that the province lay
along the valley of the Puerco River, embracing proba-
bly the territory on both sides, and especially to the
east. It included twelve villages in all, and its princi-
pal towns were probably about west from Bernalillo.
Alvarado was so much charmed with the appearance of
the country and the kindness of his reception, that he
sent an envoy to Coronado at Cibola, recommending that
he should bring the whole army to winter there.
Without waiting for a response, the little expedition
continued its march, and at the end of five days arrived.
at Cicuyé, the city of "Bigotes," and which was found
to be built of houses four stories in height and strongly
fortified. Here they were received with special demon-
strations of joy and welcome, escorted into town to the
music of drums and fifes, and presented with many
cotton goods and turquoises. Cicuyé was situated on
the Jemez River, and probably at or near the present.
pueblo of Santa Ana, as it was about four leagues dis-
CORONADO.
129
tant from Cia. Alvarado concluded to remain here some
little time to give his troops the much-needed rest; and
while so waiting, he met an Indian who was destined to
have a great influence on the history of the whole ex-
pedition. This was a stranger, held as a servant at
Cicuyé, but who had come from the far East, being a
native, says Castañeda, "of the country on the border
of Florida, of which De Soto has lately explored the in-
terior." He bore such a strange resemblance to the
Mohammedans of the Orient that the Spaniards called
him "the Turk," and by no other name is he mentioned
in the chronicles. This man, from his first meeting with
Alvarado, began to tell, in most extravagant terms, of
wonderful cities to be found in his own country to the
east and of their vast riches in gold and silver. So thor-
oughly did he impress Alvarado with these stories that
the Captain felt it but a loss of time to explore a country
containing little else but buffaloes; and so, after proceed-
ing just to the edge of the plains, where he could see those
animals, he hastened back to meet Coronado and tell
him of the great news he had received.
Meanwhile the latter had concluded to act on the ad-
vice of Alvarado as to wintering at Tiguex, and had
sent Cardenas in advance to prepare quarters for the
soldiers. This was done with much harshness and
cruelty, the inhabitants being driven out of their
houses, and not even allowed to take their goods, with
the exception of the clothes they wore-a poor return
for the hospitality extended by them to Alvarado.
Coronado himself waited at Cibola until the arrival of
Tristan de Arellano with re-inforcements, and then set
out for Tiguex with thirty men, leaving directions for
the main body to follow in three weeks. Wishing to
visit a province of eight villages of which he had heard,
called Tutahaco, he took a different route from that
by Acuco, and after great suffering from thirst in
a desert region-(which must have been west of the
130
CORONADO.
present Fort Wingate),-he arrived by an eight days'
march at the towns which he determined to see. This
province of Tutahaco was evidently in the valley of
the river now called San Jose, the only one of its towns
still existing being the Pueblo of Laguna. The General
found the people friendly and well-disposed, and their
towns, clothing, and customs similar to those in the
vicinity of Cibola. He followed the San José down to
its junction with the Puerco, and then ascended the
valley of the latter until he arrived at Tiguex, where
he met Alvarado and "the Turk." The latter repeated
to Coronado what he had before narrated, with perhaps
greater embellishments. He said that in his native
country, to the east, was a great river two leagues in
width, containing fish of the size of a horse, and nav-
igated by boats carrying twenty oarsmen on a side, as
well as using sails; that the nobles sat in the stern of
these vessels under canopies, surrounded by all kinds.
of magnificence. He stated that the lord of the land
took a daily siesta in the shade of a great tree, from
whose branches bung golden bells that the moving air
caused to ring, and added, with a thorough knowledge.
of the hopes and wishes of the Spaniards, that the com-
monest vessels for water were of finely worked silver,
and the plates and other table utensils of gold.
These stories, however extravagant, the Spaniards.
believed implicitly, and, as we shall soon see, put such
confidence in the Turk as to make them distrust all
others. For instance, the former told them, by way of
corroboration, that he had brought several golden brace-
lets from his own country when he came to Cicuyé; and
when the Spaniards sent to find them, and were informed.
by the people that such things had never been seen
there, and that the Turk was a notorious liar who could
never be trusted, they actually disbelieved the latter;
and seizing the Cacique and Bigotes, from whom they
had received so much aid as well as kindness, carried
CORONADO.
131
them in chains to Tiguex in order to extort a confession
as to the missing ornaments, and kept them in confine-
ment more than six months. This conduct naturally
caused great indignation among the natives, which was
increased by the injustice and rapacity which character-
ized the actions of the officers appointed by Coronado to
collect cotton goods for clothing for the soldiers, and by
other outrages not easy to be forgiven. At length they
met in their estufa and held an important council, in
which, after long deliberation and the consideration of
all their wrongs, they concluded that the only course be-
fore them was to make war on their oppressors and
drive them from the land.
The next morning news came to the Spaniards that
the Indians had risen and killed one of their native al-
lies, and were driving off the horses. Pursuit was im-
mediately made, and a few of the animals recovered,
but the greater number were lost. Soldiers were sent
to several of the neighboring villages, but they every-
where found the houses closed and barricaded, and failed.
to draw the Indians out from these strongholds. It
was evidently an arranged policy to act on the defensive,
as by this means they had a large advantage. The
General then sent Cardenas with the greater part of the
army to lay siege to one of the towns, and bring it to
terms. He succeeded in taking the Indians unawares,
and gained the tops of the houses before they knew of
his approach, but the men then suffered severely from
arrows fired from loop-holes in the opposite buildings.
The Spaniards maintained themselves in this position
all that day and night, and the greater part of the suc-
ceeding day, fighting continually; when they were re-
lieved by the strategy of their Indian allies, who dug
under-ground passages to some of the houses, and by the
aid of certain inflammable materials so filled them with
smoke that the inmates were compelled to come out
and sue for peace. Pablo Lopez Melgosa and Diego Lo-
132
CORONADO.
pez made the recognized sign of peace in reply, by cross-
ing their hands; whereupon the Indians threw down
their arms and surrendered. They were then conducted
to the tent of Cardenas, who, it is said, did not know
the circumstances of their surrender, but supposed they
had been captured without any condition, and there-
upon ordered that they should all be burned alive as a
warning to the inhabitants of the other towns. Those
present who knew that they had surrendered under the
promise implied by the sign of peace said nothing, but
allowed the horrible preparations to go on in silence.
When the Indians saw this, and understood what their
fate was to be, they seized pieces of the wood which had
been brought for the burning, and attempted to defend
themselves; but the soldiers attacked them with their
swords, so that of about 100 who had thus sur-
rendered, very few escaped. While this cruel massacre
struck terror to the hearts of all who heard of it, yet in
other ways it had far from the desired effect. The his-
torian of the expedition evidently appreciated this, as
he says,
"They made it known throughout all the
country that the Spaniards did not regard the compacts
to which they had sworn, which did us much harm in
the end."
Just at this time the part of the army which had
been left at Cibola under Arellano arrived, and never
could re-inforcements have been more timely. Simultane-
ously there commenced a very severe snow-storm, which
continued with such violence for the space of two months
that it was not possible to undertake any new enterprise.
Coronado was specially anxious for peace, in order to
pursue his journey, and therefore sent envoys to all the
villages, promising pardon and good treatment; but the
Indians replied that they could put no trust in people
who did not keep their word, and reminded them that
they still kept Bigotes as a prisoner, and had broken
faith with those who had surrendered. As soon as the
CORONADO.
133
weather permitted, hostilities were renewed, and finally
the General determined to capture the city of Tiguex
itself, as an example to the other towns. He therefore
had scaling-ladders prepared, and made all the arrange-
ments possible to insure success, and then with his
whole army made a most vigorous assault. But the in-
habitants were equally well prepared, and met the as-
sailants with showers of arrows, and with great stones
of such weight that they unhorsed many of the Span-
iards. The advantage of position was altogether with
the Indians, and in a short time Coronado found himself
forced to retire with considerable loss. The siege con-
tinued for no less than fifty days, the Spaniards show-
ing great gallantry and daring, and the besieged no less.
courage and endurance. Many assaults were made, but
always without success. The Indians lost more than
200 warriors in resisting the various attacks, and
several of the most prominent Spaniards perished
during the siege. The loss most felt by the latter was
that of Captain Francisco de Obando, a distinguished
soldier of great popularity among the troops, who was
captured and carried alive within the walls. The
Indians suffered greatly for want of water, their supply
having been cut off, and though they sent their women
and children away during a day of truce, yet in the end
they found themselves compelled to abandon the place.
This they attempted to do secretly at night, but were
discovered by a sentinel, and the alarm being given,
they were defeated with great slaughter. Those who
escaped attempted to cross the river, but the water
was so extremely cold that many were drowned; and the
few who succeeded in gaining the opposite bank were.
so benumbed and exhausted that they were easily capt-
ured. While this siege was progressing, two of the
Spanish captains, Quevara and Saldibar, had been sent.
to capture another village, and with very similar suc-
cess; for the inhabitants after a considerable time
i
134
CORONADO.
attempted to leave the place by stealth, but were over-
taken and with scarcely an exception killed or taken
prisoner; the town being given up to pillage. These
two captures occurred just at the end of the year 1541.
While the siege of Tiguex was in progress, Coronado
made a trip to Cicuyé in order to regain the friendship.
of the people of that city. He took with him their
cacique, who had been imprisoned for some time-at
sight of whom the people greatly rejoiced. The General
re-established this old official in his position, and .
promised that within a short time Bigotes should also
be restored to them; and then returned to Tiguex, leav-
ing the people in a most friendly mood. As soon as the
siege was terminated, he sent an officer also to Chia (the
modern Pueblo of Cia or Zia), a large and populous
town four leagues distant, whose people had before sent
messengers to present their submission. As a compli-
ment to this town, and a proof of confidence, he left in
the custody of its people four bronze cannon, which
were not in condition to do service. A small detach-
ment of soldiers was also sent on an expedition to the
north, to the province of Quirix, the inhabitants of
which at first fled from fear; but being re-assured, re-
turned to their homes.
Meanwhile Coronado was impatiently awaiting the
opening of the spring, so that he could proceed on his
expedition and reach the wonderful land to the east, of
which the Turk gave such glowing descriptions—and
especially the great city of Quivira, which that vera-
cious informant said abounded in gold and silver. The
season, however, was an unusually severe one, the river
(Puerco) remaining frozen for no less than four months,
and the ice being thick enough to bear the weight of a
horse; but the General did not dare attempt a passage.
until it had thawed. At length, on the 5th of May
(1542), the army broke camp and started on its march.
trom Tiguex to Cicuyé. Coronado took with him the chief
CORONADO.
135
"Bigotes," and restored him to liberty at the latter
town, amid the great rejoicings of the people, Indeed,
so pleased were they at the restoration of their favorite
that they furnished the whole Spanish army with a
bountiful supply of provisions; and the two released
prisoners, the cacique and the chief, presented to the
General a young man named Xabe, who was a native of
Quivira, to act as guide on the expedition. This young
man confirmed the statements of the Turk as to the
existence of gold and silver in that noted city, but said
that the amount was far less than had been stated. But
while Coronado seems to have felt implicit confidence in
all the stories told by the Turk, many of the Spaniards.
had begun to distrust him very greatly; and Cervantes,
who had the care of him, even asserted that he knew
him to have dealings with the devil. He himself, how-
ever, never varied in his statements, nor allowed any
expressions of incredulity to abate one iota from the
extravagant estimates which he gave of the wealth of
Quivira and the East.
After a brief stay at Cicuyé the army recommenced
its march, and after crossing some mountains, came to
a great river, which they called the River of Cicuyé,
and which was unquestionably the Rio Grande, or Rio
del Norte, of modern times. As this stream was too
deep to be forded, the Spaniards were compelled to con-
struct a bridge, which occupied four days; after which
the army crossed to the easterly side. The exact lo-
cality of this crossing cannot be determined now, but
was probably in the vicinity of Santo Domingo, Peña
Blanca, or Cochití; that is, a little south of west of
Santa Fé. They now marched on over a rugged country,
but without special adventures, for ten days; when they
came to the camp of some Indians, of a nomadic tribe
called Querechos, "who lived like Arabs," and whose
tents were made of buffalo-skins. These showed no
surprise or timidity at sight of the Spaniards, but cooly
136
CORONADO.
came out of their tents to ascertain who they were, and
then going directly to the advance guard, asked to see
the chief. When brought to Coronado, they showed great
intelligence, and expressed themselves so clearly by
signs that all that they wished to say could be under-
stood as distinctly as if they had spoken, and there was
no need of an interpreter. They reported that far to
the east, the expedition would find a very large river,
whose length was so great that one could follow its
banks for ninety days without leaving an inhabited
country. They added that the first village arrived at
was named Haxa, and that the river was more than a
league wide. They confirmed all that the Turk had
told and promised; but as this was not until after they
had had a conversation with that worthy, the incred-
ulous among the Spaniards were not much affected
thereby. The next morning these Indians broke up
their camp and disappeared, carrying all that they pos-
sessed on the backs of dogs, of which they had a multi-
tude; but two days afterwards they were again met
further out on the prairie.
At
The army had now reached the great plain east of
the mountains. which was covered with such enormous
droves of buffaloes that Castañeda says "the number
was incredible." When attacked by the soldiers, they
would fly in such crowds and confusion that one would
fall over another, and thus very many were killed.
one place, while thus running from an attack by horse-
men, they came to a great ravine, and not being able to
stop in their course, with the multitude in the rear
pushing them on, so many fell into the chasm that it
was completely filled up, and formed a bridge for the
remainder of the frightened herd to cross. The Spanish
horsemen who were pursuing came upon this without
observing it, and in a moment were entangled in the
frenzied and struggling mass. A number of horses were
disabled or lost, and the men with difficulty extri-
CORONADO.
137
cated themselves from this novel and unexpected
danger.
The plains were perfectly flat and covered with
grass, and of such a character that no permanent trail
was left even by the passage of the whole army. Mon-
uments of stone had to be raised at frequent intervals
in order to guide stragglers, and even with these pre-
cautions several soldiers were lost and never returned.
The army kept on its march "in the same direction,"
says Castañeda, "as pursued since leaving Cicuyé-that
is to say, towards the north-north-east," daily hoping
to see some signs of the town of Haxa, which the Turk
assured them was not far distant. Faith in the latter
was now greatly diminished in the minds even of the
most sanguine, especially as another Indian, named
Sopete, who was also a native of the east, gave a very
different and far less glowing account of the regions to
be found in that direction. In order if possible to get
some further information regarding the famous city of
Quivira, which was now the special goal of the expe-
dition, Don Rodrigo Maldonado was sent in advance to
explore the country. While absent on this excursion,
Maldonado came to a great ravine, in which he found a
large encampment of Indians, who told him that they
had been visited by Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes on
their journey some years before. They brought to
Maldonado a great quantity of skins, and presented him
with a tent "as large as a house," and many other
things. Don Rodrigo sent a messenger to Coronado
telling him of the circumstances and urging him to
come that way. When the General had arrived and
saw the vast quantity of skins, he determined to divide
them equally among all the soldiers; but a few having
been taken in advance, the men feared that a fair divis-
ion would not be made, and so made a rush to secure
all that they could. A general scramble ensued, and in
less than fifteen minutes not a skin remained of the
138
CORONADO.
whole store. At this the Indians were amazed, as they
had supposed that these white men would simply bless
the skins and then restore them, as Cabeza de Vaca had
done, and the women and children cried over the loss
bitterly.
The part of the plains where the army now was, was
well populated; in one place, which they called Cona,
they passed an almost continuous succession of cabins
or tents for three days. Various fruit-trees and vines
were found, including grapes and plums. They passed
a number of great ravines or cañons, one of which was
a league in width, a little stream running through a
fertile valley between the walls. The natives here,
with whom the Turk was prevented from communicat-
ing, gave a very different account from his of the
country beyond, so that Sopete gained in credit while
the Turk lost. The Indians were very intelligent and
treated their wives with special consideration. The
women were well dressed, and wore a mantle or cloak of
leather, with neatly ornamented sleeves, over their other
clothing.
The army had now marched for thirty-seven days,
making six or seven leagues a day; the distance being
measured by counting the steps. They calculated that
from Tiguex to the last village in the valley of the
cañon was 250 leagues. It is to be remembered, how-
ever, that all the statements of distance made by the
early explorers are greatly overestimated; and also that
travelling as Coronado did, over mountains and
across plains without any road to guide, the route was
often circuitous and far longer than was necessary. As
nearly as can be ascertained, the Spaniards were now
marching near some of the branches of the Canadian, the
large cañons seen corresponding with some of those in
North-eastern New Mexico; and this agrees with the
general direction of their march, and the ultimate ar-
rival at Quivira. Provisions were beginning to be ex-
CORONADO.
139
hausted, with no prospect of any immediate opportunity
to procure new supplies, and altogether the situation
was so serious that the General called a council of war
to determine the future course of the expedition.
After considerable discussion it was determined that
Coronado, with thirty horsemen and six soldiers on foot,
should proceed with the search for Quivira, and that the
rest of the army should return to Tiguex under Tristan
de Arellano. This arrangement, however, was far from
satisfactory to the soldiers, by whom the General was
much beloved, and they besought him not to abandon
them, declaring that they were ready to follow him
to the ends of the earth, and die with him if necessary.
He could not be moved however; but promised to let
them know in a week's time whether they could rejoin
him.
No delay was now made in setting out. The best
mounted and most robust men were selected for the
escort, and several Indian guides taken, besides Sopete
and the Turk; the latter in chains, as punishment for
his willful misrepresentation. They travelled as rapidly
as was practicable, but no less than forty-eight days
were occupied in crossing the plains to Quivira.
"They never lacked for drink," Jaramillo tells us,
"marching continually in the midst of COWS
(buffaloes), whose number constantly increased." Just
before arriving at their journey's end they reached
and crossed a great river, and Quivira itself seems to
have consisted of a succession of towns and villages sit-
uated on small streams which ran into this main river.
But after all this long journey a great disappointment
awaited them; for the inhabitants possessed neither
gold nor silver, and indeed had scarcely any knowledge
of metals. The Ruler wore on his breast a plate of cop-
per, which he prized very highly; but this was the ex-
tent of the existence even of the more common metals.
Naturally incensed at the utter falsehood of all the
140
CORONADO.
statements of the Turk, the Spaniards asked him as to
his motive in thus deceiving them; and he, seeing that
there was nothing to be gained by further deception,
acknowledged that he had done so at the request of
the people of Cicuyé, who wished the strangers to be led
astray on the great plains so that their horses would
perish, and the soldiers be exhausted by long marches
and fatigue, and that thus on their return they could
easily be overcome and destroyed. On hearing this, and
fearing that if at liberty the Turk might cause new
trouble with the people of Quivira, the Spaniards
strangled that imposter; to the great satisfaction, we are
told, of Sopete.
Coronado seems not to have remained a very long
time at Quivira, the object of his present expedition.
having been simply to find the location of the city and
its surroundings with a view of returning with his
entire army. He says in his letter or report to the
Emperor Charles V. "The inhabitants recognized your
majesty, and submitted themselves to the power of their
rightful master." At the furthest point that was
reached in exploring the city, the General erected a
great cross with this inscription: "Francisco Vasquez
de Coronado, commander of an expedition, arrived at
this place." Castañeda tells us scarcely anything of
the city itself, except that the houses were round and
without solid walls, that the roofs were made of straw,
and that under these the people slept and kept
their valuables. Their villages, he says, resembled
those of New Spain, and their names and customs were
similar to those of the Teyas Indians, who were met on
the plains, and at the camp in the wide cañon. The
whole surrounding country was well populated, and
produced plants and fruits similar to those of Spain;
among these were plums, grapes, mulberries, and
various grains, together with wild flax. Quivira was
surrounded by other populous provinces, but these were
CORONADO.
141
not visited. It would be impossible from what is told
us by Castañeda alone to fix its location with any cer-
tainty. He says it was situated "in the midst of the
countries which adjoined the mountains that skirt the
sea;" and another illustration of the indefinite geographi-
cal ideas entertained at that time is found in the follow-
ing sentence: "It is in this country that the great river
of Espiritu Santo, which Fernando de Soto discovered in
Florida, takes its rise; it afterwards passes through a
province called Arache. Its sources were not seen; they
are very distant and on the slope of the mountain range
which borders the plains. It traverses them entirely, as
well as the Atlantic range (cordillera de la mer du nord);
and its mouth is 300 leagues from the place where De
Soto and his comrades embarked." One tning appears
distinctly, however, that Quivira was on the edge of the
great plain or prairie, that from it the mountains first
became visible, and that it was situated on small
streams, just east of a great river. Jaramillo, a captain
in Coronado's army, describes the houses as follows:
"The houses are of straw, very many being circular in
shape. The straw reaches almost to the ground, like
walls; on the outside on top is a kind of chapel or cupola,
having an entrance, where the Indians sit or lie down."
This description, together with the direction taken, and
the distance travelled, make it almost beyond question
that it was the same city of Quivira which Peñalosa
crossed the plains to visit 120 years later, and the route
followed cannot have been far different. Forty-eight
days march from the cañons of the Canadian would
carry Coronado to the Missouri without difficulty, and
all things considered, we can well believe that he trav-
ersed parts of the Indian Territory and Kansas, and
finally stopped on the borders of Missouri, somewhere
between Kansas City and Council Bluffs. Of the great
country of which this was the key, in the language of
Castañeda, “God reserved its discovery for others.
He
142
CORONADO.
only permitted us to
any knowledge of it.
discovered the place
boast of being the first who had
In the same way Hercules first.
where Cesar was afterwards to
found Seville. May the Lord's will be done!"
Meanwhile the main body of the army, which had
been left by Coronado in the valley encampment, under
Arellano, had returned to Tiguex. They remained for
fifteen days at the camp after the General left them, kill-
ing vast numbers of buffaloes and losing several of their
men, who wandered so far from camp as not to be able
to retrace their path; and then having received orders
by a messenger from Coronado, commenced their march
toward the west. They were fortunate in having better
guides than before, and so accomplished in twenty-five
days the journey which had occupied thirty-seven in the
other direction. The route was more southerly than
that by which they went, and passed by a number of
salt lakes, which are probably those in the eastern part
of Valencia County, bringing them to the Rio Grande
River at a point considerably below that at which they
had crossed on the bridge, and no doubt somewhere
between Albuquerque and Los Lunas. From here they
followed the river up to Cicuyé; but finding the natives
there indisposed to furnish any provisions, they crossed
over to Tiguex, arriving about the middle of July.
During their absence the people had begun to return to
their homes, but on the re-appearance of the Spaniards,
they all abandoned them again; every attempt to inspire
new confidence having failed. While waiting here for
news from Coronado, Arellano sent exploring parties ·
into different parts of the country for the double purpose
of seeking new discoveries and obtaining supplies for
the winter. Capt. Francisco de Barrio-Nuevo was sent
up the Jemez River as far as the towns of Jemez and
Yuqueyunque; and hearing of a large village still higher
up, they went on to that and found a very considerable
town built on both sides of the river, which was crossed
CORONADO.
143
on bridges made of well-squared timber. In this pueblo
they found the largest estufas which they had seen, the
roofs being supported by large wooden pillars, as much
as twelve feet in height. This town was called by the
natives Braba, but the Spaniards renamed it Valladolid.
Another officer went down the Puerco, and examined
that river and the San José, discovering four more towns,
and following the Puerco until it sank under-ground,
as the Guadiana does in Estramadura.
At length, in August, the General arrived at Cicuyé,
having travelled from Quivira by a shorter and better
route in forty days; and continued his march to Tiguex,
where he expected to recuperate his army during the
winter, and then undertake a new expedition to the
regions of Quivira and even beyond, in the spring.
Soon after his arrival, Don Pedro de Tobar came into
camp with the expected re-inforcements from San
Geronimo. They came with high expectations of join-
ing in the conquest of a land rich in gold and silver,
and were much disappointed at the news which awaited
them. However, they became reconciled when told of
the great expedition planned for the next spring.
Through the fall and winter Coronado busied himself in
endeavoring to re-establish friendly relations with the
people of Tiguex, Cicuyé, and the surrounding country,
and in re-organizing his army for the spring campaign.
The soldiers were in wretched condition from their
long and arduous marches, and their clothes were liter-
ally in tatters; and the General used every exertion to
procure cotton stuffs from the natives with which to
furnish new suits to his men. His attention to their
comfort made him the idol of the soldiers.
"Never was
a general more beloved and better obeyed," says
Castañeda. This very attention to the wants of the
privates caused dissensions between himself and his
officers, who were too apt to show favoritism and to
place additional burdens on those whom they did not
144
CORONADO.
like; and once or twice these difficulties became so
annoying that the general threatened to abandon the
expedition.
But when the spring came, all thoughts were turned
towards the new discoveries and conquests that were
projected. Orders were issued for the army to be in im-
mediate readiness to march. But just at this moment.
occurred an accident which changed somewhat the
course of history. On a festival day, when various
athletic and martial sports were indulged in, Coronado
was showing his expertness in the favorite game of run-
ning at a ring, and was accompanied by Don Pedro
Maldonado. While his horse was running at full speed,
the saddle-girth broke, and the General was precipitated
to the ground in front of the horse of Don Pedro; and
the latter, in trying to spring over him, gave him a
violent kick on the head, which came near proving fa-
tal, and confined him to his bed for a long time. This,
of course, put a stop to all preparations for the advance,
and caused a feeling of despondency among the soldiers.
Coronado's own anxiety was added to by bad news from
a part of his army left near the Sonora frontier; and he
began to wish that he was at home, to suffer, and if need
be to die, in the midst of his own family. Many of the
officers for various reasons were anxious to return to
Mexico, and they obtained a petition from the soldiers
asking an abandonment of the expedition. On receiv-
ing this, the General called a council of his officers,
which decided that, as they had failed to find any treas-
ures, or even a country fertile enough to be divided
among the soldiers, it would be best to return; and new
orders were immediately issued to prepare for the
march. But no sooner was this determined than the
soldiers repented of their action, and begged to have the
order revoked. But Coronado would not accede to this,
and to avoid importunity, shut himself up in a house,
with sentinels at the door. A number of the officers
CORONADO.
145
also regretted the action, on second thought, and pro-
posed to the General, either to leave them sixty soldiers,
with which small number they engaged to hold the
country until re-inforcement came; or for him to take
sixty men himself as an escort, leaving the remainder
of the army under a new commander, who could prose-
cute the explorations and conquest. But the soldiers
objected to this separation, and so nothing was done.
At last the day of departure arrived, and the army
set out on its return march, in the beginning of April,
1543. Two of the missionaries, however, expressed their
desire to remain, Juan de Padilla, a Franciscan, who
desired to travel to Quivira, and Luis, a lay brother,
who wished to stay at Cicuyé. They were both pious
men, and full of zeal in the work of propagating the
faith, and could not bear to leave this great country
devoid of any Christian teaching. They were sent under
an escort to Cicuyé, and from there Friar Juan, accom-
panied by a Portuguese, a negro, and some Mexican
Indians, proceeded to Quivira, where he was martyred
before even entering the town. Friar Luis was last seen
by some soldiers who were sent to him with sheep by Cor-
onado, on his way to visit a settlement some dozen miles
from Cicuyé. Let us hope that the good wishes of the
early historian were verified in his case.
man of good and holy life," says Castañeda; "I hope
that our Lord graciously permitted him to convert some
of those nations, and that he ended his days in feeding
his spiritual flock."
"He was a
On the homeward march scarcely anything oc-
curred worthy of special mention. The troops rested
for a few days at Cibola, and several of the Mexi-
can Indians concluded to remain there and make
it their home. At Chichilticale they met Juan Gallegos
with re-inforcements and munitions, and again the plan.
of returning to Quivira was agitated; but nothing could
be accomplished. As the army neared the settlements.
146
CORONADO.
of New Spain, discipline became relaxed, and the author-
ity of the General much impaired. After passing
Culiacan it was difficult to keep the soldiers together at
all; desertions were constant, and when Coronado
arrived at the City of Mexico, he could barely muster
100 men. He was coldly received by the Viceroy, who
was bitterly disappointed at the result of the expe-
dition; but yet was given a regular discharge. He had
lost his high reputation as a soldier, however, and soon
after was deprived of his Governorship. Thus ended
this expedition, which, though barren of results at the
time, will never fail to be of interest as giving to us the
first accurate account of the towns and the people of
New Mexico.
It seems proper, before leaving the history of this
expedition, to give a description of one of the Pueblo
towns of that day, as stated by Castañeda. He de-
scribes a number of them in his narrative-particularly
Cibola, Tiguex, and Cicuyé; but the account given of
the second seems to contain the most of interest. These
descriptions are specially valuable in order to compare the
manners and customs of these people nearly three centu-
ries and a half ago with those of their descendants that
exist to-day. Speaking of the towns in the Province of
Tiguex, he says: "The houses are built in common.
The women mix the mortar and build the walls. The
men bring the wood and construct the frames. They
have no lime, but they make a mixture of ashes, earth,
an d charcoal, which takes its place very well; for al-
though they build their houses four stories high, the
walls are not more than three feet thick. The young
men who are not yet married serve the public in gen-
eral. They go after fire-wood, and pile it up in the
court or plaza, where the women go to get it for the use
of their houses. They live in the estufas, which are
under-ground in the plazas of the villages; and of which
CORONADO.
147
some are square and some are round. The roofs are
supported by pillars made of the trunks of pine-trees.
I have seen some with twelve pillars, each of twelve
feet in circumference; but usually they have only four
pillars. They are paved with large polished stones, like
the baths of Europe. In the center is a fire-place, with
a fire burning therein, on which they throw from time.
to time a handful of sage, which suffices to keep up the
heat, so that one is kept as if in a bath. The roof is on
a level with the ground. Some of these estufas are as
large as a tennis-court. When a young man marries,
it is by order of the aged men who govern. He has to
spin and weave a mantle; they then bring the young
girl to him, he covers her shoulders with it, and she
becomes his wife. The houses belong to the women,
and the estufas to the men. The women are forbidden
to sleep in them, or even to enter, except to bring food
to their husbands or sons. The men spin and weave;
the women take care of the children and cook the food.
The soil is so fertile that it does not need to be worked
when they sow; the snow, falling, covers the seed, and
the corn starts underneath. The harvest of one year is
sufficient for seven. When they begin to sow, the fields
are still covered with corn that has not yet been gath-
ered. Their villages are very neat; the houses are well
distributed, and kept in good order; one room is devoted
to cooking, and another to grinding grain. The latter is
apart, and contains a fire-place, and three stones set in
masonry; three women sit down before the stones; the
first breaks the grain, the second crushes it, and the
third grinds it entirely to powder. In all the province.
glazed pottery abounded; and the vases were of really
curious form and workmanship." The buildings at
Cicuyé were described as follows: "The town is built
in a square, around a plaza`in the center, in which were
the estufas. The houses are four stories high; the roofs
arranged in terraces, all of the same height, so that the
148
CORONADO.
people could make a tour of the whole town without
having to cross a single street. To the first two stories
there is a corridor in the form of a balcony, which also
passes completely around the town, and under which
was a pleasant place to sit in the shade. The houses.
have no doors below, but were entered by movable lad-
ders which reached to the balconies on the inside of the
square."

CHAPTER VI.
THE EXPEDITION OF FRIAR RUIZ.
FTER the unsuccessful expedition of Coronado, no
further attempts were made to penetrate into New
Mexico for many years. So many discoveries were
being made in Central and South America, of new lands
which promised rich returns to the explorer or con-
queror, that the adventurous spirits of the time found
ample field for the exercise of their enterprise and prow-
ess without returning to any region which had already
been the scene of failure. When we consider how re-
mote the Land of the Seven Cities was from the City of
Mexico, we may well be surprised, not at the lapse of
time between expeditions for its exploration, conver-
sion, or conquest, but that within so few years after the
fall of Montezuma it should have been reached at all.
Compared with the slow advance of the English col-
onists on the Atlantic coast towards the Mississippi
Valley and the interior of the continent, the swiftness
with which the adventurous cavaliers of Spain pen-
etrated to the upper Rio Grande is a marvel. There
are traditions and some vague written accounts of mis-
sionary journeys made by zealous monks who passed
the boundaries of New Mexico in the interval, but
nothing of certainty or importance until the coming
of Friar Ruiz, forty years after the departure of Cor-
onado.
In the year 1581 Agustin Ruiz, a Franciscan Friar,
living at San Bartolomé, in north-eastern Mexico, heard
from certain Indians who came from the country around
the Concho River, that far to the north there were
several large and rich provinces which the Spaniards
150
FRIAR RUIZ.
had never visited. So much was said as to the impor-
tance and population of this unknown country that
Ruiz was much interested, and finally determined, if
possible, to penetrate that region and carry a knowledge
of Christianity to the thousands who were then living
in heathenism. With this view he made application for
permission to undertake the enterprise to both the civil
and ecclesiastical authorities, and this having been.
granted, he lost no time in arranging to start on his
benevolent mission. Two other Franciscans, named.
Francisco Lopez and Juan de Santa Maria, accompanied
him, and they had as an escort a squad of twelve sol-
diers under command of a captain, these last being also
directed to make diligent inquiries for any mines that
might be near their line of march. All things being
prepared, they started toward the north, and after a
march of about 500 miles, arrived among the Pueblo vil-
lages on the Rio Grande, and continued up the valley
of that river until they reached the town of Puara, long
since destroyed, but which then stood about eight miles
north of the site of Albuquerque. Here the soldiers be-
came alarmed at their position in the midst of such a
large native population, and at so great a distance from
support or succor, and refused to go any further;-in-
deed, they insisted on an immediate return to Mexico.
The Franciscans endeavored to persuade them to go on,
but without effect; and the soldiers in turn tried to in-
duce the Friars to go back with them, but they were
equally determined. So they separated; the soldiers of
the king returned to the ease and security of their gar-
rison life, and the soldiers of the cross went forward,
braving hardships, and danger, and death, to carry the
words of salvation to the heathen nations around.
The Friars went as far as the Galisteo River, where
there was an important pueblo, being everywhere
received with welcome and hospitality; and then con-
cluded, as the country was so inviting and the people so
FRIAR RUIZ.
151
ready to receive instruction, to send one of their num-
ber back to Mexico in order to bring more of the breth-
ren, and thus enable the work to go on with greater effi-
ciency. Brother Juan de Santa Maria volunteered to
undertake the journey, and the other two brethren
returned to Puara, as the best point at which to learn
the Indian languages. Friar Juan crossed the Sandia
Mountains with the intention of proceeding directly
south to El Paso from the Salt Lakes, that being a pref-
erable route to the one by the river; but on the third
day, when near the pueblo of San Pablo, and while rest-
ing under a tree, he was killed by some Indians, who
afterwards burned his remains. The two other Friars
pursued their studies and missionary labors at Puara,
until Lopez likewise fell a victim to the hatred of some
of the natives, being killed by a blow on the head while
engaged in prayer, in a secluded spot a short distance
from the village. No doubt it had been determined by
some of those in authority that the missionaries should
be destroyed, for their lives were blameless and they
had no enemies; and the fate of these Franciscans brings
to mind the last words which Brother Luis was heard
to utter not quite forty years before, and but a few
miles distant up the Jemez River; that "all the Indians
treated him kindly, with the exception of the old men,
who disliked him and would probably cause him to be
put to death.”
Friar Ruiz was now all alone. He succeeded in
recovering the body of his murdered companion, and
gave it Christian burial at the pueblo; but the loss was
a severe blow to him, and he felt keenly his isolation
and the danger in which he lived. Still he resolutely
determined to remain at his post as long as life lasted.
The Friar had a faithful friend in the war-captain of
the pueblo; and he, knowing that the death of all three
of the missionaries had been decreed, endeavored to save
Ruiz by removing him to the Pueblo of Santiago, about
152
RIAR RUIZ.
four miles further up the Rio Grande. But the effort
was vain, for within a few days he likewise met a mar-
tyr's fate, and his body was thrown into the river as food
for fishes. Thus ended the lives of these three devoted
men, who came to christianize a great province, and
were destroyed before they had really begun the work.
But their labor was not in vain, for as will soon appear,
as a consequence of their expedition, followed an almost
immediate permanent colonization of the country; and
the proverb that "the blood of the martyrs is the seed
of the church" was illustrated in the baptism, within
fifty years, of over 34,000 Indians, and the erection, by
the Brethren of the Franciscan Order, of no less than
forty-three churches in New Mexico.
ren.
The soldiers who returned to Mexico from Puara, ar-
rived in safety at San Bartolomé, and reported the situa-
tion in which the three Friars had been left by them. This
caused much anxiety among the Franciscans generally,
and they endeavored to have relief sent to their breth-
Their appeals at length touched the heart of Don
Antonio de Espejo, a wealthy Spanish cavalier, then
engaged in the mines at Santa Barbara; who offered his
services and fortune for the work, if proper authority
could be obtained for the expedition. This was soon
arranged, Governor Ontrueros, of New Biscay, granting
the permission, which included the right to enlist as
many soldiers as were thought necessary for the success
of the project.
CHAPTER VII.
DON
THE EXPEDITION OF ESPEJO.
ON ANTONIO DE ESPEJO having received the
proper authorization from the Governor of New
Biscay, lost no time in making arrangements for the
proposed expedition to carry relief to the Franciscan
missionaries in New Mexico. He was a man of great
energy and large resources, and possessed the confidence
of the people so fully that soldiers hastened to enlist
under his banner; so that in a very short time all the
men required had been enrolled, and the necessary.
stores and munitions were in readiness. Besides the
little company which he was to command, he took with
him a considerable number of Indians to perform the
more laborious duties of the march, and over 100 extra
horses and mules to be used in case of necessity. The ex-
pedition set out from the valley of San Bartolomé, on the
10th of December, 1582, marching directly northward
toward New Mexico. The first tribe that they encount-
ered was the Conchos, living in the valley of the Con-
cho River, in what is now the State of Chihuahua.
These people extended a friendly welcome, and their
chiefs sent a messenger ahead from town to town so
that the inhabitants should be ready to receive the
Spaniards. Two other tribes, known as the Passaguates
and the Tobosos, were passed through before the expedi-
tion reached the banks of the Rio Grande. All of these
Indians lived in rude villages of houses covered with
straw. They raised corn and melons, and obtained a
good deal of game, especially bears, and also excellent
fish from the Concho and other streams. In war and
in the chase they used bows and arrows; and their
154
ESPEJO.
government was of a simple kind, under chiefs or
caciques.
It was not until the valley of the Rio Grande was
reached that a higher grade of civilization was encount-
ered. Here Espejo found an extensive and populous
province, called by the natives Humanos, containing a
number of large towns of superior construction. The
houses were built of stone, cemented with lime-mortar,
and covered by flat roofs. The inhabitants were of
large stature and war-like disposition, and the first
night that the Spaniards came among them, they at-
tacked the camp and killed several horses. This was
probably on account of injuries inflicted by previous
expeditions of Europeans; for on being assured that
Espejo meant them no harm, and was only passing
through their country, they expressed entire satisfac-
tion, and afforded him considerable assistance. This
nation was so extensive that the Spaniards were twelve
days in traversing their country; but after the first
difficulty, they were everywhere well received, and
treated with great hospitality-the Indians not only
supplying them with all the provisions necessary, but
bringing presents of hides and chamois-skins, as well
dressed as those of Flanders. Many of the people
brought their wives and children to the priests that
they might bless them, and in other ways showed that
they had a vague knowledge of Christianity; and on
being asked how this had been obtained, it appeared
that this was one of the tribes visited by Cabeza de
Vaca nearly fifty years before; for they answered that
they had been taught by three white men and a negro,
who had passed that way, and had remained a number
of days among them
Several days' journey further up the river, Espejo
came to another large and populous province; the in-
habitants of which were dressed in well-tanned cham-
ois- skins, and had many beautifully-made feather or-
ESPEJO.
155
naments, and striped cotton stuffs, which they offered
in trade for the trinkets of the Spaniards. Beyond this,
was another province still more important, where Espejo
stopped for three days, while the Indians held a con-
tinual festival-performing dances and other ceremo-
nials in manifestation of their joy. The Spaniards
then came to a long stretch of uninhabited country,
covered with piñon-trees, and which occupied fifteen
days of their journey; at the end of which they found
a few small houses roofed with straw. About thirty
miles above this they began to see some more important
towns; and found the river bordered with cottonwoods
and walnuts, the timber being in some places as much
as ten miles wide. After being for two days in these
groves, the expedition arrived at a province containing
ten towns, situated in the valley of the Rio Grande, and
on both sides of the river. The houses here were four
stories high, and well constructed; and the people much
more civilized than those below. They wore clothing
of cotton and deer-skins-and what was the cause of
much surprise, boots and shoes, with soles made of the
strongest and best leather. They were idolaters—hav-
ing images which they worshiped, although the chief
objects of their adoration were the sun and heavenly
bodies; and besides public chapels, which were hand-
somely painted and ornamented, each residence had an
oratory for the private worship of its own household.
The people were industrious and thrifty. One chief
gave Espejo no less than 4,000 bolls of cotton. Appar-
ently they had not been visited by any expedition be-
fore, as they had never seen horses; and at first sight
were inclined to treat them as superior beings. This
province was situated a short distance below Albuquer-
que, in the vicinity of the Pueblo of Isleta, which may
be identical with one of the towns.
After remaining here for four days the Spaniards
resumed their march, and in a short time came to the
156
ESPEJO.
first of the towns of the Tegua nation, which was within
a few miles of Puara, the scene of the labors and martyr-
dom of the Franciscan missionaries. Here for the first
time they received news of the death of the Friars, and
were greatly disheartened to find that they had arrived.
too late to be of service in protecting them. About the
same time the people of Puara heard that an army of
Spaniards was approaching, and supposing that they
had come to avenge the death of the priests, they deserted
their homes and fled into the mountains. With the
news of the martyrdom of the Franciscans, the avowed
object of the expedition was at an end. A consultation
was therefore held to determine on the course to be
adopted, and after some discussion it was decided that
the surrounding country should be visited, as many
flattering accounts were heard of its richness and the
wealth of its cities. The first expedition was made by
Espejo himself, with only two men, who travelled west
for two days and visited a province containing eleven.
towns and estimated to have 40,000 inhabitants, which
lay in the direction of Cibola. The people lived com-
fortably, having great herds of cattle, and raising cotton
and many articles of food. The Spaniards also found
that the wealthier classes had considerable silver and
gold in their houses. They were well received by the
natives, who welcomed them both in words and more
substantially with supplies of provisions.
This encouraged Espejo to undertake a far more im-
portant expedition. He proceeded up the river to the
province of the Queres, where he found five towns, and
estimated the people at 14,000. Continuing to march
north, the next province reached was one called Cuna-
mes, which also contained five towns-Zia being the
most important. This town at that time contained.
eight market-places or plazas, and the houses were the
best that the Spaniards had seen, being plastered and
painted many colors. In all respects the people were well
ESPEJO.
157
advanced in civilization, and among other manufactures
had beautiful and curious mantles, some of which they
presented to the Spaniards. Turning westerly, Espejo
next visited a neighboring people called Amies, who
numbered about 30,000 and lived in seven towns, which
were similar to those of Cunames. Continuing on fifteen.
leagues further, he came to Acoma, the situation of
which on the summit of its high rock particularly im-
pressed the Spaniards. All along their route the people.
had received them most hospitably; but Acoma exceeded
all others in this respect, the officials bringing various
presents, and the inhabitants in general endeavoring to
entertain them with characteristic games and dances,
which occupied three days.
From here Espejo marched directly west to Zuñi,
where he found, still living, three of the Mexican In-
dians who had accompanied Coronado, and who on the
return march had concluded to remain at Cibola. Their
names were Andrew, of Culiacan, Gaspar, of Mexico, and
Antonio, of Guadalajara. They had been so long (forty
years) among the Cibolans that they had nearly entirely
forgotten their original language; but their meeting
with the new expedition of Spaniards was a most inter-
esting one. Among other things they gave Espejo in-
formation of a rich and populous country to the west-
ward, which bordered on a great lake, and in which the
precious metals abounded. They said that Coronado
had endeavored to reach it, but had been forced to turn
back for want of water. Espejo was not to be deterred
by the ill success of his predecessor, and so, taking but
nine soldiers with him, and leaving the remainder of
the army at Cibola, he started on the march. At a dis-
tance of twenty-eight leagues he came to the most pop-
ulous province which he had yet visited, as he estimated
its inhabitants at 50,000, and which was no doubt the
modern Moqui. Here the chiefs, pursuing somewhat
the same course which they adopted in the time of Cor-
158
ESPEJO.
onado, warned the Spaniards not to approach their
towns under penalty of death; but after being assured
that the visit was altogether friendly and pacific, this
policy was entirely changed, and they were not only al-
lowed to enter, but received with special honor. No less
than 2,000 natives came out from the first town to wel-
come the strangers, and exchanges of presents of all
kinds took place, the festivities continuing a number
of days.
But Espejo was anxious to visit the mining district
near the great lake of which he had been told, and so
taking fresh guides he set out again to the westward,
and penetrated the country for forty-five leagues, until
he came to a mine containing a vein of silver of great
width, from which he took a number of rich specimens
with his own hands. This was situated in a mountain-
ous region, beyond which the Indians said was a mighty
river, whose width-in their usual style of exaggeration—
they stated to be eight leagues! This was no doubt the
Colorado; but the constant allusions to the "Great
Lake "it is difficult to explain, as there is now no large
body of water in that region. Whether it existed only
in the imagination of the natives, or whether at that
time there really was an inland sea in some of the de-
pressed portions of Arizona, we shall probably never
know. It is to be observed, however, that Espejo did not
see the lake, and none of the other early travellers allude
to it.
Satisfied now of the mineral wealth of the country,
the commander returned to Zuñi, where he found his
army in good health and spirits, the natives having
treated them with great kindness and generosity. The
conduct of the troops had also been without reproach, so
that when they set out on their homeward march, the
Indians not only expressed great regret, but urged them
to return and bring other Spaniards with them. Re-
turning once more to the valley of the Rio Grande, the
ESPEJO.
159
main body of the army marched south to Mexico, leav-
ing Espejo with a small number of chosen companions
to prosecute his explorations. This time he went to
the northeast, and found a province containing a popu-
lation of about 25,000 people, living in a mountainous
country covered with pines, or piñons, and in which
mines abounded. It is impossible now to fix with pre-
cision the location of this province, as we do not know
the point from which the explorer started on this last
expedition; but it is not unlikely that it included the
Placer mountains, with possibly the Cerrillos to the
north, and part of the Sandias to the south. Unfortu-
nately the narrative does not even state what kind of
mines they were that were thus abundant. From this
point Espejo continued his march to another province.
of which he heard, which was said to contain about
40,000 people, called Taños. But here, contrary to the
pleasant experience he had heretofore enjoyed, the In-
dians refused to allow him to enter a town, or to supply
him with any provisions.
This cold reception seems to have discouraged him,
or at all events led him to realize how powerless he
would be with his handful of followers in the midst of
populous Indian nations, should they for any reason
become hostile. So he determined to return to Mexico,
well satisfied however that the country was far too rich
and inviting to be neglected in the future. He started
early in July, 1584, and by the advice of guides took
the homeward route by the Pecos, instead of the Rio
Grande, finding in its valley the same great herds of
buffaloes which had before given to it the name of the
"Rio de las Vacas." He followed the Pecos Valley down
into what is now north-western Texas, and crossed the
Rio Grande to the Conchos, and so on to New Biscay;
whence he sent a full account of his discoveries and ad-
ventures to the Spanish court. The reports brought
back by the members of the expedition spread through-
160
ESPEJO.
out the country, and aroused a new and strong interest.
in the settlement of the regions to the north, which soon
developed itself in more important enterprises and the
permanent colonization of the country.


CHAPTER VIII.
COLONIZATION UNDER OÑATE.
THE result of fought by the members of Espejo's
HE first result of the reports of the mineral riches
expedition, was the departure of a small party, under a
leader named Humaña, to search for gold in the New El
Dorado. Nothing of permanent interest, however, was
accomplished by them, for after exploring part of the
country east of the Rio Grande, their captain and all
but three of the men engaged in the expedition were
killed by the Indians. Oñate, when he marched through
the country a short time afterwards, saw two of the sur-
vivors, a Mexican Indian, called José, and a mulatto.
girl; and the third remained with the New Mexican
Indians, adopting their habits and manners, and being
at length elevated to the dignity of a chief. The time
was about to arrive, however, when a settlement on a
larger scale and of greater permanence than any which
had preceded it was to take place; and this, also, was
the direct result of the favorable accounts which were
brought back to Mexico by Espejo and his companions.
Don Juan de Oñate was a wealthy and influential
citizen of Zacatecas, in which city he was born; and his
ambition was strongly excited by the opportunities of
great riches and aggrandizement which were presented
by the reports brought from the almost unknown coun-
try to the north. He made a formal application to the
Viceroy of New Spain, Don Luis de Velasco, for
authority to colonize New Mexico, offering to undertake
the work with at least 200 soldiers, and with all the
animals, tools, goods, and appliances necessary to make
it a success. In return of course he asked for the usual
162
OÑATE.
rewards of discoverers and colonizers-authority, no-
bility, and wealth in lands and money. The Viceroy,
after due consideration, granted the authority applied
for, so far as the colonization was concerned, and also
most of the attendant requests of Oñate, on the condi-
tion, however, that the country should be conquered,
pacified, and colonized within five years; and this grant
was afterwards confirmed by the king of Spain, in very
ample form, in a decree dated July 8, 1602. Oñate did
not wait, however, for this confirmation, but with
characteristic energy made preparations for the work
the moment he had secured this permission of the
Viceroy. Like almost all enterprises of importance, this
encountered opposition from various sources, which it
required considerable time to overcome; and the delay
added greatly to the expense, as a large number of those
who originally enlisted became discouraged and returned
to their homes before the preparations were fairly
concluded. The expedition, as finally constituted, con-
sisted of over 700 soldiers and 130 families for coloniza-
tion, the latter carrying everything with them requisite
for permanent settlement. Ten Friars of the Franciscan
order accompanied the party, which consisted at its
start of about 1,250 persons; but after the march com-
menced and they began to appreciate the real hardships
to be endured, while the glamour of romance gradually
disappeared, desertions became numerous, so that when
New Mexico was actually reached, scarcely more than
half the original company remained; the desertions,
however, being mainly among the troops, and not
materially affecting the families.
The expedition set out in 1591, and proceeded
northerly through the present States of Durango and
Chihuahua until it reached the Rio Grande, and then
marched up the valley of that river much as Espejo had
done, encountering the same native nations and being
uniformly well treated, until it arrived at a point
OÑATE.
163
further north than any to which its predecessors had
penetrated, and finally selected as the center of the
future colony the sheltered valley on the north side of
the Chama, just above its junction with the Rio Grande,
thus affording protection to the settlement of all of the
fertile valleys which extend north, west, and south.
The new town they called the City of New Mexico; and
while it never grew to any great importance, and was
outstripped in its growth by many places afterwards
established, yet its site will never cease to be of interest
to New Mexicans. Near by, at San Yldefonso, was
founded the first permanent "convento" of the Fran-
ciscan fathers, which for a considerable time was the
center of their missionary activity and enterprise. The
Indians in the vicinity of the new town were kind and
disposed to welcome the new-comers, whom they assisted
very materially in the building of their houses. They
lived as did those previously described, in villages or
community houses several stories in height, built
around squares and containing many rooms; their food
consisted principally of the beans, corn, and pumpkins
which they raised, together with the products of the
chase, and the fish of the Rio Grande and its branches;
and they were comfortably and indeed becomingly
dressed in the tanned skins of buffaloes and smaller an-
nimals, and in fabrics of cotton of their own raising and
manufacture, ornamented with feathers of the wild
turkey and other birds.
As in all other colonies, the first season was one of
difficulty and privation. Houses had to be built, the
virgin soil broken up for future planting, and many
kinds of arduous labor encountered; but the land was
fertile, the climate unsurpassed, and in much of the
heaviest work they had the assistance of the natives, so
that before very long contentment and prosperity pre-
vailed. In the meantime, however, some had become
discouraged; those who had come expecting to find a
164
OÑATE.
land where riches were to be obtained without labor
were dissatisfied, and so a considerable number, espe-
cially of the soldiers, took such opportunities as were
presented for returning to Mexico, where they spread
reports of the barrenness and poverty of the country
and the failure of the attempts at settlement.
As soon as the necessary means of livelihood were
assured, by the building of houses and planting of fields,
the Spaniards commenced extensive explorations for
the precious metals, which had been a leading object of
their coming. Mines were soon found in very many
parts of the country, and in nearly every locality where
they are now known, so wide-spread was the rude "pros-
pecting" of those days. Gold or silver was discovered—
the former sometimes in veins and sometimes in gravel-
from Socorro on the south to the Picuris Mountains on
the north, including the Sandias, the Placers, the Cer-
rillos, etc., and also to the west in the mountains of
Jemez. A little later they extended the area of mineral
discovery and development even further north, as the
shafts of their ancient mines are found as far up as the
Rio Hondo and Colorado in New Mexico, and even be-
tween the Culebra and Trinchera in southern Colorado.
Settlements were rapidly made in various parts of
the country, fresh immigrants following those who com-
posed the first expedition, and no opposition to their
settlement being manifested by the resident natives.
As soon as Oñate could leave the central town on the
Chama, with safety, he undertook a series of peaceful
expeditions to the various Indian nations, with the
view of obtaining accurate information as to their char-
acter and numbers, and also to insure amicable relations
with them, and as far as possible to introduce Christian
missionaries into their chief towns. . After visiting
most of the tribes of the Rio Grande Valley and its
vicinity, he attempted a more ambitious journey, evi-
dently wishing to emulate the example of Coronado,
OÑATE.
165
and resolved to cross the plains to the great city of
Quivira, which, perhaps on account of its very distance
and inaccessibility,seems to have filled the minds of all the
early Spanish adventurers, for over a century, with the
most romantic ideas. This expedition set out in the
year 1599, and consisted of eighty soldiers, accompanied
by two Friars named Francisco de Velasco and Pedro de
Vergara, for spiritual duties, and as a guide by José,
the Mexican Indian, previously mentioned as escaping
from the ill-starred party of Humaña, and who was found
by the later Spaniards at the Pueblo of Picuris They
marched as Coronado had done more than half a century
before, and as Peñalosa was to do more than an equal
period afterward, over the great buffalo-plains towards
the east; finding the same bright, clear atmosphere,
the same unvarying prairie, the same grapes and plums,
the same enormous herds of buffaloes, and the same
wandering tribes of Indians, which had no doubt been
there from time immemorial. After travelling over
200 leagues, and just before reaching the settlement
of Quivira, they met, as did Peañlosa, a tribe called
Escansaques, on their way to make their annual foray
into the cultivated country of the Quivirans, with
whom they were in a state of perpetual war. Some
difficulty arose between the Spaniards and this maraud-
ing tribe, which resulted in a serious battle, in which
we are told a thousand of the Indians were slain; a
thousand" probably being a figure of speech, considered
allowable when treating of expeditions to such far dis-
tant dominions; the old chronicler also giving as a reason
for this destruction, a pious desire on the part of the
Franciscan Commissary to teach the Escansaques a
lesson of peace and honesty, which would lead them to
abandon their attacks upon Quivira. However this may
be, Oñate very soon approached the wonderful City of
the East, which was situated on the further bank of a
river; and after some negociations, a treaty of perpetual
66
166
OÑATE.
peace and friendship was concluded between the Span-
iards and Quivirans. The country was found to be
thickly settled, great numbers of villages being seen;
and the people said that to the north it was even more
densely populated. As in the days of Coronado, no silver
nor gold was seen; but reports were heard that the
precious metals were plentiful in the interior. Satisfied
with the result of his journey, Oñate returned to New
Mexico; and a few years after, in 1606, a party of no less
than 800 Quivira Indians came to Santa Fé to ask aid
in their war with the Axtaos, which was then being
fiercely waged. They gave glowing accounts of the
wealth of their ememies, as an incentive to action on the
part of the Spaniards; but nothing resulted from it,
except that they left with Oñate an Axtao prisoner,
who was in their hands, who was subsequently baptized
by the name of Miguel, taken to Spain by Don Vicente
De Saldivar, and presented to the king, attracting great
attention wherever he went.
For several years the Governor continued with a rare
combination of energy and prudence to establish new
settlements and strengthen those already existing; at
the same time conciliating the natives, and preventing,
during the period of his authority, any hostilities on
the part of either race. He explored all parts of the
country, and in 1611 made another trip to the eastward,
discovering the Cannibal Lakes, which cannot well be
identified at this day, and the deep cañon of the Cana-
dian River, which was appropriately called
called the
"Palisade."
CHAPTER IX.
THE PERIOD FROM 1600 To 1680.
HE period between the permanent settlement of
New Mexico by Europeans, under Oñate, at the end
of the sixteenth century, and the revolution of 1680,
presents a few salient features which are illustrated by
a multitude of lesser occurrences. The principal events.
of a general character were the increase and extension
of the Spanish settlements, the introduction and propa-
gation of Christianity among the natives, the estab
lishment and development of mining as an important
industry, and the constantly growing feeling of aliena-
tion and hatred on the part of the Pueblo Indians.
Each of these had relation more or less to the others, so
that they cannot well be treated separately; and in any
event, our knowledge of the history of those times is
imperfect and fragmentary, as all of the regular records.
were destroyed during the years of Pueblo supremacy
which succeeded. After the successful establishment of
the first colonies on the Upper Rio Grande, Spanish
communities quickly grew up in all the more accessible
parts of the Territory, sometimes in connection with.
the native Pueblos, and sometimes as independent set-
tlements Santa Fé, from its central position, between
the upper and lower valleys, and on account in part, no
doubt, of the charm of its situation and climate, early
became the most important of the Spanish towns and
the seat of highest authority. It is very likely that
Oñate himself transferred his residence there from the
banks of the Chama; and, at all events, it is certain
that his immediate successors made it the Capital, and
that the palace was built at a very early day. It was
168
FROM 1600 To 1680.
the long established seat of power when Peñalosa con-
fined the Chief Inquisitor within its walls, in 1663, and
when the Pueblo authorities took possession of it as the
citadel of their central authority, in 1681.
The Spanish settlers naturally found homes in the
fertile and beautiful valley of the Rio Grande, and did
not attempt to establish many towns far beyond the
mountains which marked its boundaries on either
hand; but the zealous missionaries of the Christian
faith were not confined within any such narrow limits.
As we have seen, ten Friars accompanied Oñate on his
first expedition into the country, and their number was
frequently increased from time to time by the arrival of
new brothers from Mexico and Spain-all being of the
order of St. Francis. Their first missionary station after
San Yldefonso, was established at a place in the territory
of the Tegua nation, and probably at one of their princi-
pal pueblos, hence called in the early records "El
Teguayo," and which has by many been considered
identical with Santa Fé. A strong probability is lent to
this from the propriety with which the name of the "La
Ciudad de la Santa Fé de San Francisco," "the city of the
holy faith of St. Francis," would have been given to the
point selected for the earliest settled missionary effort of
the Franciscan Fathers. The missionaries traversed the
country in all directions, priests were stationed at all.
the principal villages, and churches erected as rapidly
as possible at the important points. As early as 1608
it was reported that at least 8,000 Indians had been
baptized. Twenty-one years later the number had in-
creased to 34,650; and not less than forty churches had.
been built for the performance of the ceremonies of the
Roman Church. The most celebrated of the monks.
who devoted himself to the missionary work during the
intervening period was Geronimo de Zarate Salmaron,
who established himself at Jemez; and from the facility
that he acquired in the use of the languages of the
FROM 1600 To 1680.
169
people, preached with such success that he alone
baptized no less than 6,566 Indians at that pueblo,
besides extending his ministrations to the neighboring
pueblos of Zia and Santa Ana, and accomplishing the
pacification of Acoma, which until that time had re-
fused to hold any friendly intercourse with the Spaniards.
But as time passed and the colonists became stronger,
the priests resorted to other means than by pious ex-
ample and persuasion to bring converts to the Christian
faith. Men whose zeal far outran their discretion took
part in the work, and the spirit of persecution then
dominant in Europe began to exert its baneful in-
fluence among the peaceful and kind-hearted natives of
New Mexico. Many of these were naturally attached to
the religion of their fathers, in which generation after
generation of the people had been educated, and which
had become almost a part of their nature. They were
evidently a religious people, as Espejo found images and
altars in almos
every house The estufas were
the scenes of their more public ceremonies, and
they had priests whom they revered as having
special intercourse with the Higher Power. Religious.
rites were of frequent observance among them, and the
"cachina," their favorite dance, had a connection with
supernatural things. The great object of their worship
undoubtedly was the sun, and around it, according to
their crude and superstitious creed, were various lesser
powers, which ruled over special subjects, and were the
objects of a kind of adoration, and certainly of fear.
But while thus far from the truth, their religion was
intended to make them better and nobler, and did not
call for human sacrifices or the perpetration of any kind
of outrage or cruelty. When Christianity was intro-
duced as a religion of benevolence and of blessing, as by
Cabeza de Vaca, who taught a few of the essentials of
the faith, ministered to the sick, and blessed the skins.
brought by the people among whom he sojourned; or
170
FROM 1600 to 1680.
by the first Friars, who sought by good counsel and holy
lives to conciliate and win the hearts of the natives-it
gained their affection as well as their respect; but after-
wards the "zeal without knowledge" of the ecclesias-
tical rulers led to unfortunate results They endeavored
to convert by force, instead of by love and persuasion.
The ancient rites were prohibited under severe penalties,
the old images were torn down, sacred places destroyed,
estufas closed, and the "cachinas" and all similar semi-
religious ceremonies and festivities forbidden. They
were compelled to an outward compliance with the rules
and participation in the rites of the Roman Church.
They had to attend its services, to submit to baptism,
to support its priests, and subject themselves to its
authority, whether they really understood and believed
its teaching or not. The Inquisition was introduced,
and soon became the dominant power in the territory,
forcing even the highest civil officers to do its bidding,
or subjecting them to removal, disgrace, and pun-
ishment, if they dared to exercise independence in their
action, or attempted to interfere with the arbitrary
and often cruel edicts of its imperious representatives.
A conspicuous instance of this is found in the removal
of two successive Governors (Mendizaval and Peñalosa)
by its influence in 1660 and 1664.
The Spaniards who came at first as friends and were
eager to have the good-will and assistance of the in-
telligent natives, soon began to claim superiority and
to insist on the performance of services which originally
were mere evidences of hospitality and kindness. Little
by little they assumed greater power and control over the
Indians, until in the course of years they had subjected.
a large portion of them to servitude little differing from
actual slavery. The Spanish courts assumed jurisdic-
tion over the whole territory, and imposed severe
punishment on the Indians for the violation of any of
their laws-civil or ecclesiastical; introducing an
FROM 1600 TO 1680.
171
entirely new criminal system, unknown and certainly
undesired by the natives. For slight infractions of
edicts of which they were often ignorant, men and
women were whipped or condemned to be sold into
slavery; the latter punishment being encouraged, be-
cause it provided the labor of which the Spaniards stood
in need. The introduction of mining, and its rapid
extension all over the territory, aggravated their hard-
ships; for the labor, which was exceedingly dangerous,
as well as toilsome, was performed almost entirely by
Indians forced to work under the direction of unfeeling
task-masters. Under all these circumstances the kind-
hearted and peace-loving Pueblos, who had lived for
generations an easy life of independence and happiness,
until the coming of these strangers from the south,
naturally changed in their feelings from welcome and
hospitality to an intense hatred and a determination to
repel the intruders whenever an opportunity should
present itself. It was not to be supposed that the
stronger communities, populous and well governed,
should succumb without a struggle to the tyranny of the
new-comers.
The middle of the seventeenth century was filled
with a succession of conflicts and revolts, arising from
these circumstances. Many of these were local and
swiftly suppressed; frequently being betrayed before
really commenced, and requiring no particular notice.
here. In 1640 a special exercise of religious persecution.
in the whipping, imprisonment, and hanging of forty
natives, because they would not be converted from their
old faith, aroused the Indians to revolt; but only to be
reduced to more complete subjection. Very shortly
afterwards the Jemez nation took up arms, and obtained
the promise of assistance from their old enemies, the
Apaches, but were unsuccessful; and the Spanish Gov-
ernor, Gen. Arguello, punished them by the imprison-
ment of twenty-nine of their leading chiefs. A more
172
FROM 1600 To 1680.
important attempt was made in 1650, when the whole
Tegua nation, including the pueblos of Jemez, Cochiti,
San Felipe, Sandia, Alameda, and Isleta, united in a
project to kill or drive away the entire Spanish popula-
tion, and especially the priests; the Apaches being also
implicated, as the new danger of foreign domination
seemed to heal for the time the old enmity between the
industrious inhabitants of the pueblos and the nomadic
tribes which had been accustomed to subsist on the
stolen products of their labors. The plan was to make
a simultaneous attack on the Spanish settlements on
the evening of Holy Thursday, when the people would
be at church and unsuspicious of danger; and it bid fair
to be successful, but for its untimely discovery, and the
energetic measures of Gov. Concha, who arrested and
imprisoned the leaders, of whom nine were subsequently
hung, and the remainder sold into slavery. While Gen.
Villanueva was Governor, the Piros Pueblos rose and
killed a number of Spaniards, but were in turn over-
powered; and soon after, the Pueblos of the Salt Lake
country in the south-east, under Estevan Clemente,
their Governor, organized a general revolt, which how-
ever was discovered in advance and its execution pre-
vented. These unsuccessful attempts however taught
the Indians that the only hope of success was in united
action by all of the native nations; and preparations for
this were quietly discussed and arranged through a con-
siderable series of years, at the time of the annual
festivals, when the people of the different pueblos were
brought together. Once it seemed as if the time for the
rising had come-the people of Taos taking the lead in
the work-but through the refusal of the distant Moqui
Indians to unite in the revolt, it was for a time aban-
doned. The Spaniards, however, were kept in a condi-
tion of constant fear, as it was impossible to know at
what time a formidable rising and general massacre
might take place.
FROM 1600 To 1680.
173
The bitter feeling of the natives was heightened by
a singular transaction in 1675. According to the super-
stitious ideas of the day, Friar Andres Duran, Superior
of the great Franciscan Monastery at San Yldefonso, to-
gether with some of his relations, believed themselves
to be bewitched, and accused the Tegua nation of being
guilty of causing the affliction. Such an attack by the
emissaries of Satan on the very head of the missionary
organization of the territory was a serious matter, and
the Governor, Don Juan Francisco Frecencio, organized
a special tribunal, consisting of Francisco Javier, the
the Civil and Military Secretary, and Luis de Quintana,
as judges, with Diego Lopez as interpreter, to inves-
tigate the charge. The result was the conviction of
forty-seven Indians, of whom forty-three were whipped
and enslaved, and the remainder hung; the executions
being distributed between Jemez, Nambé, and San
Felipe, in order to be a warning to future wrong-doers.
This action naturally incensed the Teguas to the high-
est degree. Seventy of them, led by Popé, a San Juan
Indian, who had begun to be prominent for his enter-
prise and wisdom, marched to Santa Fé to endeavor to
ransom the prisoners; and a conspiracy was formed to
assassinate the Governor, but nothing was accomplished
at the time. Meanwhile the cruelty of the slavery in
the mines increased, the religious persecution con-
tinued, and everything united to drive the natives into
the great revolt which occurred in 1680.
During the period from 1600 to 1680 a considerable
number of Governors ruled in New Mexico, the ap-
pointments being made by the Viceroy of New Spain.
Unfortunately, in consequence of the destruction of the
records at the time of the Pueblo Revolution, no perfect
statement even of their names can be made. In the
year 1600 Don Pedro de Peralta was appointed Governor,
apparently superseding Oñate, who only the year be-
fore had led the expedition to Quivira. But it is evi-
174
FROM 1600 To 1680.
dent that Oñate was soon restored, for the Quiviran
delegation in 1606 was received by him; in 1611 he
made his second exploration to the eastward, and as
late as 1618 we are told that the expedition of Don
Vicente de Saldivar, of which more will be said pres-
ently, was undertaken "by order of his uncle, the
Adelantado Don Juan de Oñate." The celebrated Moro,
or Inscription Rock, near Zuñi, bears on its surface the
memorial of a Governor who otherwise might have re-
mained unknown, in the following words: "Bartolome
Narrso, Governor and Captain-General of the Provinces
of New Mexico, passed by this place on his return from
the Pueblo of Zuñi, on the 29th of July, 1620, having
put them at peace, etc." How long this Narrso con-
tinued to govern we do not know; but it is evident from
some old documents that in 1640 General Arguello was
Governor, and General Concha in 1650. One of the
oldest of the archives, dated 1683, mentions Enrique de
Abela y Pacheco, as having governed the province in
1656. He must have been followed soon after by Ber-
nardo Lopez de Mendizaval, as the latter had time
enough before 1660 to render himself obnoxious to the
Inquisition, whose complaint was sufficiently influen-
tial to effect his removal in that year. The Count of
Peñalosa, a more full account of whom we will soon pre-
sent in connection with his expedition to Quivira, was
appointed Governor in 1660, but did not arrive till late
in the spring of 1661. He also had the misfortune to
come in collision with the Inquisition, whose chief of-
ficial was assuming such dictatorial powers that Peña-
losa finally felt compelled to arrest him and hold him
as a prisoner for a week in the Palace; for which the
Inquisition repaid him with interest a short time after,
causing him to be deprived of his office and suffer a
long imprisonment and enormous fine. Soon after
General Villanueva was Governor, and in 1675 Don
Juan Francisco Frecenio was appointed. Altogether,
FROM 1600 To 1680.
175
between 1640 and 1680, fourteen persons exercised the
gubernatorial authority, but the above names are all
that are certainly known, except that of Antonio Oter-
min, who was Governor at the time of the breaking out
of the Pueblo rebellion in 1680.
During this period various expeditions were under-
taken from time to time with a view to the exploration.
of the country, or the extension of the knowledge of
Christianity among the natives. To two of these (that
of Saldivar in 1618, and that of Peñalosa in 1662) sepa-
rate chapters will be devoted, on account of the quaint-
ness of the record of the former, and the important his-
toric interest of the latter. At one time (the exact date
not being preserved) two Franciscans, Father Pedro Or-
tega, Guardian of Santa Fé, and Father Alonzo Yanis,
advanced 100 leagues into the Apache country, and then
went 50 leagues east, and 50 north, reaching finally a
very large river, which they called San Francisco; but
their Apache guides were afraid to proceed any further,
and the zealous priests returned. Another expedition
eastward from Santa Fé was that of the Missionary
Fathers Juan de Salas and Diego Lopez, to the Xumana
nation. Benavides, who narrates the miraculous con-
version of this tribe, fixes the locality of this people as
follows: "Setting out from the city of Santa Fé, the
center of New Mexico, and passing through the Apache
nation of the Vaqueros (Buffalo-hunters), you come to
the Xumana nation, whose conversion was so miracu-
lous that it is just to relate how it was." Nothing else.
worthy of special mention has come down to us in
the meagre chronicles of that period. Everything was
slowly but surely drifting toward a great revolt by the
ill-treated Pueblos. After giving narratives of the ex-
peditions of Saldivar and Peñalosa, we will see how
formidable that revolt was when it actually occurred..
CHAPTER X.
THE EXPEDITION OF SALDIVAR.
In 1618 an expedition, of which a brief account has
come down to us, was made by Vicente de Saldivar,
Maestre de Campo, and nephew of Don Juan de Oñate,
with forty-seven men. He was accompanied, as usual
on such expeditions, by an ecclesiastic, not only for the
spiritual welfare of the men and the conversion of such
natives as it might be possible to bring under Christian
influences, but also as a kind of historian of the expedi-
tion. Nothing was really accomplished, on account of
the fears aroused by the stories of a nation of giants
soon to be encountered if the expedition proceeded far-
ther, and it is impossible to tell the exact direction
taken on the march. The Rio de Buena Esperanza, or
Del Tison, has generally been considered to be the Gila,
but much difficulty often arises from the same name.
being applied by different narrators to various rivers
or cities, or sometimes by distinct rivers reached by dif-
ferent travellers being supposed by them to be parts of
the same, and so miscalled by the same name.
In one
narrative the Colorado of the West near the Grand
Cañon is called "Tison," and the description of the
giants is similar to what was said of a tribe on that
river. This theory that the Colorado is intended is the
more plausible on account of the word Moq,"
which would evidently mean the land of the Moquis.
The narrative of this expedition is so brief, and at the
same time so quaint and characteristic of the times,
that we give a translation in full,—
66
"In the year 1618 the Maestre de Campo Vicente de
Saldivar set forth on a journey of discovery, with forty-
SALDIVAR.
177
•
seven well appointed soldiers, accompanied by the Padre
Friar Lazaro Ximenes, of the order of our Seraphic
Padre San Francisco, and passing through these same
populated and civilized nations to the end of Moq, and
journeying through those unpeopled countries fifteen
more days, they arrived at the Rio de Buena Esperanza
(Goodhope River), or Tison River, in which place they
found themselves in latitude thirty six and one-half
degrees; and journeying up for two days towards the
north with a very good guide who offered to conduct
them, they arrived at a little village, and asking infor-
mation of the country in the interior, they told such
great things of it as those in the west on the coasts of
the South Sea and California had told them, and as had
been described to us by those in the east at the
Quivira, which greatly encouraged all to continue their
journey; but as among other things they told them that
in the country beyond they would find a gigantic and
terrible people, so enormous and wonderful that one of
our men on horseback was small in comparison, and
who shot exceedingly large arrows, it appeared to Sal-
divar that he could not raise sufficient force to encounter
such a multitude of barbarians, and so he deter-
mined to return, fearing some misfortune such as was
experienced by Captain Humaña and others; and
although Friar Lazaro and the greater part of the sol-
diers opposed this determination they could not prevail,
and although twenty-five of them begged permission to
enter and explore the land, the Maestre de Campo was
not willing to permit it, fearing they would all be lost;
but commanded that they should go no further, but turn
about; and while this determination was being carried
into effect and the baggage being packed, the earth at that
point exhibited great feeling and sorrow by a terrific and
frightful earthquake, which appeared to play even with
the most massive mountains, throwing to the ground
the laden animals as well as the men, without leaving
178
SALDIVAR.
anything in its place, thus manifesting in a mysterious
manner, by this earthquake, the cowardice of heart of
those who turned back from the gates of that fertile,
rich, and extensive country, which is so good that it is
generally believed that all that to this time, has been
conquered and colonized under the name of America is
dull in comparison with what is contained in this new
part of the New World, which is menaced by conquest by
the French who are bounded by it, and by the English
and Dutch who desire it so greatly, although neither
the one nor the other can obtain it, because they do not
understand the art of conquest, which is reserved to the
valor and discretion of our nation and the Portuguese,
although ours did not then dare to go to see it even to be
undeceived. They say that Padre Lazaro then ex-
claimed in a loud voice with indescribable grief, 'Oh
Spaniards, what sorrow the earth feels at our lack of
courage, and we do not feel it ourselves!'"

W
THE
CHAPTER XI.
THE EXPEDITION OF PEÑALOSA TO QUIVIRA.
HE expedition of Don Diego de Peñalosa, though
comparatively little known, was certainly the most
ambitious, as it came near being the most important in
results, of all the expeditions of the Spaniards of New
Mexico in the period which succeeded the conquest. By
both birth and experience he was just the man calcu-
lated to organize and lead in adventurous exploits, which
promised rich results in honor, or power, or gold. In a
document apparently drawn up by himself, published
by Margry, and reproduced in Shea's "Peñalosa," it is
stated that Pedro Arias de Avila, first governor of Terra
Firma, was his great-great-grandfather; Diego de
Ocampo, admiral of the South Sea, and Pedro de Valdivia,
who, at his own cost, conquered the Kingdom of Chile,
were his great-grandfathers; the Commander Diego de
Peñalosa, his grandfather, held many important offices,
both civil and military, in Peru; his father, Don Alonzo,
was governor of the provinces of Arequipa and Aricaxa,
etc., and a knight of Calatrava; and he himself had been
Alcalde and Justicia Mayor of La Paz, Governor of
Omasuyos, Alcalde of Cuzco, and finally Provincial
Alcalde of the city of La Paz and its five dependent prov-
inces, which last office cost him 50,000 crowns.
A quarrel with the brother of the Viceroy of Peru
led him to leave that country for Spain; but misfortune
attended the journey, for he was wrecked in the Pacific,
losing 40,000 crowns, and saving only his pearls and
precious stones; and then concluding to visit his uncle,
the Bishop of Nicaragua, he was again wrecked and with
difficulty reached the cathedral city of that ecclesiastic,
180
PEÑALOSA.
in an impoverished condition. The Bishop, however,
provided him with everything suitable to his wealth
and rank, and thus equipped he proceeded to
Mexico, where the Viceroy of New Spain, the Duke of
Albuquerque, received him with great favor, appointed
him to various important offices, and so loaded him with
honors that he abandoned the design of proceeding to
the mother country. This favor at the vice-regal
court continued not only during the whole official term
of Albuquerque, but under his successor Juan de Leiva
y de la Cerda, Marquis and Count de Baños, who
appointed him in 1660 Governor of New Mexico, in place
of Don Bernardo Lopez Mendizaval, who had been com-
plained of by the officials of the Inquisition.
Proceeding to his new dominion by easy stages, stop-
ping two months at Zacatecas and one at Parral, he ar-
rived at Santa Fé in the early summer of 1661, and by
his energy and tact soon quieted the troubles that had
arisen under his predecessor; and after a vigorous cam-
paign against the marauding Apaches, defeated that
restive tribe, and forced them to keep the peace. Seek-
ing to extend the area of Spanish authority, and always
fond of adventure and fearless of danger, he then pro-
ceeded to organize an expedition to penetrate the coun-
try to the north-east, of which nothing definite was
known, save the rumors and traditions of cities of great
extent, splendor, and riches, and the exaggerated reports.
brought by the early explorers, who had endeavored,
unsuccessfully, to solve entirely the problem of the un-
known land beyond the plain. One hundred and twenty
years had passed since Coronado had set out on a simi-
lar quest, and over half a century since the last expe-
dition, under Oñate; and the vague traditions of what
they saw only served to stimulate the curiosity and the
ambition of the new generation of Spaniards.
In this project he was encouraged by the adulation
of Friar Nicolas de Freytas, Guardian of the ancient
PEÑALOSA.
181
convent of San Yldefonso (the first established in New
Mexico), who exclaims, in writing of the unsuccessful
exploits of Vicente de Saldivar: "But I believe and
hold as undoubted, that as our good God and Lord re-
served the conquest of the Terra Firma for the illus-
trious Pedro Arias de Avila; and that of Peru for the
most fortunate Francisco Pizarro; and that of Chile for
the celebrated Pedro Gutierrez de Valdivia; and that of
the South Sea for the famous Don Diego de Ocampo;
and that of Mexico for the renowned Hernando Cortez;
so he keeps this for the excellent Don Diego Dionisio de
Peñalosa, who-as great-grandson of the three greatest
knights (De Avila, Valdivia, and Ocampo), and best
soldiers of the five just named, and husband of the
granddaughter of the ever-victorious Marquis of the
Valley, Cortez-appears to reproduce the valor of those
noble heroes."
Throughout the winter the preparations proceeded
with energy, enlisting the interest and support of the
most important people of New Mexico; and finally the
expedition commenced its march from the Capital, on
the 6th of March, 1662. Seldom has Santa Fé seen a
more brilliant spectacle. Eighty Spaniards formed the
nucleus of the force; all equipped in the best style of
the times—and under the immediate command of Don
Miguel de Noriega, who had for his lieutenant Tomé
Dominguez de Mendoza; and as sergeant - majors, Fer-
nando Duran y Chavez and Juan Lucero Godoy. With
them were no less than 1,000 native Indian in-
fantry, armed with bows and arrows; and the whole
provided with full camp equipage—including 800
horses, 300 mules, 36 wagons and carts containing
provisions and munitions of war, and 6 small cannon.
There was also, apparently for the comfort of the Com-
mander-in-chief, a large carriage, a litter, and two hand-
chairs; the whole forming a brilliant array, as it started
full of ambition and high hopes on its long journey in
182
PEÑALOSA.
search of the Quivira, and the rich kingdoms of the
East.
Accompanying Peñalosa as chaplains to himself and
the army, and as missionaries to the heathen who should
be found, were the two Franciscan Fathers, Friar
Miguel de Guevara, Guardian of the Convent of Santa
Fé, and Friar Nicolas de Freytas above mentioned,
Guardian of the Convent of San Yldefonso. The latter
was the historian of the expedition, and has left us a
most graphic account thereof, the only difficulty being
that like many other narratives of that time, especially
when written with a view to bring honors to the con-
querors, or induce new expeditions to follow, the writer
indulges so freely in superlatives and.exaggerations that
it is difficult to distinguish the exact facts.
He tells us that the army marched for three full
months in an easterly direction, over beautiful and fer-
tile plains, so level that no mountain or hill was ever
seen, and covered with immense herds of buffaloes, or
cows of Cibola, which increased in number as they pro-
ceeded. They crossed many very beautiful rivers and
found fine meadow-lands and springs, as well as forests
and abundance of fruit-trees of various kinds, including
delicious plums and mulberries. Grape-vines abounded
bearing great clusters of luscious fruit, even ex-
ceeding that of Spain in flavor, and there was an in-
finity of strawberries. Indeed, the great prairies trav-
ersed are described as a kind of earthly paradise, of
which the narrator says that neither in all the Indies
of Peru and New Spain, nor in Europe, have any other
such been seen, so pleasant and delightful; and that on
the expedition were men from Europe, Asia, Africa, and
America, and all with one voice declared that they had
never seen so fertile, pleasant, and agreeable a country
as that.
Two hundred leagues (about 500 English miles) they
had thus travelled, always through these charming
PEÑALOSA.
183
plains, when they arrived at a great river called "Mis-
chipi," where they met a large army of Indians of the
Escanxaques Nation, about 3,000 in number, on the
march to attack the nearest city of the Quivirans, who
were the hereditary enemies of the Escanxaques.
Peñalosa entered into friendly relations with the Indians
and the two armies marched on, side by side, up along
the banks of the Mischipi, which flowed rapidly through
fields so fertile that they produced in places two crops a
year After one day's travel, the course of the river
turned to the north, and in the evening 600 of the In-
dians started out on a grand buffalo hunt, from which
they returned in less than three hours, bringing one,
two or three cow's-tongues each, as evidence of their suc-
cess and the vast number of the animals on the plains.
Four leagues above this point they came in sight of
a great range of mountains which skirted the east side
of the river, and soon after had their first view of the
celebrated city of Quivira, the goal of their expedition,
which they found situated on a beautiful prairie, on a
branch of the Mischipi, which flowed from the moun-
tains till it joined the main stream. Here without
crossing the river, Peñalosa encamped, and with great
difficulty restrained the Escanxaques from pressing on
to an immediate attack upon the city, which, since their
alliance with the Spaniards, they felt to be within their
power.
Crowds of people in enormous numbers were seen in
front of the city, and soon a députation of seventy chiefs.
(caciques) came to visit the Spanish commander and
welcome him to the country; at the same time they
evinced considerable uneasiness at finding him in com-
pany with their inveterate enemies, the Escanxaques.
Peñalosa treated them with great consideration, making
them presents of such things as pleased their fancy, and
impressing upon them his desire for friendly intercourse,
and the importance of such commerce to themselves.
184
PEÑALOSA.
He also endeavored to instill a first lesson in religion by
causing an altar to be erected, the Salve and Litany to
be sung, and other ceremonies performed. In return,
they delivered presents of provisions of various kinds,
and skins and furs in great abundance, saying that these
were but an earnest of the hospitality they would show
when he should cross the river and enter their city on
the next day.
The Caciques then retired, with the exception of two,
whom Peñalosa induced to stay, that he might converse
more fully with them regarding the country and its
inhabitants. These chiefs gave a most inviting account
of the land across the river, telling that the city of
Quivira was so large that the end of it would require.
more than two days to reach, and that the country
between the Mischipi and the range of mountains then
in sight was well watered by numerous streams flow-
ing from the hills to the river, on which were countless
cities and towns of their nation, some being larger even
than Quivira itself. They then went on to say that
from the eastern slopes of the range ran other streams,
which flowed into a very large salt-water lake, the ulti-
mate extent of which they did not know (but which
Friar Nicolas says, was doubtless the Atlantic Ocean),
and that that country was even more thickly populated
than the land of Quivira, and contained greater cities,
the whole being ruled over by one mighty king; and
that perpetual war existed between the nation on the
east of the mountain-called the Ahijaos-and their own.
They also spoke of powerful nations to the north, and
of another great lake, which was surrounded by splen-
did cities. So interested was Peñalosa in hearing of
these magnificent fields for future enterprise and valor,
that the conversation continued till midnight, when
the Chiefs were conducted to a place to sleep. But
they, fearful at their proximity to their Indian enemies,
and, as the sequel proved, with a more correct idea of
PEÑALOSA.
185.
their character than had Peñalosa himself, quickly
escaped across the river,—and none too soon; for before
morning the Escanxaques, without disturbing the
Spanish army, stealthily attacked the city, killing and
burning as they went, and causing such consternation
that the inhabitants fled, leaving not even one behind.
As soon as this was discovered, and before dawn, Peña-
losa pressed across with his army, anxious to save the
city from pillage or conflagration.
The chronicler describes Quivira as charmingly situ-
ated on both banks of the eastern branch of the Mis-
chipi, with streets of great length, and highways enter-
ing at regular intervals from the surrounding country.
The houses were generally circular, and two, three, and
even four stories in height, the frame-work being of a
very strong, solid, and knotty cane, and the roofs made
most skillfully of straw. The Spanish army marched
for two leagues through the town, without coming to
its terminus, when the commander sent a company of
twenty-five soldiers, under Francisco de Madrid, to
explore further, but even they failed to find the end of
this wonderful city; but all could see that the country
between the mountains and the river-the distance
being six or seven leagues-was like a paradise for fer-
tility and beauty.
Then Don Diego, finding that all the inhabitants had
fled, and not wishing at that time to undertake an expe-
dition over the mountains, concluded to return; but
found himself confronted by a new danger, for the
Escanxaques having been joined by a large body of their
countrymen, so that they now amounted to 7,000,
and exasperated at having been frustrated in their
design to sack the city, and not recognizing their obli-
gation towards their late allies, commenced hostilities;
and a fierce battle ensued, in which the Spaniards suf-
fered largely, on account of the shower of arrows which
assailed them, but finally by the display of great valor
186
PEÑALOSA.
and the "superiority of bullets over arrows," defeated
their enemies with great slaughter, killing, we are told,
more than 3,000 of them in three hours, and put-
ting the remainder to flight. This battle occurred on
the 11th of June, and then the expedition returned by
the route which it had previously taken, to New Mexico.
This is the story of the most chivalrous and ambitious
of all the attempt to penetrate into the interior of the
continent. What point was really reached is a matter
not yet certainly determined. Scarcely a more interesting
question exists in the early history of America than the
exact location of this "Quivira," which was so famous in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and was the goal
of so many hopes among the adventurous and ambitious
cavaliers of that day. All that we can glean positively
from this narrative of Friar Nicolas is that Peñalosa
proceeded easterly across the plains for three months,
travelling about 500 miles without seeing a mountain,
and then reached the right bank of a great river, running
south-east; that a day's journey farther up was a bend in
the river, which above that ran directly south, and that
about four leagues beyond, on the east side of the river,
where an important branch came in from the mountains,
was the city of Quivira, situated on both sides of the
tributary stream; and that a range of mountains ran
from north-west to south-east about six or seven leagues
from the river. The distance from Santa Fé would
answer very well for a point either on the Arkansas or
the Missouri, and both rivers have tributaries from the
east. which would fill the description given of the branch.
on which Quivira was situated. But it is difficult to
understand with regard to the range of mountains near
the river to the eastward, unless it is considered to be a
great exaggeration of the bluffs which separate the bot-
tom-lands in several places from the interior uplands.
Twice we have records of bands of Indians from
Quivira coming to Santa Fé. Once in 1606, as already
PEÑALOSA.
187
narrated, a few years after Oñate's expedition to their
city, some 800 men of Quivira came to ask that Governor
to aid them in repelling the fierce attacks of the Ayjaos,
their enemies, across the range of mountains. They
gave glowing descriptions of the riches of their adversa-
ries, and the amount of gold to be found in their country;
probably heightened with the view of inducing the
Spaniards to invade that country, and with a knowl-
edge of the peculiar attractions of the precious metal to
European adventurers. And again, in the latter part.
of 1662, very shortly after the return of Peñalosa, there
came across the plains to Santa Fé another expedition,
consisting of more than 700 Quivirans, headed by a
powerful chief, to bring thanks to the Spaniards for
having defeated the Escanxaques; and apparently with
the same object as before, to give so highly colored an
account of the land of the Ayjaos as to induce a Mexican
expedition against them. These Quivirans were accom-
panied by trains of dogs carrying furs and skins as a
present; and two of the Indians were left by the chief
with Peñalosa, in order to show him a shorter route than
he had before pursued, in case he would return to
Quivira the next year.
This shorter route seems to have been by Taos, as
Freytas says that the Quivirans told them that the
most direct road was by that town, and adds his own
belief, that "the nine large towns which are seventy
leagues from here, in a direct line from the Tahos towards
the north, are the beginning of these unknown king-
doms, and
and that from them the settled country
continues, and further on the settlements become more
numerous." This seems to lead conclusively to the
opinion, that Quivira was farther north than any local-
ity of the proper distance on the Arkansas, and points
to the Missouri, as being the Mischipi of the narrative.
Seales' map of America, printed in Churchill's Voyages,
accompanying the narrative of Dr. John Francis Gemelli
188
PEÑALOSA.
Careri's travels in New Spain (Vol. III, p. 480), puts
the "Essanapes Country" north-east of the Missouri
and Kansas, and even north of the supposed "Morte or
Longue" River, much of which was really the Missouri.
Taking every source of information into considera-
tion, the conclusion would therefore be that Quivira
was situated near the east bank of the Missouri River,
somewhere between the present cities of St. Joseph and
Council Bluffs, on an eastern branch, which may have
been the Nodaway or the Nishabotony. It is almost
certain that Peñalosa could not have gone as far north
as the Platte, or mention would have been made of so
important a stream, unless, indeed, the Spaniards con-
sidered the Platte the main stream, in which case the
Missouri may have been the branch from the north-east,
on which Quivira was situated, and the heights in the
vicinity of Council Bluffs, the range of mountains seen
in the distance.
·
The subsequent history of Peñalosa may be briefly
stated. After returning from his expedition he engaged
in erecting public buildings, and founding new towns;
but he soon came, like his predecessor, into collision
with the dictatorial agents of the Inquisition, and
finally arrested the Commissary-General and impris-
oned him for a week in the Palace at Santa Fé. As
soon as he could arrange it, he returned to the City of
Mexico in order to interest the Viceroy in a grand
scheme of conquest to follow up his discoveries at Qui-
vira; but the agents of the Inquisition followed him,
had him arrested, and punished by imprisonment and
fine. He then determined to proceed to Spain to get
redress; but being carried to the Canary Islands, his
only means of passage was in a vessel to England.
There the Spanish ambassador regarded him with sus-
picion-which was increased by his attempts to proceed
to Spain by way of France. At length, apparently ex-
asperated by lack of appreciation on the part of his
PEÑALOSA.
189
own countrymen, he determined to apply to the French
Government; and presented to it a proposition for the
establishment of a colony at the mouth of the Rio
Grande, and the conquest of a large district of coun-
try, by expeditions from that point. Nothing came of
it, however, and the Ex-Governor died at Paris in 1687.
Had he succeeded in enlisting the interest which was
necessary for a new expedition to, and conquest of, the
regions of Quivira and the North-east, the history of
the continent might have been materially changed; and
the Mississippi Valley might have been peopled from
Spain, instead of by the French and English.

CHAPTER XII.
THE REVOLUTION OF 1680.
ROM the time of his first leadership in 1675, Popé
FROM
was untiring in his efforts to unite the whole na-
tive population in a war of extermination against the
Spaniards. He was a man of great ability and natural
resources, thoroughly acquainted with the feelings of
his countrymen and the best methods of influencing
them, and endowed with an eloquence which seldom
failed to effect its purpose. He devoted himself to the
work of arousing the people to resistance, and traversed
the country from pueblo to pueblo to induce concert of
action and forgetfulness of local jealousies. Knowing
their reverence for the supernatural, he claimed to be
specially commissioned from heaven to drive the Span-
iards from the land and restore the people to their an-
cient peace and happiness; and at the same time he
stated that he had aid from the lower regions as well,
three spirits named Caidit, Tilim, and Tlesime, en vel-
oped in flames which shot from every extremity of
their bodies, having appeared to him in the estufa
at Taos, and given him counsel as to the revolution.
Leading Indians from other nations and pueblos aided
Popé in this work of preparation; prominent among
them being Catité, of the Queres nation, Jaca, of Taos,
and Francisco, of San Yldefonso; and he also had an
efficient lieutenant in a neighbor of his own pueblo,
named Tacu. The precise cause which led to the fix-
ing of the time for the outbreak is a little obscure.
The tradition which seems too universal not to be true
tells us that the caving in of the shaft of a mine, in
which a large number of Indians had been forced to
REVOLUTION OF 1680.
191
labor, and the consequent burying alive and destruction
of many of them, was the "last straw" which ex-
hausted the long-tried patience of the natives, and pre-
cipitated the revolt.
Popé sent swift messengers to the pueblos conveying
a rope made of the fibre of the Amole, in which were a
number of knots corresponding to the days before the
time fixed for the uprising, and bearing a message of
invitation to join in the work, and of threatening to
those who refused. Every effort was made to insure
absolute secrecy, and a freedom from the treachery
which had wrecked former attempts. Not a woman was
entrusted with the secret, and a continued watch was
maintained on every man suspected of being unfaithful.
So determined were they to achieve success this time
that Popé killed with his own hands his son-in-law,
Nicolas Bua, Governor of the pueblo of San Juan, who
had given cause for suspicion of his loyalty. The day
appointed was August 10, 1680, and as it approached,
the fullest preparations consistent with secrecy were
made in all the pueblos. But all of these precautions
were unsuccessful, for two days before the prearranged
time, two Indians of Tesuque, whose nearness to the
Capital made them specially intimate with the Span-
iards, betrayed the entire plot to the Governor, Don
Antonio Otermin.
News of this treachery was immediately conveyed to
the Pueblo leaders, and they determined that their only
chance of success was in an immediate attack on the
Spaniards, without waiting for the arrival of the day
agreed on; and that very night in all the pueblos to
which the news had reached, a simultaneous attack was
made on the Christians and all were slaughtered without
regard to age or sex, except a few girls, reserved for
wives of the young braves. The wisdom of this decis-
ion to anticipate the day selected was soon seen in the
consternation of the Spanish authorities and people at
192
REVOLUTION OF 1680.
Santa Fé, who were entirely unprepared for the sudden
uprising. The Governor took every measure possible
for the defense of the city, and sent messengers to all
the Spanish settlements, directing the people at the
north to concentrate at the capital; and those at the
south to gather at Isleta, which was to be fortified by
the Lieutenant Governor. The Spaniards lost no time in
seeking these places of safety, some succeeding in reach-
ing them, but many others, being overtaken on the road
or found at their houses before the news had reached
them, were killed without mercy. The people of the
northern villages, finding it dangerous to attempt to
reach Santa Fé, collected at Santa Cruz, which they
fortified as thoroughly as possible in the hope of resist-
ing any attack, but on the 11th the Pueblos carried
the town by storm and massacred all the people they
could find, and then proceeded on the march toward
Santa Fé.
All the Indians in the Territory from Pecos to Moqui
were thoroughly united in the revolution, and soon
news came to the Governor that armies were concen-
trating upon the capital from all directions. Spies
sent to the Galisteo brought tidings of the approach of
the Taños Indians, while the Teguas with their Apache
allies were marching from the north. Everything
possible was done by the Spaniards to provide for their
defense. The houses in the outskirts were abandoned, all
the people gathering in the plaza and the buildings.
which bordered upon it; the entrances to the plaza
were fortified, the palace put into condition to stand a
siege and all the citizens were supplied with arms and
ammunition. It was perfectly understood that the war
on the part of the Pueblos was one of extermination,
so that the condition of the Christians was critical in the
extreme. The natives were flushed with success and
confident of victory. They declared that the God of
the white man was dead, but that their God, the Sun,
REVOLUTION OF 1680.
193
could not die. Religious feeling was a very strong ele-
ment among the causes which led to the revolution, and
a bitter hatred to the Christianity of the Spaniards was
evinced in almost every act during the struggle.
Scarcely were the hasty fortifications at Santa Fé
completed, when the Taños Indians were seen approach-
ing from the south, coming so near as to occupy the
abandoned houses in the suburbs. Governor Otermin
wisely endeavored to treat with them before their allies.
from the north should appear, and so sent a deputation to
confer with them, but without result. The Indians
said that they had brought with them two crosses, one
red and one white, signifying war and peace—that the
Spaniards might take their choice; but if they chose.
"peace," they must immediately leave the country to
its original possessors. Not being prepared for such an
abandonment, and negotiation having failed, the Gov-
ernor concluded to make an attack and endeavor to
drive these enemies from the field before the others
approached; and accordingly, a vigorous sortie was made
by the garrison. But it was met with equal gallantry
by the Indians, and soon all the available Spaniards had
to join in the battle, which was fiercely contested
throughout the entire day. The native loss far ex-
ceeded that of the Christians; but their superior num-
bers enabled them to hold their ground, and toward
evening the appearance of the Teguan army on the hills
to the north forced the Spaniards to return to their
fortifications and prepare for the combined attack, to
which they might now be subjected at any moment.
The Indians, however, did not seem disposed to risk
an open assault, but contented themselves with the
safer and surer method of a regular siege. They cut
off the water supply of the city, and invested it so
closely as to produce great distress. The number of the
Spaniards was upwards of 1,000, but they included
men, women, and children, and the available force of
194
REVOLUTION OF 1680.
fighting men did not reach 200, and was being daily re-
duced from various causes; while the armies of the
Pueblos were continually increased by the arrival of
fresh parties from the various villages, until they
amounted to nearly 3,000 men. The situation became
more and more desperate as time passed, and finally a
sortie was determined on as presenting the only chance
of relief, and that only as being less dangerous than the
sure destruction by continued siege. This was at-
tempted on the morning of August 19th, and was so
gallantly conducted that the lines of the enemy were
broken, a large number slain, and no less than forty-
seven taken prisoners, the Indians retiring to the east
and north of the town. Both sides seem to have been
equally determined in this conflict, as we are told that
all the prisoners after a brief examination were executed
in the Plaza. A hasty council of war was held, and
after some discussion it was concluded that notwith-
standing their temporary success, the safest course, con-
sidering their reduced condition and the scarcity of pro-
visions, was to evacuate the town while the road was
open. No time was lost in carrying this determination
into effect. Preparations were made during the night,
and at day-break of the next day (August 21), they left
the capital to its fate and commenced the long march
toward the south. Not enough horses remained to
carry even the sick and wounded; so that all the in-
habitants, including women and children, had to pro-
ceed on foot, carrying such articles as they needed in
bundles, like the pilgrims of old. Fortunately, they
were not attacked or in any way molested, the Indians,
who watched them from the adjacent hills, being entirely
satisfied so long as the country was to be abandoned.
They followed the retreating Spaniards at a distance for
about seventy miles, to see that they continued their
march towards Mexico, and then returned to enjoy the
hoped-for fruits of their victory, in the peaceable occu-
REVOLUTION OF 1680.
195
pation of the country and the practice of the faith of
their forefathers.
At Alamillo the Governor met his adjutant, Pedro
Leiva, with a re-inforcement of forty men, but contin-
ued to travel down the river, hoping to find the
Christians of the southern villages congregated at
Isleta. In this, however, he was disappointed, as they
had already marched, under the Lieutenant-Governor,
to El Paso. All along the route the towns were deserted
and laid waste, and all provisions, including standing
corn, had been destroyed or carried away. This occa-
sioned great distress, and finally the company became
so enfeebled that it could proceed no further, and was
forced to send south for assistance. Father Ayeta, of
El Paso, responded with four wagon-loads of corn, and
the Lieutenant-Governor with a portion of his own
scanty store; and thus, partially relieved, they contin-
ued on, joining the company which had collected at
Isleta, and finally making a winter encampment at
San Lorenzo, about thirty miles north of El Paso, where
there was abundant wood and water. Here they built
rude houses, all, from the Governor to the small chil-
dren, taking their parts in the work; and remained till
spring, losing a large portion of their number, who fled
from the privations of the camp to seek an asylum in
villages of Chihuahua and Sonora, and subsisting fre-
quently on wild fruits, mesquite, beans, and mescal;
their wretchedness being enhanced by the constant fear
of attack by neighboring Indians.
The unfortunate priests, who were left in the midst
of the Indians, met with horrible fates. Not one
escaped martyrdom. At Zuñi, three Franciscans had
been stationed-Fathers Analiza, Espinosa, and Calsada.
When the news of the Spanish retreat reached that
town, the people dragged these priests from their cells,
stripped and stoned them, and afterwards compelled the
servant of Analiza to finish the work by shooting them.
Having thus whetted their appetite for cruelty and ven-
196
REVOLUTION OF 1680.
geance, the Indians started to carry the news of their
independence to Moqui, and signalized their arrival by
the barbarous murder of the two missionaries who
were living there, Padre Juan de Vallada and Brother
Jesus de Lombarde. Their bodies were left unburied,
as a prey for the wild beasts. At Jemez, they indulged
in every refinement of cruelty. The old priest, Jesus
Morador, was seized in his bed at night, stripped naked
and mounted on a hog, and thus paraded through the
streets, while the crowd shouted and yelled around.
Not satisfied with this, they then forced him to carry
them as a beast would, crawling on his hands and feet,
until, from repeated beating and the cruel tortures of
sharp spurs, he fell dead in their midst. A similar chap-
ter of horrors was enacted at Acoma, where the three
priests, Fathers Maldonado, Figeroa, and Mora, were
stripped, tied together with hair rope, and so driven
through the streets, and finally stoned to death. So
utterly did the mild nature of the Pueblo Indians ap-
pear to have been changed in half a century! and so
terribly did the persecutions which the misdirected
zeal of some of the ecclesiastics inaugurated, react on
others, many of whom were men of great kindness and
benevolence, and all of whom had shown marked self-
sacrifice and zeal!
Thus ended the first act in the drama of a renewal of
aboriginal control. About 100 Spaniards had been
killed thus far during the conflict, and with them
a number of christianized Indians who adhered to their
new religion. The priests had been special objects of
hatred to the revolutionists, and no less than eighteen.
of them had fallen a sacrifice. Of the Indians a far greater
number had been killed, but the survivors had the sat-
isfaction of seeing their object accomplished.
Not a
Christian remained free within the limits of New
Mexico, and those who had been dominant a few months
before were now wretched and half-starved fugitives,
huddled together in the rude huts of San Lorenzo.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE PUEBLO GOVERNMENT-1680 TO 1692.
S soon
As as the Spaniards had retreated from the
country, the Pueblo Indians gave themselves up
for a time to rejoicing, and to the destruction of every-
thing which could remind them of the Europeans, their
religion, and their domination. The army which had
besieged Santa Fé quickly entered that city, took pos-
session of the palace as the seat of government, and com-
menced the work of demolition. The churches and the
monastery of the Franciscans were burned with all their
contents, amid the almost frantic acclamations of the
natives. The gorgeous vestments of the priests had been
dragged out before the conflagration, and now were worn
in derision by Indians, who rode through the streets at
full speed, shouting for joy. The official documents and
books in the palace were brought forth, and made fuel
for a bonfire in the center of the plaza; and here also
they danced the cachina, with all the accompanying relig-
ious ceremonies of the olden time. Everything imag
inable was done to show their detestation of the Christain
faith, and their determination utterly to eradicate.
even its memory.
Those who had been baptized were
washed with amole in the Rio Chiquito, in order to be
cleansed from the infection of Christianity. All baptismal
names were discarded, marriages celebrated by Christian
priests were annulled, the very mention of the names
Jesus and Mary was made an offense,and estufas were con-
structed to take the place of the ruined churches. .
The chief authority was conferred on Popé, who had
been the leader throughout all the preparation for the
revolution, and who now established himself at Santa
198
1680 TO 1692.
Fé. Believing that the next spring would see a renewed
attempt to establish the Spanish power, with prudent
foresight he endeavored to strengthen the bonds between
the different Pueblo nations, and even to effect a per-
manent alliance with the Apaches, by proposing
marriages with that tribe. To attain these objects, and
at the same time to aid in establishing the new order of
things, he made a kind of royal progress through the
whole territory, journeying on horseback from pueblo
to pueblo, and everywhere receiving the highest honors.
He was preceded by envoys to give notice of his ap-
proach, and was generally accompanied by Catité, Jaca,
and Cupavo, who had been his most faithful and
active Lieutenants. His commands were implicitly
obeyed, and for a time he possessed almost absolute
authority; but as usual in cases of sudden elevation,
his vanity and arrogance soon became almost insup-
portable, and the Pueblos were forced to place limitations
on the exercise of his power. His primary object dur-
ing this grand tour appears to have been, as at Santa
Fé, to obliterate all remembrance of the days of their
thraldom, and to re-establish every ancient custom. The
use of the Spanish language was strictly prohibited,
even the planting of grains and seeds introduced by
the invaders was forbidden; all churches and monas-
teries were to be burned, and every crucifix, cross, pict-
ure, or other article used in the Christian ceremonials,
was to be absolutely destroyed. At the same time the
mines in which the people had suffered such brutal
slavery were to be filled up, and their very locations.
obliterated as far as possible. Popé still assumed to
have supernatural assistance, and like other self-called
prophets, promulgated from time to time communica-
tions from the higher powers, as seemed desirable for the
development of his purposes. He possessed much ad-
ministrative ability, coupled with energy and tact, and
even with the drawbacks presented by his occasional
1680 TO 1692.
199
selfishness and cruelty, was undoubtedly the best leader
whom the natives possessed. For a short time, when
incensed at some special instance of his tyranny, they
substituted Cupavo for him in the seat of power, but
were glad after a little experience to recall their old and
tried leader.
Meanwhile Governor Otermin had not been idle. As
soon as the spring opened in 1681, he had commenced
preparations for the reconquest of his dominion; but it
was not till fall that he received the special authorization
required from the Viceroy of New Spain. Even then he
encountered great difficulties from the scarcity of pro-
visions and ammunition, and for lack of other armor,
was finally compelled to protect his men with shields.
and other defenses made of ox-hide. At last, after much
delay, he organized an army of about 1,000 soldiers,
mostly cavalry, including all the able-bodied men who.
had been driven from their New Mexican homes, and
who for greater efficiency left their families at San Lo-
renzo. A number of friendly Indians also constituted a
part of his force. When fully equipped, the army
started on its march, on the 5th of November, and crossed.
the Rio Grande at the well-known ford, at Paso del
Norte. They pushed on by rapid marches up the
river, crossed the Jornada del Muerto, and on November
27th arrived at a point opposite the village of Senecu,
which was the most southerly of the Pueblo towns. A
party was sent across the river to examine this place,
and found it deserted and in ruins, with the appearance
of having been captured in war and pillaged. The
priests collected the few remains of church ornaments
and crosses and burned them; and the work of the de-
struction of the town was then completed by fire. The
next day the army passed the ruins of San Pascual, and
on the succeeding one the Governor crossed the Rio
Grande to visit the town of Our Lady of Succor,
(Socorro). This town was also deserted, and showed ev-
200
1680 TO 1692.
idences of having been taken by assault. The plaza
was barricaded by a strong wall, many of the houses
were half in ruins, and the images and crosses which
had been concealed in the church were broken and de-
stroyed. Though the town itself presented no attrac-
tions, Otermin was charmed by its beautiful situation,
and paid a special visit to the warm spring, now so well
known, at the foot of the mountain.
Thus the army marched up the valley, finding noth-
ing but deserted villages and ruins, until they reached
Isleta. Here there were a number of inhabitants, but
they were surprised at the appearance of the Spaniards,
and made very little resistance. When assembled in
the plaza and questioned by the General, they denied
having taken any part in the destruction of the church
and sacred vessels, saying that that had been done by
the army from the northern pueblos, which had come
soon after the Spanish retreat, burned the church, and
commanded every one to return to the old religion.
Otermin commanded crosses to be erected in the plaza
and the houses, and a procession was then formed to
meet Father Ayeta, the principal priest of the expedi-
tion, who was now approaching. He came singing an
anthem, to which the Indians responded; and the next
day religious services were held in the plaza, at which
the priest urged the people to return to Christianity,
and granted them absolution for past offenses. A num-
ber of children were then baptized, the first one being
christened "Carlos," after the reigning King of Spain;
the Governor himself standing as sponsor. At the con-
clusion of the ceremonies, which lasted two days, Oter-
min graciously pardoned the people for all crimes against
the King; and the Indians, having thus received both
heavenly and earthly absolution, promised to remain
good Christians and loyal subjects for the future.
From this point the Governor dispatched Don Juan
Dominguez de Mendoza, the general of cavalry, with
1680 TO 1692.
201
seventy Spaniards and a company of friendly Indians,
to march in advance and reconnoitre the country to the
north, while the main army remained for several days
at Isleta recruiting its strength and endeavoring to
collect grain and food from the surrounding country. It
appeared that during the summer there had been a
severe drought, which had destroyed most of the crops
—especially in the north-so that great destitution and
suffering prevailed. This had caused the abandonment
of some of the pueblos, whose inhabitants had left their
houses in search of food; and was also the occasion of
conflicts between the different nations and towns, each
of which was endeavoring to procure a supply at the
expense of its neighbor. All these circumstances con-
duced to make the advance of the Spaniards much
easier than it otherwise would have been, and caused
them in some places to be hailed as deliverers, rather
than resisted as enemies.
Mendoza marched rapidly up the valley, but for a
long distance found little save abandoned pueblos, the
inhabitants of which had fled at his approach. This
was the case at Sandia, Alameda, and Puara; and also
at San Felipe and Santo Domingo. In all the pueblos
the churches and religious houses had been destroyed,
and the images and ornaments broken or concealed;
while estufas had been constructed, and the Spaniards
found many articles connected with the restoration of
the heathen ceremonies of the natives,
Passing Santo Domingo, Mendoza marched to Cochití,
and here for the first time encountered a considerable
number of Indians. They had abandoned the pueblo.
apparently very hastily, but were seen in large force on
the hills around. The Spaniards entered the town in
the evening, and the next morning marched out to at-
tack the enemy. The Indians also descended from the
hills under command of Catité, sounding their war-cry,
and apparently eager for the conflict. A conference
€202
1680 To 1692.
however was arranged, the crafty Pueblo Chieftain ex-
pressing a desire for peace; and finally it was agreed
that the Indians should be pardoned for all past offenses,
and return to their allegiance both to the Church and
the King; and the officers embraced each other as a
token of enduring friendship. That night however
large re-inforcements were received by the natives, and
in the morning their army again advanced, nearly 1,000
strong, arranged in a semi-circle, with the apparent in-
tent of surrounding and capturing the Spaniards. But
again negotiation took the place of battle, and finally a
treaty was concluded which was to be a protection, not
only to the Indians there present, but to all connected
with them who should return to their villages and
abandon idolatry.
The army under Catité embraced representatives of
the three great nations, the Teguas, Taños, and Queres,
and of nearly all of the Pueblos, but time was asked by that
Chieftain to bring together the Indians of Cochití, Santo
Domingo, and San Felipe, many of whom were still in
the mountains; and other Caciques desired also to notify
their respective pueblos of the return of peace, and have
them more fully represented. It was arranged there-
fore that at the end of two days there should be a great
assemblage at which the Spanish authority should be
formally recognized, and all the Indians again be re-
ceived into the bosom of the Church. The native army
then withdrew; but as it did not return at the ap-
pointed time, Mendoza began to suspect some treachery,
and soon after had his fears verified by the reports of
spies, from which it appeared that at the time of the
conference the snow had wet the bow-strings of the In-
dians and so rendered them unserviceable, and that the
delay asked for was in order to remedy this difficulty,
and also to concentrate warriors near San Felipe, who
might destroy the Spaniards on their downward march.
On learning these facts Mendoza hastily broke camp
1680 To 1692.
203
and returned to the main army, meeting the Governor
near the Pueblo of Sandia. At this point Otermin had
remained for several days, while a formal investigation
was being made of the facts connected with the rebell-
ion of the year before.
Meanwhile the winter had commenced in earnest;
snow was constantly falling, and the suffering of the
soldiers was very severe. The pasturage in the vicinity
was exhausted, and the store of provisions was alarm-
ingly low. The Indians were constantly increasing in
numbers by the arrival of fresh bands from the more
distant pueblos, and a detachment on horseback, under
Luis of Picuris, was scouring the country south of the
Spanish camp. Under these circumstances a council
of war was held, at which each military officer, and
Father Ayeta, presented their views in writing; and
while some favored an advance, and some an entire
abandonment of the country, the compromise was de-
cided upon of retiring to the friendly Pueblo of Isleta
for winter-quarters. On arriving there, however, it was
found that the troops were so exhausted, and the horses
in such bad condition (less than one-seventh of the
original number being fit for service), that the General
determined to continue the march down the river to El
Paso, in order to prepare fully for the campaign of the
next year. Since they had left Isleta, six weeks before,
over 100 of its inhabitants had deserted the town to join
the Indian army; and the remainder, consisting of 385
who had been christianized, begged to accompany the
army to Mexico, as they feared to be left at their old
home without protection. This request was granted;
and after the desertion of the town it was burned, with
all the stores that had been collected there, in order to
prevent their being of service to the enemy. The army
left Isleta on the day after New-year's, 1682, and arrived
at El Paso after a laborious march of nine days; leaving
204
1680 TO 1692.
the territory for the second time to the sole occupancy
of the native population.
Otermin had expected to recruit his army during the
spring and return to New Mexico before many months,
but in this he was disappointed; and his lack of suc-
cess in the reduction of the country appears to have
been so unsatisfactory to the Viceroy that he was re-
moved from office and Don Bartolomé de Estrada Ramirez
appointed in his place. No record is to be found of any
attempt, by this official, to take actual possession of hist
province, and probably after ascertaining the danger
and difficulties of the position, he concluded to be satis-
fied with the titular honor of the Governorship; for a
year afterwards, in 1684, Don Domingo Jironza Petriz
de Cruzate was made Governor and Captain-General.
Cruzate organized an expedition in the succeeding
year to penetrate the country, and started from Paso
del Norte, where the remainder of the old inhabitants
of New Mexico were still living, for the march up the
Rio Grande. He reached the Pueblo of Senecu (now
abandoned, but then south of Socorro), and addressed
the people, who were all assembled in the plaza, on their
duties to God and the King, and also gave them some
sanitary advice, as, for instance, that it was more
healthful to sleep in the second story of the buildings.
Nothing, however, was accomplished towards the re-
conquest of the country during this year; and although
Cruzate made various attempts to effect that object,
and in 1688 again entered the territory, with a consid-
erable force, and no less than seventy Franciscan Friars,
and on one expedition certainly marched as far as Zia,
which he captured, yet he was always unsuccessful, and
the Indians were left in almost undisturbed possession
of the land.
Far from employing this period, however, to consol-
idate their strength or prepare to resist new invasion,
1680 TO 1692.
205
scarcely were the Spaniards expelled, when dissensions
arose between the various nations, and a state of war
existed in one or another part of New Mexico during
almost the entire period of the Pueblo control. The
consequent interruptions to the planting of corn, and
the frequent destruction of supplies during hostile in-
vasion, caused much destitution and suffering; and
combined with the destruction of towns by siege or
burning, led to the abandonment of a considerable
number of the pueblos. In fact, the half century of
Spanish control seems to have unfitted the natives for
self-government, and the nations which had generally
lived so prosperously and peacefully as neighbors, down
to the coming of Coronado, now seemed determined to
effect each other's destruction; and thus prepared the
way for an easy reconquest by the Spaniards.

CHAPTER XIV.
CRU
THE RECONQUEST BY VARGAS.
RUZATE having failed to take possession of the
province with which he had been entrusted, the
Viceroy of New Spain, in the spring of 1692, appointed
Don Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan as Governor, with
the avowed desire of having New Mexico reconquered
as speedily as possible. Vargas was a man of great en-
ergy and decision of character, and lost no time in pre-
paring for the work before him. He left his home im-
mediately for Paso del Norte, and although he was
greatly disappointed at the amount of force which he
was enabled to muster for the campaign, which barely
amounted to 300 in all, including 100 friendly Indians,
yet he determined to undertake the work without more
delay, and commenced his march on the last day of
August. He passed rapidly up the valley of the Rio
Grande, finding nearly all the old pueblos in a half-
ruined condition, but only stopping for necessary rest.
and sleep, as he decided to strike his blows before the
enemy was prepared; and in less than a fortnight (Sep-
tember 12th) was in sight of Santa Fé.
Meanwhile the Indians had been watching his move-
ments, not knowing what point was first to be attacked,
but as soon as it was evident that it was the capital, be-
gan concentrating towards Santa Fé, and as Vargas ap-
proached the city, he saw numerous companies from the
adjacent pueblos hastening to its relief. Early the next
morning a battle commenced, which was waged with
great determination for eleven hours, when at length
the Pueblos gave way, and Vargas entered the city.
This signal success had an important effect, for judging,
VARGAS.
207
from the speed with which the capital was captured,
that nothing was to be gained by resistance, twelve ad-
jacent pueblos surrendered and were immediately oc-
cupied. Vargas however well understood that with so
small a force it would be impossible to hold so exten-
´sive a country, and wrote to the Viceroy from Santa Fé
in the very height of his success, that in order to retain
possession of the country, it would be necessary to es-
tablish permanent garrisons; "and to send less than
500 families and 100 soldiers would be like throwing a
grain of salt into the sea."
The Governor however, did not wait for any re-in-
forcements; but with characteristic energy, started al-
most immediately for the Pueblo of Taos, which was
considered the most determined in its opposition to
Spanish rule. So rapid was his march that although
a considerable halt was made near San Juan, in order
to receive with proper ceremony the warriors of that
pueblo, who were counted as allies, the army reached
the Taos Valley on the third day (October 7th), and
speedily surrounded the two great buildings. Not an
Indian appeared; and on entering, they found that they
were entirely deserted-the inhabitants having retired
to a gorge in the adjacent mountains. Sending Luis
(an influential, friendly Indian, of Picuris) in advance,
Vargas succeeded in arranging a conference, and after
a short time induced the Pueblos to return to their
homes, promising loyalty to state and church; the Gen-
eral, on his part, agreeing to overlook the past, and pro-
viding them with a priest, who absolved the whole com-
munity, and then proceeded to receive into the church,
by baptism, no less than ninety-six of their number.
The Governor also succeeded in adjusting the feud ex-
isting between Taos and the pueblos to the south; and
induced a number of the best of the young men to
promise to join his standard in an expedition soon to
be undertaken against the Indians of Zuñi. All this
208
VARGAS.
accomplished, Vargas returned to Santa Fé by the way
of Picuris, and arrived on the 13th; having been absent
from the capital but eight days, and not losing a single
man.
No sooner had he returned, however, than with won-
derful energy he prepared for another expedition, which
was to be of a more extensive character. As he expected
to be absent some time, he appointed Luis, of Picuris
(whom we have heard of several times before, and who
appears to have been a man of superior ability), as Gov-
ernor of all the pueblos under Spanish control; and ad-
ministered to him the oath of office upon a cross, in
presence of the chief men of the different towns In-
tending to make his first visit to Pecos, and then pro-
ceed westward, he dispatched part of his troops, with
two pieces of artillery, to Santo Domingo, to await him
there; and then, after remaining only three days in the
capital, set out early on the morning of October 17th,
and reached Pecos by 2 o'clock. Here the people were
prepared to receive him very favorably; and had erected
a large cross and arches at the entrance of their town
by way of greeting. They were absolved by the two
priests (Fathers Corven and Barras) who accompanied
the army, and 248 were baptized. The next morning
Vargas, at the request of the people, appointed officers
for the pueblo, and then left for the west; arriving at
night at the ruined Pueblo of Galisteo, which had been
entirely abandoned. Three leagues farther on, the next
day, they passed San Marcos, once a populous town, but
now deserted; and toward evening came to Santo Do-
mingo, where they found the other detachment. Here
the Governor held a council with the caciques of a num-
ber of the neighboring pueblos; who were then pre-
sented with crosses, rosaries, and other gifts, and sent
to their respective villages, with instructions to prepare
to receive the army. On the 21st he marched from Santo
Domingo to Cochití, where he met the inhabitants of
VARGAS.
209
that town, together with those of San Marcos and San
Felipe, who had deserted their pueblos for fear of the
other Indians, who had combined against them. They
were assured of protection, and promised to return to
their homes.
From here, with a detachment of troops, Vargas pro-
ceeded to Zia, where he found the old pueblo in the
ruinous condition in which it had been left after its
capture by Cruzate, the people having built a new town
near by. Crosses and arches had been prepared, as at
Pecos, and the people received him with acclamations.
The Governor recommended that they should re-occupy
the old pueblo, and gave them some steel axes to assist
in the work; and then, after witnessing a grand dance,
rode on to Jemez. Here, as at Zia, the old pueblo had
been abandoned, and a new one established on an ele-
vation three leagues beyond, where the position was
almost impregnable, and had been rendered still
stronger by the erection of thick walls and redoubts,
the town being built around two plazas, each of which
had only one narrow entrance. Although about 600
warriors were in arms, and Vargas was in continual
dread of an attack, no opposition was made to his ap-
proach, and he was treated with great hospitality by
the chiefs. In each village the same ceremonies of ab-
solution were performed, followed by the baptism of
large numbers of Indians. From Jemez the Governor
marched to Santa Ana, and as this completed the pacifi-
cation of all the country in the Rio Grande Valley, he
sent a detachment of troops, with a number of citizens,
to El Paso to bring back into the territory the families
of the old residents which had so long been awaiting at
that point the time when they could safely return.
So rapid had been the movements of Vargas that
much of the fall still remained for active operations, and
he determined to visit the whole province if possible,
before the end of the season. He set cut therefore from
210
VARGAS.
Santa Ana on the 30th of October, with eighty-nine.
soldiers and thirty Indian scouts, and marched first to
Isleta, which he found in ruins, with the exception of
the church, and on the 3d of November reached Acoma.
Here considerable time was occupied in sending mes-
sages and holding councils, the inhabitants having been
warned by their friends, the Navajoes, not to put any
trust in the professions and promises of Vargas; and the
Spaniards, on the other hand, being unable, if they so
desired, to assault the town, on account of the great
strength of its position. At length, however, the Gov-
ernor succeeded in gaining the confidence of the natives.
Vargas and the Pueblo chief, Mateo, publicly embraced
each other, and a large cross was erected, and the usual
absolution and general baptism took place.
From here the Spaniards started on their arduous
march across the desert to Zuñi, sending in advance a
messenger bearing a cross and a rosary, to explain their
peaceful intentions; and when near their journey's end,
were met by twelve envoys, who brought messages of
good-will and welcome from the chiefs of the pueblo.
Vargas found the ascent of the mesa, on which the town
was situated, so sharp that it could only be made on
foot; but he was rewarded on reaching the summit by
seeing the inhabitants assembled in the plaza to receive
him with honor, and by no less than 294 presenting
themselves for baptism. The Governor and priests were
entertained by the chiefs of the pueblo in the most
cordial manner, and were in every way gratified at their
reception by this intelligent and powerful nation.
Vargas was desirous of extending his expedition still
farther west, to the Moqui country, and even beyond,
where mines of cinnabar and red ochre were said to
exist. He learned, however, that the Moqui chiefs were
suspicious of his intentions, and had little confidence in
the friendly letter he had dispatched to them from
Jemez; having been rendered distrustful by the reports
VARGAS.
211
of the same Navajoes who had similarly affected the
people of Acoma. He therefore wrote a second letter,
in which he stated that he had already pardoned them
for their action in the rebellion, and asked them to meet
him in a friendly spirit at their villages. Having
allowed a little time for this message to have an effect,
he started from Zuñi with sixty-three soldiers and two
priests, on November 15. The first of the pueblos
reached was Aguatubi, five days distant, where the
Spaniards were at first met with apparent hostility;
700 or 800 Indians, well armed, surrounding the little
band, and singing their war-songs. The tact of Vargas,
however, extricated him from this difficulty, as it had
from many previous dangers, and the chief named
Miguel directed his people to lay aside their weapons
and receive the Spaniards as brothers. It afterward
appeared that when the letter of Vargas from Zuñi was
received at this pueblo, word was sent to the other
towns of the Moquis, Gualpi, Jongopabi, Monsonabi,
and Oraybi, and a great council of the natives was held,
at which a chief of Gualpi, named Antonio, was the
leading spirit, and where it was determined to resist the
Spanish invasion by every available means. Miguel
claimed to have opposed this course of action, and
urged that a friendly reception be accorded to Vargas,
who had come a long distance on a mission of peace.
The hostility at first manifested was attributable to the
decision of that council, but afterward the more pacific
policy of Miguel and his friends prevailed. Had the
attitude of the Indians not been changed, it would
certainly have been impossible for the Spaniards to have
entered the town, as the passage was only sufficiently
wide for one man to pass at a time, and it was well de-
fended by fortifications. Even as it was, Vargas was
continually fearful of treachery, and declined to enter
the houses to eat, or even to encamp at night in the
plaza; but nothing occurred to justify his apprehensions.
212
VARGAS.
The people erected the usual cross in the center of the
plaza, 122 were baptized, and Vargas acted as sponsor
for two children of Miguel, whom he confirmed in his
authority as Governor of the pueblo.
Leaving fifteen men in charge of the animals, the Gov-
ernor with forty-five soldiers pressed on to Gualpi, the
next town of the Moqui nation, where he was well re-
ceived and entertained by the same Antonio whose feel-
ings had been so hostile a few days before. Here and
at Monsonabi and Jongopabi-in the former of which
Pedro, the messenger who had been sent from Jemez,
was found in the midst of the people in the plaza, hold-
ing aloft a large cross-Vargas made the usual address
explanatory of his peaceful intentions toward all who
respect the authority of the King and the Church, and
the people were absolved and baptized; nothing un-
usual occurring to vary the ceremonies. The horses of
the Spaniards were now nearly broken down from
fatigue, and it appearing that the mines were on the
other side of the Colorado River, whose deep cañon was
almost impassable, Vargas determined to return to Zuñi,
having also to abandon his contemplated visit to
Oraybe on account of the scarcity of water on the road.
At Zuñi he heard of a short route by which he could
reach the Rio Grande near Socorro, and having deter-
mined for some reason which is unexplained—and cer-
tainly seems singular after his wonderfully successful
and rapid pacification of the whole province-to march
to El Paso instead of returning to Santa Fé, he availed
himself of this information, and after travelling through
a country covered with broken lava (malpais) and in-
fested with wandering bands of Apaches, reached
Socorro on the 9th of December. Soon after leaving
Zuñi he passed by the Moro, now known as the "In-
scription Rock," and there left a memorial, which is
reproduced in Simpson's Report, plate seventy-one, and
reads as follows: "Here served General Don Diego de
VARGAS.
213
Vargas in the conquest of Santa Fé and New Mexico,
for the royal crown, at his own cost, 1692." From
Socorro to El Paso the little army marched in a very
leisurely way as compared with their previous rapid
movements, arriving at the latter place on December
20th, somewhat less than four months from the time of
leaving it. During the progress of this expedition.
nearly every pueblo of importance had been visited;
from Pecos in the extreme east to Moqui in the west,
2,214 natives had been baptized, and no less than seventy-
four Spanish women and children, who had been cap-
tives since the beginning of the revolution, were re-
leased.
The probable object of Vargas in proceeding to El
Paso was to arrange for the immigration into New
Mexico of a sufficient number of families to colonize it
permanently, in accordance with the report which he
made to the Viceroy soon after his arrival at Santa Fé.
At all events, he proceeded to devote himself to the
work of collecting a large number of families for that
purpose; the refugees from New Mexico, who had not
yet set out on the return to their old home, being used
as a nucleus. Much more time was thus occupied than
had at first been expected, so that it was not until the
11th of October, 1693, that the company was ready to
commence its march. The whole number, including
both colonists and escort, reached 1,500 persons, and
they carried with them over 3,000 horses and mules.
Each family had been supplied with a certain amount
of money, generally from $10 to $40, to purchase sup-
plies; over £42,000 having been furnished to Vargas by
the vicc-regal authorities for that purpose. Don Juan
Paes Hurtado, who was afterwards Governor of New
Mexico at various times between 1704 and 1735, was
appointed to take charge of the immigration. This
unwieldy company, consisting largely of women and
children, slowly proceeded up the valley, suffering much
214
VARGAS.
from lack of sufficient supplies, and from the scarcity of
water in certain parts of their route. It is said that at
least thirty persons perished from these causes, and from
exposure to the cold, to which they were unaccustomed.
Vargas had hoped to find the Pueblo Indians in the
same pacific and hospitable frame of mind in which he
had left them, but such was far from the case. No
sooner had the Spaniards left the country the year be-
fore than the Governor's interpreter, Pedro de Tapia,
began circulating a report that the moderation of Vargas
was all assumed, and that he intended to return some
day and order the execution of all the leading men who
had taken part in the revolution. This idea spread
rapidly, and soon to a great extent undid the good re-
sults of the Governor's conciliatory policy. When the
natives heard that he was again approaching, they
feared that it was with a view to carry into effect the
threatened punishment, and a great council was held at
Santa Fé, at which the majority determined to resist.
his advance, and began making preparations to arm all
of the natives for that purpose. Vargas learned of this
condition of affairs from scouts whom he had sent out
in advance, and in consequence marched with great cau-
tion. It turned out, however, that in many of the
pueblos there was a division of opinion on the subject,
which prevented the prompt action that might have
been fatal to the Spaniards, and greatly facilitated their
march. The pueblos of Santa Ana, Zia, and Cochití
gave evidence of a friendly disposition and on the 1st
of December, at Santo Domingo, Vargas met the Gov-
ernors of Tesuque, San Lazaro, and San Yldefonso, to-
gether with Don Luis, whom he had appointed to the
chief government the year before, and contradicted the re-
port of the interpreter in such a convincing manner as
to renew their confidence, and Luis went on a mission to
Santa Fé to procure provisions and endeavor to induce
the inhabitants to allow the Spaniards to enter. On
VARGAS.
215
the evening of the 11th, Vargas, who had encamped at
the Ranch of Roque Madrid, five miles south-west of the
town, was met by a deputation including the Governors.
of Santa Fé and Tesuque, who expressed the best of feel-
ing, and in token of friendship brought a quantity of
tortillas. They said that the story of the Interpreter
had done much harm, but that the older men and
women had never believed it.
On the 16th the Spanish army marched into Santa
Fé, bearing the same banner which had been carried by
Oñate when he entered the city just a century before.
The occasion was one of much pomp and ceremony. The
inhabitants were assembled in the plaza, the men on
one side and the women on the other; the soldiers
opened ranks to allow the priests to pass through, the
latter, in gorgeous vestments, saying the Te Deum and
chanting the Litany; and the Governor then delivered
an address. When all was concluded the troops and
immigrants were marched to the hill immediately north
of the city, where a camp was prepared, and where they
remained until Christmas day; the Taños Indians being
left in possession of the Palace, and the other natives, of
the houses in the town. The weather meanwhile became
very cold; men sent out for timber to repair the church
of San Miguel were unable to work on account of the
severity of the season, and the priests and the council.
asked permission to occupy houses in the city, instead of
remaining in the camp. Vargas therefore directed the
Taños Indians to vacate the Palace and return to their
pueblos on the Galisteo; but this created a great com-
motion, and on the 24th of December, at a council held by
them, it was determined not to allow the Spaniards to
enter the city. When Vargas heard of this, he prepared
to make an assault, but waited for one day, in hopes that
better counsels would prevail among the Pueblos. On
the 26th, however, a fierce battle was waged during
the whole day. The defenses were strong and the place
216
VARGAS.
could only be taken by scaling the walls. The Indians
fought vigorously with bows and arrows, and used boil-
ing water to prevent an attack close to the walls, In the
afternoon re-inforcements from other pueblos appeared,
and only after successive cavalry charges were driven
back. At night both sides, exhausted, were glad to
have the conflict cease. But the Indians had suf-
fered heavily; ninety of their number were killed, and
they were discouraged at the retreat of their allies. The
next morning, therefore, no opposition was made to the
entry of the Spaniards, and formal possession of the
city was taken by the Governor. Four hundred women
and children who were captured, were divided among the
Spanish families in practical slavery. Seventy warriors
were executed, and their property, consisting principally
of corn and beans, confiscated.
While the capture of the capital was a great blow to
the hostile Pueblos, yet they did not yet despair of suc-
cess. They camped on the surrounding hills, and at-
tacked any parties who dared to go beyond the walls.
The Spaniards were practically kept in a state of siege,
ana what added to their difficulties as spring advanced,
was the scarcity of provisions. This annoying and
dangerous condition of things continued until Vargas
determined to take the field and punish the Indians for
their hostility. Starting therefore from Santa Fé in
the beginning of March (1694), he marched directly to
San Yldefonso, the high mesa north of which was the
rendezvous of the northern Pueblos during periods of
war. A terrible snow-storm forced him to seek shelter
in the houses of the pueblo; but after three days he
made an attack on the stronghold, when however the
steepness of the ascent gave the defenders such an ad-
vantage that the Spaniards had to retire. A few days
afterwards he made a second attack, from both sides of
the mesa at once, but was again unsuccessful; and then
in turn the Indians attacked his force in the night-time,
VARGAS.
217
at the pueblo, but the positions now being reversed, they
were compelled to retire. In all three conflicts the In-
dian loss far exceeded that of the Spaniards, but the
position on the mesa being practically impregnable
while defended by such large numbers as now occupied
it, Vargas finally concluded, on March 19th, to withdraw
to Santa Fé, having been successful in one great object
of his expedition, that of obtaining cattle and pro-
visions.
He had scarcely reached the capital, when a deputa-
tion arrived from the friendly pueblos of Zia and Santa
Ana, asking for assistance, as they were threatened with
attack. Vargas persuaded them that the best assurance
of safety was to defeat their enemies in the field, and
was consequently joined by a considerable body of allies,
with whom he again marched his little army to San
Yldefonso, and this time, after an obstinate fight, suc-
ceeded in gaining the heights, dispersing the Indians,
and taking possession of the camp, with over 300 prison-
ers, mostly women and children, and 900 sheep, besides
horses and mules. The sheep were turned over to the
Indian allies, thirteen warriors who were taken were
shot, and Vargas refused to give up the women and
children until the leader of the natives, named Zepe,
and his principal officers, were surrendered to him.
Various skirmishes ensued, in which about half of the
prisoners escaped, and then Vargas was obliged to hasten
back to Santa Fé by news of an attack on that town,
leaving Captain Roque Madrid in command of a de-
tachment left at San Yldefonso.
Planting-time had now come, and both Indians and
Spaniards ceased hostilities for a space to attend to agri-
culture, the lands around Santa Fé being apportioned
among the soldiers for this purpose. Early in April the
Governor visited Cochit to endeavor toí arrange that
the people of the adjacent pueblos, at Santo Domingo,
San Felipe, etc., should re-inhabit their old villages and
218
VARGAS.
•
plant their land, in which he was fairly successful,
although his escort suffered somewhat from a night at-
tack unexpectedly made on them while there. Nor did
the Indians at all give up hopes of repossessing the
capital, but made assaults on it from time to time, es-
pecially when the Governor was away and the garrison
weakened; two of these attacks being on April 19th and
May 25th, respectively. They also returned to their
stronghold at the mesa of San Yldefonso, and successive
attempts of Vargas to dislodge them in May were un-
successful. In the middle of June he again marched
from Santa Fé to the mesa, but finding that the enemy's
force was largely made up of Taos and Picuris Indians,
he concluded to proceed directly to those pueblos in
order to inflict chastisement. Both towns were found
deserted, the inhabitants having fled to the mountains.
Vargas commanded the people of Taos to return to
their homes within a certain limited period, and ne-
gotiations proceeded for some time between the Gov-
ernor of Pecos, acting for the Spaniards, and Pacheco, the
Governor of Taos; but the Indians failing to return, the
pueblo was given up to pillage by the soldiers on July
5th, and a considerable amount of corn secured. As a
large body of the enemy had collected in the mountains
to attack him on his march back to Santa Fé, Vargas
returned through the country of the Utes, who were
friendly with the Spaniards. The route led him to
cross the Rio Grande near the Colorado, north of Taos,
and then march to the Ojo Caliente River, and down that
stream and the Chama to the junction of the latter with
the Rio Grande. At San Yldefonso he found so many
Indians that he did not attack the mesa, but proceeded
direct to Santa Fé, arriving on July 14th, after having
marched 120 leagues in seventeen days.
The river having fallen now, so as to make its cross-
ing easy, the Governor without any delay started on an-
other expedition to the west, to punish the Indians
VARGAS.
219
of Jemez for their attacks on the pueblos of Santa Ana
and Zia, and to obtain corn for the people of Santa Fé.
After crossing the Rio Grande, Vargas was joined by a
large number of Indian allies, and with them marched
rapidly to Jemez, where the old pueblo was found aban.
doned, the people having moved to the top of an adja-
cent hill, where they were building a new town. Here
a fierce battle took place, the Spaniards with their allies
assaulting the place, and the Jemez Indians defending
it with great obstinacy. At length however they were
overcome, nearly 100 being killed, and 370 women
and children captured. While here the Governor had a
special search made for the burial-place of the priest,
Juan de Jesus, who had been killed, as previously re-
lated, at the opening of the rebellion; and after some
difficulty his remains were found and conveyed to Santa
Fé, where they were re-interred in the parish church
with much ceremony on the 11th of August, exactly
fourteen years after his martyrdom at Jemez. Socn
after this, peace was made with the remaining Indians
of Jemez, the prisoners restored, and the pueblo rebuilt.
This may be considered as the end of the general and
organized opposition to Spanish rule by the Pueblos,
included in the period of the great rebellion, although
some individual towns were not entirely reduced to sub-
mission until a short time later.
In 1696 a severe famine afflicted the territory, and
especially the Spanish towns, being caused, as was
alleged, by the cupidity of Governor Vargas, who re-
tained for his own use a large proportion of the corn
sent from Mexico for the support of the colonists; and
the Indians of fourteen Pueblos took advantage of the
occasion again to rise and endeavor to expel their rulers.
A desolating war ensued, which resulted in the destruc-
tion or abandonment of many of the pueblos, and the
death of at least 2,000 Indians, mostly from sickness
and exposure. Others left their old homes and joined
220
VARGAS.
the wandering tribes of the plains, rather than submi
to Spanish civil and ecclesiastical rule; so that the re-
sult was a great diminution in the pueblo population
and the number of their villages. The Spaniards,
meanwhile, constantly increased in population, and the
working in the mines, which had been so prolific a cause
of suffering and discontent, not being renewed, the in-
centive as well as the provocation to rebellion, to a large
extent, ceased; and the end of the seventeenth century
saw the country entirely at rest.

CHAPTER XV.
TH
THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
HE eighteenth century was for New Mexico a season
of comparative quiet. The Pueblo Indians, demor-
alized by divisions, and tired of revolts which never
proved permanently successful, made no trouble during
the entire period. With the wild tribes, however,
there were almost continual hostilities. They made
annual forays upon the more exposed settlements,
carrying off the corn and vegetables, which were the
results of a year of labor; or the cattle and sheep,
which formed the principal property of the people.
They frequently attacked the smaller villages-and
sometimes, when in force, the larger ones; and many
of the towns to-day contain the ruins of the forts and
torreons built for defense at such times.
Through this century the Comanches were the most
troublesome of these tribes; an almost constant warfare
continuing between them and the Spaniards. While it
consisted mainly of sudden incursions and unexpected
attacks, after the manner of most Indian warfare, yet at
times there were important battles between the Spanish
troops and New Mexican volunteers on the one side and
the united bands of Indians on the other. Such were
the action at Green Horn, near the middle of the cent-
ury, and that of El Rito Don Carlos in 1783. The
most important and decisive of these battles was that
fought at a place called Rabbit Ear two years later. The
Comanches had just swept through part of the valley in
the Rio Abajo, and made an attack on the town of Tomé,
one of the most important in Valencia County, from
which they had carried off a number of animals and a
222
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
quantity of goods, and made prisoners of two sisters of
the Pino family, besides killing a number of citizens.
Great indignation and excitement prevailed; and the
territorial troops and volunteers quickly gathered to the
number of 250, and under Lieutenant Guerrero, started
in pursuit of the Indians. The latter were found hav-
ing a grand council, accompanied by a war-dance around
the scalps which they had taken as trophies of their
success. They were immediately attacked, and a des-
perate battle ensued for the space of three hours; when
the Indians were forced to retreat, losing a large num-
ber in killed and wounded, and all their booty and ani-
mals, including their own horses. The prisoners were
rescued amid the rejoicing of their old friends and neigh-
bors. The Comanches, however, rallied after a short time,
and in turn attacked the Mexicans, recovering most of
their horses, and forcing the troops to retreat. They lost
so many men, however, in these two battles, that they
soon after agreed to a peace, and were not troublesome
for a considerable time thereafter.
During this century a long succession of Governors
ruled in New Mexico, usually with the title of Governor
and Captain-General; with sometimes special additions.
There is in most cases no record of the time of appoint-
ment, so that the dates of their official terms have had
to be obtained from various documents executed by
their authority and found among the archives at Santa
Fé. In 1862 a list was prepared for the report of the
Surveyor-General, John A. Clark, by the veteran Chief
Clerk, David J. Miller, and from that and some other.
information of more recent date the succession can now
be presented with substantial accuracy. Going back for
a moment to the time of Vargas, we find that in 1695
charges were presented against him by the civil authori-
ties of Santa Fé, and the regiment stationed there, for
peculation in using government funds and property
for his own purposes.
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
223
GASPAR DE SANDOVAL ZERDA SILVA Y MENDOZA.—This
cavalier was probably appointed Governor pending the
investigation, as he appears as such in 1695 and again
in 1722. In 1697 Vargas was formally removed from
office, and was succeeded by-
PEDRO RODRIGUEZ CUBERO.-His rule continued until
1703, when Vargas was restored to power as Military
Commandant of the Province, from which it would ap-
pear that he must have been acquitted of the charges.
against him.
The town of
THE DUKE OF ALBUQUERQUE appears to have governed
at certain times between 1703 and 1710.
Albuquerque is named after him.
JUAN PAEZ HURTADO was Lieutenant-Governor in
1704; commissioned by the Marquis de la Peñuela, the
Viceroy, as Governor and Captain-General in 1712; and
as Inspector-General in 1716. He was again Lieutenant-
Governor in 1735, and in 1736 went on an expedition.
to the western country, as the following sentence on In-
scription Rock near Zuñi proves: "On the 14th day of
July, of the year 1736, Gen. Juan Paez Hurtado, Inspector,
passed by this place, and in his company Corporal Joseph
Armenta, Antonio Sandoval Martinez, Alonzo Barela,
Marcos Duran, Francisco Barela, Luis Pacheco, Antonio
de Salas, Roque Gomas. "
FRANCISCO CUERBO Y VALDEZ, Governor ad interim in
1705, 1706, and 1707.-He was "Knight of the Order of
Santiago, official judge, royal treasurer, factor of the
royal domain, treasurer of the city of Guadalajara, etc."
JOSÉ CHACON MEDINA SALAZAR Y VILLASEÑOR, Marquis
of Peñuela, Governor from 1708 to 1712.-It was under
his administration that the rebuilding of the church of
San Miguel in Santa Fé, which had been destroyed in
the Pueblo rebellion, was completed; as appears from
the carved viga, on which the inscription is as follows:
"El Señor Marquez de la Peñuela hizo esta fabrica; el
Alferes Real Don Agustin Flores Vergara su criado. Año
224
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
de 1710."" His Lordship, the Marquis de la Peñuela,
erected this building; the Royal Ensign Don Augustin
Flores Vergara, his servant. A. D. 1710." At this
period all the principal churches in the "kingdom" were
rebuilt, including many that are now standing. The
register of deaths, "Libro de Difuntos," of the mission
of San Diego, of Jemez, commences in August, 1720, when
Francisco Carlos Joseph Delgado, "Preacher of the Holy
Office of the Inquisition," was the priest in charge.
The great church at Santa Cruz, which was the
center of an enormous parish in the north, has records
anterior to 1720; and its Register of Marriages, with a
curious pen-picture of the marriage of the Blessed Virgin
to Saint Joseph as a frontispiece, bears date 1726, the
first part being written by Padre Predicador Fray Man-
uel de Sopeña. The baptismal register in the church at
Albuquerque commences in 1743. Governor Peñuela
was an active official in many ways, and during his
administration made three campaigns into the Navajo
country, to subdue those Indians. He was afterwards
Viceroy of New Spain.
FERNANDO DE ALENCASTER NOREÑO Y SILVA, Duke of
Lenares, Marquis of Valdefuentes and of Govea, Count
of Portoalegre, Grand Commander of the Order of San-
tiago of Portugal, etc., was Governor in 1712. He was
afterwards made Viceroy of New Spain, and held that
office in 1714 and 1715.
JUAN IGNACIO FLORES MOGOLLON was commissioned
as Civil and Military Governor by Philip V., at Madrid,
September 27, 1707, for five years, and qualified October
9; but did not arrive in Mexico till long after, being
recommissioned by the Viceroy, February 9, 1712, and
installed in office in Santa Fé, October 5, 1712.
salary, as fixed by the King, was $2,000 per annum.
He was accused of malfeasance in office, but the case did
not come on for trial until after a delay of some years.
By the King's command he was relieved from his posi-
His
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
225
tion, October 5, 1715, after serving exactly three years.
His trial was had at Santa Fé in 1721, long after he had
left New Mexico; and his sentence was sent to the
Viceroy for confirmation, the costs being adjudged
against him. The officer charged with their collection
reported that neither the accused nor any of his prop-
erty could be found.
ANTONIO VALVERDE COSSIO was appointed Governor,
ad interim, for a period in 1714, and again in 1718.
FELIX MARTINEZ, was appointed by the Viceroy to
succeed Governor Mogollon, and qualified at Santa Fé,
December 1, 1715. In the succeeding year he led an ex-
pedition to the western confines of the kingdom as far
as the Moqui province, in order to bring those freedom-
loving cities into subjection. On the north wall of the
Inscription Rock, which is an invaluable historical.
tablet, appears the record of his passage, as follows: "In
the year 1716, upon the 26th day of August, passed by
this place Don Felix Martinez, Governor and Captain-
General of this kingdom, for the purpose of reducing
and uniting Moqui." On another part of the rock are
the inscriptions of some of the companions of the Gov-
ernor on this expedition, as follows: "Juan Garcia de
la Revas, Chief Alcalde, and the first elected, of the town
of Santa Fé, in the year 1716, on the 26th of August.
By the hand of Bartolo Fernandez, Antonio Fernandez. "
In 1719 an expedition under Villaza started from Santa
Fé, guided by a Frenchman, and succeeded in reaching
the banks of the Missouri River, opposite the towns of
the Pawnees (called Pananas); but the Indians crossed
in the night, surprised the Spaniards, killed the com-
mander and guide, and also Father Juan Dominguez,
the chaplain.
JUAN DE ESTRADA Y AUSTRIA, His Majesty's Resid-
uary Judge, Acting-Governor and Captain-General, dur-
ing the trial of Ex-Governor Mogollon, 1721
JUAN DOMINGO DE BUSTAMANTE. He was Governor
226
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
for nearly or all the period from 1721 to 1731, and again
in 1738.
GERVACIO CRUZAT Y GONGORA was Governor from
1731 to 1737. In the latter year the Bishop of Durango,
whose diocese included New Mexico, made the first
episcopal visitation ever had in the territory. He vis-
ited all parts of New Mexico, going even as far west as
Zuñi, and left on the Inscription Rock the following
memorial: "On the 28th day of September, of the year
1737, arrived at this place the Illustrious Don Martin
de Liza Cochea, Bishop of Durango; and on the 29th
left for Zuñi." On this trip he was accompanied by the
Batchelor Don Juan Ignacio de Arrasain, whose name
appears on the rock, on the same date.
HENRIQUE DE OLAVIDE Y MICHELENA.—1738.
GASPAR DOMINGO Y MENDOZA. He was Governor
from 1739 to 1743.
JOAQUIN CODALLOS Y REBAL was Governor from 1744
to 1749, except in 1747 when-
FRANCISCO HUEMES Y HORCASITAS was Governor ad in-
terim.
TOMAS VELES CACHUPIN was Governor for many
years, embracing the periods from 1749 to 1754, and
probably to 1758; from 1762 to 1767, and again in 1773.
MANUEL PORTILLO URRISOLA appears to have been
Governor for a short time in 1761, and-
FRANCISCO ANTONIO MARIN DEL VALLE was Acting-
Governor in that year and 1762. He and his wife pre-
sented to the Church the great carved stone Reredos
now in the cathedral at Santa Fé, as appears from the
inscription thereon.
PEDRO FERMIN DE MENDINUETA held office several
times, and was the last of the officials having the title
of "Captain-General." He was a Colonel in the Royal
army, and Knight of the Order of Santiago; and was
first Governor in 1759, then for a short term in 1762,
when he was succeeded by Cachupin, and afterwards
succeeded the latter in 1767, and held the position until
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
227
1778, except a brief interval in 1773, when Cachupin
again acted.
JUAN BAUTISTA DE ANSA was appointed as "Civil and
Military Governor" in 1780, and held office until 1787
or 1788, when he was succeeded by-
FERNANDO DE LA CONCHA, who held the position
until 1794, and again for a short time in 1800.
FERNANDO CHACON was appointed in 1794 and con-
tinued in office for eleven years, until 1805, except an
interval in 1800 and 1801.
These breaks in official tenure, and the appearance
of so many ad interim officials, is in a great measure ac-
counted for by visits of the Governors to the City of
Mexico, which at that period required a large amount of
time.
During all of this century, New Mexico was the
extreme outpost of Mexican authority and colonization,
receiving all its supplies of articles not produced at
home, by the long routes from the south, through
Durango and Chihuahua. The time was very shortly to
come when by the opening of communication with the
American States to the eastward, it was to become of
itself a great point of trade and distribution for the
northern portions of Mexico.
In 1796 a census was taken by the Franciscan
Fathers, which showed a population of 14,167 whites
and 9,453 Indians-only the civilized Pueblos being
enumerated. This is exclusive of the City of Santa Fé,
which for some reason is omitted in the computation.
In 1798 a similar census showed a slight increase, there
being 15,031 whites and 9,732 Indians. These reports
are signed by Father Francisco de Hezio, Custo. In
1799 Governor Chacon made an official report of the last
census, in accordance with a royal decree, making the
population, including Santa Fé and its garrison—white,
18,826; Pueblo, 9,732; or counting the jurisdiction of El
Paso-white, 23,769; Indian, 10,369. This showed the
population of Santa Fé to be at that time 3,795.
CHAPTER XVI.
FROM 1800 To 1846.
A. THE GOVERNORS.
IN re
N Chapter XV., on the Eighteenth Century, the line
of Governors ended with Fernando Chacon, who re-
mained in office till 1805. This list then continues as
follows,-
JOAQUIN DEL REAL ALENCASTER.-He was in office
from 1805 to 1808.
JOSÉ MANRIQUE. He was a Lieutenant-Colonel in the
army, and was Governor or Governor ad interim from
1808 to 1814; and again for a short time in 1819. In 1811
General Nemecio Salcedo, General of the Department,
with head-quarters at Chihuahua, made certain orders.
respecting lands in New Mexico, which have led to his
name being placed in some lists of Governors; but he
never seems to have had that or any other civil title,
and the powers he exercised he probably assumed by
virtue of his military authority.
ALBERTO MAYNEZ was the next executive, with the
title of Civil and Military Governor. He served in
1814 and 1815, and again in 1817.
PEDRO MARIA DE ALLANDE succeeded to the title in
1816, and again in 1818, after the second period of
Maynez's authority.
FACUNDO MELGARES.-He was the last of the Spanish
Governors, the revolution of 1821 being successful in
establishing Mexican independence. By the law of May
6, 1822, his term as Governor expired on the succeeding
5th of July. It was Governor Melgares who, as Lieutenant,
commanded the brilliant expedition into the Indian
1800 To 1846.
229
Territory in 1806; and subsequently had charge of the
escort of Pike, to Chihuahua, in 1807. During the year
1821, from certain documents it appears that—
ALEJO GARCIA CONDE, Inspector-General, acted as
Governor for a time, with the title of "Superior Politi-
cal Chief of the four Internal Provinces." This was
probably in the revolutionary days, before the arrange-
ments under the Mexican regime became settled.
FRANCISCO XAVIER CHAVEZ was the first regular
executive under Mexican authority. The title was now
changed from Governor to "Political Chief." Governor
Chavez succeeded Melgares on July 5, 1822, and was also
Acting Civil Governor from June 17 to July 21, 1823.
ANTONIO VISCARA quickly succeeded Chavez in 1822,
holding office but a short time; but was again in power
for a brief period, in 1828.
BARTOLOMÉ BACA was in authority in 1824, and until
September 13, 1825, when he was succeeded by-
ANTONIO NARBONA, who held the office until May 20,
1827. He was a Canadian.
MANUEL ARMIJO then obtained the position, holding
it at this time but about a year, when-
JOSÉ ANTONIO CHAVEZ Succeeded, and held the office.
for three years, a long period in those days of rapid
changes and short administrations.
SANTIAGO ABREU became Political Chief in 1831, and
continued until some time in 1832. He and his two
brothers, Ramon and Marcelino, all came from Mexico.
shortly before, and all were killed in the revolution of
1837. Governor Abreu was Chief Justice down to the
time of that revolution.
FRANCISCO SARRACINO.-Political Chief, 1833 to May
14, 1835, when-
MARIANO CHAVEZ became Acting Jefe Politico for
three months, until the arrival from Mexico of—
ALBINO PEREZ, who served as Political Chief until
the new Mexican constitution went into effect and New
230
1800 To 1846.
Mexico was changed from a Territory into a Department,
and its executive from a Political Chief to a Governor.
The new arrangement went into operation in May 1837,
Perez being appointed the first Governor, and holding
the position until he was cruelly murdered in the rev-
olution of that year. During the insurrection, and
while Gonzales was claiming to be governor, the legiti-
mate authority was held by-
PEDRO MUÑOZ, a Colonel in the army, as Acting-Gov-
ernor, until the executive power was assumed by-
MANUEL ARMIJO, first as Commanding General, and
after the execution of Gonzales in January 1838, as Gov-
ernor. He was soon after regularly appointed to the
latter office, and held it until January 1845, when he was
suspended by the Inspector General. For a brief time.
in 1841-
ANTONIO SANDOVAL appears as Acting-Governor; and
during the suspension of Armijo-
MARIANO MARTINEZ DE LEJANZA was Acting Governor
from some time in 1844 to September 18, 1845, and-
JOSÉ CHAVEZ from the latter date to December, when
Armijo was elected to the executive office, and again
assumed its duties.
MANUEL ARMIJO was the last Mexican Governor,
holding the position until the American occupation.
JUAN BAUTISTA VIGIL Y ALARID appears as Acting-
Governor for a short time after Armijo's retreat, and as
such delivered the capital to General Kearney, August
18, 1846.
B.-PRINCIPAL EVENTS.
In 1805 a census was taken, the report of which
signed by Governor Alencaster, under date of Nov. 20,
1805, shows a population (exclusive of El Paso and its
surroundings not now included in the territory), of
Spaniards: Male, 10,390; female, 10,236; total, 20,626.
Pueblo Indians: Male, 4,094 ; female, 4,078; total, 8,172.
Total population, 28,798, exclusive of wild tribes.
1800 To 1846.
231
The population of the Pueblo towns was as follows:
Taos 508, Picuris 250, San Juan 194, Santa Clara 186,
San Yldefonso 175, Nambé 143, Pojuaque 100, Tesuque
131, Pecos 104, Cochití 656, Santo Domingo 333, San
Felipe 289, Sandia 314, Jemez 264, Zia 254, Santa Ana
450, Isleta 419, Acoma 731, Laguna 940, Zuñi 1,470,
Abiquiu 134, Belem (so spelled) 107. From this it will
be seen that though the aggregate number has not
greatly varied in three-quarters of a century, yet con-
siderable changes have taken place in particular
pueblos.
In the year 1806, during the same administration,
much excitement was caused by the belief that an in-
vasion from the United States was contemplated.
Rumors of Burr's conspiracy had been received, at the
same time that information came of the fitting out of
government expeditions to explore the territory newly
acquired by the Americans by the purchase of Lou-
isiana. In consequence of this, Lieutenant Facundo Mel-
gares was sent with 600 men to descend Red River and
make treaties with the Indian tribes to the eastward, a
duty which he performed most admirably. Early in the
next year, the expedition of Lieutenant Pike, which had
been sent to explore the south-western United States
territory, was found encamped by mistake on Mexican
soil, and was brought in to Santa Fé. As this consti-
tutes the first historical connection between the United
States and New Mexico, a separate chapter has been de-
voted to the subject. (See Chap. XVII).
In 1810 came the first revolutionary attempt in
Mexico, under Hidalgo, commencing at Dolores on
September 16th, and ending with the execution of the
great leader at Chihuahua, in the ensuing year. But
New Mexico was so isolated by its geographical position
that the stirring events to the south scarcely caused a
ripple of excitement in the territory. In 1814 a con-
spiracy against the authority of the Governor, Alberto
232
1800 To 1846.
Maynez, was arranged by Dionicio Valdez and Antonio
Armijo; but it was discovered before the plans were.
fully matured, or any active steps taken, and the pro-
jectors were sentenced to ten years' imprisonment at the
well known "Trias Hacienda," at Encinillas, north of
Chihuahua.
All through this period, down to the final overthrow
of the Navajoes long after the American occupation,
there existed an almost constant condition of warfare
with that powerful tribe. They made frequent incur-
sions into the settlements-much as the Comanches did
in the preceding century; and in turn armed expedi-
tions were made into their country, with a view to their
punishment and the destruction of their villages and
property. The military reputation of Melgares was
won in such expeditions, before he was sent to negotiate
with the Pawnees in the east. They served as a school
of military experience. Governor Vigil took part in no
less than four of these campaigns, in 1823, 1833, 1836, and
1838. The hostility of these Indians was intensified
by instances of bad faith on the part of the whites. A
notable case of this kind occurred in 1820, when a party
of Navajo Indians came into the village of Jemez for the
purpose of concluding a peace. They were received in
a friendly manner, but after a short time the authorities
of the town determined to put them to death; so the
people were secretly arranged in position so as to sur-
round them while they were unarmed, and cruelly killed
them with clubs. Complaint of this outrage was made
to the government, and the leaders were arrested; but
the cases dragged along until 1824, when they were all
set at liberty. Ten years after, the principal perpetra-
tors of this cruelty fell by the hands of other members
of this same tribe, it seeming as if Providence would
not allow the crime to pass without retribution. Gregg
speaks of a similar outrage, which occurred at Cochití.
About the year 1830 the Navajoes were kept in very
1800 To 1846.
233
good order for a time by the energy of Colonel Vizcarra,
but after his departure no one arose capable of inspiring
them with fear. The ordinary custom was for peace to
be made in the spring, which permitted the sowing of
grain to be done without danger; but the fall was very
likely to see a renewal of hostilities. An expedition
organized in 1835, in which most of the leading men of
the territory enlisted as volunteers, was surprised by
an ambush in a narrow defile, and forced to retreat with
some loss. The Apaches also made periodical raids into
certain parts of the territory, and by attacks on frontier
settlements prevented to a great extent the spread of
population. They were more troublesome, however, in
Chihuahua than in New Mexico.
On the 28th day of September, 1821, Mexico declared
its independence of the mother country, and shortly
afterwards succeeded in making it a reality. This nec-
essarily caused an entire change in the relations of New
Mexico, which became a part of the new country-an
empire under Iturbide, and a republic after his fall.
One principle of the new government of Mexico was
popular education; and accordingly, in 1822, we find the
first steps taken in the Territory towards the establish-
ment of public schools.
In 1824, Durango, Chihuahua, and New Mexico were.
united in constituting a State of the Mexican Union;
but this arrangement did not last for any great length
of time.
In 1828 the Mexican Congress passed a law expelling
all native-born Spaniards (called Cachupines) from the
republic. This of course affected a number in New
Mexico, including several Franciscan Friars, who wer?
all forced to leave, with the exception of two, named
Albino and Castro, who were permitted to remain on
account of their advanced age-and the payment of $500
each! It was not believed that any large proportion of
this sum reached the official treasury.
234
1800 TO 1846.
In 1833 the Bishop of Durango made a visitation
throughout New Mexico, and was received with great
enthusiasm. Special preparations were made at all
points for his reception; the roads and bridges on the
route were repaired and decorated, and the houses decked
with flags, colored cloths, and flowers, in profusion. He
made quite a protracted stay in Santa Fé, and visited a
number of towns in the territory. A year before, Padre
Ortiz (Juan Felipe) had been appointed as Vicar-general
of New Mexico.
In 1835 the first newspaper enterprise was attempted
-Padre Martinez, of Taos, issuing a paper, of the size
of foolscap, entitled "El Crepúsculo" (meaning "The
Dawn"), weekly for about a month, when its particular
mission being accomplished, and the number of its sub-
scribers (about fifty) not justifying a continuance, it
was abandoned. This was the only attempt at a news-
paper while the territory was under Mexican control.
In 1837 occurred the change in the general system.
of government throughout the republic, which meta-
morphosed New Mexico from a Territory into a Depart-
ment, and by its augmented taxation and other unpop-
ular features led to an insurrection of large importance,
and at the time, of very doubtful result. This was the
first revolution, of any real moment, in a century and a
half; for which reason it has appeared best to treat it
briefly in a separate chapter. (See Chap. XIX.)
Through many years, since the first passage across
the plains in the early part of the century, the traffic
with the United States had been steadily increasing,
until it had grown to very large proportions, and the
goods thus brought to Santa Fé were distributed over a
large part of northern Mexico. The importance of this.
business and the general interest attached to the history
of the "Santa Fé Trail," has caused that subject also to
have a separate chapter devoted to it. (See Chap. XVIII.)
This intercourse between the valleys of the Mississippi
1800 TO 1846.
235
and the Rio Grande, naturally brought into New Mex-
ico merchants and traders from the East, and they,
together with trappers and hunters who gradually
accumulated a competence and settled down near the
scenes of their active life, constituted a population now
generally known as the "Pioneers." Their history
should be separately written, and when their adventures
and exploits are faithfully recorded, will be as interest-
ing as the most fascinating romance. Many of the first
of them to settle on the western border of the plains
were of the parentage known as "St. Louis French;
and hence come the French names which exist through-
out the north of the Territory, whose existence would
otherwise be a mystery.
First among those thus to establish a business in
New Mexico was Mr. Roubidoux, who settled at Taos ín
1822. Charles Beaubien came to the same town in 1827,
and a year later married the sister of Don Pedro Valdez.
He was one of the grantees of the enormous "Beaubien
and Miranda Grant," to which his son-in-law gave the
name of the "Maxwell Grant." His daughters married.
respectively Lucien B. Maxwell, Jesus G. Abreu, Joseph
Clouthier, and Frederick Müller. Colonel Ceran St.
Vrain, perhaps the most celebrated of south-western
pioneers, lived for many years at Taos, and subsequently
at Mora, where he owned a large mill, and where hist
grave now is.
The Bents built "Bents' Fort" in 1829,
and in 1832 Bent and St. Vrain commenced business at
Taos. There Charles Bent married, and lived until his
appointment as Governor, and violent death in 1847.
Kit Carson first came from Missouri to Santa Fé in
1826; afterwards going to Taos, where he studied Spanish
with Kinkead, and through all the travels and vicissi-
tudes of his after life, retained that as his home.
Maxwell, on his "Home Ranch" on the Cimarron, lived.
like a feudal chief, dispensing a lavish hospitality, and
literally lord of all he surveyed." He employed 500
236
1800 TO 1846.
men, had 1,000 horses, 10,000 cattle, and 40,000 sheep;
and after the hardships of early frontier life, enjoyed
leisure and profusion in his later days. The oldest
living "American" in Santa Fé for many years was
James Conklin, who came in 1825, and died in June,
1883. Samuel B. Watrous, now the father of the town
of that name, arrived in 1835, and for a considerable
time lived at the Placers. James Bonney, whose hos-
pitality both Emory and Abert record, was the original.
settler at La Junta, in 1842, his house being the first
one seen in 1846 for a distance of 775 miles in com-
ing from the east. Peter Joseph, a native of the Azores,
came to Taos in 1844, and established himself in bus-
iness.
In the year 1841 great excitement was produced by
reports of the coming of an invading army from Texas,
for the purpose of conquering the territory. George
W. Kendall, the editor of the New Orleans "Picayune,"
who accompanied this expedition simply as a traveller,
has left a very graphic account of its history in his
"Santa Fé Expedition," published in 1844. According
to his statement, it had no intention of making war;
it was believed in Texas, which claimed all the country
east of the Rio Grande as part of her territory, that the
majority of the New Mexican people were dissatisfied
with the government of Mexico, and would gladly unite
with the Texans, if not overawed by military power.
The intention of the expedition, then, was to ascertain
with regard to this feeling, and if the people so desired,
to raise the "Lone Star" flag, and protect them against
Mexican coercion; but if there was no such popular feel-
ing, then simply to endeavor to open a mercantile trade.
The Mexican authorities, however, naturally regarded
it as a direct invasion of their territory; and terrible
stories were circulated as to the ferocity of the Texans,
who, it was said, would burn, slay, and destroy wherever
they went.
1800 To 1846.
237
The expedition set out from Austin on the 18th of
June, 1841, under command of General McLeod; and
consisted of 270 mounted volunteers, divided into
six companies, of which one was of artillery and pro-
vided with a brass six-pounder; and about fifty
others, including commissioners, merchants, tourists,
and servants. Their march was a very dangerous and
arduous one, as it passed through a country entirely
untravelled; and of the rivers, deserts, ravines, and
other obstacles to be encountered, those in the expedi-
tion knew nothing. When a long distance out on the
plains, Lieutenant Hull and four men were killed
by the Caygua Indians; and soon, on account of the diffi-
culty in finding water, it was determined to divide the
party, Captain Sutton, with eighty-seven soldiers and
twelve civilians, being sent in advance on the best
horses to find the nearest settlements and send word
back to the remainder. They took rations for five days,
but owing to their lack of knowledge of the country,
and the time lost in trying to cross a very deep and
perpendicular cañon, it was thirteen before they met
any human beings, when they fell in with a party of
Mexicans returning from trading with the Indians, at
a point in the vicinity of the present Fort Bascom.
Near the Gallinas they found a sheep ranch, and for the
first time in many days had enough food to eat. From
here two of the party, Captain Lewis and Mr. Van
Ness, who spoke Spanish, were sent ahead to confer
with the authorities, and two merchants with Mr. Ken-
dall accompanied them. At Anton Chico they found
the people in a terrible condition of fear and excitement,
owing to the stories that had been circulated of Texan
ferocity and cruelty; and were informed that the whole
country was in arms, and that they would no doubt be
taken prisoners the next day and be shot.
The following morning they proceeded through La
Cuesta to San Miguel, and on the way were met by
238
1800 To-1846.
Damacio Salazar, with 100 roughly dressed but well
mounted soldiers. In answer to his questions they told
him that they were messengers from a large party
behind, and desired to see the Governor. This seemed
satisfactory, but at the first stop, having surrounded the
party with his men, Salazar said that he must demand
their arms, at the same time expressing regret at the
necessity of carrying out his orders. These were given.
up, and soon after Salazar said that his instructions were
to take all papers and similar articles, and the party
had to submit to being searched. Thus far the Mexican
officer had expressed so much regret at having to incom-
mode the travellers that they had not doubted his sincer-
ity, but they were shocked a little later to see twelve
men drawn up before them with the evident intent of
shooting them then and there; and this would have been
quickly accomplished but for the intervention of Don
Gregorio Vigil, who stopped the bloody deed. The pris-
oners-for such they now were-were then marched
through La Cuesta and Puertocito to San Miguel, where
they were confined in a room; the women all along the
route showing a kindness and sympathy in marked con-
trast with the unnecessary cruelty of their captors. The
next day on the road to Santa Fé, they met Governor
Armijo, who directed them to be retaken to San Miguel,
Here, from their little window, they saw two of their
late companions shot for having attempted to escape
after being taken; and they soon after heard that through
the treachery of one of their party, named Lewis, who
had been used by Armijo to deceive the Texaus, and on
his assurance that they would be well treated and
allowed to trade, but that the universal custom was for
Santa Fé traders to give up their arms on entering the
settlements and receive them when their business was
done, the entire party had delivered up all their arms;
and thereupon had been surrounded and treated as pris-
oners.
1800 TO 1846.
239
On the 17th of October the whole Texan expedition
were marched out of San Miguel, on the way to the
City of Mexico, under a strong guard commanded by
Salazar. The story of their sufferings and privations,.
of the numberless cruelties and persecutions inflicted by
Salazar, who seems to have been a disgrace to the Mexi-
can name; of the great contrast in their treatment when
they were transferred at El Paso to the care of General
J. M. Elias Gonzales, who put Salazar under arrest; of
the kindness and hospitality of this General "Elias"
and Padre Ortiz, and of their long imprisonment in
Mexico-is graphically told by Mr. Kendall, but cannot
have further space here. The sequel to this history, in
the attacks made during the next year on Mexican tra-
ders, will be found in the chapter on the Santa Fé Trail.
In 1844 Governor Martinez issued a proclamation
which is interesting as containing the last arrangement
of civil divisions under the Mexican rule, and also as
giving the estimated populations. It states that the
Department of New Mexico is divided into three dis-
tricts, to be called the Central, the North, and the
South-east. The whole is divided into seven counties.
The districts are as follows.-
Central District.—Counties of Santa Fé, Santa Ana, and
San Miguel del Bado, with populations of 12,500, 10,500,
and 18,800.
North District.-Counties of Rio Arriba and Taos, with
populations of 15,000 and 14,200.
South-east District.-Counties of Valencia and Bernalillo.
Populations 20,000 and 8,204.
This gives the total population of the territory as
99,204. The proclamation is dated June 17, 1844.
Governor Martinez was a special friend of education.
He sent a number of the most promising young men in
the territory to Durango and the City of Mexico to re-
ceive military educations; and established additional
government schools in Santa Fé.
240
1800 To 1846.
The news of the breaking out of hostilities between
the United States and Mexico in May, 1846, naturally
created a great excitement at Santa Fé; the more so as
all of New Mexico east of the Rio Grande was included
in the territory in dispute, the ownership of which was
the occasion of the war. Almost immediately thereafter
news arrived that an expedition was being fitted out in
Missouri for the invasion of New Mexico, so that it was
certain that the territory would become the theatre of ac-
tual warfare; and this raised the excitement still higher.
General Armijo was Governor, but for various rea-
sons was unpopular with a large proportion of the in-
fluential citizens; and they distrusted his ability and
that of his army to repel an invasion. An important.
private meeting of leading New Mexicans was therefore
held to determine what steps should be taken in the
emergency; and it was decided that the best course
would be to organize a volunteer army composed in
part of those who had experience in Indian wars, and
were of most approved bravery. As commander they nat-
urally turned to Don Manuel Chavez, of Santa Fé, who
had acquired a high reputation as an Indian-fighter; and
the other officers designated were Miguel E. Pino,
Nicolas Pino, and Tomas C. de Baca, the latter from
Peña Blanca. A petition embodying this programme
was presented to the Governor; and Manuel Chavez
assured him that if this plan were adopted, he could
surely defeat the Americans, as they would be far from
their base of supplies and unacquainted with the coun-
try. Armijo appeared well pleased with the proposi-
tion, but put off a decision until the last moment, and
then answered that he was confident of success with his
dragoons. The result is known, and finds a place in the
chapter on the "American Occupation;" but these
facts are here mentioned because they were the founda-
tion of subsequent erroneous charges against some of
those who were the leaders in the movement.
1800 To 1846.
241
C.-MINES AND MINING.
At the time of the journey of Lieutenant Pike, in
1807, as appears in the chapter on his expedition, but
one mine was being worked in the territory; to use
his words, "There are no mines known in the Province
except one of copper, situated in a mountain on the
west side of the Rio del Norte, in latitude 34°. It is
worked, and produces 20,000 mule-loads of copper
annually. It contains gold, but not quite sufficient to
pay for its extraction." The locality named above
would be directly west of Socorro, in the Magdalenas;
but it is very possible that the latitude given is wrong,
and that the description refers to the Santa Rita mine,
near Silver City. This was discovered in 1800 by
Lieutenant Colonel Carrisco, through the aid of an
Indian. In 1804 he sold it to Don Francisco Manuel
Elguea, a wealthy merchant of Chihuahua, who at once
commenced extensive developments, and found the
metal of such fire quality that the whole product was
contracted to the royal mint for coinage; and was trans-
ported to the City of Mexico by pack-mules and wagons—
1CC mules, carrying 300 pounds each, being constantly
employed.
The next discovery of importance was that in the
district now called the "Old Placers." In 1828 a citizen
of Sonora, who was herding some cattle in that vicinity,
in following some animals that had strayed into the
mountains, saw a stone which resembled those in the
gold regions of his native State. A further examina-
tion revealed particles of gold, and the news of the dis-
covery occasioned much excitement. Many men flocked
to the spot, and washing was carried on for a number
of years, with what, under the circumstances, was good
success. The appliances were of the rudest description,
and the lack of water a great drawback. The winter
season was the favorite time for operations, on account
of the facilities afforded for obtaining water from snow.
242
1800 TO 1846.
This was thrown into a sink and melted with hot
stones. The washing was done in a round wooden bowl
called "batea," about eighteen inches in diameter, which
was filled with earth and then immersed in the pool,
and constantly stirred until nothing was left but the
heavy black sand and grains of gold. From 1832 to
1835 the annual product was from $60,000 to $80,000;
but then diminished somewhat, the poorest years not
producing more than $30,000 or $40,000.
Soon after the discovery of the Placers, a vein of gold
ore was found on the property of Ortiz in the same
vicinity; and in order to work it he formed a partnership
with Lopez, a Spaniard, with some experience in min-
ing. By the skill of the latter a considerable sum was
realized, whereupon a feeling of jealousy arose, and the
old decree which ordered the expulsion of all natives of
Spain from Mexico, though long considered obsolete,
was revived by the officials, who desired to obtain pos-
session themselves, and Lopez was immediately ordered
to the frontier, the vigilant officers assuring him that it
was against their consciences "longer to connive at his
residence so near the Capital, in contravention of the
laws." A new company, including several officials, with
Ortiz, then proceeded with the wealth-producing work;
but from lack of knowledge did not obtain a grain of
gold. Subsequently an order was made prohibiting
any but natives from working at the mines; and thus
foreign capital and energy were prevented from taking
any part in the necessary development. The greater
part of the work was done by poor men working on
their own account, and satisfied if they could realize
scanty wages. Each miner was allowed ten paces in all
directions from his pit, as his "claim," and no new-
comer could interfere with the right thus acquired,
unless the "labor" was abandoned for a specified time,
when the ground again become open to location. The
gold was mainly in dust, but occasionally large nuggets
1800 TO 1846.
243
were found, the most valuable being worth $3,400, al-
though it was sold by its finder for $1,400.
وو
In 1839 the "New Placers" were discovered a short
distance to the south-west, and the miners speedily
deserted their old "diggings" for the greater charms of
the new; and the little village of Tuerto rose into large
importance as a business point. In 1845 this town
contained twenty-two stores, transacting more business
in the aggregate than the establishments of Santa Fé.
At that time the annual "output" of both districts had
reached $250,000, and as many as 2,000 men congregated.
there to work in the winter. Machinery was introduced,
but the lack of a sufficient supply of water prevented
very extensive operations. At the time of the American
occupation, Samuel B. Watrous, for whom the town of
Watrous has since been named, and Richard Dallum,
the first U. S. Marshal, were residents of the "Placers.'
The "Ramirez" mine is described as being at that time
the most important in operation. Among other Placers
which were discovered and worked before 1846, were a
number in the north, in the vicinity of Taos, and as far
distant as Sangre de Cristo; and Gregg speaks (1844)
of some in the mountains, near Abiquiu. At that time
no silver mines were in operation, though discoveries
had been made near Manzano; but the ore was con-
sidered too refractory to be worked by the appliances at
hand. Two years later, however, Lieutenant Abert tells
of visiting Don Pedro Baca, at Manzano, and receiving
some fine specimens of ore from mines of which his host
had charge. Some discoveries had also been made of
silver near Socorro. This may be said to be the sub-
stance of the mining development as it existed when
our history closes, showing how almost entirely that
branch of industry had been abandoned since the
Pueblo revolution, and giving but little earnest of the
enormous proportions which it was to assume in the
future.
Dor M
1
244
1800 To 1846.
D-SANTA FÉ IN 1846.
The following description of Santa Fé, as it appeared
in 1846, is taken from the works of Cooke, Abert, Edwards,
and Meline, and is of interest as showing the condition
at that time of the Capital city: The city, though spread
over a large extent, was thinly inhabited, and with the
exception of the buildings around the plaza, consisted
of scattered houses surrounded by corn-fields. On one
side of the plaza (which is about 350 feet square) stood
the Palace, a long adobe building, one story high, with
a portico formed by extending the roof some distance
over the street, supported by the smooth trunks of trees.
This portico extended in front of all the buildings front-
ing the plaza. The Palace was the only building having
glazed windows. At one end of it was the government
printing-office, and at the other the guard-house and
prison. Fearful stories were connected with the prison;.
and Edwards says that he found, on examining the
walls of the small rooms, locks of human hair stuffed
into holes, with rude crosses drawn over them.
Fronting the Palace, on the south side of the plaza,
stood the remains of the Capilla de los Soldados, or mil-
itary chapel, the real name of which was The Church
of Our Lady of Light. It was said to have been the
richest church in the Territory, but had not then been
in use for a number of years, and the roof had fallen in,
allowing the elements to complete the work of destruc-
tion On each side of the altar was the remains of fine
carving, and a weather-beaten picture above gave evi-
dence of having been a beautiful painting. Over the
door was a large oblong slab of freestone, elaborately
carved, representing "Our Lady of Light" rescuing a
human being from the jaws of Satan. A large tablet,
beautifully executed in relief, stood behind the altar,
representing various saints, with an inscription stating
that it was erected by Governor Francisco Antonio
Maria del Valle, and his wife, in 1761.
Maou
1800 To 1846.
245
The other sides of the square were occupied by the
shops used by those engaged in the trade of the Santa
Fé Trail. There were no trees in the center of the plaza,
which was simply an open square, dusty in the spring,
and muddy in the rainy season; but on each side was
an acequia, with a row of young cottonwoods. The
houses were lighted by small grated windows, generally
about a foot square; but the dazzling whiteness of the
walls made them sufficiently light. The church services
were held in the Parroquia, or parochial church (now
the cathedral), which had two towers or steeples, in
which hung three or four bells. The music was fur-
nished by a violin and a triangle. "The wall back of
the altar was covered with innumerable mirrors, paint-
ings, and bright-colored tapestry."
During the month of November, 1846, a dramatic so-
ciety was organized among the soldiers; and Governor
Bent having kindly given the use of the ball-room in
the Palace, it was soon transformed into a theatre. The
season" opened with Pizarro and Bombastes Furioso
about the middle of the month, and continued until
many of the troops were ordered South in December.
On the night after Christmas, the Governor gave a grand
ball in the Palace, to which the leading people of both
nationalities were invited, and which was considered
one of the finest entertainments that Santa Fé had ever
seen.
VE
CHAPTER XVII.
THE EXPEDITION OF LIEUTENANT PIKE-1806.
ERY shortly after the acquisition of the vast terri-
tory then embraced under the one name of Louis-
iana from the French by the United States, the Govern-
ment of the latter undertook the exploration of such
portions of this immense domain as were then unknown,
save to the aborigines. Captains Merriwether Lewis,
and C. Clark were selected by the President to explore the
then unvisited sources of the Missouri, and Lieutenant
Zebulon Montgomery Pike, of the sixth infantry, to fol-
low the Mississippi to its source; both expeditions having
to traverse unbroken wildernesses and encounter untold
hardships and privations. The expedition of Lieutenant
Pike occupied nearly nine months, extending from
August 9, 1805, when he sailed from St. Louis, to the
last day of April, 1806, when he returned.
Soon after his arrival he was requested by General
Wilkinson to take command of another expedition then
being fitted out at St. Louis, the primary object of
which was to conduct a number of Osage Indian cap-
tives, and also a deputation of that tribe recently re-
turned from Washington, up the Missouri and Osage
Rivers to the Indian town of Grand Osage. The in-
structions then provided that Lieutenant Pike should en-
deavor to bring about a permanent peace between the
Kansas and Osage nations; and afterwards to "establish
a good understanding with the Yanctons, Tetaus, or
Camanches," and finally "to ascertain the direction, ex-
tent, and navigation of the Arkansaw and Red Rivers."
As to the possibility of meeting inhabitants of New
Mexico, the instructions of the General were as follows:
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
247
"As your interview with the Camanches will probably
lead you to the head branches of the Arkansaw and Red
Rivers, you may find yourself approximated to the set-
tlements of New Mexico, and there it will be necessary
you should move with great circumspection to keep
clear of any hunting or reconnoitering parties from that
province and to prevent alarm or offense; because the
affairs of Spain and the United States appear to be on
the point of amicable adjustment, and moreover it is
the desire of the President to cultivate the friendship
and harmonious intercourse of all the nations of the
earth, and particularly our near neighbors, the Span-
iards."
This expedition started from the landing at Belle
Fontaine on July 15, 1806-the party consisting of two
lieutenants, one surgeon, one sergeant, two corporals,
sixteen privates, and one interpreter. It had in charge
fifty-one Indians, the most of whom were Osages who
had been redeemed from captivity among the Potta-
watomies, and were now to be returned to their own
country. The surgeon was Dr. Robinson, who was a
volunteer, giving his services as compensation for
transportation and accommodation. Without dwelling
on this expedition until it neared the Spanish bound-
ary, it may be said that from August 20th to Sep-
tember 1st, Lieutenant Pike remained at Grand Osage,
holding councils with the chiefs of the Osage nation,
and that on September 29th he held a grand council
with the Pawnees at their principal village, not less
than 400 warriors being present.
At this point he saw the first evidences of the Span-
ish expedition which had recently visited there from
New Mexico. This expedition, which was the most
important that ever penetrated to the eastward into the
Indian country, at least in modern times, consisted of
100 dragoons of the regular army drawn from
Chihuahua, and 500 mounted militia of New Mexico,
248
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
all equipped with ammunition for six months, and each
man leading two horses and a mule, making the whole
number of animals 2,075. The whole force was under
the command of Don Facundo Melgares, a lieutenant in
the Spanish army, a man of large wealth and liberal
education, who had gained much distinction in previous
expeditions against the Apaches and other hostile
Indians. They descended the Red River 233 leagues,
held councils there with the Chief of the Tetaus, and
afterwards struck off north-east to the Arkansas River,
and thence to the Pawnee nation, where they held a
grand council, presented Spanish flags and medals, and
also a commission to Characterish, the head chief, from
the Governor of New Mexico (dated Santa Fé, June 15,
1806), and finally returned to Santa Fé in October.
When the distance travelled and the country and tribes
passed through are considered, this expedition rivals
those of Lewis and Clark, and Pike, for its extent, diffi-
culty, and importance.
After leaving the Pawnee capital, Lieutenant Pike
proceeded westerly between the Arkansas and the Kansas
rivers, (always called in his narrative "Arkansaw" and
"Kans"), seeing many prairie-dogs, which he calls
Wishtonwishes from the sound of their cry, and of which
he tells us almost the exact story afterwards repeated by
Horace Greeley with a slight variation, of their living
in the same hole with a rattlesnake, a horned frog, and
a land tortoise. On the 28th of October, in accordance
with instructions, he detached Lieutenant Wilkinson.
with five soldiers to make the trip down the Arkansas
River in canoes, for the purpose of exploring its whole
course to the Mississippi. On the 15th of November he
came in sight of the Rocky Mountains, and soon after
encountered almost constant snows, suffering great hard-
ships-as the company had only summer cotton clothes-
and on the 3d of December reached and calculated the
altitude of the great mountain which bears his name
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
249
to those who otherwise might never have heard of this
intrepid explorer-" Pike's Peak." He mentions it as
known to all the savage nations for hundreds of miles
around, and spoken of with admiration by the Span-
iards, being the bounds of their travels to the north-
ward. Pike's measurement made it 10,581 feet above
the level of the prairie, which he estimated at 8,000 feet,
thus making the total elevation 18,581, whereas the
latest estimates make it only 14,147; and he says that
in all the wanderings of the party for over two months,
from November 14th to January 27th, it was never out
of their sight.
The hardships endured during this period are almost
beyond description; the feet of the men became frosted
so that they could only proceed with the utmost pain,
and finally several had to be left in sheltered localities,
and supplied with food from time to time by the re-
mainder. The party subsisted entirely on the product
of the chase, and sometimes for as long as three full
days were without a mouthful to eat. In December the
expedition determined to leave the valley of the Arkansas
and proceed southerly, to strike the head-waters of the
Red River, which they expected to find at that point.
Soon after they met a stream which they followed east-
ward slowly, on account of their wretched physical con-
dition, and thę necessity of stopping daily to hunt; but
imagine their feelings, almost of despair, when on
January 5th they found that they had thus been led
back to the Arkansas, and were at the camp which they
had occupied nearly a month before! Again they
started southerly, in search of the Red River, determin-
ing to cross the mountains before them on foot; each of
the party, including the commander himself and Dr.
Robinson, carrying forty-five pounds of baggage, besides
provisions and arms, making an aggregate of seventy
pounds burden. At length, on the 30th of January, they
arrived in the evening on the banks of a stream of some
250
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
magnitude, which they believed to be the long-looked-
for Red River. Here they concluded to build a kind of
stockade, where four or five might defend themselves
while the others went back to carry assistance to the
poor fellows who had necessarily been left at various.
points, on account of inability to travel; the intention
being, when all should be assembled, to proceed in
canoes or on rafts down the Red River to Natchitoches,
then the most westerly U. S. post in southern Louisiana.
At this point Dr. Robinson, who had business in New
Mexico, left the party in order to proceed to Santa Fé,
which they calculated was then nearer than it would be
from any other point.
While most of the men were absent, in search of those
left behind, and the remainder were at work building
the fort, Pike himself usually employed himself in
hunting; and on February 15th, while thus occupied
with a single soldier, he discovered two horsemen near
the summit of a hill, but half a mile distant. After
much parleying they were induced to come to the camp,
and proved to be a Spanish dragoon and a civilized
Indian, both well armed. They reported that Robinson
had arrived in Santa Fé, and been received with great
kindness by the Governor. They seemed surprised at
the appearance of the fort, but Pike informed them of
his intention of going down the river to Natchitoches
as soon as his party was prepared; and at the same time
said that if the Governor of New Mexico would send an
officer with an interpreter, it would be a pleasure to
satisfy any doubts he might have as to the intentions of
this American party in being so near his borders. The
two visitors stated that they could reach Santa Fé in
two days (which was not true), but never intimated that
Pike was wrong in supposing himself on the banks of
the Red River. The building of the fort continued, and
gradually the frozen men who had been left behind were
brought in—with the exception of two still unable to
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
251
walk. Of them Pike says, "they sent me some of the
bones taken out of their feet, and conjured me by all
that was sacred not to leave them to perish far from the
civilized world."
On the 26th of February the report of the guard's
gun announced the appearance of strangers, and soon
after two Frenchmen arrived. These informed Pike
that Governor Alencaster, of New Mexico, had heard
that the Ute Indians were about to attack the little ex-
pedition, and therefore had sent an officer with fifty
dragoons to protect them. Scarcely had this notifica-
tion been received, when the Spanish party came in
sight, consisting not only of the fifty dragoons but also
fifty mounted militia of the province. Pike sent the
Frenchman to arrange a meeting between himself and
the commander of the troops, and then sallied forth to
hold the interview on the prairie near the fort. The
"officers in command of the Spanish expedition were Don
Ygnacio Saltelo and Don Bartolomé Fernandez, both
lieutenants. After some conversation, Pike invited
them to enter his fortification and they breakfasted to-
gether, after which the Spanish officers said that the
Governor, having learned that Pike's party had lost its
route, had sent them to offer all necessary assistance to
reach the Red River, the nearest navigable point of
which was eight days' journey from Santa Fé. "What,"
said Pike, interrupting him," is not this the Red River?”
Imagine his amazement at the answer "No, sir! it is
the Rio del Norte." These words showed that he had
unwittingly passed the frontiers of the United States,
and actually erected a fort on Spanish soil, within the
borders of New Mexico. His first act, on receiving this
astonishing information, was to order his men to take
down the American flag, which had been hoisted over
the works. The Spanish commander then said that the
Governor was anxious to see them at Santa Fé as soon
as possible, and had provided 100 horses and mules to
252
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
take the party and their baggage to the capital. Pike
at first refused to go until the detachment which he had
sent under a sergeant to bring in the two men still ab-
sent had returned; but it was finally arranged that he
should proceed with one of the lieutenants and half
the Spanish force, leaving two men to meet the ser-
geant's party on their return, to inform them of the
changed aspect of affairs. Pike in telling of this event
expresses the reluctance with which he abandoned the
fort built with so much labor, and which was admirably
situated for defense; but finding that he had really,
though unintentionally, trespassed on Spanish territory,
and being confident that the officers sent had orders to
bring him and his men to Santa Fé by force, if necessary,
he thought it best to show an entire willingness to make
an explanation to the Governor, rather than appear to
go under constraint.
Much discussion has taken place as to the exact lo-
cality of Pike's Fort; but by a careful reading of his
narrative it can be determined almost to a certainty.
He first saw the Rio Grande from the top of a high hill,
two days after his party struck a small river running
west, which they hailed as a tributary to the Red River,
and followed through what would now be called a cañon,
along the foot of the White Mountains (Sierra Blanca).
A glance at a modern map will show that the small
river was the Sangre de Cristo; and the point from
which the Rio Grande was first seen, near the site of
Fort Garland. After reaching the Rio Grande they de-
scended eighteen miles, where they found a large western
branch emptying into the main stream. This must have
been the present Conejos River. Five miles up this river,
on the north bank, and with the water itself forming
the defense on one side, was where he built his fort;
which was so ingeniously constructed that it could only
be entered by creeping through a hole, after passing a
draw-bridge over the ditch. The description which
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
253
Lieutenant Pike gives of the surrounding country is just
such a burst of enthusiasm as we might expect from
the first writer who ever attempted to tell the loveliness
of the San Luis Park. "From a high hill south of our
camp," he says, "we had a view of all the prairie and
rivers to the north of us; it was at the same time one
of the most sublime and beautiful inland prospects ever
presented to the eyes of man. The prairie, lying nearly
north and south, was probably sixty miles by forty-five.
The main river, bursting out of the western mountain
and meeting from the north-east a large branch which
divides the chain of mountains, proceeds down the
prairie, making many large and beautiful islands-one
of which I judge contains 100,000 acres of land, all
meadow-ground, covered with innumerable herds of
deer. In short, this view combined the sublime and
beautiful. The great and lofty mountains, covered with
eternal snows, seemed to surround the luxuriant vale,
crowned with perennial flowers like a terrestrial para
dise shut out from the view of man."
The description of the journey to Santa Fé shows.
the above to be the correct location of the fort. The
first town of importance which they saw, was after a
march of a little more than 100 miles, being the village
of Warm Spring, or "L' Eau Chaud," as Pike calls it, or,
as now known, Ojo Caliente. Here he found the first
real Mexican houses which he had seen, and describes
at some length the flat roofs, water-spouts, narrow doors,
and small windows-some with mica lights. The springs
he describes as two in number, about ten yards apart,
each affording water enough for a mill, and the temper-
ature of the water as more than thirty-three degrees
above blood-heat. The next day they marched down
Ojo Caliente River to its junction with the Chama
(which he calls Conejos), observing on the way the well-
known ruins of ancient pueblo towns, as well as several
little inhabited villages, all of which had round towers
254
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
to defend the inhabitants from Indian incursions.
Here they first experienced the characteristic hospi-
tality of the Mexican people; who invited them into
their houses, dressed the feet of the lads who had been
frozen—and in short, to use the language of Pike,
"brought to my recollection the hospitality of the an-
cient patriarchs, and caused me to sigh with regret at
the corruption of that noble principle by the polish of
modern ages."
The same day they continued down the Chama to
the Rio Grande and across to "the village of St. John's "
(Pueblo of San Juan), which he says was the residence
of the President Priest of the province, who had re-
sided in it forty years. The house-tops were crowded
when the party entered, just as they would be on a
similar occasion to-day; and all the officers and men
were hospitably treated. The next morning they
marched after breakfast, and in about six miles came to
a village of 2,000 souls, and in seven miles further to a
small town of 500 inhabitants. These places are not
named by the narrator, but must be Santa Cruz and
San Yldefonso. Seventeen miles further on they came
to a Pueblo town (the Pueblos are always distinguished.
by Pike as "civilized Indians") containing 400 people.
While the estimate of population is a good deal ex-
aggerated, this is evidently Tesuque. Here they
changed horses and prepared for their entry into the
capitol and appearance before the Governor. The con-
dition of Pike's party as to clothing was so lamentable
as to be almost ludicrous. When they left their horses
on the Arkansas, and commenced carrying everything,
on their backs, all articles were abandoned that were
not essential to safety. Ammunition, tools, leather, etc.,
claimed the first places; the ornamental was a minor
consideration. So on arriving at Santa Fé the com-
mander was dressed in blue trousers, moccasins (mock-
insons) blanket, coat, and a cap made of scarlet cloth
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
255
lined with fur skin; and the men, in leggings, breech-
cloths, and leather coats-and not a hat in the whole
company. In such garb they did not make a very im-
posing appearance.
They had left the fort on the Conejos, February 26th,
and arrived at Santa Fé on the evening of Tuesday,
March 3rd. Pike describes the length of the city on the
creek as about a mile, and that it was about three
streets in width. "Its appearance from a distance
struck my mind with the same effect as a fleet of the
flat-boats which are seen in the spring and fall seasons
descending the Ohio. On the north side of the town is
the square of soldiers' houses. The public square is in the
center of the town, on the north side of which is situ-
ated the palace or government house, with the quarters
for the guards, etc. The other side of the square is oc-
cupied by the clergy and public offices. In general
the houses have a shed before the front, some of which
have a flooring of brick; the consequence is that the
streets are very narrow, say in general 25 feet. The
supposed population is 4,500." In another description
of Santa Fé, which Captain Pike included in the ap-
pendix to his report, he gives a fuller description of the
place and its surroundings, as follows: "In the center
is the public square, one side of which forms the flank
of the soldiers' square, which is closed and in some degree
defended by round towers in the angles which flank the
four curtains; another side of the square is formed by
the palace of the Governor, his guard-houses, etc. The
third side is occupied by the priests and their suite,
and the fourth by the chapetones who reside in the
city."
On entering the city, Lieutenant Pike was conducted
to the palace, where he says, "we were ushered in
through various rooms, the floors of which were cov-
ered with skins of buffalo, bear, or some other animal.
We waited in a chamber for some time until his Excel-
256
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
lency appeared, when we arose, and the following con-
versation took place in French,-
Gov. Do you speak French?
Pike.
Gov.
Yes, sir.
You come to reconnoitre our country, do you?
Pike. I marched to reconnoitre our own.
Gov. In what character are you?
Pike. In my proper character, an officer of the
United States Army.
Gov. How many men have you ?
Pike.
Fifteen.
Gov. When did you leave St. Louis?
Pike. 15th of July.
Gov. I think you marched in June.
Pike.
No, sir.
Gov. Well, return with Mr. Bartholomew to his
house, and come here again at seven o'clock, and bring
your papers.
"At the hour appointed we returned, when the Gov-
ernor demanded my papers. I told him I understood
my trunk was taken possession of by his guard. He ex-
pressed his surprise, and immediately ordered it in; and
also sent for one Solomon Colly, formerly a sergeant in
our army, and one of the unfortunate company of Nolan.
We were seated, when he ordered Colly to demand my
name, to which I replied; he then demanded in what
province I was born. I answered in English, and then
addressed his Excellency in French, and told him
that I did not think it necessary to enter into such a
catechising; that if he would be at the pains of reading
my commission from the United States, and my orders
from my General, it would be all that I presumed would
be necessary to convince his Excellency that I came
with no hostile intentions towards the Spanish govern-
ment; on the contrary, that I had express instructions
to guard against giving them offense or alarm, and that
his Excellency would be convinced that myself and
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
257
party were rather to be considered objects on which the
so much celebrated generosity of the Spanish nation
might be exercised, than proper subjects to occasion the
opposite sentiments." He then requested to see my
commission and orders, which I read to him in French;
on which he got up and gave me his hand for the first
time, and said he was happy to be acquainted with me
as a man of honor and a gentleman, that I could retire
this evening and take my trunk with me; that on the
morrow he would make further arrangements.
The next day, after examining the contents of Pike's
trunk, the Governor informed him that he must go
with his men to Chihuahua, in the then province of
Biscay, to appear before the Commandant-General. The
following conversation then ensued, which Pike has
preserved in full in his journal,-
Pike. If we go to Chihuahua, we must be con-
sidered as prisoners of war.
Gov. By no means.
Pike. You have already disarmed my men without
my knowledge; are their arms to be returned, or not?
Gov. They can receive them at any moment.
Pike. But, sir, I cannot consent to be led 300 or
400 leagues out of my route without its being by force
of arms.
Gov. I know you do not go voluntarily, but I will
give you a certificate from under my hand of my having
obliged you to march.
Pike. I will address you a letter on the subject.
Goy. You will dine with me to-day, and march.
afterwards to a village about six miles distant, escorted
by Captain Antony D'Almansa, with a detachment of
dragoons, who will accompany you to where the re-
mainder of your escort is now waiting for you, under
the command of the officer who commanded the expedi-
tion to the Pawnees."
After the dinner-which Captain Pike characterizes
258
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
as "rather splendid," having a variety of dishes, and
wines of the southern provinces-the Governor drove
Pike, D'Almansa, and a Mr. Bartholomew, who had
proved a special friend to the Americans, three miles on
the road to the south, the coach being attended by a
guard of cavalry; and on parting said to his prisoner-
guest: "Remember Alencaster in peace or war."
Accompanied by his friend Bartholomew and the
guard, Pike continued on through a blinding sand, and
passed the night at the priest's house, at what appar-
ently was the present village of La Bajada; as he says
that they "came to a precipice which we descended,
meeting with great difficulty from the obscurity of the
night." Shortly after noon of the next day they arrived
at the Pueblo of Santo Domingo, which they describe
as "a large village-the population being about 1,000
natives, governed by its own chief." The insignia of
the Governor appears to have been nearly the same then
as at present, as it is stated that he was distinguished
by "a cane with a silver head and black tassel." Pike
visited the old church, and speaks enthusiastically of its
rich paintings and the image of the Saint, "as large as
life-elegantly ornamented with gold and silver."
On Friday, March 6th, they arrived at San Felipe,
where they crossed the Rio Grande on a bridge of eight
arches, which seems to have attracted Pike's attention
specially, as he gives a full description of its construc-
tion. Here they stopped at the house of the padre,
Father Rubi, whose hospitality and extended informa-
tion made the stay a pleasant one. At Albuquerque
they were similarly entertained by Father Ambrosio
Guerra, and Pike seems to have been particularly im-
pressed with the beauty of some of the orphan girls,
whom the good padre had adopted, and was bringing up
in his household; and enthusiastically writes, after de-
scribing the dinner, "and to crown all, we were waited
on by half a dozen of those beautiful girls, who, like
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
259
Hebe at the feast of the gods, converted our wine to
nectar, and with their ambrosial breath shed incense on
our cups."
A short distance further south Pike was rejoiced to
meet Dr. Robinson, who had left the party, it will be
recollected, while they still believed they were on the Red
River, to find his way to Santa Fé. He had received much
the same treatment as Lieuten't Pike's command,and was
being conveyed to Chihuahua by Don Facundo Melgares,
who was now also to assume command of the guard that
was conducting Pike. This Melgares was the same who
had commanded the Spanish Pawnee expedition, and
was described by Robinson to Pike in the highest terms
as a gentleman and soldier of gallantry and honor,
praise in which Pike himself heartily joined after a
brief acquaintance.
After passing towns which the Lieutenant calls
Tousac, St. Fernandez, Sabinez, and Xaxales,the expedi-
tion reached Cebolleta, spelled by Pike "Sibilleta,"
which he calls the neatest and most symmetrical village
he had seen, being built in a regular square, with an un-
broken wall on the outside, all the doors and windows
facing the square. At this point, at that time, the semi-
annual caravan for the south was formed, leaving in the
month of February for El Paso, and returning in March
and making a similar expedition in the fall. The spring
caravan which Pike saw consisted of about 300 men, es-
corted by an officer and 35 or 40 troops, and was con-
ducting 15,000 sheep, which had been collected from
various parts of New Mexico, and were to be sold or
exchanged for merchandise.
On the 21st of March the whole party arrived at El
Paso, and Pike, with the officers, stayed at the house of
Don Francisco Garcia, a wealthy merchant and planter,
possessing 20,000 sheep and 1,000 cows.
On April 2d they reached Chihuahua, and Pike im-
mediately had an audience with the General Com-
260
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
manding, Don Nemecio Salcedo, who took his papers
for examination, and also requested him to write a brief
sketch of his travels and adventures on this expedition,
which he shortly after did.
After being detained for some time, which however
was spent quite pleasantly, owing to the hospitality of
many of the leading citizens, Pike and Robinson were
sent by a route nearly directly eastward, toward Natch-
itoches, which was the nearest United States post. On
June 7th they arrived at San Antonio, where they were
very hospitably treated by Governor Cordero, of Coahuila
and Texas, and Governor Herrera, of the Kingdom
of New Leon, who treated them, in the language of Pike,
"like their children."
Captain Pike speaks in the most exalted terms of
both of these gentlemen, and relates the following anec-
dote as evidence of the extreme popularity of the latter:
"When his last term as Governor expired, he repaired
immediately to Mexico attended by three hundred of the
most respectable people of his government, who carried
with them the sighs, tears, and prayers of thousands
that he might be continued in that government. The
Viceroy thought proper to accord to their wishes pro
tempore, and the King has since confirmed his nomination.
When I saw him, he had been about one year absent,
during which time the citizens of rank in Mont Elrey
had not suffered a marriage or baptism to take place in
any of their families, until their common father could
be there to give joy to the occasion by his presence.'
""
At length, on the 1st of July, 1807-but three weeks
short of a year from the time of his departure from St.
Louis- after crossing the whole of what is now the State
of Texas, late in the afternoon, but so eager to arrive
that they left their jaded horses and pressed forward on
foot, Pike entered the town of Natchitoches with Dr.
Robinson. "Language," says he, "cannot express the
gaiety of my heart when I once more beheld the stand-
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
261
ard of my country waved aloft.
'All hail,' cried I, 'the
ever sacred name of country, in which is embraced that
of kindred, friends, and every other tie which is dear to
the soul of man!'"
It will be interesting to make a few extracts from the
description which Captain Pike gave of New Mexico in
the "Observations" which form part of the appendix to
the history of his expedition; as showing the condition
of the country at that period, in several respects in
which time has wrought changes, and in other instances
illustrating the characteristics which are still distin-
guishing marks of the Territory and its people,-
MINES, ETC.-"There are no mines known in the
province, except one of copper, situated in a mountain
on the west side of Rio del Norte, in latitude 34° north.
It is worked, and produces twenty thousand mule loads.
of copper annually. It also furnishes that article for
the manufactories of nearly all the internal provinces.
It contains gold, but not quite sufficient to pay for its
extraction; consequently it has not been pursued."
The above extract sounds strangely at this day, when
gold and silver are considered the chief resources of the
Territory; and it is also singular as showing how little.
knowledge or recollection there could have been in the
community of the operations of the early conquerors,
which had ceased a century and a quarter before. It is
not easy to fix the identity of the copper mine referred
to, but latitude 34° is just below Socorro, and so the mine
may have been in the Magdalena Range; although it
is possible that the latitude given is incorrect, and that
the mine referred to was the "Santa Rita," then being
actively worked. This extract may be read in connec-
tion with one soon to be given on trade and commerce,
in which "wrought copper vessels" appear among the
exports, and "gold and silver" among the imports.
MINERALS.—“ There is, near Santa Fé, in some of the
mountains, a stratum of talc, which is so large and flex-
262
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
ible as to render it capable of being subdivided into thin
flakes, of which the greater proportion of the houses in
Santa Fé, and all the villages to the north, have their
window-lights made."
These mica mines, especially at Petaca and in the
vicinity of Mora (where one of the villages is called.
Talco), are well known at present. As late as the time
of the American occupation, in 1846, we are told that no
house in Santa Fé, except the Palace, had windows of
glass.
TRADE AND COMMERCE.-"New Mexico carries on a
trade direct with Mexico through Biscay (Chihuahua)
also with Sonora and Sinaloa; it sends out about 30,000
sheep annually, tobacco, dressed deer and cabrie skins,
some fur, buffalo-robes, salt, and wrought copper vessels
of a superior quality. It receives in return from Biscay
and Mexico, dry-goods, confectionery, arms, iron, steel,
ammunition, and some choice European wines and
liquors; and from Sonora and Sinaloa guld, silver, and
cheese. The following articles sell as stated (in this
province), which will show the cheapness of provisions
and the extreme dearness of imported goods :-
Flour sells per hundred at..
Salt per mule-load.....
Sheep each.....
Beeves each..
Wine del Passo per barrel....
Horses each…………..
Mules each......
Superfine cloths per yard..
Fine cloths per yard.....
Linen per yard..
and all other dry-goods in proportion.
$ 2 00
5 00
1 00
5 00
15 00
11 00
30 00
25 00
20 00
4 00
"The journey from Santa Fé to Mexico and return-
ing to Santa Fé takes five months. They manufacture
rough leather, segars, a vast variety and quantity of
potters' ware, cotton, some coarse woolen cloths, and
blankets of a superior quality. All these manufactures
are carried on by the civilized Indians, as the Spaniards
think it more honorable to be agriculturists than
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
263
mechanics. The Indians likewise far exceed their con-
querors in their genius for, and execution of, all mechan-
ical operations. New Mexico has the exclusive right
of cultivating tobacco."
From this it will be seen that the manufacture of pot-
tery, the evidences of which are found in great quantities
in the ruins of the oldest pueblos, and which is still car-
ried on to such an extent by the Pueblo Indians, was
never intermitted. by that industrious people. The
blankets were probably the forerunners of the present
celebrated productions of the Navajoes, which tribe is
mentioned by Pike under the name of "Nanahaws."
Then, as now, the Apaches were the most troublesome
of the natives, as the "Observations" say, "The Apaches
are a nation of Indians who extend from the Black
Mountains in New Mexico to the frontiers of Cogquilla
(Coahuila), keeping the frontiers of these provinces in
a continual state of alarm, and making it necessary to
employ nearly 2,000 dragoons to escort the caravans,
protect the villages, and revenge the attacks they are
continually making."
GOVERNMENT AND LAWS.-"The government of New
Mexico may be termed military, in the pure sense of
the word; for although they have their alcaldes, or in-
ferior officers, their judgments are subject to a reversion
by the military commandants of districts. The whole
male population are subject to military duty, without
pay or emolument, and are obliged to find their own.
horses, arms, and provisions. The only thing furnished
by the government is ammunition, and it is extraor-
dinary with what subordination they act when they are
turned out to do military duty; a strong proof of which
was exhibited in the expedition of Melgares to the
Pawnees. His command consisted of 100 dragoons of
the regular service and 500 drafts from the province.
He had continued down the Red River until their pro.
visions began to be short; they then demanded of the
264
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
lieutenant where he was bound and the intention of
the expedition. To this he haughtily replied, 'where-
ever his horse led him.' A few mornings after, he was
presented with a petition, signed by 200 men of the
militia, to return home. He halted immediately, and
caused his dragoons to erect a gallows; then beat to
arms; the troops fell in, he separated the petitioners
from the others, then took the man who had presented
the petition, tied him up, and gave him fifty lashes,
and threatened to put to death on the gallows erected
any man who should dare to grumble. This effect-
ually silenced them and quelled the rising spirit
of sedition, but it was remarked that it was the first
instance of a Spaniard receiving corporal punishment
ever known in the province
In the following paragraph Captain Pike pays a
warm tribute to the bravery of the New Mexicans, and
makes a richly merited recognition of that generosity
and hospitality for which they are everywhere noted,
and which the lapse of three-quarters of a century has
not lessened, but which form as noticeable a character-
istic to-day as when the Captain wrote these words in
1207.
MANNERS, ETC.-"There is nothing peculiarly charac-
teristic in this province that will not be embraced in my
general observations on New Spain, except that being
frontier and cut off, as it were, from the more inhabited
parts of the kingdom, together with their continual
wars with some of the savage nations who surround
them, render them the bravest and most hardy sub-
jects in New Spain; being generally armed, they know
the use of them. Their want of gold and silver renders
them laborious, in order that the productions of their
labor may be the means of establishing the equilibrium.
between them and the other provinces where those
metals abound. Their isolated and remote situation
also causes them to exhibit in a superior degree the
LIEUTENANT PIKE.
265
ל
heaven like qualities of hospitality and kindness, in
which they appear to endeavor to fulfill the injunction
of the scripture, which enjoins us to feed the hungry,
clothe the naked, and give comfort to the oppressed in
spirit; and I shall always take pleasure in expressing
my gratitude for their noble reception of myself and the
men under my command."

FRAMSEY-MULLETT
TH
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
HOUGH Mexico was settled early in the sixteenth
century, and the Spaniards soon after penetrated
over 1,500 miles to the north and occupied the valley of
the Rio Grande as far as Taos and the Chama in north-
ern New Mexico, and another colonization from En-
gland and France had populated the eastern shores of
what is now the United States and Canada early in the
seventeenth century, and had extended westward to the
Mississippi Valley, and was constantly pushing on further
into the wilderness and advancing the pioneer line of
its civilization toward the setting sun; yet strangely
enough, it was left for the nineteenth century, in which
we live, to see any communication whatever between
these two populations, situated on the same continent,
yet separated by mountains and rivers and by the great
expanse of what was then believed to be desert plain.
The French and Spaniards had successively been the
rulers of the vast territory extending westward from the
Mississippi to the limits of Mexico and the shores of
the Pacific, and then all included under the name of
Louisiana; yet the people of neither of those nationali-
ties had displayed the enterprise or spirit of adventure
requisite for an attempt to cross the intervening space
be ween themselves and New Mexico, and brave the
hostility of the tribes which roamed over the plains
between.
It was not until after the acquisition of Louisiana
by the United States that such a journey was accom-
plished, or even attempted. In 1803 President Jefferson
completed the negotiation for the purchase of Louisiana
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
267
from the Emperor Napoleon, and the sovereignty of that
vast domain was transferred from the French to the
Americans. The chief city of the Mississippi Valley,
in the newly acquired territory, was St. Louis; the prin-
cipal settlement on the easterly side of the river, within
the old boundaries of the United States, was Kaskaskia.
Each of these places claims the credit of sending the
first adventurers across the plains to meet the tide of
Spanish colonization coming from the south, at Santa
Fé; and it is difficult to say which has the prior right.
In both cases, however, the accomplishment was rather
the result of accident than intention.
In 1804 Mr. Morrison, an enterprising merchant of
Kaskaskia, sent a man called Baptiste La Lande, whose
name shows his French parentage, but who was born in
Louisiana, to the head-waters of the Missouri and Platte,
and furnished him with goods with which to trade with
the Indians. Although the relative geographical posi-
tion of places in that remote section was not well under
stood, still the astute Kaskaskia merchant directed this
La Lande, if it should be possible, to press on to Santa
Fé. La Lande was evidently a man of energy, though
we cannot admire some of his other qualities; and suc-
ceeded in reaching the Rocky Mountains, and finally in
sending in some Indians to the Spanish borders, who
gave a report of the arrival of this stranger from the far
and almost unknown East. A party of Mexicans on
horseback ventured into the mountains to meet him,
and conveyed him and his goods into some of the north-
ern settlements near Taos, from where he travelled on
to Santa Fé, selling his merchandise as he went. Pleased
with the country, in which he obtained far higher prices
than he had dreamed of elsewhere, and where the hos-
pitable people offered him land and other inducements
if he would stay; and captivated by some of the bright-
eyed brunettes of the city, he concluded to return no
more, not even to account to Mr. Morrison for his goods;
268
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
and so, with the proceeds thus simply obtained, he set
tled down in the capital of the province.
Two years before La Lande left the banks of the
Mississippi, James Pursley, an enterprising Kentuckian,
who was by turns a hunter, trapper, and trader, and a
fair type of the pioneers of those early days, left St
Louis on a hunting expedition to the head-waters of
the Osage River, in what is now south-western Missouri,
with two companions; and from thence with their pel-
tries they started across the country to the White River,
with the idea of descending that stream and the Missis
sippi to New Orleans. But they had scarcely set out
when the Kansas Indians stole their horses. They
started in pursuit and recognized the horses at the
Indian village, but could not regain them. Shortly after,
Pursley saw his own horse carrying a burly Indian
outside of the town, going to a little stream for water.
He pursued stealthily and killed the horse at the river
bank; whereupon the Indian rushed back to his wig.
wam, brought out his gun and attempted to shoot the
pioneer. But the weapon missed fire, and Pursley, turn-
ing, chased the assailant into the center of the village,
where the latter, apparently panic-stricken at the
temerity of his pursuer, took refuge in the midst of the
women and children, while the other Indians were so
struck with admiration that they restored the remain-
ing horses.
Concluding to return to St. Louis, Pursley and his
companions were already sailing down the Missouri in
a canoe, when they met a French trader bound to the
Mandan country; and Pursley, always ready for advent-
ure, left his companions and the prospect of home, and
turned up the river in the employ of the Frenchman.
The next spring he was sent with some goods in com-
pany with several bands of Paducahs and Kyaways on a
hunting and trading tour through part of what is now
Nebraska; but the party was driven by hostile Sioux
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
269
into the mountains of Colorado, and travelled over the
head-waters of the Platte and the Arkansas-a vast
company of 2,000 souls, with 10,000 beasts of various
kinds-until they reached the northern border of New
Mexico. Wishing to ascertain whether the Spaniards
would receive them in a friendly way and enter into
trade, the Indians sent Pursley, with a small escort, to
Santa Fé as a kind of ambassador. The Governor (Al-
encaster) acceded to the request, and shortly afterward
the whole band followed its advance-guard, and after
some time spent in trading, set out on its return to the
North.
But Pursley, tired of life among the savages, and glad
enough again to be in the midst of Europeans and their
civilization, which he had feared he would never more
enjoy, concluded to remain in Santa Fé. He arrived
there in June, 1805-over three years after his departure
from St. Louis-and settled down to the pursuit of his
trade as a carpenter; at which, we are told, "he made a
great deal of money, except when working for the off-
cers, who paid him little or nothing." Here Pike found
him in 1807, and had the celebrated conversation which
has given to Pursley the fame not only of being the
second (if not the first) who crossed the unknown coun-
try which separated the United States from Mexico, but
of being the first discoverer of the gold of Colorado-
more than half a century before the discovery which
brought so many thousands to Pike's Peak and the
cañons and mountains of the centennial State.
"He
assured me," says Pike, "that he had found gold on the
head of La Platte, and had carried some of the virgin
mineral in his shot-pouch for months; but that being
in doubt whether he should ever again behold the civ-
ilized world, and losing in his mind all the ideal value
which mankind have stamped on that metal, he threw
the sample away; that he had imprudently mentioned
it to the Spaniards, who had frequently solicited him to
270
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
•
go and show a detachment of cavalry the place, but that
conceiving it to be in United States territory, he had
refused."
How different would have been the history of this
great section of the continent, had this patriotic pioneer
pursued a different course; and the mineral wealth of
Colorado been poured south into Mexico in the begin-
ning of the century, instead of waiting for fifty years for
the Anglo-Saxon immigration from the east to redis-
cover and profit by it!
These two adventurous traders may be called the
Fathers of the Santa Fé Trail, although the route which.
they travelled was far from direct, and their final arrival
in New Mexico more the result of chance than of any
calculation. The latter at any rate had no intention
whatever of visiting the Spanish dominion; and the
little that was known of the relative position of the dif-
ferent parts of the continent is strongly illustrated by
the fact that Lieutenant Pike, who was the next one to
arrive at Santa Fé, and who had every advantage which
instruments and the best maps of the period could give,
and was actively engaged in an official exploring ex-
pedition at the time, yet supposed himself on the waters
of the Red River when he was really on the Rio Grande,
and had not only crossed the boundary and trespassed
on Spanish domain, but had actually built a fort and
raised the United States flag on that foreign soil. His
visit to Santa Fé in 1807 was rather involuntary than
otherwise, yet from it flowed important results; for the
descriptions which he published of his travels on his
return created much interest and some excitement
throughout the West, and many of the adventurous
sons of the border yearned to follow the path which led
to the city whose very isolation gave it an air of ro-
mauce.
The first expedition, however, of which we have any
record, was undertaken in 1812 by a company of about
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
271
a dozen enterprising men of St. Louis, who fitted out a
party under command of Mr. McKnight, which followed
nearly the route described by Captain Pike. They ar-
rived after various hardships, in safety, at Santa Fé, but
only to encounter unexpected troubles. Unfortunately,
their appearance at the capital was exactly at the
wrong time. The attempted revolution under Hidalgo
had just been put down, and every American adventurer
was looked upon with suspicion as a probable agent of
some newly projected revolt. McKnight and his party
found themselves arrested as spies, their merchandise,
which had been transported with so much labor across.
the plains, seized and confiscated; and they were them-
selves soon sent to follow Pike to Chihuahua, in the
prison of which city they languished in rigorous con-
finement until the success of the republican movement
under Iturbide brought their release.
Almost simultaneously with their restoration to
liberty, another adventurous spirit, an Ohio merchant
named Glenn, arrived in Santa Fé with a little caravan,
having come by what appears still to have been the
only known route-into the mountains of the present
Colorado, and thence down the Rio Grande. From this
time the trips across the plains became more frequent.
The profits made on American goods successfully trans-
ported were immense, because the only other route by
which they could be received was by the sea to Vera
Cruz, across the country to the City of Mexico, thence
over the long and difficult road to El Paso, and finally
by the semi-annual caravans up the Rio Grande,and cross-
ing the Jornada, to Santa Fé. As an illustration of the
enormous prices which such a long, expensive, and
perilous trip occasioned, we are told that common cali-
coes and even plain domestic cottons sold as high as
$2.00 or $3.00 per yard, on the plaza of the Capital. It
is not strange that the reports of such profits should
have stimulated enterprise, and caused the adventurous
272
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
merchant to esteem the Santa Fé market as better than
a gold-field.
In the same year, 1812, Captain Becknell, a Mis-
sourian, who had made an expedition from Franklin to
the Rocky Mountains, to trade with the Indians, con-
cluded to seek the new Mecca of merchants to the south;
and found at Santa Fé a far better market than among
the Comanches. Returning that winter with the fruits.
of his enterprise, and glowing accounts of the country he
had visited, he raised a company of thirty friends, and
with them and an assortment of goods which cost about
$5,000, and was the largest venture of the kind yet made,
started across the plains. Knowing from experience that
the trail by the mountains of Colorado was a very cir-
cuitous one, they determined to try a more direct route,
and so branched off from the Arkansas River at the point
called "the Caches," intending to march directly south-
west to Santa Fé. But this daring enterprise came
near costing them all their lives, for the unknown
country into which they thus started as pioneers was.
utterly devoid of water. Their scanty supply was soon
exhausted, and the horrors of thirst took possession of
them. They killed their dogs and cut off the ears of
their mules in order to endeavor to find a moment's
relief by drinking the warm blood of the animals.
Probably all would have perished, had not a buffalo,
coming from a river whose nearness they had not sus-
pected, appeared among them; and the water in his
stomach afforded relief which enabled them to reach
the river itself. Even then they did not find the route
since so well known as the "Santa Fé Trail," for they
passed to the north of the Raton range, and first reached.
the Spanish settlements at Taos
Early in May, Colonel Cooper, a neighbor of Captain
Becknell, had left Missouri, about fifteen being in the
party, and by pursuing the better known route up the
Arkansas, had successfully made the journey. Down to
C
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
273
this time, and indeed until 1824, all of the expeditions
were on mule-back, and of course the amount of goods
that could be transported was comparatively inconsider-
able; but in the latter year a new departure was made
by the employment of vehicles. The caravan which
then started consisted of twenty-five wagons of different.
kinds, the largest part being what were then called
"Dearborn carriages," besides a number of the pack-
mules which had usually been employed; and their suc-
cess in making the trip, which presented fewer diffi-
culties than had been anticipated, gave a great impetus
to the Santa Fé trade. The original cost of the goods
brought by this caravan was $25,000 to $30,000.
Thus far the occasional passing of a few adventurers.
had apparently not been noticed by the Indians, or
rather, the first traversers of the plains traded almost as
much for skins and furs with the Indians as with Span-
iards, and took pains to keep on good terms with them.
But as the traffic increased, among the men employed.
were many of the reckless and unprincipled, who seemed
to regard neither the keeping of faith with an Indian,
nor even the taking of his life, as of any importance.
To use the language of Joseph Gregg, who spoke from
long personal experience, " Many seemed to forget the
wholesome precept, that they should not be savages.
themselves because they dealt with savages. Instead
of cultivating friendly feelings with those who remained
peaceful and honest, there was an occasional one always
disposed to kill, even in cold blood, every Indian that
fell into their power."
As the amount carried to the East by traders in-
creased, troubles with bands of Indian thieves and ma-
rauders became alarmingly frequent and grew more and
more serious. The first difficulty of this kind was ex-
perienced by a small party returning from a trading
trip in 1826. They were encamped on the Cimarron, and
very foolishly had but four guns among the twelve
274
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
persons who comprised it. A small party of Arrapahoes
approached in a friendly way, but seeing the weakness of
the trading party, went away for a short time and
returned thirty strong.
Their chief then told the
Americans that his men needed horses, as they had
none; and the traders, hoping to satisfy them, gave them
one apiece. Then the Indians' demand increased to
two horses for each of their number, and the traders,
knowing resistance to be useless, again acquiesced;
whereupon the Indians, mounting their newly acquired
steeds, and each swinging a lasso in his hand, took pos-
session of the whole drove of animals belonging to the
caravan, numbering about 500. This however only af-
fected property; soon lives were found to be unsafe.
The first victims were two young men named McNees
and Monroe, who had strayed a little way from their
camp, and were wantonly shot almost within sight of
their tents. While the party to which they belonged
was engaged in burying them as best they could on the
lone prairie, near the banks of the Cimarron, a small
party of Indians, no doubt entire strangers to the mur-
der, came near; and the Americans, full of indignation at
the death of their comrades, and stopping to ask no
questions, shot down all of them save one, who escaped
to bear tidings of the slaughter to his tribe. They in
turn pursued the caravan of the traders, bent on aven-
ging the death of their brethren; and overtaking them.
at the Arkansas River, carried off nearly 1,000 head
of horses and mules, though the owners themselves
succeeded in escaping. Turning back towards their vil-
lage, their vengeance far from satisfied until blood had
been paid for blood, the Indians soon encountered an-
other little returning prairie caravan, which they
attacked, killing one man and running off all the horses.
The profits of the trade at that time may be guessed
from the fact that the men thus left to travel towards
home afoot had each to carry with him over eighty
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
275
pounds of silver coin, which was his share of the gains
of the trip.
The news of these assaults caused the Government
next year to furnish an armed escort, consisting of four
companies of troops under Major Riley, which was to
protect the caravan as far as Chouteau's Island, in the
Arkansas, and the various traders consolidated their
trains into one long caravan. It was supposed that the
road past that point was comparatively free from dan-
ger, but the fallacy of this was shown on the first pos-
sible occasion; for the caravan had proceeded but two
hours' march on its way, after parting with the troops,
when the advance guard was attacked by Kiawas, and
one man so unfortunate as not to escape was killed and
scalped. Major Riley was at once sent for, and arrived
with all speed, but the Indians had retired at the first.
sign of the presence of soldiers. The escort remained
in camp on the Arkansas until the returning caravan in
the fall required their services. But for some unex-
plained reason the Government failed to furnish a
similar military protection the next year, and it was
only repeated on special occasions thereafter, as in 1834,
when Captain Wharton's dragoons were detailed for the
service, and in 1843, when a formidable army under
Captain Cooke escorted two large caravans past the
principal points of danger.
As early as 1825 the Government had taken the first
steps in favor of encouraging the traffickers of the plains.
by appointing a commission, consisting of Messrs.
Reeves, Sibley, and Matthews, to lay out a road from the
border of Missouri to the confines of Santa Fé. While
this work was never completed, yet it was commenced
with some spirit by the commissioners, who held a
council with the Osages in a beautiful strip of woods.
called Council Grove, long an important point on the
Santa Fé Trail, and now the seat of justice of Morris
County, Kansas. Here a treaty was made whereby the
276
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
Indians agreed to permit all traders to pass and repass>
without interference, and in case of necessity, to lend.
their assistance to trading caravans. The line of the
proposed road was determined as far as the Arkansas,
and designated by mounds of earth; but it never
seems to have been used by the travellers, who per-
sistently refused to be carried off from the old trail,
which had been the route of their predecessors, and
which had the sanction of experience if not of scientific
engineering.
The first route followed, as we have seen, was by a
line almost directly westward to the mountains of Colo-
rado, and thence south to Taos. Afterwards, when the
trade assumed importance, a road along the Arkansas,
and thence south-west to the Raton Pass, following sub-
stantially the present line of the Atchison, Topeka &
Santa Fé Railroad, was sometimes used; but the route
which was the ordinary and favorite one for a long series
of years was that along the Arkansas, thence across to
the Cimarron, and so entering New Mexico, proceeding
in an almost direct line to the Wagon Mound—which
made a conspicuous landmark-and thence to Las Vegas,
San Miguel, and Santa Fé. A few trips were made by
a more southerly route, starting from Van Buren, in
Arkansas, instead of Independence; and Mr. Gregg
pronounced this the most excellent natural line of
travel. But it never became popular, or was more than
an experiment.
In 1839 an attempt was made to establish a route
from Chihuahua and El Paso to the East, without going
to Santa Fé at all. This was undertaken chiefly by
Mexican merchants, but Dr. Connolly took a leading
part in the enterprise also. The expedition set out
from Chihuahua, April 3, 1839, amid general acclama-
tions, as the people saw in it the commencement of a
great wholesale trade for their city. Seven wagons, with
about $250,000 in bullion, constituted the caravan; and
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
277
for lack of knowledge of the country, lost considerable
time, both in going and returning, having much trouble
in crossing some of the intervening rivers, and did not
reach Chihuahua, on their return (when they brought
sixty or seventy wagons laden with merchandise), until
August 27, 1840. A change, meanwhile, had taken place
in the Mexican officials, which greatly affected the duties.
to be paid, so that the enterprise was a financial failure,
and was never repeated.
Down to 1824 only pack-animals were employed;
in 1824 and 1825 pack-animals and wagons; and com-
mencing in 1826, nothing but wagons. Oxen were first
used in 1830. The following statistics, taken from
Gregg's "Commerce of the Prairies," show the gradual
increase in the business from its commencement in 1822
until 1843, when the trade was temporarily closed:-
Cost of Merchandise.
$ 15,000......
12,000.....
No. Wagons.
Years.
Men.
1822........
70
1823......
50
1824....
35,000......
26
..100
1825.
65,000.
37
..130
1826......
90,000.....
60
100
1827...
85,000.....
55
90
1828...
150,000..
100 ....
.200
1829.
60,000..
30
50
1830......
120,000....
70
.140
1831....
250,000.....
.130
.320
1832.
140,000.
1833.
180,000
1834....
150,000....
..
70.
.105
80
150
.185
•
.160
1835....
110,000.....
75
140
1836....
130,000
70....
135
1837.
150,000..
80
160
1838....
90,000...
50
100
1839.
250,000..
..130
250
1840.....
50,000……….
30
60
1841....
150,000..
60
..100
1842....
160,000..
70
120
1843....
450,000
..230..
....350
In the beginning of the traffic across the plains,
those engaged in it were nearly all Americans or French,
from the western States; but gradually New Mexicans
of wealth began to take part in the business, until in
278
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
1843, Gregg says, "the greater part of the traders were
New Mexicans, and they bid fair to secure a monopoly."
While the time occupied in making the passage, of
course, varied considerably according to circumstances,
yet an average trip to Santa Fé, with loaded wagons,
usually occupied about seventy days, and the return
trip about forty days. The eastward loads then compara-
tively light, usually from 1,000 to 2,000 pounds, and the
approaching winter compelled haste. On one occasion a
young man of Canadian descent, named F. X. Aubrey,
rode, on a wager, from Santa Fé to Independence in five
days and ten hours; his own mare Nellie carrying him
150 miles of the distance.
Gregg, in his "Commerce of the Prairies," gives a
graphic account of the way in which the movements of
the caravan were managed and governed. The first
business was to elect a "Captain of the Caravan," who
directed the order of travel and designated the camping-
grounds. While he had no legal authority, yet all by
common consent obeyed his directions. The proprie-
tors then furnished a full list of the wagons and men,
and the caravan was then apportioned into about four
divisions, each with a lieutenant in command, as they
generally marched in four lines abreast. The guards
were then arranged, the number of watchmen generally
being eight, each man standing guard a quarter of each
alternate night. From this duty no one, no matter
what his circumstances, was exempt; except in case of
very apparent sickness.
The place of rendezvous for the caravan was usually
Council Grove, the wagons leaving Independence at
somewhat different times; and at the time of starting,
which was generally after an early breakfast, the cry of
"catch-up" was sounded from the captain's wagon and
re-echoed throughout the camp, until the answering
shouts of "all's set" from the teamsters in turn, an-
nounced that the wagons were ready for the journey.
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
279
It was the custom when about 200 miles from Santa
Fé to send a party of couriers, composed generally of
proprietors or agents, and known on the plain as "run-
ners," ahead to that city, with a view to procuring pro-
visions, securing good store-houses, and if possible ar
riving at an understanding with the custom-house
officials. At the crossing of Red River, some part of the
caravan frequently left the main body to proceed
westerly to Taos; and a little further on they were met
by the custom-house guard, who came to escort the car-
avan into Santa Fé to prevent smuggling. In the early
days the village of San Miguel was the first reached, but
subsequently Las Vegas was settled, and still later some
American families built in the valley of the Mora, near
the present town of Watrous.
When the caravan finally arrived in sight of Santa
Fé, great excitement prevailed both among those con-
nected with the wagons, and in the city. To use the
language of Mr. Bigelow: "It was truly a scene for the
artist's pencil to revel in; even the animals seemed to
participate in the humor of their riders, who grew more
and more merry and obstreperous as they descended to-
ward the city. I doubt whether the first sight of the
walls of Jerusalem was beheld by the Crusaders with
much more tumultuous and soul-enrapturing joy."
The arrival produced a great deal of bustle among
the natives. "Los Americanos!" "Los Carros!"
"La
entrada de la Caravana!" were to be heard in every di-
rection; and crowds of women and boys flocked around
to see the new-comers. The wagoners were by no means
free from excitement on this occasion. Each one must
tie a brand-new cracker to the lash of his whip, for on
driving through the streets and the plaza publica, every
one strives to outvie his comrades in the dexterity
with which he flourishes this favorite badge of his
authority."
"Our wagons were soon discharged in the warerooms
280
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
of the custom-house; and a few days' leisure being now
at our disposal, we had time to take that recreation
which a fatiguing journey of ten weeks had rendered
so necessary. The wagoners and many of the traders,
particularly the novices, flocked to the numerous fan-
dangoes, which are regularly kept up after the arrival
of a caravan. But the merchants generally were anx-
iously and actively engaged in their affairs, striving
who should first get his goods out of the custom-house,
and obtain a chance at the 'hard chink' of the numer-
ous country dealers who annually resort to the Capital
on these occasions."
"The derechos de arancel (tariff imposts) of Mexico
are extremely oppressive, averaging about 100% upon
the United States' cost of an ordinary Santa Fé assort-
ment. Those on cotton textures are particularly so.
According to the arancel of 1837 (and it was still heavier
before) all plain-wove cottons, whether white or printed,
pay twelve and a half cents duty per vara, besides the
derecho de consumo (consumption duty), which brings it up
to at least fifteen. For a few years, Governor Armijo, of
Santa Fé, established a tariff of his own, entirely arbi-
trary, exacting $500 for each wagon-load, whether
large or small, of fine or coarse goods! Of course this
was very advantageous to such traders as had large
wagons, and costly assortments, while it was no less.
onerous to those with smaller vehicles of coarse heavy
goods. As might have been anticipated, the traders
soon took to carrying their merchandise only in the
largest wagons, drawn by ten or twelve mules, and
omitting the coarser and more weighty articles of trade.
This caused the Governor to return to the ad valorem
system, though still without regard to the arancel general
of the nation." It was calculated that the amount col-
lected each year at this time amounted to between $50,-
000 and $60,000.
The return trip usually commenced four or five
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL
281
weeks after the arrival at Santa Fé; generally about the
1st of September. Usually the caravan consisted of only
thirty or forty wagons, a large portion of those taken.
out being disposed of in the country. The return cargo,
which was the proceeds of the venture, was silver bullion.
from Chihuahua-and in later years, gold-dust from the
placers south of Santa Fé-buffalo-rugs, furs, coarse Mex-
ican blankets and wool, the latter, however, hardly pay-
ing a fair freight, but being used to fill wagons which
would otherwise have been empty.
Stories of tragedies on the plains, during the early
days, could be multiplied almost indefinitely. Generally
they resulted from the carelessness or overconfidence of
the traders The death of Captain Smith, in 1831, illus-
trates this. He had for years been a pioneer in the In-
dian country and the Rocky Mountains, and had the
firmest belief in his knowledge of border affairs. In the
spring of that year he concluded to enter the Santa Fé
trade, and started off in a caravan numbering eighty-
four men, under the general command of Captain Sub-
lette. Strangely enough, no one among the eighty-four
had ever been over the Santa Fé Trail; and shortly after
crossing the Arkansas the party became lost in the laby-
rinth of buffalo-tracks which crossed the plains in every
direction. After days of wandering the water was ex-
hausted and none could be found. Parties went out in
various directions in search of a stream or spring, and
among them Smith started alone, in what he thought a
promising direction. After long travelling he at length
reached the goal of his hopes; a small stream was before
him, or rather the now dry bed of what had been a
stream. Well versed in the nature of the western
waters, he dug with his hands a hole in the center of the
channel, and soon was rejoiced to see it become a little
pool
But as he stooped and was in the very act of
assuaging his long-continued and burning thirst, he fell
a victim to the deadly arrows of the Comanche.
282
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
After the year 1831, however, Indian attacks on the
regular route ceased; but soon after, new difficulties.
arose. The treatment of the Texan "Santa Fé Expedi-
tion," in 1841, which is narrated elsewhere, aroused
great indignation in the "Lone Star" Republic, and
rumors were rife in 1842 that a band of Texans was
preparing for an organized attack on any Mexicans
whom they could find on the Santa Fé Trail. Early in
the next year one Colonel Warfield, said to have held a
Texan commission, formed a company, with which he
attacked the town of Mora-then the most advanced
settlement in that direction-killing five men and
driving off a lot of horses. He was pursued, however,
by a party of Mexicans, who succeeded not only in re-
taking their own horses, but in capturing those of the
Texans, so that Warfield's company had to go on foot
to Bents' Fort. About the same time a Texan named
John McDaniel, claiming to hold a captain's commission,
raised a party of men on the border of Missouri, and
started to join Warfield. On the way he met Don
Antonio José Chavez, of New Mexico, travelling towards.
Independence with a small party, consisting of five
servants, with two wagons and fifty-five mules, and
$10,000 or $12,000 in specie and bullion. Although
within the United States territory, the marauders did
not hesitate to attack Chavez, and rifle his baggage,
from which each member of McDaniel's party obtained
about $500 as his share of the booty; and immediately
after, seven of them left for the settlements, satisfied with
this exploit. The remaining eight for some reason de-
termined to murder Chavez, and soon after carried their
cruel design into execution-carrying their victim a few
rods from the camp and shooting him in cold blood. A
considerable amount of gold was found on his person and
in his trunk, and was divided among the murderers,
who thereupon fled towards Missouri.
This outrage was the more abominable because
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
283
Chavez belonged to a very influential family, who were
not at all friendly to Armijo and his action in regard
to the Texans, Don Mariano Chavez, the elder brother
of the murdered man, and his wife, having done all that
kind hearts could dictate to alleviate the sufferings of
the Texan prisoners, on their march down the Rio
Grande.
Before the perpetration of this murder a company of
United States dragoons had started to intercept and
capture McDaniel's party, but were not in time; but as
soon as the outlaws reached the borders of civilization,
ten of them were arrested and sent to St. Louis for trial,
five others escaping. Those of the prisoners who were.
found guilty of participation in the murder of Chavez,
including Captain McDaniel, were executed according
to law, and the others were convicted of robbery and
sentenced accordingly.
About May 1st, of the same year, a company of 175
men was organized in northern Texas, under Colonel
Snively, for operations against Mexicans engaged in the
Santa Fé trade, and were soon after joined by Colonel
Warfield and a few followers. They soon after encoun-
tered a Mexican caravan, containing about 100 men,
attacked it, and killed eighteen besides five who sub-
sequently died, and captured nearly all of the remainder.
This was in Mexican or Texan territory, and has been
justified by some as a fair act of warfare, the two coun-
tries being then engaged in the struggle which suc-
ceeded the Texan declaration of independence; but by
others it has been held to be beyond the proper limits
of belligerency. Snively, who had meanwhile moved to
a point on territory claimed by the United States, was
soon after met by Captain Cook, in command of 200
American dragoons, acting as escort to the annual cara-
van from Independence; and the Texans were speedily
disarmed by the United States troops.
The occurrence of such events, however, determined
284
THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL.
President Santa Ana to close the north of the Mexi-
can Republic against any further commerce; which for
a time ended the business of the Santa Fé Trail. The
decree is dated at Tacubaya, August 7, 1843, and was to
take effect in forty-five days. The next spring, how-
ever, the custom-houses were re-opened and the trade
renewed. In 1846 the number of wagons in the caravan
was 414, and the value of the merchandise transported
was estimated at $1,752,250. After the American occu-
pation the business of the Santa F Trail still further
increased; new and large commercial establishments
being founded at the capital city, from which a great
part of northern Mexico as well as New Mexico and
Arizona were supplied.

FOR
CHAPTER XIX.
THE INSURRECTION OF 1837.
OR the commencement of the causes which led to
this outbreak, we must go back two years, to the
time when Albino Perez, a Colonel of the Mexican army,
was appointed Political Chief by President Santa Ana,
in 1835. For some time before, the people of the ter-
ritory had been governed by native New Mexicans, or
by those who had become identified with their interests.
Bacas and Chavez, and Armijos, had been among their
recent rulers, and the last Spanish Governor, Melgares,
was one of whose brilliant record they were all proud;
but Governor Perez was an entire stranger, sent from
Mexico; and even if he had been absolutely perfect, his
appointment would have occasioned discontent. The
feeling was increased during the next year by events
connected with the trial of the disbursing officers of
the territory, who were charged with peculation-two
of the three judges of the Supreme Court, Nafero and
Santiago Abreu, being among those accused as accom-
plices; and the highest pitch of excitement was reached
when in May, 1837, the new Mexican constitution went
into effect, which changed the Territory into a Depart-
ment, centralized power in many respects, and imposed
taxes to which the people had never before been subject.
The opponents of the government exaggerated the bad
features of the new system so as to render them still
more obnoxious, until the people, especially in the
north, were ready to break into revolt at the first signal.
An occasion soon presented itself in the arrest and
imprisonment of a local judicial officer on what the peo-
ple considered a false charge; a large assemblage hur-
286
INSURRECTION OF 1837.
riedly gathered, released him by force, and raised the
standard of revolution. This was on the 1st of August,
1837. Santa Cruz became the head-quarters of the
movement, and within two days a large number of men
dissatisfied with the government had collected there,
embracing many Mexicans from the northern counties,
especially from the vicinity of Chimayó, and the major-
ity of the Pueblo Indians from the adjacent villages,
except San Juan. On August 3d they issued the fol-
lowing "Plan," which was published and circulated:-
"Viva! God and the Nation! and the faith of Jesus
Christ! For the principal points which we defend are
the following:
"1st. To be with God and the Nation, and the faith
of Jesus Christ.
"2d. To defend our country until we spill every
drop of our blood in order to obtain the victory we have
in view.
"3d. Not to admit the departmental' plan.'
"4th. Not to admit any tax.
"5th.
Not to admit the disorder desired by those
who are attempting to procure it God and the Nation!
"Encampment, Santa Cruz de la Cañada, August 3d,
1837."
As soon as Governor Perez received news of this re-
volt, he assembled what troops he had at command, and
called on the militia to report for duty; but to this call
received a very lukewarm response. The Indians of
San Juan and Santo Domingo, however, remained ap-
parently true, and accompanied by the warriors from
those pueblos and his own soldiers, he marched to put
down the rebels. These he met on the second day, near
San Yldefonso, but upon approaching them, nearly all
of the Governor's army deserted and fraternized with
their opponents; leaving so few faithful to his standard
that Perez was forced to move with all speed toward Santa
Fé. Lieutenant Miguel Sena, Sergeant Sais, and Loreto
INSURRECTION OF 1837.
287
Romero, who were among those who remained loyal,
were killed by the revolutionists near the Puertocito,
between Santa Cruz and Pojuaque. Finding that there
was no security at the palace, the Governor left the city
at 10 o'clock at night to escape to the south, but the roads
were all blocked by squads of revolutionists, and his
party was soon forced to retreat and again retire towards
the capital. Travelling on foot, the better to conceal his
identity, Governor Perez reached the house of Salvador
Martinez,about a league south-west of Santa Fé and near
Agua Fria, and took refuge there, but was soon found
by Indians from Santo Domingo, who were following
his track, and almost instantly killed. Before his pulse
had ceased to beat, they cut off his head-compelling
Santiago Prada, one of his own soldiers, to perform the
deed-and carried it to the head-quarters of the insur-
gents, which were now near the Church of our Lady of
the Rosary (Rosario Church), in the western outskirts
of Santa Fé. On the same day Jesus Maria Alarid,
Secretary of State, and Santiago Abreu, formerly Gov-
ernor, were taken together near the Mesite of Santo Do-
mingo, and killed; the latter with special cruelty.
Ramon Abreu and Marcelino Abreu, brother of the
Ex-Governor, and Lieutenant Madrigal and another,
were overtaken on the same road, at a place called “Las
Palacias," between Cieneguilla and Agua Fria,and killed.
Colonel Aponti was wounded at the same time, and
taken prisoner.
All this was on the 9th of August; and the next-
day the insurgents entered the city without opposition,
under command of General "Chopon," of Taos, and the
Montoya brothers took possession of the palace, and
offered up thanks in the parish church for their victory.
José Gonzalez, a Pueblo Indian, of Taos, was elected
Governor, and duly installed in office in the palace; and
the revolutionary army, having now accomplished its
288
INSURRECTION OF 1837
object, immediately disbanded—its members returning
to their homes.
There can be no doubt that the movement had the
secret support and approval of many of the leading men.
of the northern counties, including Santa Fé itself;
but in the end they seem to have been entirely out-
generaled by Governor Armijo, who soon after organized
a counter-revolution in the lower country, and prepared
to march to Santa Fé with a considerable force. Mean-
while, a General Assembly, composed of the alcaldes and
other influential citizens in the northern half of the
territory, met at Santa Fé in the palace, and ratified
the acts of the revolutionists.
When Gonzales heard, however, that Armijo was
marching up from Albuquerque, he withdrew from the
capital to Santa Cruz, which was the center of the
revolutionary feeling. Armijo thereupon entered Santa
Fé, assumed charge of the government, and proclaimed
himself Commandant-General of the Province. He im-
mediately sent dispatches to the central government at
Mexico, stating that he had overthrown the rebellion;
and as a result was appointed Governor of New Mexico
-a position which he held for the greater part of nine
years. At the same time the national authorities dis-
patched troops from Zacatecas and Chihuahua to assist
in the final suppression of the insurrection. With these
and his own soldiers, Armijo made a rapid march to
Santa Cruz, in January, and succeeded in defeating the
entire rebel army, and capturing all the leaders. Im-
mediate punishment followed, no mercy being shown.
The two brothers Montoya, General "Chopon," and
Alcalde Esquibel were shot near the old powder-house,
or "Garita," on the little hill in the northern part of
Santa Fé; Juan Antonio Vigil was executed near Cuya-
mungué; and Gonzales was killed by the immediate
command of Armijo himself. The story is that Gonza-
*
INSURRECTION OF 1837.
289
lez, on being captured at Cañada, was brought before
Armijo, who was then in the outskirts of the town, and
on seeing the General, Gonzalez came forward with hand
extended, saying "How do you do, Compañero?" as
was proper between two of equal rank as governors.
Armijo replied, "How do you do, Compañero? Confess
yourself, Compañero." Then turning to his soldiers,
added, "Now shoot my compañero!"-which command
was immediately executed. This effectually ended the
revolution of 1837.

CHAPTER XX.
THE AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
It is not necessary in this place to trace the causes
which led to the war between the United States and
Mexico, or to follow its history further than relates
specially to the operations and results in New Mexico.
Suffice it to say that the origin of the hostilities
was found in the dispute as to the ownership of the ter-
ritory between the Rio Grande and the Nueces River.
When Texas declared its independence in 1836, it
claimed all the region from the Sabine on the east to
the Rio Grande on the west, and when the annexation
to the United States took place ten years later, it trans-
ferred that claim of course to the American Union. The
latter therefore claimed the whole country east of the
Rio Grande from its source to its mouth, including half
of New Mexico, with Taos, Santa Fé, Albuquerque,
San Miguel, etc., as well as the long strip of country to
the south extending to the Gulf of Mexico.
This claim was stoutly resisted by Mexico, which
insisted that the Territory of Texas had never extended
farther west than the Nueces River, and determined to
oppose any attempt of the United States to carry its
authority beyond that line. General Taylor having
been ordered into the disputed district, was met by the
Mexican forces, under General Santa Ana, and the bat-
tles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma on successive
days in May, 1846, opened the bloody drama of war, and
startled the American people, who had been at peace so
long that more than a generation had heard no sounds.
of armed hostilities, except as echoed from the lands
across the ocean.
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
291
A formal declaration of war by the American Con-
gress followed almost immediately, on the 10th of May;
and so the war was formally and legally, as well as act-
ually, begun. The first plan of operations looked to an
invasion of Mexican territory at various points near the
boundary line, General Taylor crossing the Rio Grande
near its mouth, with Monterey as his first objective.
point, General Wool organizing a force at San Antonio
to proceed westerly towards Chihuahua, and Colonel
Stephen W. Kearney being ordered to march from Fort
Leavenworth along the general line of the Santa Fé
Trail, for the conquest of New Mexico and the region.
beyond, with what was denominated the Army of the
West." Our interest, of course, is exclusively with the
latter.
Colonel Kearney was the commandant of the First
Dragoons, U. S. A., and troops from that regiment con-
stituted the nucleus of the army which was to start on
the long and perilous trip across the plains. Volun-
teers were called for from Missouri, and a regiment of
cavalry was speedily organized, and on June 18th elected,
as its Colonel, Alexander W. Doniphan, an eminent
lawyer who had enlisted as a private. Missouri also.
furnished a battalion of light artillery, commanded by
Major Clark, consisting of two companies, under Cap-
tains Weightman and Fischer, two companies of in-
fantry, commanded by Captains Angney and Murphy,
and the Laclede Rangers from St. Louis, under Captain
Hudson. It was also proposed to form a Mormon bat-
talion from the Latter Day Saints who had recently
been driven from their settlements at Nauvoo and had
set out on their journey towards a new home in the
wilderness of the far West, and Captain Allen was
dispatched to Council Bluffs to meet the Mormon cara-
van and endeavor to obtain volunteers for the purpose.
The companies which composed the regiment of
dragoons, like most of our army in times of peace, were
मु
292
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
widely scattered; two companies stationed on the Upper
Mississippi, under Captain P. St. George Cooke and Cap-
tain E. V. Sumner, were firstly ordered to New Orleans
to join the more southerly expeditions, but at St. Louis
found new orders to proceed with Colonel Kearney across
the plains.
Kearney himself commenced his march from Fort
Leavenworth in the latter part of June, 1846. The two
companies just mentioned proceeded up the Missouri
River in boats, and set out on July 6th. The troops, all
told, consisted of six companies of the First Dragoons
-who were all the regulars in the command-and the
volunteers before mentioned, who, while possessing the
high spirit, bravery, and love of adventure characteris-
tic of the western soldier, yet had had little time for
drilling or even the acquirement of discipline. Al-
together, the "Army of the West," with its high sound-
ing title, and which was expected to march across 1,000
miles of desert and conquer a whole province, consisted
of 1,658 men and sixteen pieces of ordnance. The
whole did not come together until the plains had been
traversed and they had reached Bents' Fort, the most
important and best known of frontier trading posts, and
then the great point of rendezvous for the hunters and
trappers of the mountain regions. This fort was situ-
ated on the north bank of the Arkansas, about 650 miles
west of Fort Leavenworth, in latitude 38°02′ and long-
itude 103°03′. It was 180 feet long and 135 feet wide,
and the walls, which were of adobe, were fifteen feet
high and four feet thick. Altogether, it was certainly.
the strongest post established by private enterprise in
the country. Here the army found the most of the
great caravan of traders' wagons which had started
over the trail that year, the whole consisting of 414
loaded wagons.
From Bents' Fort Lieutenant DeCourcey was dis-
patched with twenty men to the Taos Valley to ascertain
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
293
the disposition of the people and report to the General
at the most practicable point on the road. It may be
added here that he rejoined the main body on the 11th
of August, at the Poñil, bringing 14 Mexican prisoners,
who reported that the Pueblos, Utes, and other Indians,
to the number of 5,000, had joined the Mexican forces,
and that the United States Army would be opposed at
every point between San Miguel and Santa Fé.
After spending three days in greatly needed rest, the
army resumed its march on August 2d, and Captain
Cooke was sent in advance, as a kind of ambassador,
to proceed under a flag of truce to Santa Fé and
carry the proclamation of the General declaring the an-
nexation to the United States of all the territory east of
the Rio Grande as part of the old Republic of Texas.
Cooke was accompanied by twelve picked men of his own
company as an escort, and also by Mr. Jas. Magoffin, of
Kentucky, and Señor Gonzales, of Chihuahua, two mer-
chants extensively engaged in the trade of the Santa
Fé Trail, and then bound for the New Mexican capital.
They crossed the Purgatoire near where Trinidad now
is, and passed through the Raton Mountains, following
almost exactly the stage route of a later day, and not far
from the present line of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa
Fé Railroad, finding the first habitations on the banks
of the Mora River, the proprietor being Mr. James Bon-
ney, who had settled there four years before.
On August 9th they came in sight of Las Vegas,
which Cooke describes, as so many others have done
both before and since, as resembling "an extensive
brick-yard and kilns." It was then a comparatively
new town, Don Miguel Romero, the father of the dis-
tinguished family of that name, having been its virtual
founder a little before the year 1840. Here the envoy
met the Alcalde (Juan de Dios Maes), and enjoyed his
hospitality, while the latter sent a swift express by the
short trail across the mountains to carry the informa-
294
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
tion of the foreign arrival to Governor Armijo at Santa
Fé. The next day Cooke's party passed through Tecolote
and San Miguel, in both of which places crowds of in-
habitants turned out to see the strangers, and on the
morning of August 12th arrived at Santa Fé. They
found the city crowded with soldiers and citizens, who
had come in to form a volunteer army to resist the
American approach, and had some difficulty in forcing
their way through the throng to the front of the Palace.
Here they halted and were met by Captain Ortiz (Mayor
de Plaza), who carried news of their arrival to the Gov-
ernor. That official they found in the large hall of the
Palace (which we are told then had a carpeted earth
floor), seated at a table and surrounded by military and
civil officers. Cooke described him as a "large fine look-
ing man," dressed in a blue frock coat, with a rolling
collar and general's shoulder-straps, blue striped trou-
sers, with gold lace, and a red sash.
Cooke informed the Governor that he had been sent
by the General commanding the American army, with
a letter, which he would present when it should be
agreeable to his Excellency. The Governor directed
that the envoy and his escort should be properly cared
for, and set a later hour for an official reception of his
communication. At the time appointed Cooke pre-
sented his documents, and later in the evening the
Governor returned his call, and said that he would send
a Commissioner to meet General Kearney, the person
selected for that office being Dr. Connolly. The Governor
also stated that he would march himself very shortly
with 6,000 men to meet the invaders.
Meanwhile the army under Kearney had been pro-
ceeding by rapid marches, in which the infantry some-
times out walked the cavalry, over the same route from
Bents' Fort towards Santa Fé, and had reached Santa
Clara Springs on the 13th, the Mora River on the 14th,
and on the 15th entered Las Vegas. Just before reach-
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
295
ing this town Major Swords arrived from Fort Leaven-
worth with the mail, which contained Colonel Kear-
ney's commission as Brigadier-General U. S. A., the
announcement of which caused great rejoicing and con-
gratulation among the troops. Las Vegas was the
first Mexican town reached by the expedition, and was
then a place of small importance; San Miguel being
the county seat and center of business and population
in that section.
General Kearney halted his army and called the peo-
ple together in the plaza, standing, with his staff and
other officers, and the Alcalde of the town, on the
flat roof of a building situated on the north side of the
plaza, near the middle of the block (owned in 1883 by
Mr. Kihlberg). He explained to the people the objects
of the invasion, and assured them that neither they nor
their property should be molested so long as they were
quiet and peaceable. The Alcalde, Juan de Dios Maes,
then took the oath of allegiance to the United States,
being the first Mexican who had thus voluntarily as-
sumed the obligations of American citizenship; and he
was immediately confirmed in his office by the com-
manding General.
Continuing on their march, Kearney and his troops.
next reached the little village of Tecolote; and here
proceedings quite similar to those at Las Vegas were
enacted. The General addressed the Alcalde and the
leading citizens, informing them of the annexation and
its advantages, and requiring an oath of allegiance
from the former, whom he then confirmed in his office.
Here they met Colonel Cooke and Dr. Connolly, but no
change of programme seems to have been caused by any
communication from the latter. The ceremony at Teco-
lote only occupied the time required for watering the
horses, and at night the army bivouacked by the spark-
ling and refreshing waters of the Bernal Spring.
The next day they arrived at San Miguel, then the
296
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
cabecera of the county, and much the most important
town east of the mountains. It was quite a changed scene
from that of a few years before, when the Texans of
Kendall's expedition, foot-sore and weary, and as pris-
oners, marched through the same streets; and singularly
enough, that night the American pickets captured a son
of General Salazar, who had taken the first Texans in 1841.
General Kearney and his staff, with the Alcalde, the
padre, and some other officers, ascended to the roof of a
house overlooking the plaza, and delivered an address.
to the crowds that had congregated from the surround-
ing country, similar to those at Las Vegas and Tecolote;
but at first the Alcalde positively refused to take the
oath of allegiance, and was only induced to comply after
much persuasion. Soon after leaving the town, two
prisoners were captured, and by order of the General,
conducted through the camp and shown the number and
quality of the cannon, and then set at liberty. To the
exaggerated accounts of the Americans' strength given
by these men to the Mexican volunteers, and the con-
sternation thus caused, have been ascribed largely the
demoralization and subsequent melting away of the
Mexican army.
On the night of August 17th the army encamped
near the deserted Pueblo of Pecos, where the church
and some other buildings were then standing in far bet-
ter condition than their present ruinous appearance
would indicate, and but a short distance from the nar-
row defile at Apache Cañon, or Cañoncito, where Gov-
ernor Armijo's army was posted in an almost impreg-
nable position, sustained by a good supply of artillery,
and strongly defended by a breastwork of huge trees.
It was intended to take a circuitous route which passed
around this narrow defile, and so avoid, if possible, a
conflict under the terrible disadvantages which that
position presented; but during the night news came
that the Mexican army had abandoned its position, and
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
297
retired toward Santa Fé. While considerable in num-
bers, it was heterogeneous in material, the regular troops
were few, and the great bulk of the force was made up
of undisciplined countrymen, armed with such weap-
ons as they could best obtain, and General Armijo
seems to have had little confidence in their ability to
stand a charge of cavalry, and indeed to some extent in
their enthusiasm and earnestness in his cause. Greatly
exaggerated accounts of the strength of the invading
army had been spread, the size of the coming host in-
creasing with each repetition, until a feeling of fear and
despondency was quite general, and the hasty levies from
the country had become demoralized. So the American
army, which had expected to take a circuitous and diffi-
cult mountain track in order to pass around the strategic
point occupied by Armijo, found themselves able to
march directly on by the high road, only incommoded
by the trees and other obstructions which had been
thrown across the track to act as a kind of breast work ;
and marched rapidly all day, in order, if possible, to ac-
complish the whole distance to the Capital City (twenty-
eight miles) before night-fall.
The head of the column arrived in sight of the city
soon after three o'clock, but waited until about six for
the rear and the artillery to come up, as it was desired
to enter the city in good military form. General Kear-
ney and several officers proceeded to the Palace, where
he was received by Juan Bautista Vigil, the Lieutenant-
Governor, and the government of the city formally
transferred. A little before sunset the troops marched
into the plaza, raised and saluted the "stars and stripes,"
and then retired, without food or fuel, to make a camp
on top of one of the surrounding hills south-east of the
town. The baggage had not arrived, but before dark
the enterprising drivers of burros laden with wood had
supplied material for fires, and the soldiers, hungry and
thirsty, soon filled the saloons and hotels until literally
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AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
driven to the encampment by the guard. General
Kearney slept on the floor in the Palace. Colonel Cooke,
with fifty men, was put in charge of the city.
Meanwhile General Armijo had proceeded toward
Albuquerque, disbanding the militia and taking with
him only the regular troops, but having to abandon his
artillery, which was soon after found and brought into
the city. This consisted of nine pieces in all, and among
them, an old Spanish cannon with the inscription,
"Barcelona, 1778," and one fine Texan piece bearing the
name of President Lamar, and which had been taken
from the Texan "Santa Fé Expedition."
Thus was accomplished, without the shedding of a
drop of blood, an entire change in the government of
the Territory; and without having to strike a blow,
what has been called the "Conquest of New Mexico"
was effected. Few such campaigns have been known in
history. A little army, hardly larger than a full regi-
ment, had marched 900 miles from its base of supplies,
largely through a desert region, with its communications.
liable at any time to be cut off, and without sufficient
provisions, or money to procure them, for the long
period required. The heat was excessive during much
of the march, and the suffering therefrom, when water
could not be obtained, was intense. In crossing what
was then called the "Great American Desert," through
what is now western Kansas and southern Colorado,
they suffered greatly for want of water. In the lan-
guage of the historian of Doniphan's expedition, “In
the course of a day's march we could scarcely find a pool
of water to quench the thirst, a patch of grass to prevent
our animals from perishing, or an oasis to relieve the
weary mind. Dreary, sultry, desolate, boundless solitude
reigned as far as the eye could reach, and seemed to
bound the distant horizon. We suffered much with the
heat and thirst, and the driven sand, which filled our
eyes, and nostrils, and mouths almost to suffocation.
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
299
Many of our animals perished on the desert." The vol-
unteer troops were badly furnished as to wagons and
teams, often reduced to half rations, and the provisions
frequently so far behind as not to arrive before midnight.
At Bents' Fort, in consequence of the scarcity of
provisions, the daily allowance was reduced to half a
pound of flour, and three-eighths of a pound of pork-
thus cutting off the rations of coffee, sugar, salt, rice.
etc., which had previously been furnished. After enter-
ing New Mexico the army subsisted, until its arrival at
Santa Fé, on about one-third of the regular rations.
Even with this reduction, there were on hand only
sufficient rations to last the number of days required to
reach Santa Fé by the most rapid and uninterrupted
marching; no allowance had been made for delays or
detentions; and although making forced marches, the
army arrived at the Capital entirely destitute of pro-
visions. And even here there was but little improve-
ment for a time, for the expedition had not been prop-
erly supplied with money, and the people having been
declared citizens of the United States, and therefore en-
titled to full protection of their property, no supplies.
could be had from them except by cash payment. Had
the country been treated as conquered territory, sup-
plies of course could have been seized and used; but
carrying out the opposite theory, no property could be
taken or disturbed except as purchased from the owners;
and so the army found itself in a very extraordinary
and embarrassing position-compelled on the one hand
to be on its guard against a people who might at any
moment rise in hostility, and on the other, not having
any of the advantages as to supplies which would have
resulted from a condition of open war.
The first business of the General, after attending to
the pressing wants of the soldiers, was to secure the
fruits of victory, and guard against any uprising of the
people or the coming of a Mexican army from the south;
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AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
and so the erection of Fort Marcy (named for Hon. Wm.
L. Marcy, of New York, then the Secretary of War)
was immediately commenced. This was situated on
the hill north-east of the city, which commanded the
entire town, and on the very spot where, centuries be-
fore, the Pueblo chiefs had established their head-quar-
ters in the rebellion of 1680. The fort was planned by
Lieutenant Gilmer, of the topographical corps, and L.
A. McLean, a civil engineer in a Missouri company, and
was built by the volunteers, a certain number of whom
were detailed each day for the purpose. This was a
source of great complaint, as the men felt that they had
volunteered to fight, but not to act as laborers; and
even the small extra compensation (eighteen cents a
day) allowed, failed to reconcile them to what many con-
sidered a hardship and imposition. The fort, however,
was finally completed, its form being an irregular tri-
decagon, and its walls being massively built of adobes.
In size it was sufficient to accommodate 1,000 soldiers,
and it was armed with fourteen cannon.
This fortress was the more necessary because the
"Army of the West" was not to be an army of occu-
pation; but was intended to push on to greater con-
quests on the Pacific coast.
General Kearney, with characteristic vigor, proceeded
to set in order a provisional government. In this he
showed tact and discretion as well as energy. The
instructions which he had received were conceived in
the proper spirit, the fundamental idea being that the
people of the Territory were not to consider themselves
as conquered, but simply as brought under the good
influences of the free liberal, and stable institutions
of the United States. The confidential instructions
from the Secretary of War, dated June 3, 1846, contained
these extracts: "Should you conquer and take posses-
sion of New Mexico and Upper California, you will
establish temporary civil governments therein, abolish-
•
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
301
ing all arbitrary restrictions that may exist so far as it
may be done with safety. In performing this duty, it
would be wise and prudent to continue in their employ-
ment all such of the existing officers as are known to be
friendly to the United States, and will take the oath
of allegiance to them. You may assure the people of those
provinces that it is the wish and design of the United
States to provide for them a free government, with the
least possible delay, similar to that which exists in our
Territories. Then they will be called upon to exercise
the rights of freemen, in electing their own representa-
tives to the Territorial Legislature. In your conduct
you will act in such a manner as best to conciliate the
inhabitants, and render them friendly to the United
States."
On the morning of the 19th General Kearney assem-
bled the people in the plaza and addressed them as
follows, his words being translated by the interpreter
Roubidoux : "New Mexicans! we have come amongst
you to take possession of New Mexico, which we do in
the name of the Government of the United States.
We have come with peaceable intentions and kind feel-
ings towards you all. We come as friends to better
your condition, and make you a part of the Republic
of the United States. We mean not to murder you, or
rob you of your property. Your families shall be free.
from molestation; your women secure from violence.
My soldiers will take nothing from you but what they
pay you for. In taking possession of New Mexico, we
do not mean to take away your religion from you. Re-
ligion and government have no connection in our
country. There, all religions are equal; one has no
preference over the other; the Catholic and Protestant
are esteemed alike. Every man has a right to serve God
according to his heart. When a man dies he must ren-
der to his God an account of his acts here on earth,
whether they be good or bad. In our Government all
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AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
•
men are equal. We esteem the most peaceable man the
best man.
I advise you to attend to your domestic pur-
suits-cultivate industry, be peaceable and obedient to
the laws. Do not resort to violent means to correct
abuses. I do hereby proclaim that, being in possession
of Santa Fé, I am, therefore, virtually in possession of
all New Mexico. Armijo is no longer your Governor.
His power is departed. But he will return and be as
one of you. When he shall return you are not to molest
him. You are no longer Mexican subjects; you are
now become American citizens, subject only to the laws.
of the United States. A change of government has
taken place in. New Mexico, and you no longer owe alle
giance to the Mexican Government. I do hereby pro-
claim my intention to establish in this Department a
civil government, on a republican basis, similar to those
of our own States. It is my intention, also, to continue
in office those by whom you have been governed, except
the Governor, and such other persons as I shall appoint
to office by virtue of the authority vested in me.
I am your Governor-henceforth look to me for pro-
tection."
The General next proceeded to inquire if they were
willing to take the oath of allegiance to the United
States Government, to which having given their con-
sent, he then administered to the Governor ad interim,
the Secretary of State, the Prefects, the Alcaldes, and
other officers of state, the following oath: "Do you
swear in good faith that under all circumstances you
will bear allegiance to the laws and Government of the
United States, and that through good and evil you will
demean yourselves as obedient citizens of the same, in
the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Spirit, Amen.” This address of the General's was re-
ceived with many manifestations of satisfaction and
applause by the people; and General Kearney then pro-
ceeded to administer a similar oath to several delega-
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
303
tions of Pueblo Indians who came in to offer their sub-
mission.
His next act was to cause a flag-staff, 100 feet in
height, to be erected in the center of the plaza, and the
American flag to be flung to the breeze from its top. A
grazing camp was then established on the Galisteo River,
twenty-seven miles southerly from the capital, to which
the horses of the army, wearied from their long and ardu-
ous journey, were sent to recuperate in the midst of plen-
tiful grass and water. Three days after the taking of the
oath of allegiance, General Kearney issued the following
proclamation, in which for the first time the intention
was expressed to take possession of territory west of
the Rio Grande, and consequently beyond the limits
claimed by Texas.-
PROCLAMATION!
As by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of
war exists between that government and the United
States, and as the undersigned, at the head of his
troops, on the 18th instant took possession of Santa Fé,
the capital of the Department of New Mexico, he now
announces his intention to hold the Department, with its
original boundaries (on both sides of the Del Norte), as
a part of the United States, and under the name of the
Territory of New Mexico. The undersigned has come to
New Mexico with a strong military force, and an equally
strong one is following close in his rear. He has more
troops than necessary to put down any opposition that
can possibly be brought against him, and therefore it
would be folly and madness for any dissatisfied or dis-
contented persons to think of resisting him. The
undersigned has instructions from his Government to
respect the religious institutions of New Mexico, to
protect the property of the Church, to cause the worship
of those belonging to it to be undisturbed, and their re-
ligious rights in the amplest manner preserved to them.
Also to protect the persons and property of all quiet and
peaceable inhabitants within its boundaries, against
their enemies, the Utes, Navajoes, and others. And while
he assures all that it will be his pleasure as well as his
duty to comply with those instructions, he calls upon
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AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
them to exert themselves in preserving order, in pro-
moting concord, and in maintaining the authority and
efficiency of the laws; to require of those who have left
their homes and taken up arms against the troops of
the United States to return forthwith to them, or else
they will be considered as enemies and traitors, sub-
jecting their persons to punishment and their property to
seizure and confiscation for the benefit of the public
treasury. It is the wish and intention of the United
States to provide for New Mexico a free government,
with the least possible delay, similar to those in the
United States, and the people of New Mexico will then
be called on to exercise the rights of free men in elect-
ing their own representatives to the Territorial Legis-
lature; but until this can be done, the laws hitherto in
existence will be continued until changed or modified
by competent authority; and those persons holding
office will continue in the same for the present, provided
they will consider themselves good citizens and willing
to take the oath of allegiance to the United States.
uudersigned hereby absolves all persons residing within
the boundary of New Mexico from further allegiance to
the Republic of Mexico, and hereby claims them as citi-
zens of the United States. Those who remain quiet and
peaceable will be considered as good citizens and receive
protection. Those who are found in arms, or instiga-
ting others against the United States, will be considered
as traitors, and treated accordingly. Don Manuel Ar-
mijo, the late Governor of this Department, has fled
from it. The undersigned has taken possession of it
without firing a gun or shedding a drop of blood-in
which he most truly rejoices; and for the present will
be considered as Governor of this Territory.
The
"Given at Santa Fé, the Capital of the Territory of
New Mexico, this 22d day of August, 1846, and in the
seventy-first year of the Independence of the United
States.
By the Governor,
"S. W. KEARNEY,
"Brigadier-General."
While everything at the capital was quiet, and the
best of feeling appeared to exist among the people of
Santa Fé towards the American authorities, rumors
arrived of the concentration of quite a large Mexican
AMERICAN OCCUPATION
305
force near Albuquerque, with a view to renew hostili-
ties, and General Kearney determined to march in that
direction in person, in order to prevent the execution of
any such plan; and by personal acquaintance, to gain
the confidence of the people of the Territory at large.
He started on September 2d, taking with him a battery
of eight pieces, with 100 artillery-men, a battalion of 100
dragoons under Captain Burgwin, and 500 mounted
volunteers. Including his staff, the force consisted of
725 men, besides fifty or sixty Mexicans, who accom-
panied the expedition as a kind of honorary escort.
When near Santo Domingo they were met by the
"Gobernador" of the pueblo, carrying his official cane,
and accompanied by the other officers of the pueblo;
and after the usual salutations, the "Gobernador" said:
"We shall meet some Indians presently, mounted and
dressed for war, but they are young men of my town-
friends come to receive you-and I wish to caution your
men not to fire upon them." And this was soon verified
by the appearance of a band of Pueblos, most grotesquely
dressed, and painted to represent different animals, their
heads surmounted by buffalo-horns, etc., who dashed by
at full speed, enveloped in a cloud of dust, and firing
volleys under the bodies of the horses of the Americans
as they passed. After arriving in the town the General
addressed the people in a speech which had to be doubly
translated;-into Spanish, and from that language into
the Pueblo tongue.
From here the little army proceeded to San Felipe,
Algodones (then the largest town of the valley), and
Bernalillo, and arrived at Albuquerque on the morning
of the 25th, receiving a salute of twenty guns from the
top of the parish church, which was the first assurance.
they had that the city was not occupied by a hostile
force. The next day a deputation came up from the
town of Peralta to offer their submission to the new
Government, and to say that the people of the Rio Abajo
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AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
(Lower River) desired to be considered as friends. The
army continued its march, however, stopping a short
time at Peralta, then the residence of many of the
Chavez family, who were friends to the Americans, and
going as far as Tomé, where the officers attended an im-
posing religious ceremony; and then returned to Santa
Fé, having accomplished all that was most essential by
demonstrating to every inhabitant of the country that
the Americans had come as friends and not as enemies,
and recognized every New Mexican as now an Amer-
ican citizen.
One of the most important and yet difficult and del-
icate tasks which had to be performed was with regard
to the civil law to be observed and enforced under the
new regime. This of course required immediate action,
and General Kearney committed the work of preparing
a Code to Colonel Doniphan and Willard P. Hall, of the
Missouri volunteers. Just as this work was being com-
pleted, and while he was actually engaged in a room in
the Palace in transcribing part of the laws, Mr. Hall re-
ceived the intelligence of his election as a Member of
Congress from the district in Missouri in which he re-
sided. As preliminary to the work the General directed
a translation to be made of all the laws and decrees
found in the official archives at Santa Fé-a work
which was rapidly accomplished by Captain David
Waldo.
This Code, much of which has remained as the law of
the Territory for nearly forty years, contained a Bill of
Rights quite similar to those in many of the States,
proclaiming the broadest principles of liberty, and was
made up largely from Missouri statutes and existing
Mexican laws. It was to be promulgated in both Span-
ish and English, and the labor of translation was con-
fided to Captain Waldo, whose varied accomplishments
and scholarship were frequently of much value in sim-
iiar matters. Considerable difficulty was experienced
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
307
in printing the work, the only press in the Territory be-
ing a small one which had been used by the former
government in printing proclamations, public notices,
manifestos, etc. The type was worn, and ink and other
materials difficult to obtain; but finally the work was
accomplished. The type being Spanish, and conse-
quently containing no "W," we are told that whenever
that letter occurred in the book, the compositors had to
substitute two "V's." This "Kearney Code" was pro-
mulgated on September 22d, and took effect immediately.
General Kearney promptly established a provisional
government by the appointment of a Governor, Judges,
etc. The following was the official notice which was
circulated throughout the Territory, in both English and
Spanish,-
NOTICE.
"Being duly authorized by the President of the United
States of America, I hereby make the following appoint-
ments for the government of New Mexico, a Territory of
the United States. The officers thus appointed will be
obeyed and respected accordingly: Charles Bent to be
Governor; Donaciano Vigil to be Secretary of the Terri-
tory; Richard Dallam to be Marshal; Francis P. Blair
to be U. S. District Attorney; Charles Blumner to be
Treasurer; Eugene Leitensdorfer to be Auditor of Pub-
lic Accounts; Joab Houghton, Antonio José Otero,
Charles Beaubien, to be Judges of the Superior Court.
"Given at Santa Fé, the Capital of the Territory of
New Mexico, this 22d day of September, 1846, and in
the seventy-first year of the Independence of the United
States.
S. W. KEARNEY,
Brigadier General, U. S. A."
Charles Bent was an old resident of the Territory,
and with his brother, the owner of Bents' Fort. He
was an able and popular man, and married to a native.
born New Mexican lady of Taos.
Donaciano Vigil was a native New Mexican, born
September 6, 1802, who had held a number of public
positions, both civil and military, and enjoyed the con-
308
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
fidence and respect of the whole people. He had been
active in expeditions against the Navajoes in 1823, 1833,
1836, and 1838; for over four years military secretary of
the Governor; twice a member of the Departmental
Assembly, etc.; and so had an official experience of great
value.
Francis P. Blair, Jr., was the well-known member of
the Blair family who afterwards represented the St. Louis
District in the United States Congress, being the first
Republican representative ever elected in a slave State
Richard Dallam was an American, residing at the
Placers and engaged in mining operations there.
Eugene Leitensdorfer was a Santa Fé merchant, who
had married the daughter, Soledad, of Governor Santiago
Abreu.
Joab Houghton was a well-known lawyer, who after-
wards held the office of Associate Justice, under the
regular Territorial government, for a number of years,
from 1865 to 1869.
Antonio José Otero was the representative of one of
the most important Spanish families in New Mexico, a
man of high character and reputation, and influential
connections.
Charles Beaubien had been a resident of Taos since
about 1827, and had married a sister of Don Pedro
Valdez, in 1828. He was widely known and respected.
On the 26th of September the column for California,
under command of General Kearney, set off on the long
journey to conquer an empire on the Pacific, choosing
as the least of two unknown evils the southern route
along the Gila, and really making what General Cooke
aptly calls, "a leap in the dark of a thousand miles of
wild plain and mountain." General Kearney, on leaving
the Territory, which he had practically annexed, and to
which he had given a new government and code of laws,
turned over the command to Colonel Doniphan.
Two days afterward, on September 28,General Sterling
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
309
Price arrived at Santa Fé, in a feeble state of health, and
accompanied only by his staff. The troops under his
command, consisting of 1,200 mounted volunteers from
Missouri, and a Mormon battalion of 500 infantry organ-
ized at Council Bluffs, reached the city a few days later,
having completed the march across the plains in fifty-
three days. The capital was now literally alive with
artillery, baggage-wagons, commissary teams, beef-
cattle, and a promiscuous throng of American soldiers,
traders, visitors, straglers, trappers, amateurs, moun-
taineers, Mexicans, Pueblo Indians, women and chil-
dren, numbering perhaps not less than 14,000 souls.
The aggregate effective force of the American army in
New Mexico at this time was about 3,500 men.
Colonel Doniphan had been ordered to march to Chi-
huahua, where it was supposed General Wool had arrived
from San Antonio, and great preparations were made for
the campaign; but just as he was about starting, the
attacks made by bands of Navajoes on Polvedero and other
towns made necessary some efficient action against that
tribe, and so the Colonel was directed, by a special order.
sent by General Kearney from La Joya while en route for
California, to make a campaign against them, before pro-
ceeding on his more adventurous southern trip. Thus
a part of the army which had started out in hostility to
Mexicans found its first active duty in the protection of
the Mexican people themselves against their inveterate
enemies.
With characteristic promptitude Doniphan per-
formed the task. Leaving Colonel Price at Santa Fé,
he set out on October 26th, dividing his forces into two
parts. With one he proceeded to Albuquerque, and
thence up the Rio Puerco to the head-waters of its
western branch; while Major Gilpin, in command of
200 men, marched up the valley of the Chama from
Abiquiu, crossed the "Great Continental Divide," and
proceeded down the San Juan to the valley of the Little
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AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
Colorado. Nothing more romantic or daring is recorded.
in the pages of history than Captain Reid's expedition,
with an escort of only thirty men, to the center of the
Indian population; and Gilpin's march across the Cor-
dilleras. The whole country of the Navajoes was visited,
and the tribe brought together at Ojo del Oso, where a
treaty was successfully concluded, and the regiment re-
turned to the Rio Grande, reaching Socorro on Decem-
ber 12th, having accomplished its whole work most effi-
ciently in little more than six weeks.
The novel position which the American army thus
assumed, as the champions and protectors of the people.
who had so lately been their enemies, is well illustrated.
by a part of the proceedings at the "long talk," which
preceded the making of this treaty with the Navajoes.
After the first statement by Colonel Doniphan, a young
Navajo Chief, Sarcilla Largo,a very bright man,responded
that he was gratified to learn the views of the Ameri-
cans. "He admired their spirit and enterprise, but
detested the Mexicans." The next day Colonel Doniphan
explained to the council "that the United States had
taken military possession of New Mexico; that her laws
were now extended over that Territory; that the New
Mexicans would be protected against violence and in-
vasion; and that their rights would be amply preserved
to them: that the United States was also anxious to
enter into a treaty of peace and lasting friendship with
her red children, the Navajoes; that the same protection.
would be given them against encroachments, and the
usurpation of their rights, as had been guaranteed to
the New Mexicans; that the United States claimed all
the country by the right of conquest, and both they and
the New Mexicans were now equally become her child-
ren."
Then the same young Chief, with great acuteness
boldly replied: "Americans! you have a strange
cause of war against the Navajoes. We have waged war
against the New Mexicans for many years. We have
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
311
plundered their villages and killed many of their
people, and made many prisoners. We had just cause
for all this. You have lately commenced a war against
the same people. You are powerful. You have great
guns and many brave soldiers. You have therefore con-
quered them, the very thing we have been attempting
to do for so many years. You now turn upon us for
attempting to do what you have done yourselves. We
cannot see why you have cause to quarrel with us for
fighting the New Mexicans on the west, while you do
the same thing on the east. Look how matters stand.
This is our war. We have more right to complain of you
for interfering in our war than you have to quarrel
with us for continuing a war we had begun long before
you got here. If you will act justly, you will allow us
to settle our own differences."
Colonel Doniphan then explained that the New
Mexicans had surrendered; that they desired no more
fighting; that it was a custom with the Americans,
when a people gave up, to treat them as friends thence-
forward; that we now had full possession of New Mex-
ico and had attached it to our Government; that the
whole country and every, thing in it had become ours
by conquest; and that when they now stole property
from the New. Mexicans they were stealing from us,
and when they killed them they were killing our peo-
ple, for they had now become ours; that this could not
be suffered any longer. Finally after some considera-
tion the Chief responded: "If New Mexico be really in
your possession, and if it be the intention of your Gov-
ernment to hold it, we will cease our depredations, and
refrain from future wars upon that people; for we have
no cause of quarrel with you, and do not desire to have
any war with so powerful a nation. Let there be peace
between us." This was the end of the speaking, and so
the treaty was signed.
This expedition to the westward, with all its dan-
312
AMERICAN OCCUPATION.
gers and hardships, was a fitting prelude to that extraor-
dinary march and conquest which have rendered the
name of Doniphan immortal, and which have been not
inappropriately compared by as high authority as
William Cullen Bryant to Xenophon's celebrated "Re-
treat of the Ten Thousand.”
On October 12th the Mormon battalion, which was
to be formed at Council Bluffs of refugees from Nauvoo,
arrived at Santa Fé; and its commander having died, it
was put in charge of Lieutenant Colonel Cooke, and a
week later started south and west to follow the route
taken by General Kearney to California.
Doniphan's march to Chihuahua commenced on De-
cember 14th, leaving Colonel Price, of the Second
Missouri Mounted Volunteers, in command of the few
remaining troops in New Mexico.

SC
CHAPTER XXI.
THE REVOLT OF 1847.
CARCELY had a day passed after the departure of
General Doniphan, before information came that
preparations were being made for a general revolt against
the American authority. While the people generally
had apparently submitted to the new order of things
with a good grace, yet there was naturally much dis-
content beneath the quiet external appearance, espe-
cially among the wealthy and those who had been local
leaders, and who thought that the attainment of their
ambition or the pursuit of their pleasures might be in-
terfered with by the new regime. Besides, we are to re-
member in judging of the acts of those days, that the
people were Mexicans, and their territory a part of the
Republic of Mexico, which had been invaded by an
American army and was being held by force of arms;
and that so long as the war continued it was simply an
act of patriotism, from their point of view, to drive from
their soil these invaders of their country, or to destroy
them from the face of the earth. What afterwards,
when they had accepted American citizenship, would
have been treason and rebellion, at that time, while
war was raging between the two countries, was for them,
as Mexican citizens held under foreign military control,
a natural manifestation of love of country. This view
of the matter was officially taken by the President of
the United States himself, who pardoned several of those
engaged in the revolt, after they had been convicted of
treason and sentenced to be hung, on the ground that as
actual war was existing between the two governments,
a Mexican citizen could not commit treason against the
314
REVOLT OF 1847. -
A
United States; and this should be carefully borne in
mind, in reading and judging of the events connected
with the American occupation and the revolt of 1847;
and it is also to be noted that those who were most
patriotic Mexicans, while they were Mexicans, have
been among the most valuable and loyal American citi-
zens in civil affairs, in Indian wars, and the war of the
Rebellion, since the treaty of peace transferred their
allegiance.
The leaders in the attempt to recapture the country
from the Americans were Don Diego Archuleta, of Los
Luceros, who had been a delegate to the Mexican Con-
gress from New Mexico, and Don Tomas Ortiz, of Santa
Fé, who had been second in command to Armijo; both
men of extensive connections and large influence. They
were supported in the enterprise by many leading citi-
zens of the Territory, including-according to the histo-
ries of Hughes and W. W. H. Davis, and as was generally
believed at the time-Tomas C. de Baca, of Peña Blanca,
Manuel Chavez, Miguel E. Pino, Nicolas Pino, and
Pablo Dominguez; and Hughes also mentions Santiago
Armijo, Domingo Baca, and Juan Lopez. It subse-
quently appeared, however, that several of these parties
were not concerned in this attempt. Among those
specially active in the affair were some of the Mexican
priesthood, the most prominent being Padre José Manuel
Gallegos and Padre Juan Felipe Ortiz. These two took
an important part in arranging the preliminaries of the
revolt. Padre Ortiz went to the north as far as La Joya
at the time of the festival of Nuestra Señora de Guada-
lupe (December 12th) to perform the religious services
appropriate to the occasion, and from there visited the
Rio Arriba and Taos regions to excite the people to
action. Padre Gallegos simultaneously came up from
Albuquerque to perfect arrangements with the leaders
around Santa Fé. The first general meeting was held
on December 12th, and it was then decided that the
REVOLT OF 1847.
315
revolution should take place one week from that date-
a general rising being made all over the country. The
programme was to kill or drive out of the Territory all
Americans, and also all Mexicans who had taken office
under the American Government since the occupation.
Everything was arranged with the utmost secrecy,
and organized so that each leader should have his ap-
pointed part in the work to perform. It was agreed
that on the night of the appointed day (December 19th)
those engaged in the conspiracy in Santa Fé were to
gather in the parochial church and remain concealed.
Meanwhile, friends from the surrounding country, under
the lead of Don Diego Archuleta, who was to be the
General-in-Chief, were to be brought into the city and
distributed in various houses where they would be un-
observed. At midnight the church bell was to sound,
and then the men within the church were to sally forth,
and all were to rendezvous immediately in the plaza,
seize the cannon there and aim them so as to command
the leading points, while detachments under special
orders were to attack the Palace and the quarters of the
American Commandant (Colonel Price), and make them.
prisoners. The people throughout the whole north of
the Territory had been secretly notified, and were only
awaiting news of the rising at Santa Fé to join in the
revolt and make it a sure success. In fact, everything
seemed favorable, and but for a postponement, agreed to
at a final preparatory meeting, the object might have.
been accomplished. Some timid spirits then argued
that more time was needed for preparation, and so the
date of the rising was changed to Christmas eve, which
it was thought was the most propitious occasion, as dis-
cipline would then be relaxed, the soldiers would be
engaged in festivities at various bailes and saloons in the
town, and so-dispersed and unarmed-could be easily
killed or captured.
The postponement, however, was fatal to action at
316
REVOLT OF 1847.
that time, for in the interim information of the con-
spiracy reached the American authorities, as is said by
some, through a mulatto woman, who was the wife of
one of those engaged in the project and who had friends
among the Americans whom she wished to serve; and
according to another account, from Agustin Duran.
Very possibly the news came from more than one source,
as is apt to be the case with secrets too long kept. At
all events, the Governor took vigorous measures to re-
press the outbreak, and promptly arrested and impris-
oned a number of the supposed leaders; among whom
were Manuel Chavez and the Pino brothers. An inves-
tigation ensued, from which it appeared that these three
were not concerned in this conspiracy at all, the sus-
picions against them having been excited by the prom-
inent part they took in endeavoring to raise a volun-
teer army to meet the Americans in the field before the
coming of General Kearney, as narrated in Chapter
XVI. They were acquitted and released, and soon after
showed their loyalty to the new order of things by en-
listing (Manuel Chavez and Nicolas Pino, Miguel E.
Pino being sick) in the volunteer company under Col-
onel St. Vrain, which marched to put down the Taos
insurrection. Ortiz and Archuleta, who were to have
been, respectively, Governor and Commanding General
under the revolutionary government, escaped to the
south, notwithstanding the efforts of Lieutenant Walker
to make an arrest, and succeeded in reaching the City
of Mexico, where they remained until the end of the
war.
This opportune discovery prevented the projected
revolt for the time, but did not allay the determination
of the people to free themselves from foreign control as
soon as a fitting opportunity presented itself. On the
contrary, preparations for a future rising were secretly
undertaken on a scale more extended than before. This
time certain of the Pueblo Indians, and especially those
REVOLT OF 1847.
317
of Taos, were enlisted in the cause, and added much to
the strength and prospects of the enterprise. The time
for the revolt was well chosen, as was the place of the
first outbreak.
Governor Bent, supposing all danger past, left the
capital on January 14th to visit his home and family at
Taos, and arrived there after a two days' trip. He was
accompanied by five persons, including the sheriff, pre-
fect of the county, and the circuit attorney. On the
night of the 19th a large body of men, partly Mexicans.
and partly Pueblo Indians, attacked his residence, and
succeeded that night not only in killing the Governor,
but also the sheriff of the county, Stephen Lee; J. W.
Leal, the circuit attorney; Cornelio Vigil, the prefect;
Narciso Beaubien, a son of Judge Beaubien; and Pablo.
Jaramillo. The prefect represented the class of natives.
of the Territory who had accepted office under the United
States authorities, and his death showed a determina-
tion to destroy all those who had taken similar positions.
Jaramillo was a brother-in-law of Governor Bent, and
no doubt was killed for that reason.
The animosity of the people had evidently been
aroused to the highest pitch against all connected with
the invaders, as we told that the most cruel feautures
were connected with the murders of some of these offi-
cials, as well as with others that took place almost si-
multaneously in the vicinity; S. Turley, the owner of the
distillery, and six other Americans at work at the Arroyo
Hondo, twelve miles above Taos, and two others still
farther north on the Rio Colorado, being among the vic-
tims, the former after a resistance of two days.
At Mora, at the same time, an attack was made on a
party of Americans who had just arrived there from
Las Vegas, and all of them were killed. The principal
one in this party was Mr. L. Waldo, a brother of Cap-
tain Waldo of the Missouri volunteers, and father of
Henry L. Waldo, afterward Chief Justice of New
318
REVOLT OF 1847.
Mexico. He had been merchandising for some years in
the Territory, was well known and much respected.
He had a wagon in which he travelled, and on this.
occasion the other seven Americans who fell victims had
accompanied him in the wagon from Las Vegas. The
bodies of all those thus killed at Mora, with the exception
of one that could not be found, were subsequently
brought into Las Vegas and in terred there.
The startling news of the a ssassination of the Gov-
ernor was swiftly carried to Sa nta Fé, and reached Col-
onel Price the next day. Simultaneously, letters were
discovered calling on the people of the Rio Abajo to
secure Albuquerque and march northward to aid the
other insurgents; and news speedily followed that a
united Mexican and Pueblo force of large magnitude
was marching down the Rio Grande valley towards the
capital, flushed with the success of the revolt at Taos.
Very few troops were in Santa Fé,; in fact, the number
remaining in the whole Territory was very small, and
these were scattered at Albuquerque, Las Vegas, and
other distant points. At the first named town were
Major Edmondson and Capta in Burgwin; the former
in command of the town, and the latter with a com-
pany of the First Dragoons.
Colonel Price lost no time in taking such measures
as his limited resources permitted. Edmondson was di-
rected to come immediately to Santa Fe to take com-
mand of the capital; and Burgwin to follow Price as
fast as possible towards the scene of hostilities. The
Colonel himself collected the few troops at Santa Fé,
which were all on foot, but fortunately included the
little battalion which under Captain Angney had made
such extraordinary marches on the journey across the
plains as to almost outwalk the cavalry. With these
was a volunteer company formed of nearly all of the
American inhabitants of the city, under command of
Colonel St. Vrain, who happened to be in Santa Fé, to-
REVOLT OF 1847.
319
gether with Judge Beaubien, at the time of the rising
at Taos. With this little force, amounting in all to 310
men, Colonel Price started to march towards Taos, or at
all events to meet the army which was coming towards
the capital from the north and which grew as it marched
by constant accessions from the surrounding country.
The city of Santa Fé was left in charge of a garrison
under Lieutenant-Colonel Willock. While the force
was small and the volunteers without experience in
regular warfare, yet all were nerved almost to desperation
by the belief, since the Taos murders, that the only al-
ternative was victory or annihilation.
The expedition set out on January 23d, and the next
day the Mexican army, under command of General
Montoya as Commander-in-Chief, aided by Generals
Tafoya and Chavez, was found occupying the heights
commanding the road near La Cañada (Santa Cruz),
with detachments in some strong adobe houses near the
river banks. The advance had been seen shortly before
at the rocky pass, on the road from Pojuaque; and near
there and before reaching the river, the San Juan Pu-
eblo Indians, who had joined the revolutionists reluctant-
ly and under a kind of compulsion, surrendered and were
disarmed by removing the locks from their guns. On
arriving at the Cañada, Price ordered his howitzers to
the front and opened fire; and after a sharp cannonade,
directed an assault on the nearest houses by Angney's
battalion. Meanwhile an attempt by a Mexican detach-
ment to cut off the American baggage-wagons which had
not yet come up was frustrated by the activity of St.
Vrain's volunteers. A charge all along the line was
then ordered and handsomely executed; the houses,
which being of adobe, had been practically so many
ready-made forts, were successively carried, and St.
Vrain started in advance to gain the Mexican rear.
Seeing this manoeuver, and fearing its effects, the Mexi-
cans retreated, leaving thirty-six dead on the field.
320
REVOLT OF 1847.
Among those killed was General Tafoya, who bravely
remained on the field after the remainder had abandoned
it, and was shot.
Colonel Price pressed on up the river as fast as pos-
sible, passing San Juan, and at Los Luceros, on the 28th,
his little army was rejoiced at the arrival of re-inforce-
ments, consisting of a mounted company of cavalry,
Captain Burgwin's company, which had been pushed
up by forced marches on foot from Albuquerque, and a
six-pounder brought by Lieutenant Wilson. Thus en-
larged, the American force consisted of 480 men, and
continued its advance up the valley to La Joya, which
was as far as the river road at that time extended.
Meanwhile the Mexicans had established themselves in
a narrow pass near Embudo, where the forest was dense,
and the road impracticable for wagons or cannon, the
troops occupying the sides of the mountain on both
sides of the cañon. Burgwin was sent with three com-
panies to dislodge them and open a passage-no easy
task. But St. Vrain's company took the west slope, and
another the right, while Burgwin himself marched
through the gorge between. The sharp-shooting of
these troops did such terrible execution that the pass
was soon cleared, though not without the display of
great heroism, and some loss; and the Americans
entered Embudo without further opposition. The dif-
ficulties of this campaign were greatly increased by the
severity of the weather, the mountains being thickly
covered with snow, and the cold so intense that a num-
ber of men were frost-bitten and disabled. The next
day Burgwin reached Las Trampas, where Price arrived
with the remainder of the American army on the last
day of January, and all together they marched into
Chamisal.
Notwithstanding the cold and snow they pressed on
over the mountain, and on the 3d of February reached
the town of Fernando de Taos, only to find that the
REVOLT OF 1847.
321
Mexican and Pueblo force had fortified itself in the cel-
ebrated Pueblo of Taos, about three miles distant. That
force had diminished considerably during the retreat
from La Cañada, many of the Mexicans returning to
their homes, and its greater part now consisting of Pu-
eblo Indians. The American troops were worn out with
fatigue and exposure, and in most urgent need of rest;
but their intrepid commander, desiring to give his op-
ponents no more time to strengthen their works, and
full of zeal and energy, if not of prudence, determined
to commence an immediate attack.
The two great buildings at this Pueblo, certainly the
most interesting and extraordinary inhabited structures
in America, are well known from descriptions and en-
gravings. They are five stories high and irregularly
pyramidal in shape, each story being smaller than the
one below, in order to allow ingress to the outer rooms
of each tier from the roofs. Before the advent of artil-
lery these buildings were practically impregnable, as
when the exterior ladders were drawn up, there were
no means of ingress, the side walls being solid without
openings, and of immense thickness. Between these
great buildings, each of which can accommodate a mul-
titude of men, runs the clear water of the Taos Creek;
and to the west of the northerly building stood the old
church, with walls of adobe from three to seven and a
half feet in thickness. Outside of all, and having its
north-west corner just beyond the church, ran an adobe
wall, built for protection against hostile Indians, and
which now answered for an outer earth-work. The
church was turned into a fortification, and was the point
where the insurgents concentrated their strength; and
against this Colonel Price directed his principal attack.
The six-pounder and the howitzer were brought into posi-
tion without delay, under the command of Lieutenant
Dyer, then a young graduate of West Point, and since.
then Chief of Ordnance of the U. S. Army, and opened
322
REVOLT OF 1847.
a fire on the thick adobe walls. But cannon balls made
little impression on the massive banks of earth, in which
they imbedded themselves without doing damage; and
after a fire of two hours, the battery was withdrawn,
and the troops allowed to return to the town of Taos
for their much-needed rest.
Early the next morning, the troops, now refreshed
and ready for the combat, advanced again to the Pueblo,
but found those within equally prepared. The story of
the attack and capture of this place is so interesting, both
on account of the meeting here of old and new systems.
of warfare-of modern artillery with an aboriginal
stronghold-and because the precise localities can be
distinguished by the modern tourist from the descrip
tion, that it seems best to insert the official report as
presented by Colonel Price. Nothing could show more
plainly how superior strong earth-works are to many
more ambitious structures of defense, or more forcibly
display the courage and heroism of those who took part
in the battle, or the signal bravery of the accomplished
Captain Burgwin which led to his untimely death.
Colonel Price writes,-
'Posting the dragoons under Captain Burgwin about
two hundred and sixty yards from the western flank of
the church, I ordered the mounted men under Captains
St. Vrain and Slack to a position on the opposite side of
the town, whence they could discover and intercept any
fugitives who might attempt to escape towards the
mountains, or in the direction of San Fernando. The
residue of the troops took ground about three hundred
yards from the north wall. Here, too, Lieutenant Dyer
established himself with the six-pounder and two how-
itzers, while Lieutenant Hassendaubel, of Major Clark's
battalion, light artillery, remained with Captain Burg-
win, in command of two howitzers. By this arrange-
ment a cross-fire was obtained, sweeping the front and
eastern flank of the church. All these arrangements
REVOLT OF 1847.
323
being made, the batteries opened upon the town at nine
o'clock A. M. At eleven o'clock, finding it impossible to
breach the walls of the church with the six-pounder
and howitzers, I determined to storm the building. At
a signal, Captain Burgwin, at the head of his own com-
pany and that of Captain McMillin, charged the western
flank of the church, while Captain Angney, infantry
battalion, and Captain Barber and Lieutenant Boon,
Second Missouri Mounted Volunteers, charged the north-
ern wall.
As soon as the troops above mentioned had
established themselves under the western wall of the
church, axes were used in the attempt to breach it, and
a temporary ladder having been made, the roof was
fired. About this time, Captain Burgwin, at the head
of a small party, left the cover afforded by the flank of
the church, and penetrating into the corral in front of
that building, endeavored to force the door. In this
exposed situation, Captain Burgwin received a severe
wound, which deprived me of his valuable services, and
of which he died on the 7th instant. Lieutenants Mc-
Ilvaine, First U S. Dragoons, and Royall and Lackland,
Second Regiment Volunteers, accompanied Captain
Burgwin into the corral, but the attempt on the church
door proved fruitless, and they were compelled to retire
behind the wall. In the meantime, small holes had
been cut in the western wall, and shells were thrown in
by hand, doing good execution. The six-pounder was
now brought around by Lieutenant Wilson, who, at the
distance of two hundred yards, poured a heavy fire of
grape into the town. The enemy, during all of this
time, kept up a destructive fire upon our troops. About
half-past three o'clock, the six-pounder was run up
within sixty yards of the church, and after ten rounds,
one of the holes which had been cut with the axes was
widened into a practicable breach. The storming party,
among whom were Lieutenant Dyer, of the ordnance,
and Lieutenants Wilson and Taylor, First Dragoons,
324
REVOLT OF 1847.
entered and took possession of the church without op-
position. The interior was filled with dense smoke,
but for which circumstance our storming party would
have suffered great loss. A few of the enemy were seen
in the gallery, where an open door admitted the air, but
they retired without firing a gun. The troops left to
support the battery on the north side were now ordered
to charge on that side.
"The enemy then abandoned the western part of
the town. Many took refuge in the large houses on the
east, while others endeavored to escape toward the
mountains. These latter were pursued by the mounted
men under Captains Slack and St. Vrain, who killed
fifty-one of them, only two or three men escaping.
It was now night, and our troops were quietly quar-
tered in the houses which the enemy had abandoned.
On the next morning the enemy sued for peace, and
thinking the severe loss they had sustained would prove
a salutary lesson, I granted their supplication, on the
condition that they should deliver up to me Tomas, one
of their principal men, who had instigated and been.
actively engaged in the murder of Governor Bent and
others. The number of the enemy at the battle of
Pueblo de Taos was between six and seven hundred, and
and of these one hundred and fifty were killed, wounded
not known. Our own loss was seven killed and forty-
five wounded; many of the wounded have since died.”
The capture of the Taos Pueblo practically ended the
main attempt to expel the Americans from the Terri-
tory. Governor Montoya, who was a very influential
man in the conspiracy and styled himself the "Santa
Ana of the north," was tried by court-martial, convicted,
and executed on Febuary 7th, in presence of the army.
Fourteen others were tried for participating in the mur-
der of Governor Bent and the others who were killed on
the 19th of January, and were convicted and executed.
Thus, fifteen in all were hung, being an equal number
REVOLT OF 1847.
325
to those murdered at Taos, the Arroyo Hondo and Rio.
Colorado. Of these, eight were Mexicans and seven
were Pueblo Indians. Several more were sentenced to
be hung for "treason," but the President very prop-
erly pardoned them, on the ground that treason against
the United States was not a crime of which a Mex-
ican citizen could be found guilty, while his coun-
try was actually at war with the United States.
In other parts of New Mexico attempts were made to
revolt simultaneously with the rising at Taos, or very
soon after, all being part of the one general plan; it
having been intended to have a universal destruction
of all the Americans, including Mexicans holding office
under the American Government, in the entire Territory.
The projected rising at Las Vegas was prevented by
the faithfulness of the Alcalde to his oath, and the prox-
imity of the troops under Captain Hendley. The day
after the killing of Mr. Waldo and his seven companions
at Mora, a swift messenger came in from that town to
Juan de Dios Maes, the Alcalde, at Las Vegas, bringing
a letter which told of the revolt of the people in the
north, the killing of Governor Bent and others at Taos,
and of the eight Americans at Mora, and called on the
Mexicans of Las Vegas and its vicinity to join their north-
ern brethren in the work; to rise immediately and kill
all the Americans among them. The Alcalde showed
the letter to Levi J. Keithley, a neighbor on the plaza,
and the latter advised that they should consult Antonio
Sais, a citizen of excellent judgment. Sais advised the
Alcalde to keep faith with the United States at all haz-
ards, and to call a meeting of the citizens without delay
to take such action as they deemed necessary. This
was accordingly done-the call being made by beating
a drum around the plaza. When the crowd had as-
sembled, the Alcalde read to them the letter which he
had received, and then addressed them as to their duty.
"You all saw me take the oath of allegiance to the
326
REVOLT OF 1847.
United States," he said, "on the house-top across the
plaza. I consider that you all took that oath through
me, as your Alcalde, and are bound as much as myself.
As for me, I assure you I am determined to live and
die by that oath." This position taken by the local
authority had great weight, and the people agreed to
follow his advice. Just then Captain Hendley, who
was in command of a detachment of soldiers at a graz-
ing-camp near Apache Spring, came into town, and was
informed of what had occurred. He said he had no
orders to move his company, but that if any attempt.
was made by insurgents from Mora, or elsewhere, to
make trouble, he could be depended on to protect the
peaceable citizens. He then left town, but had scarcely
started when threats were heard which alarmed the
Americans, and they sent a swift messenger (a French-
man) to urge him to bring up his company. The Cap-
tain replied that he could not move without orders, but
that if any were afraid, they could come to his camp and
be protected. "No!" said the excited Frenchman, with
an oath, "I am an American citizen, and demand pro-
tection here! Dn the orders!" Finally Hendley
consented to come-and arrived early the next morning
with his company, and occupied the town.
Here a
number of volunteers joined him, so that his total force
was increased to about 250 men.
Full particulars of the killing of Mr. Waldo and his
seven companions at Mora had now been received, cre-
ating great indignation, and on the 22d of January
Captain Hendley started on an expedition against that
town with eighty men, with the intention of avenging
their deaths. He arrived in front of Mora on the 24th,
but found the town occupied by over 150 armed Mexi-
cans. He ordered an assault, and had succeeded in
taking possession of a number of houses, and penetrated
to the old fort, or block house, built for protection against
Indians, in which his antagonists had entrenched them-
selves, when he fell, a victim of his own bravery: and
C
REVOLT OF 1847.
327
his command withdrew. A few days subsequently,
February 1st, the town was again attacked by Captain.
Morin, and was captured and much of it demolished.
About the same time Captain Robinson's camp was
surprised and 200 horses and mules captured, one man
killed and several wounded. Captain Edmondson
started from Las Vegas in pursuit of the band that had
made the attack, came up with them in the narrow
cañon near the junction of the Canadian and Mora, “the
hills literally covered with Indians and Mexicans,” and
after a sharp skirmish succeeded in dispersing them.
A few more isolated outbreaks occurred, generally at
points remote from the Capital, as at Las Valles, in San
Miguel County, and at Captain Morin's camp, at the Cie-
nega, eighteen miles below Taos, where Lieutenant Lar-
kin and four men were killed. But they were promptly
met, and seem to have arisen more from bands of free-
booters in search of plunder than from any concerted and
patriotic attempt as Mexicans to drive the invaders.
from their country. Later in the year large re-inforce-
ments came to the American army; and the people be-
gan to learn that they had really more freedom and more
protection under the American flag than under that of
Mexico. Many of the stories that had been circulated
to influence their minds against the new-comers, time
proved to be untrue; and so they became reconciled to
the change in government.
By the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, all inhabitants
of New Mexico, except those who chose formally to re-
tain the character of Mexican citizens, became citizens
of the United States, with the same rights and privi-
leges as all other citizens. Thus New Mexico became,
beyond dispute, a part of the "Great Republic,
" and
her people legally, actually, and unalterably united, with
the millions of their brother freemen under the stars
and stripes, in sustaining the honor of the American
nation, enhancing its glory, and fulfilling its great
mission.
APPENDIX NO. 1.
Muster Roll of Captain Ceran St. Vrain's company,
Mountain Volunteers, called into service of the United
States by order of Colonel Sterling Price, commanding
the Military forces in New Mexico, for the purpose of
assisting in suppressing the insurrection of Taos, New
Mexico. The company was organized at Santa Fé, New
Mexico, by Captain Ceran St. Vrain, January 23, 1847.
They were all mustered into the service to serve during
the revolution:-
Ceran St. Vrain, Captain.
Charles Metcalf, 1st Lieutenant.
George Peacock, 2d Lieutenant.
H. N. Smith, 1st Sergeant.
Robert Carey, 2d Sergeant.
Jenard W. Folger, d Sergeant.
Richard B. Dallan, 4th Sergeant.
Edward Chadwick, 1st Corporal.
James H. Quinn, 2d Corporal.
J. R. Tulles, 3d Corporal.
Preston Beck, 4th Corporal.
1 Antibes, Charles,
2 Antibes, Thomas,
3 Atkins, Lorenzo,
4 Anaga, Pedro,
5
Armenta, Julio,
6 Biggs, Thomas,
7 Bergerion, Vital,
8 Cuniffe, Henry,
9 Chaves, Manuel,
PRIVATES.
13
14
10 Chalifoux, Batiste,
11 Constance, Andrew,
12 Conoyer, Antonio,
Campbell, Richard,
Crosby, George H.,
15
Dirring, William,
16
DeForest, Lorenzo,
17 Day, Benjamin,
18 Davis, Edward T.,
APPENDIX.
19 Esquibel, Julio,
39
Pomeroy, Joseph,
20 Esquibel, Rafael,
40
Pley, Joseph,
21
Fuller, George H,
41
Powers, James,
22 Grolman Herman,
42
Randall, John W.,
23 Giddings, James M.,
43
Rohman, O. B.,
24 Gold, George,
44
Robbins, Robert,
25 Hovey, O. H.,
45
Rankins, William,
26 Harper, John J.,
46
Roubindoux, C.,
27 Hamilton, Caleb J..
47
Rollins, Edward,
28 Howlett, Franklin K.,
48
Saudoval, Antonio,
29 Joseph, Peter,
49
Sabowrain, Batiste,
30 Leroux, Charles,
50
Sanford, Michael,
31 Leroux, Bernal,
51
Thomas, Antony,
32 McGuire, James W.,
52
Town, Charles,
33 Mitchell,
53
Vaughn, E. J.,
34 Morgan, William J,
54
Vallant, J.,
35 Mangle, Joseph,
55
White, Walter,
36 Mangle, Henry,
56
Wheaton, L. D.,
57 Wheeler, James.
37 Pino, Nicholas,
38 Papin,
The ages range from twenty (Atkins and Beck) to
forty-five (Folger), the oldest private being but thirty-
six, and Captain St. Vrain himself forty-four.

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