Democratic JAMES D. RICHARDSON. THOMAS C MCRAE, JAMES A. NORTON, FRANCIS M. COCKRELL. JAMES W. DENNY. gressional Committee. EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE: JACOB RUPPERT, Jr. OSCAR TURNER. JAMES KERR, Secretary. J. L. PEARCY, Assistant Secretary. GEORGE N. JESSE, Assistant Secretary. Arkansas, James H. Berry. Delaware, R. R. Kenney. Florida, James P. Taliaferro. Mississippi, H. D. Money. Virginia a, John L. Burnett. Arizona, John F. Wilson. Arkansas, Thomas C. McRae. California, Jasper McDonald. Colorado, Charles S. Thomas. Connecticut, Robert E. De Forrest. Delaware, L. Irvine Handy. Florida, S. M. Sparkman. Georgia, John W. Maddox. Idaho, James H. Hawley, Illinois, Thomas M. Jett. Indiana, Francis M. Griffith. Iowa, E. M. Carr. Kansas, Thomas W. Morgan. Kentucky, Oscar Turner. Louisiana, Robert C. Davey. Maine, Fred W. Plaisted. Maryland, James W. Denny. Massachusetts, J. F. Fitzgerald. Michigan, Frank H. Hosford. Minnesota, Charles A. Towne. Mississippi, John S. Williams. Missouri, Edward Robb. Montana, A. J. Campbell. SENATE: Chairman. Vice-Chairmen. JAMES L. NORRIS, Treasurer. GEORGE W. RAE, Sergeant-at-Arms. W. W. MARMADUKE, Asst. Sergt.-at-Arms. HOUSE: JOHN F. FITZGERALD J. K. P. HALL. Missouri, F. M. Cockrell. Tennessee, Thomas B. Turley. Texas, Charies. Culberson. Utah. John L. Rawlins. Thomas S. Martin Nebraska, John S Robinson Nevada, Francis G. Newlands New Jersey, Joshua S, Salmon New Hampshire, Stilson Hutch New Mexico, H. B. Ferguson. New York, Jacob Ruppert, Jr. North Carolina, William W. Kitch: North Dakota, F. W. McLean. Ohio, James A. Norton. Oklahoma, Edward G. Spillman. Oregon, W. M. Pierce. Pennsylvania, James K. P. Hall. Rhode Island, G. W. Green. South Carolina, W. Jasper Talbert. South Dakota, A. Boynton. Tennessee, James D. Richardson. Texas, John L. Sheppard. Utah, W. H. King. Vermont, J. H. Donnely. Virginia, William F. Rhea. Washington, J. Hamilton Lewis. West Virginia, David E. Johnson, Wisconsin, G. W. Bird, Wyoming, John E. Osborne. ! ALABAMA ARKANSAS CALIFORNIA COLORADO. CONNECTICUT DELAWARE. FLORIDA GEORGIA IDAHO ILLINOIS INDIANA IOWA. KANSAS. • • • TEXAS UTAH.. • · · 辔 ​• * • • KENTUCKY LOUISIANA. MAINE.. MARYLAND. MASSACHUSETTS. MICHIGAN. MINNESOTA. • • VIRGINIA. VERMONT. • YPPI. • • • • • • • • STATE CHAIRMEN. EY.. RK. • • • • • • ► • • • ·· • • • . • • • • + · • .Jno. V. Smith.. Carroll Armstrong. .J. C. Sims.. • S. M. Neill. .Dr. P. L. Hall. .Charles Gulling. PSHIRE..John F. Amey. Wm. B. Gourley. Frank Campbell. CAROLINA.. F. M. Simmons. • ON.. ASYLVANIA. JDE ISLAND. UTH CAROLINA... Wylie Jones.. OUTH DAKOTA LENNESSEE • • • • • • • • • (CORRECTED UP TO AUG. 3rd.) • H DAKOTA.... Thomas Kleinogel. George S. Long.. R. S. Sheridan .John S. Rilling. Milton Smith. Melbert E. Carey. John Biggs. Frank Clark • • F. G. Du Bignon. K. I. Perky. Walter Watson. Parks M. Markin. George A. Huffman. .J. Mack Love. Allie W. Young. E. B. Krutschnitt. D. J. Campau.. .L. A. Rosing. .C. C. Miller. · J. M. Seibert.. • • Geo. E. Hughes. Murray Vandiver.. Christopher T. Callahan. • • ▼ · · James H. Moyle. .J. Taylor Ellyson.. Emory S. Harris. H. T. Jones. WASHINGTON WISCONSIN George W. Peck. WEST VIRGINIA. Jas. H. Miller. WYOMING John A. Martin. F. C. Hammond... .T. E. Farish.. ALASKA. ARIZONA OKLAHOMA. .Jasper Sipes. INDIAN TERRITORY.John Gault.. NEW MEXICO.... Chas. F. Easley.. • • • George W. Green. • • • John A. Bowler.. · • • ❤ · • • • Morgan C. Fitzpatrick. .C. K. Bell.. • • ·· • • • Janga • • • • · • • • • • · • ● • • • • • • San Francisco, Cal. .Denver. Ridgefield. Middleton. .Jacksonville. . Savannah. Boise. Mt. Vernon. • • · • Birmingham. Morrillton. + · .Bath. Raleigh. Fargo. Indianapolis. Des Moines. Arkansas City. Mt. Sterling. New Orleans. .Bath. Havre de Grace. Holyoke. Detroit. .Saint Paul. • Meridian. Jefferson City. Helena. Lincoln Reno. Lancaster. Paterson. Fort Worth. Salt Lake City. Richmond. Bennington. .Spokane. .Milwaukee. . Charleston. Columbus. Roseburg. Erie. Woonsocket. Columbia. Sioux Falls. Nashville. Phoenix. .Oklahoma City. Ardmore. Sante Fe. Cheyenne. Juneau. . Bel } enac PART ONE.-Platforms. *** SIRD** CHAPTER I. FORM OF THE KANSAS CITY CONVENTION. DERARMISTAMIAR (ALIHAMARE ALLARME KAYAK MERETEMUKAN ARREN SUASANA NAUKRBLJANS ARENANTE FELD INNKALSIFLEMING" "YUN “ Adopted, July 4, 1900, CINE LONDON ARMAND ANDENES. PIELA VIETNAMaganga hea Faranches Content EPASOVACIDATA ZEAL Declaration of Prind the representatives of the Democratic party of the United States, as- oled in national convention on the anniversary of the adoption of the claration of Independence, do reaffirm our faith in that immortal proclama- h of the inalienable rights of man, and our allegiance to the constitution med in harmony therewith by the fathers of the Republic. We hold with United States supreme court that the Declaration of Independence is the irit of our government, of which the constitution is the form and letter. We clare again that all governments instituted among men derive their just wers from the consent of the governed; that any government not based up- the consent of the governed is a tyranny; and that to impose upon any peo- a government of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for ose of a republic. We hold that the constitution follows the flag and de- ounce the doctrine that an executive or congress, deriving their existènce and ir powers from the constitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it, n violation of it. We assert that no nation can long endure half republic half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home. HOME CANEINKTO Porto Rican Law Denounced. eving in these fundamental principles, we denounce the Porto Rico law, by a Republican congress against the protest and opposition of the 24 "DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Democratic minority, as a bold and open violation of the and a flagrant breach of national good faith. It impos of Porto Rico a government without their consent, and taxa sentation. It dishonors the American people by repudiating a made in their behalf by the commanding general of our army Porto Ricans welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation It dooms to poverty and distress a people whose helplessness app culiar force to our justice and magnanimity. In this, the first a perialistic program, the Republican party seeks to commit the U to a colonial policy inconsistent with Republican institutions and by the supreme court in numerous decisions. Pledge to the Cubans. We demand the prompt and honest fulfillment of our pledge t people and the world, that the United States has no disposition to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over the island cept for its ation. The war ended nearly two years ago, profot reigns ove and still the administration keeps the go of the ple, while Republican carpetbag officials p olonial theory to the disgrace of the Ame reven pic. Philippine Question. We condemn ade the Philippine policy of the present admini tion. It has embroiled the Republic in an unnecessary war, sacrificed lives of many of its noblest sons, and placed the United States, previc known and applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, the false and un-American position of crushing with military force the effo of our former allies to achieve liberty and self-government. The Filipin cannot be citizens without endangering our civilization; they cannot be s jects without imperiling our form of government; and as we are not willi to surrender our civilization, or to convert the republic into an empire, v favor an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose to give to the Fi pinos, first, a stable form of government; second, independence; and thin protection from outside interference such as has been given for nearly a ce tury to the Republics of Central and South America. The greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of the R publican administration attempts to justify it with the plea that it will pa but even this sordid and unworthy plea fails when brought to the test of fac The war of "criminal aggression" against the Filipinos, entailing an an expense of many millions, has already cost more than any possible profit could accrue from the entire Philippine trade for years to come. Furthern when trade is extended at the expense of liberty the price is always too l high. 1 ! $ الله { 3 % t 11 KANSAS CITY PLATFORM. South African Republics. Believing in the principles of self-government and rejecting, as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy, we view with indignation the purpose of England to overwhelm with force the South African Republics. Speak- ing, as we believe, for the entire American nation, except its Republican office- holders, and for all free men everywhere, we extend our sympathy to the heroic Burghers in their unequal struggle to maintain their liberty and in- dependence. 26 را 31 { Republican Appropriations. We denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high and which threaten the perpetuation of the op- pressive war levies. We oppose the accumulation of a surplus to be squan- dered in such barefaced frauds upon the tax-payers as the shipping subsidy bill, which, under the false pretense of fostering American ship-building, would put unearned millions into the pockets of favorite contributors to the Republican campaign fund. $ Repeal of the War Taxes. We favor the reduction and speedy repeal of the war taxes, and a return to the time-honored Democratic policy of strict economy in government ex- penditures. } Appeal to the People. Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great peril, that the very existence of our constitutional Republic is at stake, and that the deci- sion now to be rendered will determine whether or not our children are to enjoy those blessed privileges of free government which have made the United States great, prosperous and honored, we earnestly ask for the fore- going declaration of principles the hearty support of the liberty-loving Amer- icar people, regardless of previous party affiliations. + f 19 J # 1 1 1 1 1 10) * h 1 "DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, f + } } 1 Vo * T PLATFORM OF THE CHICAGO CONVENTION. Adopted, July, 1896, We, the Democrats of the United States in National Convention assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential principles of justice and liberty, upon which our institutions are founded, and which the Democratic Party has advocated from Jefferson's time to our own-freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, the preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens before the law, and the faithful observance of constitutional limitations. 1 During all these years the Democratic Party has resisted the tendency of selfish interests to the centralization of governmental power, and stead- fastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme of government established by the founders of this Republic of republics. Under its guidings and teach- ings the great principle of local self-government has found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of the States and in its assertion of the ne- cessity of confining the General Government to the exercise of the powers granted by the Constitution of the United States. The Constitution of the United States guarantees to every citizen the rights of civil and religious liberty. The Democratic Party has always been the ex- ponent of political liberty and religious freedom, and it renews its obligations and reaffirms its devotion to these fundamental principles of the Constitution. The Money Plank. Recognizing that the money question is paramount to all others at this 'time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Constitution named silver and gold together as the money metals of the United States, and that the first coinage law passed by Congress under the Constitution made the silver dollar the monetary unit and admitted gold to free coinage at a ratio based upon the silver-dollar unit. We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without the knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the prices of commodities produced by the peo- ple; a heavy increase in the burden of taxation and of all debts, public and private; the enrichment of the money-lending class at home and abroad; the prostration of industry and impoverishment of the people. I ༣ ༎ 1 ! J บ } اته A 4 *T + SPE I + F 1 ==== • de ma + I عمل CHICAGO PLATFORM. 11 We are unalterably opposed to monometallism which has locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold mono- metallism is a British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into financial servitude to London. It is not only un-American, but anti-American, and it can be fastened on the United States only by the stifling of that spirit and love of liberty which proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and won it in the War of the Revolution. 1 * ל We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal ratio, of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full le- gal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetization of any kind of legal-tender money by private contract. We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the holders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by law to the Gov- ernment of redeeming such obligations in either silver coin or gold coin. Interest-Bearing Bonds. We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace and condemn the trafficking with banking syndi- cates, which, in exchange for bonds and at an enormous profit to themselves, supply the Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold mono- metallism. } ¦ F Against National Banks. Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and President Jack- son declared that this power could not be delegated to corporations or indi- viduals. We therefore denounce the issuance of notes intended to circulate as money by National banks as in derogation of the Constitution, and we de- mand that all paper which is made a legal tender for public and private debts, or which is receivable for dues to the United States, shall be issued by the Government of the United States and shall be redeemable in coin. { 1 } F Tariff Resolution. We hold that tariff duties should be levied for purposes of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate equally throughout the country, and not discriminate between class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the Government, honestly and economically administered. We denounce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to restore the Mc- Kinley law, which has twice been condemned by the people in National elec- tions, and which, enacted under the false plea of protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, restricted trade and deprived the producers of the great American staples of access to their natural markets. # * L t 14 } & ~\ ) 1 { 12 ++ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. { ! Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agitation for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are necessary to meet the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court on the income tax. But for this decision by the Supreme Court there would be no deficit in the revenue under the law passed by a Democratic Congress in strict pursuance of the uniform decisions of that court for nearly 100 years, that court having in that decision sustained Constitutional objections to its en- actment which had previously been overruled by the ablest Judges who have ever sat on that bench. We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all the Constitutional power which remains after that decision, or which may come from its reversal by the court as it may hereafter be constituted, so that the burdens of taxation may be equally and impartially laid, to the end that wealth may bear its due proportion of the expense of the Government. I Immigration and Arbitration. We hold that the most efficient way of protecting American labor is to pre- vent the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete with it in the home market, and that the value of the home market to our American farmers and artisans is greatly reduced by a vicious monetary system which depresses the prices of their products below the cost of production, and thus deprives them of the means of purchasing the products of our home manufactories; and as labor creates the wealth of the country, we demand the passage of such laws as may be necessary to protect it in all its rights. We are in favor of the arbitration of differences between employers en- gaged in interstate commerce and their employes, and recommend such leg- islation as is necessary to carry out this principle. k F Trusts and Pools. The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our leading rail- road systems, and the formation of trusts and pools require a stricter control by the Federal Government of those arteries of commerce. We demand the en- largement of the powers of the Inter-State Commerce Commission and such re- striction and guarantees in the control of railroads as will protect the people from robbery and oppression. Doclare for Economy. We denounce the profligate waste of money wrung from the people by op- pressive taxation and the lavish expenditure of recent Republican Congresses, which bave kept taxes high, while the labor that pays them is unemployed and the products of the people's toil are depressed in price till they no longer re- pay the cost of production. We demand a return to that simplicity and econ- omy which befits a democratic Government and a reduction in the number of uscless offices, the salaries of which drain the substance of the people. ' } { 1 # t + } 1/2 } CHICAGO PLATFORM. Federal Interference in Local Affairs. # < We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in local affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United States and a crime against free institutions, and we especially object to government by injunction as a new and highly dangerous form of oppression by which Federal judges, in con- tempt of the laws of the States and rights of citizens, become at once leg- islators, judges, and executioners; and we approve the bill passed at the last session of the United States Sebate, and now pending in the House of Rep- resentatives, relative to contempts in Federal courts and providing for trials by jury in certain cases of contempt. ! 1 | # 17 * Į { Į t A Pacific Railroad. No discrimination should be indulged in by the Government of the United States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of the refusal of the Fifty- third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad Funding bill and denounce the ef- fort of the present Republican Congress to enact a similar measure '13 Pensions. Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we heartily in- dorse the rule of the present Commissioner of Pensions, that no names shall be arbitrarily dropped from the pension roll; and the fact of enlistment and service should be deemed conclusive evidence against disease and disability before enlistment. Admission of Territories. We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, and Oklahoma into the Union as States, and we favor the early admission of all the Territories having the necessary population and resources to entitle them to Statehood, and, while they remain Territories, we hold that the officials ap- pointed to administer the government of any Territory, together with the Dis- trict of Columbia and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the Territory or District in which their duties are to be performed. The Democratic party believes in home rule and that all public lands of the United States should be appropriated to the establishment of free homes for American citizens. We recommend that the Territory of Alaska be granted a delegate in Con- gress and that the general land and timber laws of the United States be ex- tended to said Territory. 1 $ Sympathy for Cuba. The Monroe Doctrine, as originally declared, and as interpreted by succeed- ing Presidents, is a permanent part of the foreign policy of the United States and must at all times be maintained. We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic struggle for liberty and independence. 6b t ! î 8 kr 43 14 、 } 1 ₺ 1 ∙14 1 } 1 # f DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK الرواية التجميل Civil-Sorvice Laws. We are opposed to life tenure in the public service, except as provided in the Constitution. We favor appointments based on merit, fixed terms of of- ficc, and such an administration of the civil-service laws as will afford equal opportunities to all citizens of ascertained fitness. } 1 4 Third-Term Resolution. We declare it to be the unwritten law of this Republic, established by custom and usage of 100 years and sanctioned by thie examples of the great- est and wisest of those who founded and have maintained our Government, that no man should be eligible for a third term of the Presidential office. } • Improvement of Waterways. The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mississippl River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for the in- terior States easy and cheap transportation to tide water. When any water- way of the Republic is of sufficient importance to demand aid of the Govern- ment, such aid should be extended upon a definite plan of continuous work until permanent improvement is secured. Conclusion. Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of its success at the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration of principles and purposes to the considerate judgment of the American people. We invite the support of all citizens who approve them and who desire to have them made effective through legislation, for the relief of the people and the restoration of the country's prosperity. @ ~! } 1 i 1 VC 事 ​! 6 } k 1 2 Į i { Yout 4 " 1 } T 1 " J BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. 1 រ X { 1 BRONEE 1 CHAPTER II. HON. W. J. BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. 3 : 15 I The following is the full text of the speech delivered by Hon. William Jen- nings Bryan at Indianapolis, accepting the Democratic nomination for Pres- ident of the United States: "Mr. Chairman and members of the notification committee: “I shall at an early day and in a more formal manner accept the nomina- tion which you tender, and I shall at that time discuss the various questions covered by the Democratic platform. It may not be out of place, however, to submit a few observations at this time upon the general character of the con- test before us and upon the question which is declared to be of paramount im- portance in this campaign. "When I say that the contest of 1900 is a contest between democracy on the one hand and plutocracy on the other, I do not mean to say that all our opponents have deliberately chosen to give to organized wealth a predominat- ing influence in the affairs of the government, but I do assert that on the im- portant issues of the day the Republican party is dominated by those in- fluences which constantly tend to substitute the worship of mammon for the protection of the rights of man. "In 1859 Lincoln said that the Republican party believed in the man and the dollar, but that in case of conflict it believed in the man before the dollar. This is the proper relation which should exist between the two. Man, the handiwork of God, comes first; money, the handiwork of man, is of inferior importance. Man is the master; money the servant; but upon all important questions to-day Republican legislation tends to make money the master and man the servant. "The maxim of Jefferson, 'Equal rights to all and special privileges to none,' and the doctrine of Lincoln that this should be a government 'of the people, by the people, and for the people' are being disregarded, and the instrumental- ities of government are being used to advance the interests of those who are in a position to secure favors from the government. } No War on Thrift. "The Democratic party is not making war upon the honest acquisition of wealth: it has no desire to discourage industry, economy, and thrift. On the 2 f 1 entre chae 16 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. contrary, it gives to every citizen the greatest possible stimulus to honest toll, when it promises him protection in the enjoyment of the proceeds of his la- bor. Property rights are most secure when human rights are most respected. Democracy strives for a civilization in which every member of society will share according to his merits. IL " “No one has a right to expect from society more than a fair compen- sation for the services which he renders to society. If he secures more, it is at the expense of some one else. It is no injustice to him to prevent his doing injustice to another. To him who would, either through class legislation or in the absence of necessary legislation, trespass upon the rights of another, the Democratic party says “Thou shalt not.' / J. ގ ; “Against us are arrayed a comparatively small, but politically and financial- ly powerful, number, who really profit by Republican policies; but with them are associated a large number who, because of their attachment to the party name, are giving their support to doctrines antagonistic to the former teach- ings of their own party. 11- .. Republican Inconsistencies. 1 ร่ Republicans who used to advocate bimetallism now try to try to con- vince themselves that the gold standard is good; Republicans who were formerly attached to the greenback are now seeking an excuse for giv- ing national banks control of the nation's paper moncy; Republicans who used to boast that the Republican party was paying off the national debt, are now looking for reasons to support a perpetual and increasing debt; Republicans who formerly abhorred a trust, now beguile themselves with the delusion that there are trusts good and bad trusts, while in their minds the line between the two is becoming more and more obscure; Republicans who, in times past, congratulated the country upon the small expense of our standing army, are now making light of the objections which are urged against a large increase in the permanent military establishment; Republicans who gloried in our independence when the nation was less powerful, now look with favor upon a foreign alliance; Re- publicans who, three years ago, condemned 'forcible annexation' as immoral and even criminal, are now sure that it is both immoral and criminal to op- pose forcible annexation. That partisanship has already blinded many to present dangers is certain; how large a portion of the Republican party can be drawn over to the new policies remains to be seen. 1 i A "For a time Republican leaders were inclined to deny to opponents the right to criticise the Philippine policy of the administration, but upon investi- gation they found that both Lincoln and Clay asserted and exercised the right to criticise a President during the progress of the Mexican War. } I · ་ J% ✓ "Instead of meeting the issue boldly and submitting a clear and positive plan for dealing with the Philippine question, the Republican convention- T ~ : KANSAS CITY PLATFORM." We condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust-breeding measure, skillfully revised to give to the few favors which they do not deserve, and to place upon the many burdens which they should not bear. oti: Interstate Commerce Law. We favor such an enlargement of the scope of the interstate commerce law. as will enable the commission to protect individuals and communities from discriminations and the publie from unjust and unfair transportation rates. American Financial System. We reaffirm and endorse the principles of the national Democratic platform adopted at Chicago in 1896 and we reiterate the demand of that platform for ar American financial system made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as part of such system the immediate restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. ; Currency Law Denounced. We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last session of congress as a step forward in the Republican policy which aims to discredit the sovereign right of the national government to issue all money, whether coin or paper, and to bestow upon national banks the power to issue and control the volume of paper money for their own benefit. A permanent national bank currency, secured by government bonds, must have a permanent debt to rest upon, and, if the bank currency is to increase with population and business, the debt must also increase. The Republican currency scheme is, therefore, a scheme for fastening upon the tax-payers a perpetual and growing debt for the ben- efit of the banks. We are opposed to this private corporation paper circulated as money, but without legal tender qualities, and demand the retirement of national bank notes as fast as government paper or silver certificates can be substituted for them. Election of Senators by Poople. We favor an amendment to the federal constitution, providing for the elec- tion of United States senators by direct vote of the people, and we favor di- rect legislation wherever practicable. Government by Injunction. We are opposed to government by injunction; we denounce the blacklist, and favor arbitration as a means of settling disputes between corporations and their employes. Department of Labor. In the interest of American labor and the upbuilding of the workingman as the corner stone of the prosperity of our country, we recommend that Con- } < ره } } A {'DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 1 $ gress create a department of labor, in charge of a secretary, with a seat the cabinet, believing that the elevation of the American laborer will brin with it incrcased production and increased prosperity to our country at home and to our commerce abroad. 1 1 I 1 2 Pensions for Soldiers. We are proud of the courage and fidelity of the American soldiers and sailors, in all our wars; we favor liberal pensions to them and their depend- ents; and we reiterate the position taken in the Chicago platform in 1896, that the fact of enlistment and service shall be deemed conclusive evidence against disease and disability before enlistment. Nicaraguan Canal. We favor the immediate construction, ownership and control of the Nica- raguan canal by the United States, and we denounce the insincerity of the plank in the Republican national platform for an Isthmian canal, in the face of the failure of the Republican majority to pass the bill pending in congress. We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of American rights and interests, not to be tolerated by the American people. C 1 1 Statehood for Territories. 1 We denounce the failure of the Republican party to carry out its pledges to grant statehood to the territories of Alzona, New Mexico and Oklahoma, and we promise the people of those territories immediate statehood, and home rule during their condition as territories; and we favor home rule and a ter- ritorial form of government for Alaska and Porto Rico. ܕ Arid Lands of the West. We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid lands of the West, storing the waters for the purposes of irrigation, and the holding of such lands for actual settlers. 1 t Chinese Exclusion Law. We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the Chinese exclusion law and its application to the same classes of all Asiatic races. Alliance With England. Jefferson said: "Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none." We approve this wholesome doctrine and earnestly protest against the Republican departure which has involved us in so-called world politics, including the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue and land-grabbing in Asia, and we especially condemn the ill-concealed Re- publican alliance with England, which must mean discrimination against other friendly nations, and which has already stifled the nation's voice while Liberty is being strangled in Africa. 1 { J The } L'e. BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE í 1 adopted a platform the larger part of which was devoted to boasting and self- congratulation, > 1 ร Evasive Republican Policy. "In attempting to press economic questions upon the country to the exclu- sion of those which involve the very structure of our government, the Repub- lican leaders give new evidence of their abandonment of the earlier ideals of the party, and of their complete, subserviency to pecuniary considerations. “But they shall not be permitted to evade the stupendous and far- reaching issue which they have déliberately brought into the arena of politics. When the President, supported by a practically unanimous vote of the House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the purpose of aiding the struggling patriots of Cuba, the country, without regard to party, applauded. 1 \\ J Although the Democrats realized that the administration would necessarily gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which, in the very nature of the case, must soon end in a complete victory, they vied with the Republi- cans in the support which they gave to the President. When the war was over and the Republican leaders began to suggest the propriety of a colonial policy, opposition at once manifested itself. "When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty which recog- nized the independence of Cuba, but provided for the cession of the Philippine Islands to the United States, the menace of imperialism became so apparent that many preferred to reject the treaty and risk the ills that might follow rather than take the chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the inde- pendent action of this country. 1 Why the Treaty Was Ratified. "I was a dong the number of those who believed it better to ratify the treaty and end the wa. release the volunteers, remove the cxcuse for war expendi- tures, and then give to the Filipinos the independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty. "In view of the criticism which my action aroused in some quarters I take this occasion to restate the reasons given at that time. I thought it safer to trust the American people to give independence to the Filipinos than to trust the accomplishment of that purpose to diplomacy with an unfriendly nation. Lincoln embodied an argument in the question, when he asked, 'Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? I believe that we are now in a better position to wage a successful contest against imperialism than we would have been had the treaty been rejected. With the treaty rasified, a clean-cut issue is presented between a government by consent and a govern- ment by force, and imperialists must bear the responsibility for all that hap- pens until the question is settled. If the treaty had been rejected, the opponents of imperialism would have been held responsible for any international complications which might have ~ 1 1 * } 1 Į ; 1 1 Count to T { DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, ܪ * Ì 1 arisen before the ratification of another treaty. But whatever difference of opinion may have existed as to the best method of opposing a colonial policy, there never was any difference as to the great importance of the question, and there is no difference now as to the course to be pursued. 1 How the War Might Have Been Averted. "The title of Spain being extinguished, we were at liberty to deal with the Filipinos according to American princíples. The Bacon resolution, introduced a month before hostilities broke out at Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on the same terms that it was promised to the Cubans. I supported this resolution and''believe that its adoption prior to the breaking out of hos- tilities would have prevented bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subse- quent time would have ended hostilities. 1 J ; A # "If the treaty had been rejected, considerable time would have necessarily elapsed before a new treaty could have been agreed upon and ratified, and during that time the question would bave been agitating the public mind. If the Bacon resolution had been adopted by the Senate and carried out by the President, either at the time of the ratification of the treaty, or at any time af- terward, it would have taken the question of imperialism out of politics and left the American people free to deal with their domestic problems. But the resolution was defeated by the vote of the Republican Vice-President, and from that time to this a Republican Congress has refused to take any action whatever in the matter. 1 ¦ T -- "When hostilities broke out at Manila, Republican speakers and Republi- can editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those who had delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, during the progress of the war, the same Repub- licans have accused the opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement to the Filipinos. This is a cowardly evasion of responsibility. den in op- 11 "If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine siands perma- nently and imitate European empires in the government of colonies, the Re- publican party ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their ability. J The United States a Moral Force. "The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement, not only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in their own govern- ment. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used language calculated to make the Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered' that passionate appeal, ‘Give me liberty or give me death,' he expressed a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men. "Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none has used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in 1 $ I { 1 + it ! 盏 ​} political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared that the colonies must choose between liberty and slavery. Or, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln, whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present advocates of force and conquest are forgotten. "Some one has said that a truth once spoken can never be recalled. It goes on and on, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening in- fluence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or spoken in defense of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual haired,, for it was God Himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master. ! BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. Effect of Imperial Issue at Home. Those who would have this nation enter upon a career of empire must con- sider not only the effect of imperialism on the Filipinos, but they must also calculate its effect upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principles of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here. "Lincoln said that the safety of this nation was not in its fleets, its armies, its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere; and he wained his countrymen that they could not destroy this spirit without planting the seeds of despotism at their own doors. “Even now we are beginning to sce the paralyzing influence of imperialism. Heretofore this nation has been prompt to express its sympathy with those who were fighting for civil liberty. While our sphere of activity has been lim- ited to the Western hemisphere, our sympathies have not been bounded by the seas. We have felt it due to ourselves and to the world, as well as to those who were struggling for the right to govern themselves, to proclaim the inter- est which our people have, from the date of their own independence, felt in ev- ery contest between human rights and arbitrary power. 1 “Three-quarters of a century ago, when our nation was small, the struggles of Grecce roused our pcoplc, and Webster and Clay gave eloquent capression to the universal dc- ire jor Gresian independence. In 1896 all parties manifested a lively interest in the success of the Cubans, but now, when v war is in progress in South Africa, which must result in the extension of the monarchical idea or in the triumph of a republic, the ad- A A { vocates of impérialism in this country dare not say a word in behalf of the Boers. "Sympathy for the Boers does not arise from any unfriendliness toward England; the American people are not unfriendly toward the people of any nation This sympathy is due to the fact that, as stated in our platform, we believe in the principles of self-government and reject, as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy. If this nation surrenders its belief in the universal application of the principles scforth in the Declaration of Independence, it I J + 1. -་ شد inf ? { f { • ; US BENE Larry 4 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. And ! 'will lose the prestige and influence which it has enjoyed among the nations as an exponent of popular government. گیر # 54 ľ ! ។ 4 7 it Expansion Contrasted With Imperialism. { "Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, seek to confuse imperialism with expansion, and have even dared to claim Jefferson as a sup- porter of their policy. Jefferson spoke so freely and used language with such precision that no one can be ignorant of his views. On one occasion he de-. clared: 'If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other in the mind of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with con- quest.' And again.he sand: Conquest is not in our principles; it is inconsist- ent with our government.' t 1 { } "The forcible annexation of territory to be governed by arbitrary power, differs as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up into States as a monarchy differs from a democracy. The Democratic party does not op- pose expansion, when expansion enlarges the area of the republic and incorpo-. rates land which can be settled by American citizens, or adds to our popula- tion people who are willing to become citizens, and are capable of discharging their duties as such. The acquisition of the Louisiana territory, Florida, Tex- as, and other tracts which have been secured from time to time, enlarged the republic, and the Constitution followed the flag into the new territory. It is now proposed to seize upon distant territory already more densely populated than our own country, and to force upon the people a government for which there is no warrant in our Constitution or our laws. Iz } 1 $ 1 Whites and the Tropics. "Even the argument that this carth belongs to those who desire to cultivate it, and who have the physical power to ac- quire it, cannot, be invoked to justify the appropriation of the Phil- ippine Islands by the United States. If the islands were uninhabited Ameri- can citizens would not be willing to go there and till the soil. The white race will not live so near the equator. Other nations have tried to colonize in the same latitude. The Netherlands have controlled Java for 300 years, and yet to-day there are less than 60,000 people of European birth scattered among the 25,000,0ON. natives. 1 ་ کس * “After a century and a half of English domination in India, less than one-twentieth of 1 per cent. of the people of India are of English birth, and it requires an army of 70,000 British soldiers to take care of the tax collectors. Spain had asserted title to the Philippine Islands for three centuries, and yet, when our fleet entered Manila Bay, there were less than 10,000 Spaniards residing in the Philippines. "A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine Islands q few traders, a few task masters, and a few office-holders, and an army large enough to support the authority of a small fraction of the people while they rule the natives. ! Į } 12+ $ ↓ } ¦ 1 1 j ▸ " • 1 BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCL) (21 → "If we have an imperial policy we must have a great standing army as its natural and necessary complement. The spirit which will justify the forcible annexation of the Philippine Islands will justify the seizure of other islands and the domination of other people, and with wars of conquest we can expect a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military establishment. That a large permanent increase in our regular army is intended by Republl- can leaders is not a matter of conjecture, but a matter of fact. In his message of December 5, 1898, the President asked for authority to increase the stand- ing army to 100,000. In 1896 the army contained about 25,000. Within two years the President asked for four times that many, and a Republican House of Representatives complied with the request, after the Spanish treaty had been signed, and when no country was at war with the United States, + " { The Menace of a Standing Army. "If such an army is demanded, when an imperial policy is con- templated, but not openly avowed, what may be expected if the people en- courage the Republican party by indorsing its policy at the polls? A large standing army is not only a pecuniary burden to the people, and, if accompan- ied by compulsory service, a constant source of irritation, but it is ever a men- ace to a republican form of government. "The army is the personification of force, and militarism will inevitably change the ideals of the people and turn the thoughts of our young men from the arts of peace to the science of war. The government which relies for its defense upon its citizens is more likely to be just than one which has at call a large body of professional soldiers. “A small standing army and a well-equipped and well-disciplined State mili- tia are sufficient at ordinary times, and in an emergency the nation should in the future, as in the past, place its dependence upon the volunteers who come from all occupations at their country's call, and return to productive labor when their services are no longer required-men who fight when the country needs fighters, and work when the country needs workers. "The Republicau platform assumes that the Philippine Islands will be re- rained under American sovereignty, and we have a right to demand of the Republican leaders a discussion of the future status of the Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a subject? Are we to bring into the body politic eight or ten million Asiatics, so different from us in race and history that amalgamation is Impossible? Are they to share with us in making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No Republican of prominence has been bold enough to advocate such a proposition. 1 } I 1 t 1 Citizen or Subject. "The McEnery resolution, adopted by the Senate immediately after the ratt fication of the treaty, expressly negatives this idea. The Democratic platform describe the situation when it says that the Filipinos cannot be citizens } 1 ** t 1 ì 1 } r 1 > C ' 1 ? • 1 3 2 & * + "DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. { & 1 22' (t without endangering our civilization. Who will dispute it? And what is the alternative? If the Filipino is not to be a citizen, shall we make him a sub- ject? On that question the Democratic platform speaks with equal emphasis. It declares that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our form of government. + “A republic can have no subjects. A subject is possible only in a gov- ernment resting upon force; he is unknown in a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed. The Republican platform says that 'the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them (the Filipinos) by law.' This is a strange doc- trine for a government which owes its very existence to the men who of- fered their lives as a protest against government without consent and taxa- tion without representation. 7% 11 བང $ "In what respect does the position of the Republican party differ from the position taken by the English government in 1776? Did not the English government promise a good government to the colo- nists? What King ever promised a bad government to his people? Did not the English government promise that the colonists should have the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and English duties? Did not the Spanish government prom- ise to give to the Cubans the largest measure of self-government còn- sistent with their welfare and Spanish duties? The whole difference between a monarchy and a republic may be summed up in one sen- tence: In a monarchy the King gives to the people what he believes to be a good government; in a republic the people secure for them- selves what they believe to be a good government. ! র Republicans Imitate George III. "The Republican party has accepted the European idea and planted itself upon ground taken by George III and by every ruler who distrusts the capacity of the people for self-government or denies them a voice in their own affairs. "The Republican platform promises that some measure of self-government is to be given to the Filipinos by law; but even this pledge is not fulfilled., Nearly sixteen months elapsed after the ratification of the treaty before the adjournment of Congress last June, and yet no law was passed dealing with the Philippine situation. The will of the President has been the only law in the Philippine Islands wherever the American authority extends. "Why does the Republican party hesitate to legislate upon the Philippine question? Because a law would disclose the radical departure from history and precedent contemplated by those who control the Republican party. The storm of protest which greeted the Porto Rican bill was an indication of what may be expected when the American people are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject. 蹬 ​*** "If the Porto Ricans, who welcomed annexation, are to be de- nied the guarantees of our Constitution, what is to be the lot of the Filipinos, 100 2 f t " i 1 L A > " BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE, 23 who resisted our authority? If secret influences could compel a disregard of our plain duty toward friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment will those same influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000 miles away? If, in this country, where the people have a right to vote, Republican lead- ers dare not take the side of the people against the great monopolies which have grown up within the last few years, how can they be trusted to pro- tect the Filipinos from the corporations which are waiting to exploit the is- lands? } 1 Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines. ( “Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by the people of the United Stales and the twilight of semi-citizenship endured by the people of Porto Rico, while the tluck dark- ness of perpetual vassalage covers the Philippines? The Porto Rico tariff law asscris the doctrine that the operation of the Constitution is confined to the forty-five Stales. "The Democratic party disputes this doctrine and denounces it as repug- nant to both the letter and spirit of ou; organic law. There is no place in our system of government for the deposit of arbitrary and irresponsible power. That the leaders of a great party should claim for any President or Congress the right to treat millions of people as mere 'possessions' and deal with them unrestrained by the Constitution or the bill of rights, shows how far we have already departed from the ancient landmarks, and indicates what may be expected if this nation deliberately enters upon a carcer of empie. "The territorial form of government is temporary and preparatory, and the chief security of a citizen of a territory is found in the fact that he enjoys the me constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general laws as a ciuzen of a State. Take away this security and his rights will be violated and i… ests sacrificed at the demand of those who have political flueu. is is the evil of the colonial system, no matter, by 15 what nation it is aed. l The Flaw in Our Title. "What is our tile to the Philippine Islands? Do we hold them by treaty or by conquest? Did we buy them or did we fake them? Did we purchase the people? If not, how did we secure title to them? Were they thrown in with the land? Will the Repuglicans say that manimate earth has value, but when that earth is molded by the divine band and stamped with the likeness of the creator it becomes a fixture and passes with the soil? If governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, it is impossible to secure title to people, either by force or by purchase. "We could extinguished Spain's title by treddy, but if we hold tulle we must hold it by some method consistent with our ideas of government. When we made allies of the Fil- ipinos and armed them to fight against Spain, we disputed Spain's tille. If we buy Spain's title we are not innocent purchasers. } } 1 T + I - 1 2 ' ❤ 24 } DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK 1 "There can be no doubt that we accepted and utilized the services of the " Filipinos, and that when we did so we had full knowledge that they were fighting for their own independence, and I submit that history furnishes no example of turpitude baser than ours if we now substitute our yoke for the Spanish yoke. } 2 Y J “Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been given in support of an imperialistic policy. Some say that it is our duty to hold the Philippine Is- fands. But duty is not an argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain what our duty is in any emergency we must apply well-settled and generally ac- cepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, no matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little value. It is our duty to avoid killing TH Till a human being, no matter where the human being lives or to what race or class he belongs. ** + → A { 5 The Argument The Argument of "Duty." "Every one recognizes the obligation imposed upon individuals to observe both the human and the moral law, but as some deny the application of those laws to nations, it may not be out of place to quote the opinions of others. Jefferson, than whom there is no higher political authority, said: ""I know of but one code of morality for men, whether acting singly or collectively.' Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and virtue are a part of the priceless legacy bequeathed to us from the Revolutionary days, ex- pressed the same idea in even stronger language when he said: A ""Justice is as strictly due between neighbor nations as betweeĽ neighbor citizens. A highwayman is as much a robber when he plun- ders in a gang as when singly; and the nation tl. kes an unjust war is only a great gang.' "' "Many may dare to do in crowds what they would no. dare to do as indi- vigdals, but the moral character of an act is not dele mined by the number of those who join it. Force can defend a right, but force has never yet cre- ated a right. If it was true, as declared in the resolutions of intervention, that the Cubans 'are and of right ought to be free and independent,' (lan- guage taken from the Declaration of Independenc), it is equally true that the Filipinos 'are and of right ought to be free ang independent.' 1 } Aut 1 The Right to Freedom. "The right of the Cubans to freedom was not based upon their proximity to the United States, nor upon the language which they spoke, nor yet upon the race or races to which they belonged. Congress by a practically unanimous vote declared that the principies enunciated at Philadelphia in 1776 were still alive and applicable to the Cubans “Who will draw a line between the natural rights of the Cubans and the Filipinos? Who will say that the former has a right to liberty and the latter has no rights which we are bound to respect? And, if the Filipinos 1 { 1 14 } уповани суда подарить вам пере Ja s مية * + 25 2 the 1 buy w KANSAS CITY PLATFORM: Territorial Expansion. î We are not opposed to territorial expansion, when it takes in desirable ter- ritory which can be erected into states in the Union, and whose people are willing and fit to become American citizens. We favor trade expansion by every peaceful and legitimate means. But we are unalterably opposed to the seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed outside the constitution and whose people can never become citizens. - 넗 ​We are in favor of extending the Republic's influence among the nations, but believe that influence should be extended not by force and violence, but through the persuasive power of a high and honorable example. The Paramount Issue. The importance of other questions now pending before the American peo- ple is in no wise diminished and the Democratic party takes no backward step from its position on them; but the burning issue of Imperialism, grow- ing out of the Spanish war, involving the very existence of the Republic and the destruction of our free institutions, we regard as the paramount issue of the campaign. 쫙 ​£ () + 쌀 ​The Monroe Doctrine. The declaration of the Republican platform adopted at the Philadelphia convention held June, 1900, that the Republican party "steadfastly adheres to the policy announced in the Monroe doctrine," is manifestly insincere and deceptive. This profession is contradicted by the avowed policy of that party, in opposition to the spirit of the Monroe doctrine, to acquire and hold sov- ereignty over large areas of territory and large numbers of people in the eastern hemisphere. We insist on the strict maintenance of the Monroe doc- trine in all its integrity, both in letter and in spirit, as necessary to prevent the extension of European authority on these continents and as essential to our supremacy in American affairs. At the same time we declare that no American people shall ever be held by force in unwilling subjection to Euro- pean authority. Opposition to Militarism. We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and intimidation and oppression at home. It means the strong arm which has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what millions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. It will impose upon our peace-loving people a large standing army, an un- necessary burden of taxation, and would be a constant menace to their liber- ties. A small standing army and a well-disciplined state militia are amply sufficient in time of peace. This Republic has no place for a vast military establishment, a sure forerunner of compulsory military service and conscrip- tion. When the nation is in danger the volunteer soldier is his country's best defender. The National Guard of the United States should ever be cherished In the patriotic hearts of a free people. Such organizations are ever an ele 2 Į гора } #1 } k I 1 է DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.] ment of strength and safety. For the first time in our history and coeval with the Philippine conquest has there been a wholesale departure from our time-honored and approved system of volunteer organization. We denounce it as un-American, undemocratic and unrepublican and as a subversion of the ancient and fixed principles of a free people. Trusts and Monopolies. Private monopolies are indefensible and intolerable. They destroy compe- tition, control the price of raw material and of the finished product, thus rob- bing both producer and consumer. They lessen the employment of labor and arbitrarily fix the terms and conditions thereof; and deprive individual energy and small capital of their opportunity for betterment. They are the most ef- ficient means yet devised for appropriating the fruits of industry to the ben- efit of the few at the expense of the many, and, unless their insatiate greed is checked, all wealth will be aggregated in a few hands and the Republic destroyed. The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the Republican par- ty in its state and national platforms is conclusive proof of the truth of the charge that trusts are the legitimate product of Republican policies, that they are fostered by Republican laws, and that they are protected by the Repub- lican administration in return for campaign subscriptions and political sup- port. We pledge the Democratic party to an unceasing warfare in nation, state and city against private monopoly in every form. Existing laws against trusts must be enforced and more stringent ones must be enacted providing for publicity as to the affairs of corporations engaged in interstate com- merce and requiring all corporations to show, before doing business outside of the state of their origin, that they have no water in their stock, and that they have not attempted, and are not attempting, to monopolize any branch of business or the production of any articles of merchandise, and the whole constitutional power of congress over interstate commerce, the mails and all modes of interstate communication, shall be exercised by the enactment of comprehensive laws upon the subject of trusts. Tariff laws should be amend- ed by putting the products of trusts upon the free list, to prevent monopoly under the plea of protection. The failure of the present Republican adminis- tration, with an absolute control over all the branches of the national gov- ernment, to enact any legislation designed to prevent or even curtail the ab- sorbing power of trusts and illegal combinations, or to enforce the anti-trust laws already on the statute books, proves the insincerity of the high-sounding phrases of the Republican platform. U Corporations should be protected in all their rights and their legitimate in-. terests should be respected, but any attempt by corporations to interfere with the public affairs of the people or to control the sovereignty which creates them, should be forbidden under such penalties as will make such attempts impossible. on sow } #1 BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. 125 'are and of right ought to be free and independent,' what right have we to force our government upon them without their consent? Before our duty can be ascertained, their rights must be determined, and when their rights are once determined, it is as much our duty to respect those rights as it was the duty of Spain to respect the rights of the people of Cuba or the duty of England to respect the rights of the American colonists. Rights never con- flict; duties never clash. Can it be our duty to usurp political rights which belong to others? Can it be our duty to kill those who, following the example of our forefathers, love liberty well enough to fight for it? F "Some poet has described the terror which overcame a soldier who, in the midst of battle, discovered that he had slain his brother. It is written, ‘All ye are brethren.' Let us hope for the coming of the day when human life- which when once destroyed cannot be restored-will be so sacred that it will never be taken except when necessary to punish a crime already committed or to prevent a crime about to be committed! "If it is said that we have assumed before the world obligations which make it necessary for us to permanently maintain a government in the Phil- Ippine Islands, I reply, first, that the highest obligation of this nation is to be true to itself. No obligation to any particular nation or to all nations com- bined can require the abandonment of our theory of government and the substitution of doctrines against which our whole national life has been a protest. And, second, that our obligation to the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, is greater than any obligation which we can owe to foreigners who have a temporary residence in the Philippines or desire to trade there. "It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable of self-government, and that, therefore, we owe it to the world to take control of them. Admiral Dewey in an official report to the Navy Department declared the Filipinos more capable of self-government than the Cubans, and said that he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But I will not rest the case upon the relative advancement of the Filipinos. Henry Clay, in defending the rights of the people of South America to self-government, said: d/ { 7 呆 ​P "The Argument of Thrones." "It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant to govern himself. Their par- tisans assert his incapacity in reference to all nations; if they cannot command universal assent to the proposition, it is then remanded to particular nations; and our pride and our presumption too often make converts of us. I contend that it is to arraign the dis- position of Providence Himself to suppose that He has created beings incapable of gover- ning themselves and to be trampled on by kings. Self-government is the natural govern- ment of man.' "Clay was right. There are degrees of proficiency in the art of self-govern- ment, but it is a reflection upon the Creator to say that He denied to any peo- ple the capacity of self-government. Once admit that some people are capable of self-government and that others are not, and that the capable people have J 畜 ​¿ → 3 # A ་་ له F 26'1 a right to seize upon and govern the incapable, and you make force-brute force the only foundation of government and invite the reign of the despot. } I am not willing to believe that an all-wise and an all-loving God created the Filipinos and then left them thousands of years helpless until the islands at- tracted the attention of European nations. " "Republicans ask: 'Shall we haul down the flag that floats over our dead in the Philippines? The same question might have been asked when the American flag floated over Chapultapec and waved over the dead who fell there; but the tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a national cem- etery owned by the United States and cared for by an American citizen. Our flag still floats over our dead, but when the treaty with Mexico was signed, American authority withdrew to the Rio Grande, and I venture the opinion that during the last fifty years the people of Mexico have made more progress under the stimulus of independence and self-government than they would have made under a carpet-bag government held in place by 'bayonets. The United States and Mexico, friendly republics, are each stronger and happier than they would have been had the former been cursed and the latter crushed by an imperialistic policy disguised as 'benevolent assimilation.' Luke 1 L J + DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. A Might and Right. ""Can we not govern colonics?' we are asked. The question is not what we can do, but what we ought to do. This nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it must accept responsibility for what it does. If the Constitution stands in the way, the people can amend the Constitution. I repeat, the nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it cannot avoid the natural and legitimate results of its own conduct. 66 I The young man upon reaching his majority can do what he pleases. He can disregard the teachings of his parents; he can trample upon all that he has been taught to consider sacred; he can disobey the laws of the state, the laws of society, and the laws of God. He can stamp failure upon his life and make his very existence a curse to his fellow men, and he can bring his father and mother in sorrow to the grave; but he cannot annul the sentence, "The wages of sin is death.' 1 / 1 { "And so with this nation. It is of age, and it can do what it pleases. It can spurn the traditions of the past; it can repudiate the princi- ples upon which the nation rests; it can employ force instead of rea- son; it can substitute might for right; it can conquer weaker people; it can exploit their lands, appropriate their property, and kill their people; but it cannot repeal the moral law or escape the punishment decreed for the violation of human rights. Would we tread in the paths of tyranny, Nor reckon the tyrant's cost? Who taketh another's liberty, His freedom is also lost. Would we win as the strong have ever won, Make ready to pay the debt; For the God who reigned over Babylon Is the God who is reigning yet. } 1 } } ! + 1 1 畜 ​I 1 1 1 * BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. We Dare Not Educate the Filipinos. "Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands will result in the better education of the Filipinos. Be not deceived. If we expect to maintain ▲ colonial policy, we shall not find it to our advantage to educate the people. The educated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, and the most ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our domination. If we are to govern them without their consent and give them no voice in determining the taxes which they must pay, we dare not educate them, lest they learn to read the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States and mock us for our inconsistency. 1 "The principal arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a defense of imperialism are: ALIO "First-That we must improve the present opportunity to become a world power and enter into international politics. "Second-That our commercial interests in the Philippine Islands and in the Orient make it necessary for us to hold the Islands permanently. "Third-That the spread of the Christian religion will be facilitated by a colonial policy. (27 "Fourth-That there is no honorable retreat from the position which the nation has taken. -L "The first argument is addressed to the nation's pride and the second to the nation's pocketbook. The third is intended for the church member and - the fourth for the partisan. Our Place in World Politics. "It is a sufficient answer to the first argument to say that for more than a century this nation has been a world power. For ten decades it has been the most potent influence in the world. Not only has it been a world power, but it has done more to affect the politics of the human race than all the other na- tions of the world combined. Because our Declaration of Independence was promulgated, others have been promulgated; because the patriots of 1776 fought for liberty, others have fought for it; because our Constitution was adopted, other constitutions have been adopted. I "The growth of the principle of self-government planted on Amer- ican soil has been the overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth century. It has made this nation conspicuous among the nations, and given it a place in history such as no other nation has ever enjoyed. Nothing has been able to check the onward march of this idea. I am not willing that this nation shall cast aside the omnipotent weapon of truth to seize again the weapons of physical warfare. I would not exchange the glory of this republic for the glory of all the empires that have risen and fallen since time began. "The permanent chairman of the last Republican National Convention pre- sented the pecuniary argument in all its baldness, when he said: to? • f ร 1 { } { ܕ ܼܲܨ וי I 28* = "'We make no hypocritical pretenses of being interested in the Philippines solely on account of others. While we regard the welfare of those people as a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people first. We see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We believe in trade expansion. Bý every legitimate means within the province of government and Constitution, we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade and open new markets. "This is the commercial argument. It is based upon the theory that war can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and that it is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence. Franklin denied both of these proposi- tions. When Lord Howe asserted that the acts of Parliament which brought on the Revolution were necessary to prevent American trade from passing into foreign channels, Franklin replied: ¡ 'DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOKE کی 7 1 Franklin on Bartering Blood for Trade. ""To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of any trade, how- soever valuable, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce are the goodness and cheapness of commodities, and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and un- wise.' "I place the philosophy of Franklin against the sordid doctrine of those who would put a price upon the life of an American soldier and justify a war of conquest upon the ground that it will pay. The Democratic party is in fa- vor of the expansion of trade. It would extend our trade by every legitimate and peaceful means; but it is not willing to make merchandise of human blood. 1 "But a war of conquest is as unwise as it is unrighteous. A harbor and coaling station in the 'hilippines would answer every trade and military nè- cessity, and such concession could have been secured at any time without difficulty. "It is not necessary to own people in order to trade with them. We carry cn trade to-day with every part of the world and our commerce has expanded more rapidly than the commerce of any European empire. We do not own Japan or China, but we trade with their people. We have not absorbed the republics of Central and South America, but we trade with them. It has not been necessary to have any political connection with Canada or the na- tions of Europe in order to trade with them. Trade cannot be permanently profitable unless it is voluntary. "When trade is secured by force, the cost of securing it and retaining it must be taken out of the profits, and the profits are never large enough to cover the cxpense. Such a system would never be defended but for the fact that the expense is borne by all the people, while the profits are enjoyed by the few. } } } BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE "Imperialism would be profitable to the army contractors; it would be profitable to the shipowners, who would carry live soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead soldiers back; it would be profitable to those who would seize upon the franchises, and it would be profitablo to the officials whose salaries would be fixed here and paid over there. But to the farmer, to the laboring man, and to the vast majority of those engaged in other occupations it would bring expenditure with- out return and risk without reward. ? Į "Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, small incomes, and under sys- tems which place the tax upon consumption pay more than their fair share of the expenses of government. Thus the very people who receive least benefit from imperialism will be injured most by the military burdens which ac- company it. **** "In addition to the evils which he and the farmer share in common, the la- boring man will be the first to suffer if oriental subjects seek work in the United States; the first to suffer if American capital leaves our shores to em- ploy oriental labor in the Philipines to supply the trade of China and Japan; the first to suffer from the violence which the military spirit arouses, and the first to suffer when the methods of imperialism are applied to our own gov- ernment. стоманени "It is not strange, therefore, that the labor organizations have been quick to note the approach of these dangers and prompt to protest against both mil- itarism and imperialism. "The pecuniary argument, though more effective with certain classes, is not likely to be used so often or presented with so much enthusiasm as the relig- ious argument. If what has been termed the 'gunpowder gospel' were urged against the Filipinos only, it would be sufficient answer to say that a major- ity of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the Christian church; but the principle involved is one of much wider application and challenges serious consideration. The Religious Argument. . "The religious argument varies in positiveness from a passive belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos into our hands for their good and our glory, to the exultation of the minister who said that we ought to 'thrash the natives (Filipinos) until they understand who we are,' and that 'every bullet sent, every cannon shot and every flag waved means righteousness.' 1. → "We cannot approve of this doctrine in one place unless we are willing to apply it everywhere. If there is poison in the blood of the hand it will ul- timately reach the heart. It is equally true that forcible Christianity, if plant- ed under the American flag in the far away Orient, will sooner or later be transplanted upon American soil. "If true Christianity consists in carrying out in our daily lives the teachings of Christ who will say that we are commanded to civilize with dynamite and • 3 & $ # 30 } ! ! DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, **** * proselyte with the sword. He who would declare the Divine will must prov、 his authority, either by Holy Writ or by evidence of a special dispensation Imperialism Finds No Warrant in the Bible. ~ é "The command, ‘Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature,' has no gatling-gun attachment. When Jesus visited a village of Samaria and the people refused to receive Him, some of the disciples suggested that fire should be called down from heaven to avenge the insult; but the Master rebuked them, and said: know not what manner of spirit ye are of; for the Son of Man is not come to destroy men's lives, but to save them.' Suppose He had said, 'We will thrash them until they understand who we are.' How differ- ent would have been the history of Christianity! Compare, if you will, the swaggering, bullying, brutal doctrine of imperialism with the Golden Rule and the commandment, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." tess "Love, not force, was the weapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice for oth- ers, not the exploitation of them, was His method of reaching the human heart. A missionary recently told me that the Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his assailant recognized our flag as the flag that had no blood upon it. Let it be known that our mission- aries are seeking souls instead of sovereignty; let it be known that instead of being the advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth to help and to uplift, having their loins girt about with truth and their feet shod with the preparation of the Gospel of peace, wearing the breastplate of righteousness, and carrying the sword of the Spirit; let it be known that they are citizens of a nation which respects the rights of other nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its own citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries will be more cordial than the welcome extended to the missionaries of any other nation. 1 } "The argument made by some that it was unfortunate for the nation that it had anything to do with the Philippine Islands, but that the naval victory at Manila made the permanent acquisition of those islands necessary, is also un- sound. We won a naval victory at Santiago that did not compel us to hold Cuba. The shedding of American blood in the Philippine Islands does not make it im- perative that we should retain possession forever; American blood was shed at San Juan Hill and El Caney, and yet the President has promised the Cu- bans independence. The fact that the American flag floats over Manila does not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty over the islands; the American flag waves over Havana to-day, but the President has promised to haul it down when the flag of the Cuban republic is ready to rise in its place. Better a thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag representing the idea of self-government than that the flag of this republic should become the flag of an empire. L ? [ BRYAN'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE.' The Solution of the Problem. "There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the Philippine question. 'It is set forth in the Democratic platform and it is sub- mitted with confidence to the American people. This plan I unre- servedly indorse. If elected I shall convene Congress in extraordinary session as soon as I am inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose: first, to establish a stable form of government in the Philippine Islands, just as we are now estab- lishing a stable form of government in the island of Cuba; second, to give independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the Filipinos from outside interference while they work out their destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central and South America, and are by the Monroe doctrine pledged to protect Cuba. "An European protectorate often results in the plundering of the ward by the guardian. An American protectorate gives to the nation pro- tected the advantage of our strength without making it the victim of our greed. For three-quarters of a century the Monroe doctrine has been a shield to neighboring republics, and yet it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon us. After the Filipinos had aided us in the war against Spain we could not honor- ably turn them over to their former masters; we could not leave them to be the victims of the ambitious designs of the European nations, and since we do not desire to make them a part of us, or to hold them as subjects, we propose the only alternative, namely, to give them independence and guard them against molestation from without. 31 "When our opponents are unable to defend their position by argument they fall back upon the assertion that it is destiny, and insist that we must submit to it, no matter how much it violates our moral piccepts and our principles of gov, ernment. This is a complacent philosophy. It obliterates the distinction be- tween right and wrong, and makes individuals and nations the helpless vic- tims of circumstance. 4 1 200 The Plea of "Destiny." "Destiny is the subterfuge of the invertebrate, who, lacking the courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse for supporting it. Washington said that the destiny of the republican form of govern- ment was deeply, if not finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the American people. How different Washington's definition of destiny from the Republican definition! The Republicans say that this nation is in the hands of destiny. Washington believed that not only the destiny of our own nation, but the destiny of the repub- lican form of government throughout the world, was intrusted to American hands. The destiny of this republic is in the hands of its own people. T 1 I Į I t 7 } 1 ✩ SZMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Immeasurable Responsibility. "Upon the success of the experiment here rests the hope of human- ity. No exterior force can disturb this republic, and no foreign influ- ence should be permitted to change its course. What the future has in store for this nation no one has authority to declare, but each. indi- vidual has his own idea of the nation's mission, and he owes it to his country as well as to himself to contribute as best he may to the ful- fillment of that mission. O = "Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the committee, I can never fully discharge the debt of gratitude which I owe to my countrymen for the honors which they have so generously bestowed upon me; but, sirs, whether it be my lot to occupy the high office for which the convention has named me or to spend the remainder of my days in private life, it shall be my constant ambition and my controlling purpose to aid in realizing the high ideals of those whose wisdom and courage and sacrifices brought this republic into existence. "I can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the glories of the present and the past-a destiny which meets the responsibilities of to-day and measures up to the possibilities of the future. Behold a republic resting securely upon the foundation stones quarried by revolutionary patriots from the mountain of eternal truth-a repub- lic applying in practice and proclaiming to the world the self-evi- dent proposition that all men are created equal; that they are endowed with inalienable rights; that governments are instituted among men to secure these rights; that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. Behold a republic, in which civil and religious liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor, and, in which the law restrains every hand uplifted for a neighbor's injury—a republic in which every citizen is a sovereign, but in which no one cares to wear a crown. Behold a republic standing erect while empires all around are bowed beneath the weight of their own armaments—a republic whose flag is loved, while other flags are only feared. Behold a republic increasing in population, in wealth, in strength, and in influence, solving the problems of civilization, and hastening the coming of an universal brotherhood-a republic which shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies by its silent example, and gives light and inspiration to those who sit in darkness. Behold a republic gradually but surely becoming the supreme factor in the world's progress and the accepted arbiter of the world's disputes-a republic whose history, like the path of the just, 'is as the shining light that shineth more and more unto the perfect day.'" \ Į ( ( I } 1 1 1. } | f KON { ↑ J F Ky 真 ​{ CHAPTER III. HON. ADLAI E. STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. The Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson, when formally notified by Governor Thomas of his nomination for the Vice Presidency by the Democratic National Conven- tion at Kansas City, replied as follows: "I am profoundly grateful for the honor conferred upon me by my selec- tion by the National Democratic Convention as its candidate for the high office of Vice President of the United States. For the complimentary manner in which such action has been officially made known to me I express to you, Mr. Chairman, and to your honored associates of the committee, my sincere thanks. ! STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE,' "Deeply impressed with a sense of the responsibility assumed by such can- didacy, I accept the nomination so generously tendered me. Should the ac- tion of the Convention meet the approval of the people in November it will be my earnest endeavor to discharge with fidelity the duties of the great of- fice. "It is wisely provided in the Constitution that at stated times political pow er shall return to the hands of the people. The struggle for political su- premacy, upon which we are now entering, is one of deep moment to the American people. Its supreme importance to all conditions of our country- men cannot be measured by words. The ills resulting from unjust legisla- tion and from unwise administration of the Government must find their rem- edy in the all-potent ballot. To it we now make our solemn appeal. $ "The chief purpose of the great Convention, whose representatives are be- *ore me, was redress for existing wrongs and security against perils yet great- which menace popular government. Your Convention, in language clear and ¿ nmistakable, has presented the vital issues upon which the pending contest is o be determined. To its platform I give my earnest assent. T Sympathy for Sister Republics. "Clearly and unequivocally the Democratic Convention has expressed its -mpathy with the burghers of the South African Republics in their heroic tempt to maintain free government. In this the Convention not only voiced le sentiments of American Democrats, but of liberty-loving men everywhere. is not strange that those who have kept the political faith of the author of 33 1 F I DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 34 the Declaration of Independence should express their abhorrence at the effort of a great European power to subjugate a people whose only crime is a death struggle to maintain their liberties. "The earnest utterances of the Convention that our sympathies are with the Boers in their unequal struggle, meets a hearty response from all who ven- erate the principles of our fathers. Is it not true that in all the past a belief in the inalienable rights of all peoples has been with us a living faith? That our sympathy has ever been with the oppressed; with those who were strug- gling for a larger measure of freedom-for self-government? For this rea- son our Government was among the first to extend recognition to the Repub- lics of France and of Mexico; prompt to extend our sympathy, as well as offi- cial recognition, to the little South American States on their escape from the despotism of Spain, and upon their efforts to establish for themselves repre- sentative government fashioned after our own. History has but repeated it- self, and the struggle to maintain free government a century and a quarter after the promulgation of the Declaration of Independence has been trans- ferred from the New World to the Old. Is it to be wondered, then, that the political disciples of Jefferson should express their sympathy for the op- pressed Republics of South Africa? Only those who believe that our own country has outgrown the doctrines of the fathers are in sympathy with Eng. land's attempt to establish monarchy upon the ruins of Republics. 20 War Taxes and Expenditures. "The lavish appropriations by the present Republican Congress should chal- lenge the attention of all thoughtful men. Subsidy bills and all unnecessary taxes are condemned by our platform. The accumulation of surplus revenues is too often the pretext for wasteful appropriations of the public money. The millions of surplus now accumulating in the Treasury should remain in pockets of the people. To this end the Democratic party demands a reduc- of war taxes to the actual needs of the Government and a return to the y of strict economy in all governmental expenditures. Laws to Curb Monopolies. In apt words the Dingley tariff law is condemned. It is tersely character- i as legislation skillfully devised in the interest of a class and to impose up- the many burdens which they should not bear. Adhering to the time-hon- ed doctrine of the Democratic party, we oppose all tariff legislation, the necessary consequence of which is at the expense of the consumer to secure unjust advantage to the favored few. Experience has demonstrated that un- just tariff laws have deprived the Government of needed revenues, secured to favored beneficiaries colossal fortunes and largely increased to the people the cost of the necessaries of life. The baleful but logical result of the tariff law condemned by our platform is seen in the sudden growth of glant mon- opolies, combinations in restraint of lawful trade, and 'trusts,' more threaten- ing than foreign foe to the existence of popular government. Believing that 7 D G 1 } 35 'wherever there is a wrong there must be a remedy,' the Democratic party -M / * P will favor such legislation as will curb the spirit of monopoly and place an ef- fective barrier-against the unlawful combinations of capital which now prove an insuperable obstacle to legitimate enterprise and investment. The deadly power of the trust is felt in all channels of trade. C "This is but the beginning. Is it too much to say that, unless restrained by wholesome laws, wisely and efficiently administered, the danger becomes ap- pålling? Fostered by the Dingley Tariff law, the trusts during the present Republican Administration have enormously increased in number and in power. A determined effort for their suppression must now be made. De- lay would still further endanger every lawful business interest of the coun- try. The imperative necessity for a remedy being conceded, the question arises: Into whose hands shall be committed the work of formulating laws looking to the suppression of trusts? To whom shall be entrusted the execu- tion of such laws? Shall it be to the victims or to the beneficiaries of the overshadowing evil? If to the latter, then a further lease of power to the present Administration is all that is needed. "Can' any sane man believe that the trust evil is one that will cure it- self, or that its destruction will be compassed by those to whom it has brought princely fortunes? If so, let him point to a single honest attempt of Republican officials to enforce the laws now upon our statute books against the most stupendous commercial evil known to any period of our history. The Democratic parly stands pledged to an unceasing warfare against private mon- *opoly in every form. It demands the enforcement of existing laws against trusts and the enactment of laws yet more stringent. It wisely demands pub- licity as to the affairs of corporations engaged in interstate commerce. "As one means to the important end of curtailing the power of trusts we favor such amendments of our tariff laws as will place the products of trusts upon the free list and thereby prevent monopoly under the plea of protection. During almost four years of Republican control of all departments of the Government the trust evil has grown to its present overshadowing propor- tions. What finger has been lifted for its suppression? With its friends again entrenched in power, what hope is held out for the future? "At this hour I can but allude in brief words to other needed reforms to which the attention of the country is called by the Democratic platform. Prom- inent among these is such enlargement of the scope of the Interstate Com- merce law as will protect the public from unjust transportation rates and in- dividuals from unfair discrimination. As is well known, this law has failed to effect the wise purpose for which it was enacted. In fact, it is now little more than a dead letter upon the statute books. Under well-considered amendments the commission should be vested with ample power to prevent Injustice to individuals and to the public. I { { f L ету STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. | 1 сан 1 I r W So There are I 3 * 1 36. } L DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, Labor and Pensions. "Our platform favors the creation of a Department of Labor, whose chicf officer shall take rank with the other constitutional advisers of the President. This is in the interest of justice, and will prove an important step looking to the proper recognition and encouragement of the producers of wealth. "In specific terms it favors liberal pensions to our soldiers and sailors and to those dependent upon them. "With equal justice it reiterates the demands of a former Democratic plat- form for bimetallisni; the restoration of silver to its proper function in our monetary system. "For the protection of home labor it demands the enforcement of the Chi- nese Exclusion act. "And in the interest of an enlarged commerce it favors the immediate con- struction of the Nicaragua Canal. This, however, with the provision that it shall remain forever under the exclusive ownership and control of the United States. The pending Hay-Pauncefote Treaty is condemned as a surrender of American rights not to be tolerated by the American people. In the con- struction and control of this great work there can be no concession of right to any European power. Commercial interest and national safety in time of war alike demand its permanent ownership by our Government. { 1 ក ! The Paramount Issue. "A question is yet to be discussed to which all of these are of secondary Importance. It is solemnly declared by our platform to be the paramount is- sue. Questions of domestic policy, however important, may be but the ques- tions of the hour-that of imperialism is for time. In the presence of this stu- pendous issue others seem but as the dust in the balance. In no sense palter- ing with words, it is the supreme question of republic or empire. The words of the eminent Republican Senator, Mr. Hoar, challenge attention: 'I believe that perseverance in this policy will be the abandonment of the principles up- on which our Government is founded; that it will change our Government in- to an empire; that our methods of legislation, of diplomacy, of administra tion, must hereafter be those which belong to empires, and not those which belong to republics.' 2 L "Upon every phase of our foreign policy the language of the Democratic platform is too clear to admit of misconstruction. It favors trade expansion by all peaceful and lawful means 1 h the mos Constitution Follows the Flag. "We believe that liberty, as well as the Constitution, follows the flag. Dem- ocrats, in common with many Republicans, oppose the Porto Rican law as a violation of the Constitution, and a flagrant breach of good, faith toward a dependent people. It is imposing government without the consent of the gov- erned. It is in conflict with that provision of the Constitution which declares 1™ { L { 37... STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. that 'duties, imports, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States.' Believing that this constitutional provision applies to every part of the United States, we condemn the tariff taxation imposed by a Republican "Con- gress upon the helpless and distressed people of Porto Rico. Such legislation- inspired solely by greed-is indeed the harbinger of evil to the Republic. } € "The attempt to collect unjust taxes with one hand, and with the other to return them in part to a plundered people, is utterly without constitutional warrant or justification. We give our earnest assent to the declaration; 'Our plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs between the United States and Porto Rico, and give her products access to our markets.' No party exigency or pressure could justify a departure by the President from the plain pathway of duty he had here so clearly indicated. The law imposing tariff duties upon the people of Porto Rico is in palpable violation of the Constitution, and a flagrant breach of the pledged faith of the nation. Deplores Spirit of Empire. "The Democratic platform condemns the policy pursued by the present Administration toward the Philippine Islands. This policy-inspired by the greedy spirit of commercialism-haş embroiled our Government in an un- necessary war, sacrificed valable lives, and placed the American Republic in deadly antagonism to our former allies in their efforts to secure their liberties. For the first time in our history we are boldly confronted with the question of 'imperialism-the spirit of empire.' } "This is, indeed, the supreme question, to which all others are of second- ary importance. Before we break irrevocably with the past and abandon the doctrines of the fathers, it is well that we deliberate upon the consequence of a permanent departure from the settled governmental policy of more than a century. The success of the imperialistic policy foreshadows the empire. Shall the closing hours of the century witness the American people aban- doning the sure pathway in which past generations have found prosperity and happiness and embarking upon that of aggression and conquest, against which we are warned by the wrecks that lie along the entire pathway of history? Standing out against the new policy of conquest, with all that it involves of European complication, are the warnings of the founders of the Republic. Out of fashion as it may appear, I quote the last words of Wash- ington to the oncoming generations of his countrymen: "The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little the political connection as possible.' It was the author of the Declaration of Independence who said: 'Our first and fundamental maxim should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe' Is it not well to ponder these warnings before permanently em- barking upon an untried pathway beset with foreign jealousies, complications, and antagonism? 1 } ļ 7 1 I 1 門 ​J 38 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK } 3 $ Jeffersonian Expansion. " [ "The Democratic party has ever been the advocate of wise territorial ex- pansion. It was in control of the Government during forty years of the first half of the present century. During that period now States were admitted in- to the Federal Union, and our Western border extended beyond the Mississ- ippi. Out of the Louisiana country acquired under the first Democratic Ad- ministration have been carved fourteen magnificent States. Under a later Democratic Administration, and as the result of the treaty which terminated our war with Mexico, we acquired California and neighboring Stales and Ter- ritories, thus bringing under our flag to remain forever the vast expanse stretching to the Pacific. y "The policy of aggressive expansion or subjugation of distant islands, pur- sued by the present Administration, finds no precedent in the peaceable cession of the Louisiana country by Napoleon, that of Florida by Spain, nor that yet later of the vast Western area by Mexico. The territory acquired under Dem- ocratic Administrations was, with favorable climatic conditions, the fit abode for men of our own race. At the time of annexation it passed under the rule of the Anglo-Saxon, who carried with him our language and our laws. It was territory contiguous to our own and acquired with the declared inten- tion, when conditions and population would justify, of carving it into States. The result: Millions of American homes, our national wealth increased be- yond the dreams of avarice, and the United States chief among the nations of the earth. Can it be that the new policy of forcible annexation of distant islands finds precedent in the historic events I have mentioned? j >> - "The answer is found in the bare statement of facts. The territory ac- quired under Democratic Administration is contiguous-the 'hilippines, 8,000 miles distant. The acquisition of territory upon our own continent added lit- tle to the national expense-to maintain permanent sovereignty over the dis- tant islands necessitates immense expenditures upon our Army and Navy. More than that, it contemplaics methods of administration that pertain not to the republic but to the empire. Can it be doubted that the attempt to stifle the spirit of liberty abroad will imperil popular government at home? "What is proposed by the party in power for the government of these is- lands? If it be intended to establish there our political institutions, what then becomes of the Monroe doctrine? This vital international policy, announced by the President of the United States seventy-seven years ago, was: 'We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any at- tempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety.' Thus was supplemented by a disclaim- er in substance upon our part of any intention to force our institution upon the nations of Europe or their dependencies. -$ Si ޅ $ * 1 STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE. Monroe Doctrine Enduring. "The Monroe doctrine is wholesome and enduring. It is the faith of Amer- Icans of every creed and party-is of the very warp and woof of our political being. It was promulgated at the critical moment when the 'holy alliance' was attempting to stifle the republican spirit and re-establish the despotismn of Spain upon her revolted colonies in South America and Mexico. The es- sence of the doctrine as then understood by the world was, while we forbid the establishment of despotic governments upon the American continent, we recognize the corresponding obligation to refrain from any attempt to force our political system upon any part of the Old World. This has been our settled rule of faith and practice for more than three-quarters of a century. Its promulgation defeated the purpose of the 'holy alliance' and destroyed for- ever the power of Spain upon this continent. 39* "Under it Louis Napoleon, a third of a century ago, was compelled to with- draw the French army from Mexico, and leave the ill-starred Maximilian to his fate. Under it the empire established by foreign bayonets disappeared and the republic was restored. Are we now to say we still recognize the binding force of this doctrine upon other nations, but not upon our own? } Government by Force a Despotism. "If ultimate statehood for these remote islands-and others yet to be con- quered-be disclaimed, how, then are they to be held and governed? The only alternative is by force-by the power of army and navy, and this not for a day or for a year, but for all time. What, then, becomes of the bedrock princi- ple that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned? If they are to be held permanently as conquered provinces it will be not only outside of the Constitution, but in direct antagonism to the letter and spirit of the Declaration of Independence. It is no less true now than in the days of our Revolution that 'government by arbitrary power is still despot- ism.' The attempt, then, either to give these people American citizenship or to hold them as subjects is alike to us fraught with peril. Should there not be an immediate declaration by our Government of its purpose toward them? They should be given unmistakable assurance of independence. Pro- tection by our Government should not be withheld against outside interference. The same protection should be theirs heretofore extended to the little States of Central and South America. Under existing conditions there should be no hesitation upon our part in giving them protection against the cupidity or aggressive spirit of other nations. All this, not to the end of subjugation or of conquest upon our part, but to that of the full enjoyment by them of liberty and of the ultimate establishment of stable government furnished by their own hands. Against this policy stands imperialism. In American politics the word is new-fortunately the policy is new. We are daily becoming fa- miliar with its meaning, with its forebodings-and the end is not yet. It means a permanent departure from all the traditions of the past; from the { } I * 1 1 3 1 1 FI 옷 ​ܝ 素 ​DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. ! J 40 O high ideals of the founders of the Republic. It abrogates the holding of our great court that the Declaration of Independence is the spirit of the Gov- ernment-the Constitution but its form and letter. Imperialism knows nothing of the limitations of power. Its rule is outside of the Constitution. It means the adoption by the American Republic of the colonial methods of European monarchies. It means the right to hold alien people as subjects. It en- thrones force as the controlling agency in government. It means the empire. 20 लै { Militarism a Corollary to Imperialism. "As a necessary corollary to imperialism will come the immense standing army. The dread hand of militarism will be felt in the New World as it is in the old. The strong arm of power will be substituted for the peaceable agen- cies which for more than a century have made our people contented and hap- py. It was Jefferson who said: 'A well-disciplined militia-our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war.' True at the beginning of the cen- tury, with a feiv millions of population; no less true at the close as we stand in the forefront of the nations with a population of eighty millions. The re- sult of our recent conflict with Spain gives emphasis to the prophetic words of Jefferson. Existing conditions in Continental Europe-entailing taxation and miscry to the verge of human endurance-illustrate by sad object lessons the inevitable result of large standing armies in time of peace. "Shall we still give heed to the warning of the great sage of the Revolu- tion, or enter upon a new century with European monarchies as our model? Without a large standing army, but relying upon the patriotism and courage of American manhood, we were victorious in the second war with Great Britain, with Mexico, in the great civil strife, and with Spain. In the light of history, can it be possible that the American people will consent to the permanent establishment of a large standing army, and its consequent con- tinuing and ever-increasing burdens of taxation? 1 . Republic Always a World Power. "We are told that our Republic is now to become 'a world power.' In the highest sense-with the Declaration of Independence as its corner-stone-it has been in all its past a world power. It has been the lofty ideal to all lib- erty-loving people—the model of all builders of republics for more than a century. In the sense used by the imperialists the expression is one of terri- ble significance. It necessitates the methods and equipments of monarchies. It means the creation and maintenance by our Republic of standing armies ´equal to those of the world powers of Europe. At no less cost can we hold place as a world power. Study existing conditions in European nations, and know what this all means to us. It means taxation to the verge of despair. It means, as has been truly said, that every laborer must carry an armed sol- dier upon his back as he goes to his daily toil. All history teaches that the corner-stone of imperialism is the force of the standing army. J 1 t हे { ,, 遊 ​Sony ř 41 работа доста "D J.11 靠 ​"We stand 100 years from the hour when the political forces were gath- ering which were to result in the election of the first Democratic President. The anniversary of the masterful day in our history was wisely chosen for the assembling in convention of the representatives of the historic party whose founder was Jefferson-and whose platform is the Declaration of Independ- ence. In the great struggle now upon us we invoke the co-operation of all who revere the memory of our fathers and to whom this Declaration is not unmeaning parchment-but the enduring chart of our liberties. Upon the su- preme issue now in the forefront-and to the end that republican government be perpetuated we appeal to the sober judgment and patriotism of the Amer- ican people." " & + STEVENSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE." " } 1 X 1. j #{ a 1 1 } 1 # 1 1 ܕܝܐ } 1 - 1 # 1 1 $ } 1 } 3 ་ A 1 42 3 1 এसे F DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CHAPTER IV. CONVENTION SPEECH OF HON. JAMES D. RICHARDSON. * Speech of Hon. James D. Richardson, of Tennessee, as Permanent Chair- man of Democratic National Convention, Kansas City, July 5th, 1900. "I am deeply sensible of the great honor you have bestowed upon me in calling me to preside over this great Democratic convention. We have been clothed with the authority to formally name the candidates who at the next election are to be chosen President and Vice President of the United States, and to lay down a platform of principles upon which the battle is to be fought and the victory won. With your permission I will address myself to some of the issues of the impending campaign. "The last great national contest for supremacy was fought upon one is- suc-that is to say, one issue was paramount in the struggle. That issue was familiarly called, '16 to 1.' It involved the question of the free coinage of gold and silver at a ratio of sixteen parts of silver to one part of gold, with which all of us are familiar. } "The momentous issue this year is again 16 to 1,' but the sixteen parts to the one part of this campaign, which I will briefly discuss, are wholly differ- ent from those of 1896. I will first refer to the sixteen part and then to the one part. These sixteen parts arc: > Republic vs. Empire. "First, we have the issue fraught with indescribable importance to our people native born, and those who have for patriotic reasons cast their for- tunes with us-namely: that of the republic against the empire. On this part alone of the sixteen, if there was no other, we confidently expect to win a sweeping victory in November. The Republican party stands for empire. The Democratic party stands for the republic, for the Declaration of Inde- pendence, and the constitution of our country. Trust Control Charged. "Second-The paternal and fostering care given by those with whom we contend, to the combinations of corporations and companies into powerful or- ganizations familiarly known as trusts. Under three years of Republican rule, while they controlled the Presidency, the Senate, and the House of Rep- } } 다 ​формация เ T Z CHAIRMAN RICHARDSON'S CONVENTION SPEECH. | resentatives—that is, all of the lawmaking power of the government-trusts have been propagated and fostered by legislation until they not only domin- ate all markets, both the buying and selling, but defy the power of the gov- ernment itself. i Sto 43 "The farcical efforts put forth by the Republican party in an alleged at- tempt to restrain them in the dying hours of the late session of Congress only excited ridicule and contempt and served to emphasize their inability and disinclination to grapple the monsters and regulate their conduct and actions. No matter what their excuses may be, the fact is that their policies have creat- ed them, and, though clothed with power, they refuse to enact legislation to control them. S } Currency Law Condemned. "Third-Called to power on March 4, 1897, under a pledge to reform the currency, they seized the first opportunity to fasten upon the land the high- est protective tariff law ever put upon the statute books of any country. "This law was enacted not to raise revenue but to give protection to fa- vored manufacturers. It failed to raise sufficient revenue for the govern- ment, but answered the purpose of enriching the favored few, while it robbed the many, and at the same time brought forth trusts to plague us as numerous as the lice and locusts of Egypt. Their high protective tariff is the mother of trusts. Enemies of Bimetallism. "Fourth-This administration came into power with a solemn declaration in favor of bimetallism and a pledge to promote it. It has failed to keep that pledge. It has erected in its stead the single standard of gold, and has endeavored to destroy all hope of bimetallism. In doing this it has built up a powerful national bank trust and has given us a currency based upon the debts and liabilities of the government. We stand for bimetallism and not for a monometallic standard of either one or the other metal ( Monroe Doctrine Abused. "Fifth-The dominant párty has recently made the fraudulent declaration that it favored the Monroe doctrine, and yet their President and Secretary of State have done all in their power to nullify and abrogate that famous and much-revered Democratic doctrine. "In the name of its Democratic author, James Monroe, I denounce their vaunted advocacy of this truly American doctrine as false and hypocritical. We stand for this doctrine in its essence and form and demand its rigid en- forcement. Isthmian Canal Project. “Sixth-In order to obtain place and power they pledged themselves, in the interest of an expanding commerce, to construct a water-way to connect 11 1 + } } } I ↓ 1 T ! a 44 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. the two great oceans. They have repudiated this promise. They have nego- tiated the Hay-Pauncefote treaty which, while it virtually abrogates the Mon- roe doctrine, renders it impossible to build an American canal. Under the terms and provisions of this treaty, which is English and not American, the canal can never be constructed. We stand for an American canal, owned, con- structed, operated, and fortified by America. 7 Merit System Changés. "Seventh-They declared in their platform that their party was responşi- ble for the merit system; that it was their creature; and that the civil serv- ice law should be protected and its operation extended. # "Their protection of this law has been such as the wolf gives the babe. They did not dare opculy repeal the law nor to modify it by an act of Con- gress, but they have insidiously by an order from the President, extorted from him to aid them to obtain and hold political power, greatly impaired the effi ciency of the law. "By the President's order many thousand lucrative offices regularly covered by the civil service law were taken from under the protection, and these places turned over to his partisan followers in a vain effort to satisfy their political greed. I ! Plight of the Territories. "Eighth-They declared in their platform in favor of the admission of the Territories of Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma as States of the Union, yet, after nearly four years of full power, they are still territories. Under the wicker rule of law as now applied by the Republican party to some of our Territories they may at an early date find erected between themselves and the balance of the Union a tariff wall which will serve to pauperize them while it enriches others. As to Porto Rico. "Ninth-When Congress last assembled the President, in his first utter- ance addressed to the representatives fresh from the people, solemnly urged upon them that it was their 'plain duty' to give free trade to Porto Rico. His party leaders, quick to obey his injunction, made ready to comply with his recommendations. But in a night, almost in the twinkling of an eye, the mighty magnates of the trusts swept down upon Washington and inter- posed their strong arm, and 'plain duty' vanished like mist before the ris- ing sun. "The President wheeled into line, the Republican party reversed its policy, and set up a tariff wall between the Island of Porto Rico and the remainder of the United States. It is not at all surprising that in the recent somewhat lengthy declarations of principles enunciated by the party in convention as- sembled, while they enlarged upon almost every political question, they could not find the space to point with pride to the achievements of their party, in its dealings with that unhappy island. } I 1 I 1 1 1 i ++ A 1 f t 2 t 傻 ​they ه < 45 1 } of 1 CHAIRMAN RICHARDSON'S CONVENTION SPEECH. The Democratic party stands for equal taxation, equal rights, and oppor- tunities to all who come under the folds of the flag. I Philippine Policy Undefined. 4. 1 "Tenth-They wholly failed by their legislation or by the cheaper method of platform declaration to tell the country what their policy is in respect to the Philippine Islands. For two years by their equivocating policy, and no policy at all, they have continued in that archipelago a war, expensive in hu- Dian blood as well as in money. "Incompetent to deal with this question and too cowardly to avow their real purpose of imperralism and militarism in dealing with these and kindred colonial questions, they should be retired from power, and the control should be given to a party honest, bold, and patriotic enough to apply American theories and precepts to existing conditions, and thereby solve them in har- mony with the underlying principles of the Declaration of Independence and the constitution of our country. // 1 of 45 Nation's Bank Deposits. "Eleventh-Another part of the issue of the campaign this year is the scandalous dealings of a high Cabinet officer with private banks of the country. These scandals are notorious and are based upon the earnest and repeated written demands of the officers of some of these banks that they should be favored by this administration because of money contributed by them with which to buy the Presidency of 1896. "Correspondence submitted to Congress shows that, in one case at least, an appeal from an institution in New York City to the Secretary of the Treasury for financial assistance because, as it was claimed, the officers of that bank had contributed liberally to the election of the present Chief Ex- ecutive, was not made in vain, and the asked-for assistance in this case from the government was freely if not corruptly given. 1 ¿ Army Beef Scandals. "Twelfth-The scandals which surrounded the War Department in feed- ing embalmed beef to the soldiers, in its purchase of old yachts, tugs, ocean liners, ocean tramps, barges, scows, etc., for use as army transports consti- tute an important chapter. Cuban Postal Frauds. Thirteenth-So also the scandals in connection with the postoffice matters in Cuba, and the scandals in connection with the expenditure of the funds of the Paris Exposition. Time will not merit an amplification of all these scan- dals. $ Friendship for England. "Fourteenth-They loudly proclaim that theirs is the party of liberty, and in their vainglory boast of their name, Republican, yet they are caught co- 3b ' > I 1 1 C 1 C * 46 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, queṭting and forming secret entangling alliances of the most detestable char- acter with the old mother monarchy. "They stand supinely by and refuse even an expression of sympathy with the Boer republics in their heroic and unequal struggle for existence as against the gross oppressions and brutal efforts at enslavement of the same old tyrant who went down in defeat when he sought to prevent the establish- ment of our own liberty-loving republic. "They thus permit a brave people, in love with their free republican institutions, to perish from the earth, lest by one word of sympathy and com- fort they might offend the delicate sensibilities of their new-found ally, Great Britain. ལ w * War Taxes Go On. "Fifteenth- An important chapter is the oft-repeated promise, made to be broken, that when the war ceased the oppressive, burdensome, and vexatious war taxes on many articles of prime necessity should be repealed or reduced. "Though the war closed two years ago, and notwithstanding there is a large and growing surplus in the Treasury, not one dollar of reduction in these taxes has been made. "It is known that delegation after delegation of citizens, suffering from these burdens, crowded the committee-rooms at Washington and literally Legged for some relief. It is true that those of us who constitute the minority of Congress joined in that appeal and declared our readiness to support any and ali measures that might in some degree remove these burdens to taxation. But a deaf ear was turned by the Republicans to all such efforts for relief aud none came. 品 ​1 "It is well known also that no relief will be given by the party in power, and it is vain for overburdened people to look to them while present policies are attempted to be enforced. "The only hope for relief lies in hurling from power the Republican party, and the restoration of the party which believes in simple and economical government. Ko! Reckoning the Cost. "Sixteenth and lastly-The cost of Republicanism and its twin monster- imperialism. "This is neither the time nor the occasion to discuss in detail the increased appropriations made necessary by the Republican policy of imperialism. "Briefly, however, I will mention that the average of appropriations per year for all purposes of government for the two years immediately preceding the Spanish-American war was about $175,000,000. The average expenditures per annum for each of the three years since that war, including the fiscal year upon which we have just entered, shows an increase of nearly $300,000,- 000. The total increase for the three years will be nearly $900,000,000. And in like proportion it will go on. 1 50. } 1 + 1 ´ CHAIRMAN RICHARDSON'S CONVENTION SPEECH. 1 } } * *This shows the difference in cost of the empire as against the republic. These figures refer alone to the money cost of the change, and do not include the expense of the blood of the American boys, the price of which is far beyond computation. In the Republican Congress just closed not one dollar could be had for much-needed public buildings throughout the country at home, but many millions were promptly voted to prosecute a war in the far away Philippine Islands. Not a dollar for necessary, improvements of our rivers and harbors at home, but millions to be stolen and squandered in Cuba and our new insular possessions. Nothing for Isthmian canal and many other enter- prises and objects, but more than two hundred millions were freely given for the army and navy, for imperialism and militarism, for gold and glory. 1 Praise for W. J. Bryan. "I said at the outset the issue this year was again 16 to 1. The foregoing are briefly the sixteen parts of the issue. What is the one part? "We have seen that platform pledges are made and broken. That good in- tentions of men are many times set at naught. That plain duty clearly set forth and understood is disregarded. That some men are weak and vacillating and many change their solemn opinions in a day. It is apparent, therefore, to all, that in this supreme exigency of the republic a demand goes forth not for a faint-hearted declaration of platform platitudes, but for a man. "Yes, a man who stands like a mighty rock in the desert; a man who know- ing the right will dare do the right; a man who, 'rather than follow a multi- tude to do evil, will stand like Pompey's pillar, conspicuous by himself, and single in integrity.' Such a man, as the one part, this convention will tender to the nation as its candidate for President. A man who is unsurpassed as a citizen, unequaled as an orator, courageous as a soldier, conspicuous in every element that constitutes the typical and true American-William J. Bryan of Nebraska. I '47 1 $ 1- 1 1 } 1 = 1 + } 2 K ܝ } ļ 48 L $ Pa 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. } T > # PART TWO.-The Republican Platform and Its Exponent. CHAPTER V. THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM OF 1900. t है A 1 • The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen representatives met in national convention, looking back upon an unsurpassed record of achievement and looking forward into a great field of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the judgment of their countrymen, make these declarations: The expectation in which the American people, turning from the Democrat- ic party, intrusted power four years ago to a Republican Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress, has becu met and satisfied. When the people then as- sembled at the polls, after a term of Democratic legislation and administra- tion, business was dead, industry paralyzed, and the national credit disastrous- ly impaned. The country's capital was hidden away, and its labor distressed and unemployed. The Democrats held no other plan with which to improve the ruinous conditions which they had themselves produced than to coin silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. The Republican party, denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse than those from which relief was sought, promised to restore prosperity by means of two legislative measures-a pro- tective tariff and a law making gold the standard of value. The people, by great majorities, issued to the Republican party a commission to enact these laws. This commission has been executed, and the Republican promise is redeemed. Prosperity more general and more abundant than we have ever known has followed these enactments. There is no longer controversy as to the value of any government obligations. Every American dollar is a gold dollar or its assured equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that of any nation. Capital is fully employed, and labor everywhere is profitably occupied No single fact can more stukingly tell the story of what Republican government means to the country than this-that while during the whole pe riod of 107 years, from 1790 to 1897, there was an excess of exports over im- ports of only $382,028,497, there has been in the short three years of the pres- ent Republican administration an excess of exports over imports in the enor- mous sum of $1,483,537,094, } 7 3 * REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. And while the American people, sustained by this Republican legislation, have been achieving these splendid triumphs in their business and commerce, they have conducted and in victory concluded a war for liberty and human rights. No thought of national aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose with which American standards were unfurled. It was a war unsought and but when it patiently resisted, came, the American government was ready. Its filcets were cleared for action, its armies the field, and the quick and signal triumph of its forces and sea bore equal tribute to the courage of American soldiers and sailors, and to the skill and foresight of Republican statesmanship. To ten millions of the human race there was given “a new birth of freedom," aud to the American people a new and double responsibility. were in on land } G 49 Į * We indorse the administration of William McKinley. Its acts have been established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and abroad it has dis- tinctly elevated and extended the influence of the American nation. Walking untried paths and facing unforeseen responsibilities, President McKinley has been in every situation the true American patriot and the upright statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, firm in action, always inspiring and de- serving the confidence of his countrymen. In asking the American people to indorse this Republican record and to re- new their commission to the Republican party we remind them of the fact that the menace to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic princi- ples, and no less in the general incapacity of the Democratic party to conduct public affairs. The prime essential of business prosperity is public confidence in the good sense of the government and in its ability to deal intelligently with each new problem of administration and legislation. That confidence the Democratic party has never earned. It is hopelessly inadequate, and the coun- ' try's prosperity, when Democratic success at the polls is announced, halts and ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic blunders and failures. T We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold standard, and declare our confidence in the wisdom of the legislation of the Fifty-sixth Congress, by which the parity of all our money and the stability of our currency upon a gold basis has been secured. We recognize that interest rates are a potent factor in production and business activity, and for the purpose of further equalizing and of further lowering the rates of interest we favor such mon- etary legislation as will enable the varying needs of the season and all sections to be promptly met, in order that trade may be evenly sustained, labor steadily employed, and commerce enlarged. The volume of money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is to-day. We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited coinage of silver. No measure to that end could be considered which was without the support of the leading commercial coun- tries of the world. However firmly Republican legislation may seem to have secured the country against the peril of base and discredited currency, the election of a Democratic President could not fail to impair the country's cred- 7 1 ་ 3 | 7 $ 2 3 + 1 1 1 F J f 50% it and to bring once more into question the intention of the American peo- ple to maintain upon the gold standard the parity of their money circulation. 1 The Democratic party must be convinced that the American people will nev- er tolerate the Chicago platform. We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest co-operation of capital to meet new business conditions, and especially to extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies and combinations intended to restrict business, to create monopolies, to limit production, or to con- trol prices, and favor such legislation as will effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and promote competition, and secure the rights of pro- ducers, laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and commerce. 13 1010101 J ૧ * 47 # We renew our faith in the policy of protection to American labor. In that policy our industries have been established, diversified, and maintained. By protecting the home market competition has been stimulated and production cheapened. Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has been se- cured, and wages in every department of labor maintained at high rates, high- er now than ever before, and always distinguishing our working people in their better conditions of life from those of any competing country. Enjoying the blessings of the American common school, secure in the right of self-gov- ernment, and protected in the occupancy of their own markets, their constant- ly increasing knowledge and skill have enabled them finally to enter the mar- kets of the world. We favor the associated policy of reciprocity, so directed as to open our markets on favorable terms for what we do not ourselves pro- duce in return for free foreign markets. 誊 ​In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more effective re- striction of the immigration of cheap labor from foreign lands, the extension of opportunities of education for working children, the raising of the age limit for child labor, the protection of free labor as against contract convict labor, and an effective system of labor insurance. Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our for- eign-carrying is a great loss to the industry of this country. It is also a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the event of European war would seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. The national de- fense and naval efficiency of this country, moreover, supply a compelling rea- son for legislation which will enable us to recover our former place among the trade-carrying fleets of the world. DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. } } } A The nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the government's duty to provide for the sur- vivors and for the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in the coun- try's wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should be lib- eral and should be liberally administered, and preference should be given wherever practicable with respect to employment in the public service to sol- diers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. E 4 } } } Te p • t Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recommend this subject to the carnest consideration of the people and of the legislatures of \ the several States. We favor the extension of the rural free delivery service wherever its ex- दे tension may be justified. In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican party to pro- vide free homes on the public domain, we recommend adequate national leg- islation to reclaim the arid lands of the United States, reserving control of the distribution of water for irrigation to the respective States and Territories. We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood of the Ter- ritories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. } ! } } · 51 We commend the policy of the Republican party in maintaining the effi- ciency of the civil service. The administration has acted wisely in its ef- fort to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Phil- ippine Islands, only those whose fitness has been determined by training and experience. We believe that employment in the public service in these ter- ritories should be confiued as far as possible to their inhabitants. It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the elective franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory or constitu- tional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revolutionary and should be condemned. ! 铲 ​¦‚REPUBLICAN PLATFORM, The Dingley act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the conduct of the war, has so well performed its work that it has been possible to reduce the war debt in the sum of $40,000,000. So ample are the government's rev- enues and so great is the public confidence in the integrity of its obligations that its newly funded 2 per cent. bonds sell at a premium. The country is now justified in expecting, and it will be the policy of the Republican party to bring about, a reduction of the war taxes. We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of an Isthmian canal by the government of the United States. New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm products. Every effort should be made to open and obtain new markets, especially in the Orient, and the administration is warmly commended for its successful effort to commit all trading and colon- izing nations to the policy of the open door in China. In the intercst of our ex- panding commerce we recommend that Congress create a department of com- merce and industries, in the charge of a secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. The United States consular system should be reorganized under the supervi- sion of this new department, upon such a basis of appointment and tenure as will render it still more serviccable to the nation's increasing trade. The American government must protect the person and property of every citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril *** 1 1 ه ما 1 ↓ S + { ! 7 A 1 } ! } 1 h 1 } [ 喜 ​> 1 1 1 [ 1 52 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid record of public service in the volunteer aid association and as nurses in camp and hospital dur- ing the recent campaigns of our armies in the East and West Indies, and we appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of education and industry. President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United States with distinguished credit to the American people. In releasing us from the vexatious conditions of a European alliance for the government of Samoa his course is especially to be commended. By-securing to our undivided control the most important island of the Samoan group and the best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest has been safeguarded. We approve the annexation of the Hawaiian, Islands to the United States. We commend the part taken by our government in the peace conference at The Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in the Monroe doctrine. The provisions of The Hague convention were wisely re- garded when President McKinley tendered his friendly offices in the interest of peace between Great Britain and the South African Republic. While the American government must continue the policy prescribed by Washington, af- firmed by every succeeding President, and imposed upon us by The Hague treaty, of non-intervention in European controversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way may soon be found, honorable alike to both con- tending parties, to terminate the strife between them. 1- < In accepting, by the treaty of Paris, the just responsibility of our victoriés In the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the West Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That course created our responsibility before the world, and with the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed from Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the establishment of good govern- ment, and for the performance of international obligations. Our authority could not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty of the government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection, and to confer the blessings of liberty and ciy- ilization upon all the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-govern- ment consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them by law. To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be per- formed. 1 The Republican party, upon its history and upon this declaration of its prin- ciples and policies, confidently invokes the considerate and approving judg- ment of the American people, * 1 1 $ 7 } E 14 } 보 ​! λ f ť 0 1 THE I SENATOR LODGE'S SPEECH REVIEWED. 7 G = 1 CHAPTER VI. SENATOR LODGE'S CONVENTION SPEECH REVIEWED. * {'**** | # 薯 ​}: The Republican platform for 1900 has not been well received by the Re publican critics. They say it is badly constructed, and lacking in direct- ness and point. It has been printed, but is not likely to furnish material for the orators and writers of the party. This failure to produce a coherent and satisfactory Republican platform has led to the substitution of Sena- tor Lodge's convention speech as a more satisfactory and authoritative ex- position of Republican claims and profession. ---- 14 J ¿ Senator Lodge presided over the convention, His speech is, or course, In good English. Its chief characteristic is audacity. Compelled to make a hero of a President without backbone, and to sound the praises of a party spotted all over with the leprosy of faithlessness to its pledges, corruption in Its administration, subserviency to the trust cormorants, and shameless de- fiance of constitutional restraints, he did the best he could. Denied by cir- cumstances the privilege of telling the truth, he devoted himself to the de- livery of conventional phrases to make the worse appear the better cause. He cxalted the President as a "soldier and statesman." Mr. McKinley was the Major of a regiment during the great Civil War, and well performed his duty; but it is doubtful whether even Mr. Lodge himself finds in that military ca- reer a warrant for regarding the President as one whose military and civic abilities are so evenly balanced as to entitle him to be considered as great L a soldier as Mr. Lodge would have him appear a statesman. Record of Broken Promises. Mr. Lodge tells us that the past "four memorable years" show a Repub lican "record of promises kept." This is a specimen of monumental audacity. The Republican partý pledged itself in 1896 to save this country, if possible, Defeat from the gold standard. It reiterated the assurances it had given of in its 'national platforms of 1881, 1888 and 1892,-that the party was Bimetal- lism. in favor of bimetallism. It pledged itself unreservedly to its best efforts to promote international bimetallism. Forced to an appearance of redeeming this pledge, the President sent a commission to Europe to secure an international agreement. When this commission was on the verge of une- } 1 + I F 4 1 } 童子 ​The Philippines. ĥ War. Taxes. DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 'I 541 T pected success, President McKinley violated his own faith and that of his party by striking the foul and fatal blow necessary for the defeat of the ob- ject of the mission. (See Chapter 32.) The currency bill passed at the last session of Congress is an enduring monument to the perfidy of the Republi- can party and its recognized chief. It violates every profession ever made by them on the subject. (See Chapter 35.) } The Republican party pledged itself in 1896 to a revival of reciprocity Defeat with foreign nations, to secure foreign markets for the surplus of products of this country. This pledge has also been ruthlessly Recipro- city. broken, Reciprocity treaties negotiated by the President, and sent by him to the Senate, have been by him defeated. This he has done by having } } it known to the faithful in the Senate that he desired no action upon them. A 1 I M L Cuba and Spanish It pledged itself, in Congress in 1896, to the recognition of the belligerency of the government proclaimed and for some time maintained, by force of arms, by the people of Cuba. The pledge was violated, War. and the President took the very opposite ground in his first annual message, recommending that the Cubans be not recognized as belligerents. Forced into a war with Spain, to redress the terrible grievance of the de- struction of the Maine, he recommended to Congress that he be given author- ity to send a military expedition to Cuba and enter upon hostilities both with Spain and with the Cuban insurgents for the pacification of the island. His own party defeated this two-faced purpose, joined with the Democrats in declaring war against Spain, and consented to the declaration, opposed by the President, —that the people of Cuba were and of right ought to be free and independent. The party's pledge to the Cubans, that they should be left in possession of their own island upon the forcible termination of Spanish rule now stands unredeemed as it has for more than eighteen months. In the Philippines the President violated his protocol with Spain by attempting the military occupation of the entire archipelago pending the negotiations which it was agreed should deter- mine whether Spain or the United States should be sovereign In those islands. The national faith, plighted to the Filipinos when they be- came our willing and accepted allies by arrangement with Admiral Dewey,- as stated by him,-was shamelessly violated by President McKinley, and a war forced upon them while the Philippines were still Spanish soil and their natives the rebellious subjects of Spain. The party's pledge, made in Congress, that the war taxes should be reduced as soon as peace was made with Spain, has been violated without apology, and a vast surplus of $286,000,000 is now (August 27) hoarded in the treasury for the unnecessary maintenance of a hundred and fifty million dollar gold redemption reserve, and the loan of over ninety millions to favorite national banks, without interest, to enable them to give support to favored trusts and corporations, while legitimate business ig left to its own resources. I 1 F { My 身 ​зав # { 上 ​A * t F } محمد 写 ​h ** A * '55 Republican promises of honest administration have been boldly violated by the feeding of rotten meat to our soldiers during the Spanish war, Other Breaches by the recklessly extravagant prices paid for army transport ves- of Faith. sels, by the surrender to the Sugar Trust in the enactment of the unconstitutional Porto Rican tariff act, and by the authorization of the plun- der of the treasury by the armor plate monopoly if one designated exccutive officer can be induced to yield to its extortionate demands. The robbery of the people of Cuba by dishonest United States official brands the administration with disgrace. Whether these thieves, holding office under the United States, can be tried in Cuba for robbetics there committed, or in the United States where they have committed no offense,-whether Cuba is for the time being the United States or only Cuba,-are all questions which are left in the air, so that the truth cannot be officially brought home to the Republican party until after the November election. ~~ 1 These suffice as evidences of the height reached by Senator Lodge's audac- ity when he dared to speak of the Republican party as showing "a record of promises kept," 嘉 ​The Cause of Stimulated Industry. } So far as Mr. Lodge finds the country prosperous, it is folly to ascribe it, as he does, to a protective tariff, as we have had nothing different for forty years. President Harrison declared in 1892 that the un- exampled prosperity of the country at that time was not, as many contended, because of the McKinley tariff law, but because of the Silver Pur- chase Act. The McKinley tariff law was succeeded by the Wilson tariff law, the protective features of which were fully up to the Republican standard. If Senator Lodge will probe deeper he will find a general improvement through- out all the commercial nations, largely attributable, not to McKinley, but It to the increased production of gold in South Africa and Alaska. is barely possible that American enterprise, the ingenuity of American in- ventors, the increased skill and energy of labor, increased population, and the development of new iron fields may have contributed to our prosperity at least as much as have the industrious congressmen of the Republican party who have been hard at work for the bankers and the trusts during the last three years. American growth and prosperity did not commence with the administration of William McKinley. If Senator Lodge will read the speech made by Senator Wolcott, in which he gave an account of his International Bimetallic Commission to Europe, and will read President McKinley's message endorsing the Indianapolis gold standard report; sent to London by way of the Senate on July 24th, 1897, he will see how groundless and ridiculous is lus pretense that any honest effort was ever made by the President to secure international bimetallism, Tariff Laws. 1 怎 ​SENATOR LODGE'S SPEECH REVIEWED. " \ 1 } } 贵 ​} 1 V ! [ } 1 警告 ​56 | 1 ¿ 書 ​DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, J ..... ד AL Cuba. Senator Lodge declares that "Cuba is free." She is free from the rule of King Log, but is now suffering badly under the dishonest rule of King 'Stork. Senator Lodge is probably the only American 'whose face does not burn with shame when Cubà is named. She is being governed without her consent, and being robbed without the power to resist,-all by the humane and benevolent administration of William McKinley. There is no evidence that under Re- publican party rule in the United States Cuba will ever enjoy the indepènd- ence which she was so loudly promised when war was declared against Spain.™ > เ Makinley's Usurpation of Power. Senator Lodge magnifies the President. To him he seems an Emperor. Hơ tells us that the President of the United States had to decide what should be the terms of peace with Spain! IIere are the Senator's words: १४ } 1 f • 宮​崎 ​Spain sued for peace. How was that peace to be made? The answer to this great question had to be given by the President of the United States. 5 1 O t Such a statement should blister the tongue that makes it. Peace had to be made by a treaty, a treaty which was merely blank paper until ratified by two-thirds of the Senate. Has Senator Lodge such contempt for the great body of which he is a member, and such idolatry for the President, that he can for a moment forget the share the Senate must have in the making of treaties? He goes on asking himself questions: L Shall we give those islands back to Spain? "Never!" was the President's reply. Should we hand them over to some other power? "Never!" was again the answer. Should we turn the islands, where we had destroyed all existing sovereignty, loose upon the world to be a prey to domestic anarchy and the hopeless spoil of some other He boldly took the islands-took nation? Again the President answered no them, knowing well the burden of responsibility, took them from a deep sense of duty to ourselves and others. Etc., etc. And he winds up by saying that "peace with Spain was the work of Wil- liam McKinley." Truly Senator Lodge is an imperialist. Already he has stripped the Senate of its share in the treaty-making power, and has set up an Emperor who controls the destinies of this nation without consulting any body. McKinley "boldly took the islands!" Mr. McKinley boldly tried to take the islands by a military descent upon Iloilo, the second city in the island group, three months before Spanish sovereignty had ceased by the terms of our treaty of peace with Spain. Mr. Lodge must know full well that this was a gross violation of our protocol with Spain, and a renewal of hostilities against her, or it was the commencement of a war against Filipino insurgents on Spanish soil. な ​The Republican party has indeed "made history." But it is the history of a President who makes no pretense of obedience to the Constitution of the United States. He has usurped the treaty-making and the war-making pow- ers. His war upon the Filipinos was wholly unnecessary and wholly unau- thorized. It could not have been to suppress an insurrection against the I } 황 ​$ F > * > A } A Jy 1 United States, because the Philippine Islands were not under the sovereignty of the United States for two months after his Generals commenced the war, February 4th, 1899, without provocation, and with his approval. Mr. Lodge says that "in the Philippines we were met by rebellion," and that it was "the duty of the President to repress that rebellion,-to see to it that the authority of the United States, as rightful in Manila as in Philadelphia, was acknowl- edged and obeyed." The ratifications of the treaty of peace with Spain were exchanged on the 11th of April, 1899. Until that day the Philippines were under Spanish sovereignty, and the United States forces were pledged to stay within "the city, bay and harbor of Manila" until it should be decided by the treaty to which government the Philippine Group should belong. If Mr. Lodge does not know that until April 11, 1899, the Philippines were Spanish soil, and that we were in Manila under our written agreement or protocol; and if he does not therefore know that there could have been no rebellion in February against the United States outside of the military lines temporarily granted to us by Spain and agreed to by us, then he is too ignorant a man to discuss these questions. If he does know these things, then he is endeavoring to im- pose upon that portion of the people of the United States whom he thinks he can deceive. General Otis's report clearly proves that the President's mili- tary subordinates eagerly sought the war with the Filipinos as they were ex- pected to do, and that before its outbreak the President himself refused to make any answer to the request of the Filipino Commissioners, cabled him by General Otis, for some assurance that he would favor qualified independence with American protection. + ༈ SENATOR LODGE'S SPEECH REVIEWED! . 25 57 General Attitude of the Administration Party + The tone of the latter part of Senator Lodge's speech is all for trade and * profit and dollars. He speaks without restraint, and clearly shows that be- neath all the soft words and philanthropic professions, and the patriotic out- cry against alleged rebellion in the Philippines, the prevailing sentiment of those for whom he speaks is best expressed by the simple word "Grab." His speech is certainly a keynote speech. It boldly claims imperial power for the President, loftily ignores or spurns all constitutional restraint upon him, and denies the operation, in the territories, of the constitution of the United States. If Senator Lodge is right, Congress, or any tribunal it may choose to erect in any territory of the United States, may cause to be put to death all or any portion of the inhabitants without accusation or trial. If Mr. Lodge is right, the President has arbitrary power totally independent of the constitution, lim- ited only by his own will, and Congress has powers under which it may ex- ecute the will of whatever forces can influence it. If read aright Senator Lodge's speech inevitably furnishes the keynote for the Democratic cam- paign for the preservation of the constitution and the abatement of Republi- can pretensions to extra constitutional powers. If the acts of William Mc- Kinley and the words of Henry Cabot Lodge are the index to Republican de h I 8 1 3 こ ​身 ​I 1 ~DEMOCRATIO. CAMPAIGN BOOKA”. див ав 581 sires and intentions, then the re-election of William McKinley would be the subversion of constitutional government, and the empire would stand in the shadow of the Republic, to take its place when the old forms shall be in the way of further aggrandizement, or of the full enjoyment of the fruits of wrongs already committed. ļ & Republican Platforms of 1856 and 1860 Contradict Repub- lican Imperialists of 1900. Senator Lodge made the following misstatement of Republican party his- tory: We have no belief in the old slaveholders' doctrine that the Constitution of its own force marches into every newly acquired territory, and this doctrine, which we cast out in 1860, we stin réféct. a. A 31 The Republican party in 1856 and 1860 declared in its national platform that the Constitution did extend into every territory, and that, for that reason, slavery could not exist in the territories. During the debates of the last ses- sion of Congress the attempt was made on several occasions to misrepresent the Republican party of Lincoln on this subject. Some went so far as to de- clare that the claim that the Constitution embraced territories as well as States was mere Calhounism. These new lights told us that the Republican party saved the territories from the taint of slavery only by declaring them qutside of the pale of the Constitution. The best answer to these efforts at the perversion of history will be found in the Republican platforms them- selves. The following is what is contained on this subject in the Republican platform of 1856: - Resolved, That with our republican fathers we hold it to be a self-evident truth that all men ale endowed with the inalienable rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and that the primary object and ultimate designs of our federal govern- ment were to secule these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction, that, as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any terri- tory of the United States by positive legislation prohibiting its existence or extension therein. That we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any individual or association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any terri- tory of the United States while the piesent Constitution shall be maintained. Here is a declaration that the Constitution forbids slavery wherever it has exclusive jurisdiction, and especially that the Constitution would be violated if Congress should attempt to establish slavery in any territory of the United States; and, finally, it is declared that “slavery can have no legal existence in any territory of the United States while the present Constitution shall be mainained." That is the Republican doctrine of 1856. Not that the Consti- tution does not extend over the territories, but that slavery cannot enter the territories because the Constitution is already there to keep it out. Here is another resolution from the same platform: } I [ 1 퐁 ​} } 2 孱 ​} 1 f [ } It may be said that Mr. Lodge made no reference to the platform of 1856. It was in 1860, he said, that the Republican party cast out "the old slave- holders' doctrine that the Constitution of its own force marches into every newly acquired territory." We have seen that the Republican platform of 1856 asserts this doctrine to the very uttermost. It was equally the doctrine of the Republican leaders and of "the old slaveholders" that the territories are in the United States, and that in them, as in the States, the Constitution is the supreme law of the land. It was the old slaveholders' doctrine that slaves weic property under the Constitution, and that, therefore, slavery could go wherever the Constitution went. Therefore, they claimed that the right to hold slaves existed in the territories by virtue of the Constitution. The Republican party, as above shown, declared that the Constitution guaranteed liberty to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction, including those who might have been "held to service or labor" by the laws of the States from which they 'came into the territories with their masters. The slaveholders, on the con- ,trary, contended that not only were their slaves held to service by State laws, but that this right to their service in the slave States made them property which they might lawfully carry with them outside of the slave States, and hold them in territory under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States. Let us now see what the Republican party said on this subject in its plat- form of 1860. Its fifth resolution declared against "construing the personal re- lation between master and servant to involve any unqualified property in per- son Its seventh resolution reads as follows: } L 37 59 Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress the sovereign power over the territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories those twin relics of barbarism-Polygamy and Slavery. SENATOR LODGE'S SPEECH REVIEWED. 1 J In conferring this power upon Congress the Constitution does not obliterate itself, but asserts and enforces itself in the territories. How can a Congress deriving its power from the Constitution claim the right to violate that in- strument in exercising the power so conferred? The next resolution in this first Republican platform charges that "the dearest constitutional rights of the people of Kansas (then a territory) have been fraudulently and violently taken away from them." Then follows the charge that various guarantees of the federal constitution have been violated by the federal 'administration in the government of Kansas, all of which the resolution declares to be a "high crime against the Constitution." These resolutions vindicate the Republican party from the false statement that it ever had any sympathy until now with the absurd pretense that the Constitution of the United States is not the supreme law. in the territories, and that Congress, having no power except what it derives from the Constitution, may nevertheless totally disregard the Constitution in legislating for the territories. * That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, canes slavery into any or all of the tentones of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at vallance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposi- tiou, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subrcisive of the peace and harmony of the country, } " T ↑ " ! با 1 i DEMOCRATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK. 6 Here is an explicit declaration that slavery cannot be carried into the ter- ritories of the United States without violating the Constitution itself. The language is very plain. The Constitution is declared by this resolution to be in force in the territories, and slavery is declared to be excluded from the territories because the Constitution is already there with explicit provisions against its introduction. The eighth resolution declares: 60 # 1 MAJA NË That the normal condition of all the territories of the United States is that of free- dom! that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property with- out due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legisla- tion is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts. to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States. Here was a declaration that the Constitution extended into all territories, and that, because of that fact, no power could give legal existence to slavery in any territory. The Constitution was not ruled out of the territories in or- der that freedom might prevail; it was held to be the supreme law of the ter- ritories by which they were dedicated to freedom. 2 In view of the Republican record above quoted, it is a slander upon Lincoln, and upon the party which he led in 1860 and until his death, to pretend, as Mr. Lodge did, that "the doctrine that the Constitution of its own force marches into every newly acquired territory, was cast out in 1860." It was only the pro-slavery construction placed upon the Constitution that was cast out by the Republicans of 1860 and by their immortal chief. They not only did not teach that the Constitution was inoperative in the territories, but they said it was there in full force, and that the claim that it carried slavery with it was a “new dogma" which they "cast out in 1860." Mr. Lodge's declaration is an equivalent to saying that the Constitution recognized property in man. instead of only recognizing the right, under State laws, of one man to the "service" of another. Never did the Republican party of Lincoln admit that property in man was recognized by the Constitution. The whole contention was to the very contrary of this. It is difficult to believe that Senator Lodge had ever read the Republican platform of 1856 or of 1860 when he made use of the language above quoted. That platform stands as a perpetual rebuke to the false pretense of latter- day Republicans that the Constitution of the United States and the laws passed thereunder are not "the supreme law of the land," but only of the States which have been admitted into the Union. Political kindergarten schools should he established throughout the United States in which Republican ora- tors might be taught the early history and doctrines of their party. } 1 * ر I { ! f #tgi 5 1 WAR WITH SPAIN. 1 PART THREE.-The War With Spain. CHAPTER VII. THE SPANISH WAR. > $ + In February, 1895, the last of a series of insurrections broke out in Cuba against Spanish rule. In February, 1896, Weyler, the Spanish Commander, is- sued an order by which the agricultural inhabitants were compelled within eight days to concentrate themselves in the towns occupied by the troops. Ou the 28th of the same month the United States Senate adopted a concurrent resolution, offered by Senator Morgan, "that a condition of public war exists between the government of Spain and the government proclaimed and for some time maintained by force of arms by the people of Cuba, and that the United States of America should maintain a strict neutrality between the contending powers, according to each all the rights of belligerents in the ports and territory of the United States." There were but six negative votes on this resolution. On April 6th, 1896, it was concurred in by the House of Representatives with substantial unanimity. This expression of the sover- eign branch of the nation made no impression upon the executive depart- ment of the government, and the United States continued to be, as it had been from the beginning of the insurrection, virtually the ally of Spain. Our rev- enuc officers, guided by Spanish detectives, seized all vessels suspected of any intention to carry supplies or men to the Cubans. President McKinley came into office March 4, 1897, upon a platform which declared that "Spain has lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the lives and rights of resident American citizens, the active influence of the United States should be exerted in establishing the island's independence." The inaugural of the President contained no reference to Cuba. Eleven days later Congress met in extra ses- sion convened by the President. His message contained no reference to Cuba, although the barbarous reconcentrado decree of Weyler was in full operation, and Cuban non-combatants penned up in the towns and prohibited from till- ing the earth for a living were being starved by the thousands. On the 1st of April that year Senator Morgan introduced a joint resolution identical with the concurrent resolution he had offered the year before and which had passed oth Houses. A concurrent resolution was not binding upon the President. $ (61 4 }} I' } 1 7 1 介 ​The DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 4 1 { 62 1 The joint resolution now offered would if adopted have the force of law. It was passed by the Senate May 20th, 1897, by a vote of 41 yeas to 14 nays. In the House it was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs which had not been appointed and was not appointed until the very last hour of the session. It was never acted upon in that body. On the 6th of May, 1897, the IIouse, having passed the Dingley tariff bill, adopted a resolution to meet only on Mondays and Thursdays of each week. This was to facilitate Republican obstruction of Democratic efforts to con sider the Cuban question, or any other not in the Republican program. Dur- ing May, June and July persistent efforts were made to obtain consideration of a resolution recognizing Cuban belligerency, but all without avail. The principal factor in the Republican opposition to any friendly considera- tion of the Cubans was the fact that Spain had contracted a large debt in prosecuting the war against the Cuban insurgents, and the bonds issued for such debt were secured by a pledge of the Cuban customs revenues. These bonds were falsely called "Cuban bonds," and the "Cuban debt" was the term by which they were designated. They were of course Spanish bonds and a Spanish debt. Every holder of these bonds was interested in maintaining Spanish sovereignty in mortgaged Cuba. The debt owners of the world have a general interest in sustaining each other, and in the United States there was no exception to this rule. The financial operators in stocks and bonds in New York held back the McKinley administration from rendering the Cubans any aid as long as possible. ¿ 1 } I ! In his first annual message of December, 1897, President McKinley gave a review of the Cuban situation in which he declared that Weyler's reconcen- trado decree was 'not' civilized Warfare. And yet he said that the recognition of Cuban belligerency was not advisable on the ground that there was no "substantial political organization, real, palpable and manifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordinary functions of government to- wards its own people and to other Slates, with courts for the administration of justice, with a local habitation possessing such organization of force, such material or such occupation of territory as to take the contest out of a mere rebellious insurrection," and on the further ground that the "insurrection has not possessed itself of a single seaport from whence it may send forth its flags." Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet never recognized the Southern Confederacy as a politcial or civil organization, and it had no available port because of the blockade. Yet he recognized it as a belligerent, when he claimed the belli- gerent right for this government to visit and search the Steamer Trent sall- ing under the neutral flag of Great Britain, to find upon her contraband of war. The Cuban insurrection had, in December, 1897, held out two years and tẹn months. The Confederate States had, in October, 1861, when the Trent was seized, held out only six months. Every precedent was violated by President McKinley's non-action. I } } WAR WITH SPAIN. 63 The files of the State Department were loaded with communications from American consuls reciting the horrible barbaritics perpetrated in Cuba. The President refused to comply with the request of the Senate for the transmis- sion of these papers to that body. The devastation of Cuba and the inhuman conduct of Spain in starving non-combatants, including women and children, went on unchecked. The appeals to humanity were overborne by the appeals of the Spanish boudholders and their supporters in this country not to "haul down the flag" of Spain in Cuba, because the revenues of the island were pawned to pay the cost of Spanish atrocitics there, and only Spanish officials could collect and pay over its revenues to creditors of Spain. A 3 On the 15th of February, 1898, the world was startled by the destruction of the United States battleship Maine in the harbor of Havana, where she was making a lawful visit, and where she had been anchored in a place selected by Spanish authority. Two hundred and fifty-eight sailors-marines and offi- : cers-went down with this noble slup. A naval court of inquiry reported unanimously that the Maine was destroyed by an exterior explosion-that of a submarine mine. It expressed no opinion as to the responsibility for the out- rage. No further testimony was necessary. Only the Spanish government controlled submarine mines in the harbor of Havana, and Spain was respon- sible for the acts of her officials in that place. The President communicated the finding of the court of inquiry to the government of Spain. That Gov- ernment offered no reparation then, but treated it as a matter with which she had nothing to do. The report of the naval board of inquiry was sent to the Senate on the 28th of March. Not until the 11th of April did the Pres- ident make any iccommendation to Congress. IIe then sent in a message in which he declared against the recognition of the independence of the Cuban Republic, but asked Congress to authorize the "forcible intervention of the United States as a neutral to stop the war." This, he said, would involve "hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest as well as to force a truce to guide the final settlement." He informed Congress that the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs had assured our Minister that Spain would do all that the highest honor and justice requied in the matter of the Maine. Also that Spain Irad offered to submit the whole thing to an arbitration as to facts! To this he said he had made no reply. It would have been becoming in hin to state that we would tolerate no calling in question of the facts as stated by our naval court of inquiry. The ship had been destroyed, with two hun- dred and fifty-eight precious lives, by a submarine mine in a Spanish port. These facts were indisputable. Nothing else was necessary to fix the re- sponsibility for the terrible crime. The President was overruled by his own party in Congress. His proposition to remain neutral and merely act the part of a policeman in Cuba,-to keep the peace between parties declared by him to be equally blameable,-was spurned. Although Congress refused to recog- nize the existence of a lawful civil government of the Cuban insurgents, it declared that the people of Cuba were and of right ought to be free and inde- 邹 ​} 3 1 } C 美 ​24 J } ↓ b { ¿ J * $ 1 } << $ + 64 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK ✅ pendent, and that the President must notify Spain to relinquish sovereignty over all her possessions in the West Indies, and must employ the army and navy of the United States to enforce this command. Thus was the United States relieved from the pusillanimous position advocated by the President, of treating Spain as a friend after the destruction of the Maine, and of treating as a street fight in Havana a three years' revolution for liberty and inde- pendence, which Spain with over a hundred thousand troops had failed to de- feat. r ¡ f 1 =0% + } The war with Spain was the People's war, declared by Congress under an avalanche of public opinion which it could not resist, and declared in opposi- tion to the President's recommendation, whose action throughout had been en- tirely satisfactory to the operators in Spanish bonds. 1 1 J } f 1 છે · 1 1 2 } A } } 1 S i f 1 E ܚ ܀ k I 1 I 1 ì { آپ 3 * 1. ' { } K { ? ង CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 1 CHAPTER VIII. 1 ADMINISTRATION OF THE WAR DEPARTMENT DURING THE WAR WITH SPAIN. } 2 65 1 Credit is claimed for the Republican Administration on account of the suc- cessful war with Spain. The public debt of gratitude due brave American manhood which won the victory over Spain is, we are told, to be discharged by reward bestowed upon President McKinley. His war, his soldiers, his vic- tory, his reward! Senator Lodge, in his speech of notification, says on this point: You did Congress declared war, but you, as Commander-in-Chief, had to carry it on so, and history records unbroken victory from the first shot of the Nashville to the day when the protocol was signed. The peace, you had to make alone. Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippines-you had to assume alone the responsibility of taking them all from Spain. Alone, and weighted with the terrible responsibility of the unchecked war powers of the Constitution, you were obliged to govern these islands, and to repress rebellions and disorder in the Philippines. L Neither for the lofty, inspiring motives of the war nor for the courage and devotion of our soldiers, crowned with victory, can credit be justly claimed for. the Administration. The bravery and blood of our soldiers are their own. No man may appropriate their deeds of valor and call them his. A duty devolved upon President McKinley as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, and by the manner of his performance of this duty alone must the credit due him for the conduct of the war be measured. The history of the Spanish War and its results are within the knowledge of f every man living to-day. It is one of honor and glory to our soldiers, and of inefficiency and scandal to the Administration. It is to the lasting honor of the country that we went to war to redress great wrong and to free an oppressed people. The Administration cannot share in this honor, for it opposed the war, resisting the popular will as long as it was possible to do so. When the demand of the country could no longer be ignored, the first con- sideration of President McKinley was how the war could best be turned to the advantage of himself, his party, and those "business interests" so dear to the heart of the Administration. There were commissions to be distributed, and contracts to be awarded, and with these political debts could be paid and (3) } } * 3 I | 1 } Į { 1 + t $6 1 • } EMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 8 favors carned. Then came a course of mismanagement and a carnival of scandal that shocked the sensibilities of the whole country, and brought untold suffering upon our soldiers. Incompetent men were in numerous cases given commissions because they were the sons of distinguished partisans or of rich families, or because of some political debt that could be paid in this manner. To gratify the ambition or the malice of some favorites, competent officers of the army and of the navy were brushed aside, their wise counsel ignored, and favorites were put to the front without regard to their fitness, or in spite of their known unfitness. Our soldiers were put into the field poorly armed, im- properly clothed, and so inadequately provisioned as to inflict upon them the pangs of starvation. They were given rotten meat and spoiled provisions, which were a burden and a stench, while they suffered from hunger. They were assembled in unhealthy camps, improperly arranged and equipped. They were not provided with suitable hospitals and medicines, and incompetence marked the medical corps-the selection of surgeons from private life being conspicuously influenced by considerations other than those of competency. The management of the Commissary, the Quartermaster and the Medical Do- partments was a public scandal. The transportation of troops, food and camp equipments, placed largely in the hands of inexperienced men whose selection. had been influenced by political considerations or by personal favoritism, was inadequate, mismanaged and tainted with fraud. Troops were huddled to- gether without means of transportation or were transported to some remote camp without tents or shelter of any sort, without clothing and destitute of food. Provisions were left to rol in cars or on shipboard while our soldiers went hungry. Before they had even been equipped with arms, hundreds were attacked by discase-typhoid and malarial fever becoming epidemic in nearly every camp-and for want of food and medical attention the death rate became alarming before a drop of blood had been shed in battle. The gi cat- est mortality was in the pestilential camps, not on the battlefield. The entire number killed or wounded in battle during the war, according to the report of the War Department, was 1,668, killed or wounded; but between May 1 and Sept. 30 80 officers and 2,185 enlisted men died of disease. ឆ The Administration had ample notice of the war. Inevitable as it appeared, the President had for many months resisted the will of the people to interpose, for the sake of humanity, to prevent the oppression of Cuba, and during this time of warning there was ample opportunity for preparation. President McKinley, in his message to Congress, December 5, 1898, recognized the readi- ness of the legislative branch of the Government to respond to the demands of the hour, and acknowledged that opportunity was given the Administra- tion to prepare for hostilities. Ile says, after reviewing the situation, that: "It needed but a brief executive suggestion to Congress to receive imme- diate answer to the duty of making immediate provision for the possible and perhaps speedily probable emergency of war, and the remarkable, almost unique, spectacle was presented of a unanimous vote of both Houses on the 4 140%) *** ( 1 + } 1 * } 1 Yet when the conflict did come (in April) the appropriation by Congress and the ample opportunity that had been afforded for preparation proved not sufficient to protect our army from unnecessary sufferings inflicted by either incompetency or fraud. Neither hospitals, medicines, surgeons nor nurses ade- quate to the needs of the army were provided, and even at the camp but a few miles from the Capital of the Nation, within an hour's ride from the War Department, and almost in sight of the White House, soldiers lay for days delirious will typhoid fever, with their clothes on just as they fell, without even a sheet under them and almost without attention of any sort. A similar - condition existed in nearly every camp in the country, only other camps went longer without relief than did Camp Alger. } When the troops were landed near Santiago they were not properly pro- vided with hospital equipment or medical supplies or camp equipients or rations. The troops had been crowded into transports insufficient in space for the number put aboard, and hurried off with much of their equipment left behind, and practically no provision made for landing such stores as they might have on reaching their destination in Cuba. The report of Frank J. Hecker, Colonel and Quartermaster, U. S. Volunteers, Chief of the Transporta- tion Division, who was himself responsible for the transportation, says that, vessels were fitted out at Port Tampa to convey General Shafter's army of from twenty to twenty-five thousand men, and that upon embarkation of the troops it was found that the vessels would not safely and comfortably carry more than sixteen thousand men with their animals, equipment, ammunition and medical supplies on a voyage of a thousand miles; and that upon the dis- embarkation of the army difficulty was encountered by reason of the lack of sufficient means for lightering the vessels. The fact was that the entire army 1 as transported with scarcely any provision being made for its disembarka- 9th of March, appropriating fifty millions of dollars for the national defenso and for each and every purpose connected therewith, to be expended at the' discretion of the President."" And that "it is sufficient to say that the out- * } break of the war, when it did come, found our nation not unprepared to meet the conflict.”; 1 CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. CORRUPTION ܚk 1 } · ܨܪ น 1 ? J } 骣 ​* 1 ion or for landing camp equipments, rations and hospital and medical sup- les. The official report made to Congress by Secretary Alger of the opera- tion of the Confmissary, Quartermaster and Medical Departments is a record *of confession, excuse and apology. Shafter's army in the vicinity of Santiago was without shelter, without hospital facilities and short of rations. Those who were down with the fever and those who were wounded were neglected for want of proper facilities for treatment, while the convalescent, hurried out of hospitals before they were well, to make room for others, were fed upon 'coarse rations which even the stomachs of the well rejected. The whole army was nearly depleted through this management of the War Department and the incompetency or fraud of those whose duty it was to provide. This condi- Lion lasted with more or less aggravated horror throughout the war, and at $ 67 1 + ↓ 幾 ​r I 4 ve هر 聊 ​1 1 1 ។ + A • 68¹ the close an army of invalids was brought back to Montauk Point on Long Island, there again to suffer hardships through want of preparation for their care. * DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. After all the experience of the war, and when ample time was possible and abundant means available, the War Department showed similar incompetency in providing for the reception of the soldiers returning home from the war wounded, sick with fever, or utterly broken in health. After the surrender of the Spanish at Santiago, the American army was in a deplorable condition, and the proposition to remove it a few miles back from the coast instead of bringing the men home almost resulted in revolt. Theodore Roosevelt, now the Republican candidate for Vice President, was at the head of a movement in protest against the tardiness of the Department in looking after the wel- fare of the troops. He wrote a personal protest himself, and was active in the preparation of a petition and protest known as the "round robin," which was signed by Major-General Kent, Major-General Bates, Brigadier-General Chaffee, Brigadier-General Sumner, Brigadier-General Ludlow, Brigadier- General Adelbert Amcs, Brigadier-General Leonard Wood and Colonel Thco- dore Roosevelt. The following is Roosevelt's protest - J ✪ Roosevelt's Protest. • { Major-General Shafter. Sir: In a meeting of the general and medical officers called by you at the palace this morning we were all, as you know, unanimous in view of what should be done with the army. To keep us berc, in the opinion of every officer commanding a division or a brigade, will simply involve the destruction of thousands. There is no possible reason for not shipping practically the entire command north at once. Men Ripe for Yellow Fever. 7 Yellow fever cases are very few in the cavalry division, where I command one of the two brigades, and not one true case of yellow tever has occurred in this division, except among the men sent to the hospital at Sibouey, where they have, I believe, contracted it. But in this division theic have been 1,500 cases of malarial fever. Not a man bas died from it, but the whole command is so weakened and shattered as to be ripe for dying like sheep when a real yellow fever epidemic, instead, of a fake epidemic like the present, strikes us, as it is bound to if we stay here at the height of the sickness sea- son, August and the beginning of September. Quarantine against malarial fever is like quarantine against the toothache 0 1 All of us are certain, as soon as the authorities at Washington fully appreciate the conditions of the army, to be sent home. If we are kept here it will in all human possibility mean an appalling disaster, for the surgeons here estimate that over half the army, if kept here during the sickly season, will die. That is not only terrible from the standpoint of the individual lives lost, but it means ruin from the standpoint of the • military efficiency of the flower of the American army, for the great bulk of the regu- lars are here with you. J Not 10 Per Cent Fit for Service. 1 The sick list, large though it is, exceeding 4,000, affords but a faint index of the debilitation of the army. Not 10 per cent. ane ait for active work. Six weeks on the north Maine coast, for instance, or elsewhere, where the yellow fever germ cannot possibly propagate, would make us all as fit as fighting cocks, able, as we are eager, to take a leading part in the great campaign against Havana in the fall, even if we are not allowed to try Porto Rice 你 ​{ + T I A * + } I រ I t I 1 } & ! In 1 Чт 1 T 4 the I CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. We can be moved north, if moved at once, with absolute safety to the country, although, of course, it would have n infinitely better if we had been moved north or to Porto Rico two weeks ago If there were any object in keeping us here we would face yellow fever with as muh indiference as we face bullets, but there is no object 11. The four immune regiments ordered here are sufficient to garrison the city and - surrounding towus, and there is absolutely nothing for us to do here, and there has not Evely boen since the city surrendered. It is impossible to move into the interior shifting of camp doubles the sick rate in our present weakened condition, and, any- how, the interior is rather worse than the coast, as I have found by actual reconno.1- sance. Our present camps are as healthy as any camps at this end of the island can be I write only because I cannot see our men, who fought so bravely and who have endured extreme hardships and danger so uncomplainingly, go to destruction withe, c striving so far as lies in me to avert a doom as fearful as it is unnecessary and unda- served. Yours respectfully, } h T AY The Round Robin. After Colonel Roosevelt had taken the initiative, all the American general officers united in a round-robin addressed to General Shafter. It reads: ปี Is لسی { We, the undersigned officers, commanding the various brigades, divisions, etc., of the aimy of occupation in Cuba, arc of the nanimous opinion that this army should be al once taken out of the Island of Cuba and sent to some point' on the northern seacoast of ' the United States that it can be done without danger to the people of the U-ted States; that yellow.fever in the army at present it not epidemic; that there are onv a few spasmodic cases, but that the army is disabled by malarial fever to the extent that its efficiency is destroyed and that it is in a condition to be practically destroyed by the epidemic of yellow fever, which is sure to come in the near future. * We know from the reports of competent officers and from personal observation that the army is unable to move into the interior and that there are not facilities for such a move if attempted, and that it could not be attempted until too late. Moreover, the best medical autho ties of the island say that with our present equipment we could not live in the interior during the rainy season without losses from malarial fever, which is almost as deadly as yellow fever. } ! $ } THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Colonel, Commanding First Brigade. 69 $ Must Move or Perish. This army must be moved at once or perish As the army can be safely moved now, the persons responsible for preventing such a move will be responsible for the unueces- sary loss of many thousands of lives. ! Our opinions are the result of careful personal observation, and they are also based, u the unanimous opinion of our medical officers with the army, who understand the tuation absolutely. (Signed) J. Ford Kent, Major-General Volunteers, commanding 1st Division, 5th Corps. J. C. Bates, Major-General Volunteers, commaning provisional division. Adna R. Chaffee, Vajor-General, commanding 3d Bugade, 2d Division. Samuel S Sumner, Bugadier-General Volunteers, commanding 1st Brigade, Cavalry. Will Ludlow, Bugadier-General Volunteeis, commanding 1st Brigade, 2d Division Adelbert Ames, Bugadier-General Volunteers, commanding 3d Brigade, 1st Division. Leonard Wood, Brigadier-General Voluntceis, commanding the city of Santiago. Theodore Roosevelt, Colonel, commanding 2d Cavalry Bilgade Alger's Rebuke to Roosevelt. On August 6, the day after the publication of the Roosevelt "round robin,” Secretary. Alger gave out the following correspondence between himself and Col. Theodore Llocsetelt: ៩ ¿ Ú ↓ 1 $ 1-1 1 When the orig 1 Ն } 1 } witter heard 1 # * f мова } > + 1 १ 70 from 罩 ​- { له ' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. + 1 Santiago, July 23, 1898. My Dear Mr. Secretary: 導 ​I am writing with the knowledge and approval of General Wheeler. We earnestly hope that you will send us-most of the regulars and, at any rate, the cavalry division, including the Rough Riders, who are as good as any regulars, and three times as good as any State troops-to Porto Rico. There are 18,000 effective men in this division. If those who were left behind were joined to them, we could land at Porto Rico in this cavalry division close to 4,000 men, who would be worth casily any 10,000 National Guard, armed with black powder, Springfield or other aichaic weapons. Very respectfully, THEODORE ROOSEVELT. To this Secretary Alger replied: Your letter of the 23d is received. The regular army, the volunteer army and the Rough Riders have done well, but I suggest that, unless you want to spoil the effects and glory of your victory, you make no invidious comparisons. The Rough Riders are no better than other volunteers. They had an advantage in their arms, for which they ought to be very grateful. R. A. ALGER, Secretary of War. Camp Wyckoff at Montauk Point, Long Island. The "round robin" resulted in the army being brought home. A site for hos- pitals and a detention camp was secured at Montauk Point, on Long Island, and duly named Camp Wyckoff. The troops were brought home in badly provided transports, suffering terrible privations on the voyage, and, although there had been ample notice of their coming, they were landed on a barren spot sick, dejected and helpless. In the report on Camp Wyckoff, included in the report of the Secretary of War, Major J. C. Brown, Surgeon U. S. Volun- teers, says that when the first troops arrived at Montauk there was scarcely any means of transporting supplies. When the "At the time," says the report, "there were no tents and no provisions whatever for the reception of these, men, and the medical officer in charge erected tents and had the sick (some thirty in number) under cover by 11 a. m. the same day. There were no cots, no mattresses and only one blanket for each man. It was raining at the time and the ground was wet. There was no lumber on hand to put floors in the hospital tents, and consequently the patients were laid on the ground These men were suffering from different diseases contracted in Tampa, Fla., and which developed on the way to Mon- tauk. The greater portion had typhoid fever, quite a number malaria, a few cases of dysentery and one of measles. There was no food for these men, nor could any be purchased at this end of the line." 1 " The Embalmed Beef Contract. In the Commissary Department contracts, were made at exorbitant prices for food for the army. Spoiled canned beef, "embalmed beef" and the refuse of the world's market of "preserved" provisions of various sorts, taken out of the warehouses and off the shelves where they had lain for years unsalable, or out of the stock of rejected supplies, were furnished as rations for the army. Millions of dollars went into the pockets of contractors, while tous of provi- sions, all accepted and paid for, were thrown away and the army went hun- gry. } बहु में In the purchase or lease of transports enormous prices were paid for old hulks and the transactions were so flagrant with scandal that all sorts of } 5 < 4 J 1 Notwithstanding the efforts of this War Board to whitewash the Adminis tration, the evidence was so damaging that it was impossible for the Adminis- tration to escape censure, and the report of the board, intended as a vindica- , tion, was rejected by the whole people of the country; and it became neces- 41 1 } sary for the Administration in some way to purge itself. A scapegoat was the imperative demand of the hour, and eventually Secretary Alger, who per- haps least of all was responsible for the scandals, was forced to retire from the Cabinet. 7 ť せ ​K The investigation into the character of the rations furnished the army was conducted with such manifest purpose to shield the Department that there was an almost universal public protest against its partiality and unfairness. › Reputable witnesses who were in a position to know the true state of affairs and who stated their own experiences, were treated by the court of inquiry as if they were criminals before the bar of justice. Every possible effort was made (unsuccessfully) to discredit them, and they were made the objects of attack and brutal treatment, while countless witnesses, not even professing to speak from personal knowledge, who expressed opinions favorable to the De- ›parfment, were treated with the utmost favor, and their testimony as to what 'they did not see was made the basis of the report favorable to the Department against the evidence of those who both saw and experienced the horrors of he rotten-meat ration. # $ Z → 5 S CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 71 devices have been resorted to by the Administration to cover up the fraud and to prevent investigation and exposure. The scandals of the conduct of the war were so public, and so clamorous were the demands for punishment of those responsible for it that it became necessary for the President to order an investigation. This investigation of the conduct of the war in itself furnished a scandal, both from the manner of its proceedings and the inconsistency and unwarranted character of its report which perverted the testimony. Notwithstanding all efforts to sup- press damaging evidence and to terrorize those who sought to tell the terri- ble truth of the treatment of our soldiers, the testimony given before the board was of a character damning to all those responsible, and disclosed that the Administration of the War Department had been inefficient if not criminal in some of its branches. $ Jorg } } Major Lee, in summing up the evidence before the court of inquiry, on behalf of General Milès, the General Commanding the Army, said that "the allegations made by General Miles are nothing more, nothing less, than the complaints brought to his official knowledge by the officers and men of the army who participated in active service during the recent war. These allega- tions, based on a full belief in the correctness of said representations, are found in substance in his statements before the War Commission, and relate specifically to certain meat supplies which are believed to have been unsuitable for issue and deleterious to the health of the soldiers.” Speaking of the inspection of meats before purchase he said: { + } C 1 } 1 1 : { i } ¿ { 72 } DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. f T What of inspection? Why, it appears in evidence before this court that some of these Inspections, so-called, were so perfunctory that canned 'meats were accepted "on the reputation of the packing firm." It was only after the millions of pounds had passed into the hands of receiving officers in the field, after the issue to the troops, that the material defects, the unfitness for food was discovered. No swellers nor nail holes seem to have been observed in the packing houses at the time of the purchase. The inspection and condemnation of over 40,000 pounds at Jacksonville by Lieut. Col. Guild failed to reveal who was the pur- chasing officer that received it as good. On repacking there by Armour's agent hun- dreds of cans were, as a sanitary measure, burned up in a crematory, and at Kansas City nearly 200 additional cans had become so offensive that they had to be rejected.. * A The testimony shows that every can that could be gathered from far and near was uuloaded on the army; that thousands of cases from Europe were recalled and the old stock at Staten Island and Locust Point, Baltimore, the latter having been in storage from two to four years, was received and rushed forward to meet the demands. * The unfitness of the so-called roast beef and its nauseating and injurious character are conclusively shown by the official reports now before the court of not less than 90 per cent of about 310 1egimental and company officers who were at the front. * * 1. J As to the cmbalmed beef Major Lec called attention to the fact that four witnesses testified in effect "that the commissary general stated that the re- frigerating people had a special process for preserving meat, and that one process was being tested at Tampa, Fla.; and 'in the next day or two,' as Armstrong testified, the commissary general informed him that of the four quarters that were tested, three stood the test, remaining sound at the end of seventy-two hours, the remaining one being damaged. Mr. Armstrong states: t General Eagan mentions that Swift & Co. had two representatives who explained to him fully that they possessed a new preservative that would keep the meat fresh and sound seventy-two hours after being taken out of the refrigerator. Hc (General Eagan) stated further that Armour & Co. also proposed to furnish meat that would be treated with a process that would insure its keeping the length of time required under the contract. All this transpned before the opening of the bids on June 13, and shows clearly that a preservative process was then under favorable consideration. 豊 ​In controversion of the assertion of Armour & Company's agent that no .chemicals had been used as a preservative, three witnesses, as follows, were produced to prove that Armour's agent had acknowledged to them that chem- icals were used: "1. Sergt. Edward Mason (p. 2133), that upon objecting to, or refusing, cer- tain beef in a car at Lakeland, Armour's agent stated, in cxpress terms, that 'the beef had been chemically treated.' “2. A. J. Gampher (pp. 2971, etc), then lieutenant and commissary, tes- *lified that at Lakeland, Fla.. in August, Moorehouse, Armour's agent, informed him that there was 'nothing the matter with the beef; that the spots on it were due to chemicals used in the preservation of the meat; that this had been done to prevent deterioration,' } 1 1 1 } 11 # } * } S id นู 矗 ​1 } CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 73 "3. Dr. Charles H. Castle (pp. 3655, etc.), then assistant surgeon, was pres- ent at Lakeland with Captain Carmichael and Lieutenant Gampher and Ar- nour's agent (described as Moorehouse), and testified with circumstantial de- ail that said agent said 'that the beef was chemically treated.'"' A report submitted to the court of the result of an investigation by Lieu- enant Colonel Garlington, Inspector General, was rejected by the court, which efused to consider it. This report sustained the allegations by General Miles, It nd presented a complete and exhaustive examination of the subject. ound that the canned roast beef was unfit, and that there was evidence to upport the suspicion that the beef was embalmed. 1 1 A fitting sequel to the work of this court of injuiry organized to white- ash the War Department was the court martial of General Eagan, Commis- ary General of the Army, one of the administration's proteges, and champion f the purveyors of spoiled meat. Before the court of inquiry, General Miles, he ranking officer of the Army, whose counsel the President ignored, and vhose services he had declined, had protested against the purchase and dis- ribution of unwholesome meats for the army. He made a statement, before 'he court, of the facts that had been brought to his attention through com- plaints and reports from the proper officers of the army. In answer to a question by Col. Sexton, one of the members of the court, as to whether the rmy at Porto Rico under Gen. Miles had been abundantly supplied with 30mmissary and quartermaster's stores, Gen. Miles replied: J : S { $ 1 f The same bad They were supplied in a way-not, in my judgment, the best way. In Tampa, for ystem existed there as at Tampa in sending great quantities of stores. nstance, the supplies were sent in cars without invoices or bills of lading, and it was impossible for the officers to know what was in the cars or whele tae supplies were. 1 Porto Rico the same evil existed. I had previously requested that complete rations e sent instead of sending them in bulk.' 11 I £ Gen. Miles read an extract from a telegram by him to the Department ask- ag for shipment of complete rations together instead of shipments in bulk of ipplies for the army. "But instead of that," he said, "the steamers were Lnt down loaded with various parts of rations, without invoices and without Ils of lading: and not a man on the steamer knew what was on the ship. nd large quantities of vegetables-for instance, potatoes and onions, and ar- les of that kind-would be stored down in the hold of the ship, and no one hew until they opened the hatches what was there. Very often the vegeta- les were spoiled by the heat in the steamers during the voyage, so that they ad to be thrown overboard and the troops did not get them." Gen. Miles said that in his opinion the character of the food supplied was ne of the causes of sickness and distress on the part of the troops. He then ecounted the experience during the war of the rebellion, and the method of supplying beef on the hoof to the army at that time; but said this was not dopted in the Cuban War, and that he had telegraphed the Department. re- uesting that no more fresh beef be sent to him at Porto Rico. He said that he beef sent to the harbor at Ponçe for the troops, when they were two or 3f 14 } 1 { [ $ 1 3 ↓ 1 F 2 + *21 2 74 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. was three days out from the base would be utterly worthless; and that there sent. to Porto Rico 337 tons of what is known as, or called, refrigerated beef, which you might call embalmed beef, and there was also sent 198,508 pounds of what is known as canned fresh beef, which was condemned, as far as I know, by nearly every officer whose command used it." -" . He then submitted brief reports of officers whose commands had used this beef, as follows: IN T Whe Fourth Infantry, Major Baker:-The beef seemed to be of inferior quality and 'was anything but palatable. Quite a number of men could not and did not eat it." น } Sixth Infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Miner:-The meat was utterly unfit as an article of diet for either sick or well. It had no nutriment in it, and turned the stomachs of men who tried to eat it. Ninth Infantry, Colonel Powell:-The meat produced disordered stomachs, was not nutritious, soon became putrid, and in many of the cans was found in course of putre- faction when opened. 1. : + Twelfth Infantry, Major Humphreys: The meat issued presented such a repulsive appearance that men turned from it in disgust. "Nasty" is the only term that will fitly describe its appearance. Its use produced diarrhoea and dysentery. Thirteenth Infantry, Col. A. T. Smith:-Many complaints were made concerning the neat. It was found very unpalatable, and is unfit for issue to troops. Seventeenth Infantry, Major O'Brien:-The nutritious juices having been cooked out of the meat, it was neither nourishing nor palatable. It was often nauseating and unft for use. It should no longer be issued. Second Battalion, Twenty-first Infantry, Capt. J. W. Duncan:-The meat soon spoiled after opening the cans, the men soon tire of it, and it is not a proper food. It is not equal in any way to canned corned beef. ↓ Twenty-second Iufantry, Major Van Horne:-The meat issued was nothing more than refuse after various kinds of soups had been extracted from it. Further issues of it should not be made. Third Cavalry, Major Jackson: The meat used for canning was too fat, and as an article of diet soon became nauseating to a large majority of the men. If made of good beef and properly seasoned it might be satisfactory. → { ▾ * Second Artillery, Colonel Haskin:-The meat was generally disliked, was soft, watery and insipid, agreeable to neither eye nor taste. The men could be induced to eat it only when prepared as a stew. 2 1} caris By the ל Fifth, Artillery, Lieutenant-Colonel McCrea:-The meat was unpalatable, because of the excess of fat in it. Its appearance was black and stringy, and none of the men liked it. When prepared as a stew it was more palatable. If less fat, and mixed with vegetables, it would deserve further trial. 1 Light Battery K, First Artillery, Capt. Best, Sept. 28, 1898:-The appearance of the nreat was not inviting. The men soon tired of it. First Cavalry, Brigadier-General Viele, Nov. 30, 1898--The meat was a miserable apology for food in a hot climate, a slimy-looking mass of beef, scraps, unpalatable to the taste and repulsive to the sight. Competition for the contracts placed the prices so low that, only tailings and scraps were used for canning. Ninth Cavalry:-Very unsatisfactory; men soon tire of it, and will only eat it when they have nothing else. Twenty-fourth Infantry, Major Thompson:-After a few days the meat became unpalatable; then men became disgusted with it, and would not eat it. 4 When asked if canned beef was not a part of the army rations, the General replied that it was made a part of the army ratious during this war to the ex- tent of sending to Porto Rico nearly 200,000 pounds of it, but that he did not know who had fixed it as an army ration. "You had better," he said, "ask the Secretary of War, or the Commissary General; I think they can tell you. I know it was sent to the army as food, and the pretense is that it was sent 40 } 1 · 1 4 A } น CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. 75 as an experiment; but anyone could have tried it on his own stomach to see what the effect was without sending 200,000 pounds of it. If there had been paymasters down there, the army could have bought food, but there ļ was none there, although I requested on July 18th, that they be sent there— that was before I ever started from Guantanamo. Ultimately I gave di- rections to expend part of the funds obtained at the custom-house in the purchase of fresh beef." # * Į जुने L ན $ { } >> A $ ** 24 1 A зари It is impossible to keep fresh beef so.long untainted in the sun in that climate with- 'out the use of deleterious preservatives, such as boric acid, salicylic acid, or nitrate potash, injected into it in quantities liable to be hurtful to the health of the consumer. Commenting on this, General Miles said: > 1 1K } Gen. Miles read before the board the report of Dr. W. H. Daly, Major and Chief Surgeon of Volunteers, who had charge of the Panama, which was a ship loaded with the sick and convalescent at Ponce and sent North, in which Dr. Daly stated that in several inspections he had made in various camps and troop shíph at Tampa, Jacksonville, Chickamauga and Porto Rico, he had found the fresh beef to be apparently preserved with chemicals, which de- stroyed its natural flavor and which he also believed to be detrimental to the health of the troops. In this report Dr. Daly said that on duty at Tampa, Col. Weston, Chief Commissary, had shown him a quarter of beef that had as a test been sixty hours in the sun without being perceptibly tainted so far as the sense of smell could detect. The report said: # हैन In my judgment, I do not know, but I think that to be one of the causes of so large an amount of sickness in our camps. Take, for instance, the most favorably reported- Jacksonville. I sent to ascertain the condition of that camp, and Surgeon Greenleaf reported that out of 17,365 troops at Jacksonville there were 4,041 away from duty "on account of sickness; and it has been a mystery to me to ascertain what was the cause of so much sickness during this war, and possibly you have it here--I do not know. There may be other causes, of course. V ܀ " F that much of the beef examined arriving on transports from the United States at Ponce, Porto Rico, was of the same character, being apparently preserved by injected chemicals to aid deficient cold storage. Ł “When detailed to take charge of the Panama," said Dr. Daly, "for convey ng convalescents to the United States, I obtained 2.000 pounds of fresh beef from the commissary at Ponce. It looked well, but had an odor similar to that of a dead human body after being injected with preservatives, and it tasted when first cooked like decomposed boric acid, while after standing a day for further inspection' it became so bitter, nauseous, and unpalatable as to be quite impossible for use. I was therefore obliged, owing to its condition, and the just complaints of the sick about it, and the disgustingly sickening odor it emitted when being cooked, and its mawkish flat taste when served, and the safety of my patients-255 convalescent soldiers on board—to organize a board of survey, condemn and throw 1.500 pounds, all we had, overboard, consequently the convalescents were entirely without much-needed fresh beef, 4 > Į The General again read from the report of Dr. Daly in which it was said ? 1 ! ** 2 gy. 5 A : then g [ My } 76. 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. making the duty of bringing the men to the United States in an improved condition a very difficult matter. 1 The expedition was in command of Gen. Miles himself. In my inspection of the Fourth United States Volunteer Infantry at Jacksonville recently I observed the same odor and taste upon the fresh beef, but not so marked, and at camp of Sixth United States Volunteer Infantry at Chicamauga I also, at several inspections, observed it markedly. I there inspected a lot of beef just issued to that regiment, and, while it looked well, was of a sickening odor, like a human body dead of disease and injected with preservatives, and when cooked it was quite unpalatable, consequently likely to prove an efficient cause of ill health. The men complained of its insipid and mawkish flavor, that high seasoning could not conceal.` There have been a great many reports furnished at different times, but he seemed to be insisting very zealously that this beef should be used, and in his testimony, as I saw it printed in the papers, he made a statement that no one of sense would decline to receive this refrigerated beef instead of beef on the hoof at Porto Rico, which rather reflected upon the commanding general of that expedition.' $ * ។ It was suggested by Gen. Dodge, one of the members of the Court of In- quiry, that the officer who made this report, meaning Dr. Daly, did not make any chemical analysis of the beef, and it was just a matter of opinion as to the appearance of the beef and the use of it which he expressed. To this Gen. Miles replied that "he made an expert examination of it as a medical offi- cer who was accustomed to the use of chemicals of the description that are used for embalming bodies." } Gen. Eagan's Scurrilous Abuse of Gen. Miles. This testimony of Gen. Miles, with reference to the "embalmed" beef, so angered and excited Gen. Eagan,-who appeared to be the champion of the contractors who were furnishing it,-that he made the following violent state- ment in regard to it: 3 If and when General Miles charges that it (meaning tinned fresh beef) was fur- nished as a "preteuse of experiment," he lics in his throat, he lies in his heart, he lies. in every hair of his head and every pore of his body, he lies wilfully, deliberately, intentionally, and maliciously. If his statement is true that this was furnished under "pretense of experimeat," then I should be diummed out of the Army and incarcerated in State prison. If this statement is false, as I assert it to be, then he should be drummed out of the scivice and incarcerated in pison with other libelers. His statement is a scandalous libel, reflecting upon the honor of every officer in the department who has contracted for or purchased this meat, and especially and par- ticularly on the Commissary General-myself. In denouncing General Miles as a liar, When he makes this statement, I wish to make it as emphatic and coarse as the state- ment itself. I wish to force the lie back into his throat covered with the contents of a camp latrine. I wish to brand it as a falsehood of whole cloth without a particle of truth to sustain it, and unless he can prove his statement he should be denounced by every honest man, barred from the clubs, barred from the society of decent people, and so ostracised that the street bootblacks would not condescend to speak to him, for be has fouled his own nest, he has aspersed the honor of a brother officer without a particle of evidence of fact to sustain in any degiee his scandalous, libelous, malicious falsehood, viz, that this beef or anything whatever was furnished the Army under "pretense of experiment." This at Washington, D. C., January 21, 1899. } For this foul and libellous language General Eagan was tried before Court Martial and found "guilty.” ་ ✔ i 3 E ' I 1 { + 1 a } 1 K 3 I J Executive Mansion, Washington, February 7, 1899. f The accused, after a trial by court-martial composed of officers of high rank and distinguished services, has been found guilty of conduct unworthy an officer holding a commission of the United States, and obnoxious in the highest degree to the discipline and good order of the military establishment. Such behavior is especially deserving of condemnation in an officer holding high rank In the Army and charged with the performance, of difficult and important administra- tive duties in a time of great public emergency and from whom, when subjected to adverse criticism, an unusual degree of restraint and unfailing self-control are confi- dently expected.. The proceedings, findings and sentence in the case of Brigadier General Charles P. Eagan, Commissary General of Subsistence, United States Army, are therefore ap proved. In view, however, of his gallant conduct in battle, upon more than one occasion, which merited and has received the warm commendation of his superiors, and of his long and honorable record of service, extending over a period surpassing in duration that usually allotted to a generation; having regard, also, to the mitigating circum- stances which were developed during the trial of the case, and in deference to the › recommendation to clemency submitted in his behalf, the sentence imposed by the court is commuted to suspension from rank and duty for six years. } ļ WILLIAM MCKINLEY. 3 } ? N { 44 په 去 ​$ *} } $ CORRUPTION IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. The President Rewards Gen. Eagan. This sentence was modified by President McKinley as follows: p 1 6b After having furnished the soldiers of the army, who were fighting in the field, or lying in fever-stricken camps, with "tinned beef," "canned roast beef," and "refrigerated beef," purchased in great quantities at exorbitant prices from contractors whose champion and defender he afterwards became; after hundreds and thousands of soldiers had, according to the testimony of most competent authorities-officers of the medical corps and of the line-been injured in health by being compelled to eat this unwholesome food or go hun- gry; after having used the foul and brutal language in defense of the beef contractors for which he was tried by court martial; and, standing as he did in an atmosphere of scandal with the complaints and protests of the whole country sounding in his ears, and the ghastly spectacle presented by our starving and fever-stricken soldiers on their return from the war-Gen. Eagan was thus relieved by the President from the penalty inflicted upon him by the court martial, and was given a certificate of character and an excuse in ""mitigating circumstances" and finally rewarded by relief from all duty for six years on full pay. tu Under such conditions the American patriotic army fought the war and won the victory over Spain for which the administration seeks the reward of, continuance in power, 34 I- & 1 77 * For the war the whole people are responsible. The credit for the victory is due the brave men who unselfishly and in a spirit of lofty patriotism risked their lives and endured the suffering and privation inflicted upon them through the faults of the administration. The responsibility for the unneces- sary suffering and loss of life and health, and for the shameful scandals alone rests with the administration of President McKinley, 17 1 4. { A بلے 1 I 1 * 1 4 I To I F f 4 k 畜 ​{ * 1 I すば ​Wreaths cannot be taken from the graves of our dead heroes to make a crown of laurel for McKinley's brow, nor can Hanna and his speculative friends claim the honors of the victory while counting their profits from the 1 war. ĭ } DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, 1 { заден мост е тов withas ፣ ~ I : 岁 ​I # 1 f # C 1 管 ​þ $ We 1 } ↓ } R t & I K I น 1 I } ¿ 3 } ? I { r THE PHILIPPINE WAR. CHAPTER IX. THE PRESIDENT'S PHILIPPINE WAR. DELTERRIE LORENZETERINA SPOTRE 犟 ​PART FOUR.-The Republic or the Empire. p contained the following article concerning the Philippines: "The United States will keep and hold the city, bay and harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine and control } the disposition and government of the Philippine Islands." Hostilities were to be suspended during the negotiations of the treaty of peace. These negotiations were to take place in Paris commencing October 1, 1898, and to be conducted by five commissioners on the part of each govern- 'ment. { 3 #79 J 1 Peace Negotiations With Spain.-Terms of the Protocol. The brilliant operations of our army and navy compelled Spain to sue for peace in a little more than three months after the declaration of war in April, 1898. A protocol or preliminary agreement as a basis for a treaty of peace was entered into by the two governments on the 12th day of August, 1898. In that it was definitely agreed that Spain would relinquish all claim to soy- reignty over Cuba, and that she would cede to the United States all her other West Indian possessions, and an island in the Ladrones to be selected by the United States. These points were not to be open to discussion in the- negotiation for a treaty of peace. Definite arrangements were provided for the evacuation by Spain of all the Spanish West India Islands. The agreement t It was the reasonable expectation of our people that Spain would be re- quired to give the United States the conquerer's right to "indemnity for the past and security for the future." Indemnity would include the cost of the war, full compensation for the destruction of the Maine and a sum equal to all claims of our citizens for injuries inflicted upon them by Spain in Cuba. It was believed that Spain would in any event be required to relinquish all claim to sovereignty over the Philippines. This might be only as security for the future, or it might also be as a payment of some portion of indemnity for the past. Her title to those islands was clouded by the firm grasp of the natives on the Island of Luzon, as well as by our own right of conquest of the } ' t 1 1 3 Y I перестанет отодрали + 80 } bay and harbor of Manila. She could not give us possession of anything in that island but the city of Manila. In the face of these facts the provision in the treaty-that twenty millions should be paid by the United States to Spain for the cession of the Philippine group-was at once well-nigh univer- sally condemned, and was only assented to by the Senate because of the, gen- eral reluctance to continue the state of war, and to render possible the renewal of hostilities DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 1 " ار The Treaty.-Its Conditions as to Ratification. } 1 t + The treaty was signed at Paris, December 10, 1898. By its terms it was "to be ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty, the Queen Regent of Spain." These ratifications were to be exchanged within six months from the date of the treaty, or earlier if possible. The six months would expire on the 10th of June, 1899. The treaty was communicated to the Senate January 4, 1899, but was not ratified until February 6th of that year. It was ratified by Spain March 20. It was without any legal force whatever until April 11, when the ratifications had been exchanged. These dates are given as follows, in a head- note to the treaty as officially published: "Concluded at Paris December 10, 1898; ratification advised by the Senate February 6, 1899; ratified by the President February 7, 1899; ratifications ex- changed April 11, 1899; proclaimed April 11, 1899.” From the 12th of August, 1898, therefore, until April 11, 1899, the United States was pledged to Spain to occupy only the city, bay and harbor of Manila. During that period the war with Spain was only suspended. What- ever sovereignty Spain had over the Philippines she retained until the ex- change of the ratifications of the treaty. Until April 11, 1899, therefore, the United States could not extend its military occupation beyond the "city, bay and harbor of Manila' without a flagrant violation of the protocol. 1 1 Our Filipino Allies.-Masters of the Entire Island Except the City of Manila. We have the authority of Admiral Dewey for the fact that Aguinaldo was by him "allowed to land at Cavite and organize an army" in May, 1898, "with the purpose of strengthening the United States forces and weakening those of the enemy." (Senate Document No. 138, 56th Congress, 1st Session, page 172.) We have the authority of the Philippine Commission, composed of Schurman, Otis, Dewey, Denby and Worcester, for the following statement (Ibid.): Shortly afterwards the Filipinos began to attack the Spaniards. Their number was rapidly augmented by the militia, who had been given arms by Spain, all of whom revolted and, Joined the insurgents. Great Filipino successes followed. Many Span- iards were taken prisoneis, and while the Spanish troops now remained quietly in Manila, the Filipino foices made themselves masters of the entire island except that city. On the annival of the troops commanded by General Anderson at Cavite, Aguin- aldo was requested by Admiral Dewey to vacate that place, and he moved his headquar teis to the neighbourg town of Bacoor. { 戥 ​1 + Between some time, therefore, in May, 1898, and the signing of the protocol with Spain in August, the Spaniards retained possession of the city of Manila; he United States forces occupied the harbor of Manila and so much of the shore (including Cavite after the 1st of July) as was necessary for their accom- nodation and convenience and for operations against the city of Manila; and "ho revolutionary forces of the Filipinos under Aguinaldo continued to be 'masters of the entire island (of Luzon) except that city." # 里 ​你 ​A On August 13, the day following the signing of the protocol with Spain, but without knowledge of that event, the American forces took the city of anila, I THE PHILIPPINE WAR. In all the communications between Aguinaldo and the Commander of the Jnited States forces, Aguinaldo was addressed by Generals Anderson and Ferritt as the "Commanding General of the Filipino Forces." Senator Hoar, 3 1 his speech in the Senate, April 17, 1900, truly said: 露 ​"But for what they did, the army of Spain could have withdrawn itself 'rom the neighborhood of our fleet, and could have held its own against our nilitary forces very likely up to this moment." Of course the Filipinos, under such conditions, established a provisional gov- rnment of their own. There was first a dictatorship under Aguinaldo, the evolutionary chief, but he declared it to be temporary only, and preparatory } o a true republic to be formed in due time. → 7 * The President's Declaration of War Against the Filipinos Three Months Before the Philippines Came Under the Sovereignty of tho United States. $ $ These proceedings never clicited a protest or objection from any military or sivil authority of the United States until December 21, 1898, when an order of he President was made public directing the Secretary of War to immediately xtend the military government, then maintained by the United States in the ity, bay and harbor of Manila, to the entire group of the Philippine Islands. This order was as follows: 81 Į "Adjutant General's Office, "Washington, December 21, 1898. Major General E. S. Otis, U. S. Volunteers, Commanding Department of the Pacific, and Military Governor of the Philippine Islands, Manila: "Sir: By direction of the Secretary of War, I have the honor to transmit erewith instructions of the President relative to the administration of affairs In the Philippine Islands. "Executive Mansion, Washington, December 21; 1898. To the Secretary of War: "Sir: The destruction of the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Manila by the Jurfed States naval squadron commanded by Real Admiral Dewey, followed y the reduction of the city and the surrender of the Spanish forces, practl- ally effected the conquest of the Philippine Islands and the suspension of panish sovereignty therein. : I CAN 13 4 you are f * ( 1 / J ( I گے } 821 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. * f "With the signature of the treaty of peace between the United States and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at Paris on the 10th instant, and as the result of the victories of American arms, the future control, disposition and government of the Philippine Islands are ceded to the United States. In the fulfillment of the rights of sovereignty thus acquired and the responsible obligations of government thus assumed, the actual occupation and adminis- tration of the entire group of the Philippine Islands becomes immediately nec- essary, and the military government heretofore maintained by the United States in the city, harbor and bay of Manila is to be extended with all possible, dispatch to the whole of the ceded territory. * 畜 ​{ # "In performing, ting, duty, the military commander of the United States is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that, in succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former political rela- Sions of the inhabitants, and in establishing a new political power, the author- : ity of the United States is to be exerted for the securing of the persons and property of the people of the islands and for the confirmation of all their prl- vate rights and relations. It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends to protect the natives in ! their homes, in their employments and in their personal and religious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, co-operate with the Government of the United States to give effect to these beneficent purposes will receive the reward of its support and protection. All others will be, brought within the lawful rule we have assumed, with firmness if need be, bui, without severity, so far as may be possible. "Within the absolute domain of military authority, which necessarily is and' must remain supreme in the ceded territory until the legislation of the United. States shall otherwise provide, the municipal laws of the territory in respect' to private rights and property and the repression of crime are to be considered! as continuing in force, and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals, so far as practicable. The operations of civil and municipal government are to' be performed by such officers as may accept the supremacy of the United States by taking the oath of allegiance, or by officers chosen, as far as may be practicable, from the inhabitants of the islands. "While the control of all the public property and the revenues of the state passes with the cession, and while the use and management of all public; means of transportation are necessarily reserved to the authority of the United States, private property, whether belonging to individuals or corporations, is to be respected except for cause duly established. The taxes and duties hereto- for payable by the inhabitants to the late government become payable to the authorities of the United States unless it be seen fit to substitute for them; other reasonable rates or modes of contribution to the expenses of government,' whether general or local. If private property be taken for military use, it. shall be paid for when possible, in cash, at a fair valuation, and when pay. ment in cash is not practicable receipts are to be given, ملی Kis elege } [ I I THE PHILIPPINE WAR. 83 "All ports and places in the Philippine Islands in the actual possession of "he land and naval forces of the United States will be opened to the commerce of all friendly nations. All goods and wares not prohibited for military rea- sons by due announcement of the military authority will be admitted upon bayment of such duties and other charges as shall be in force at the time of heir importation. } $ ↑ "Finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the miltary ad- ninistration to win the confidence, respect and affection of the inhabitants of he Philippines by assuring them in every possible way that full measure of ndividual rights and liberties, which is the heritage of free peoples, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of benevolent ssimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. n the fulfillment of this high mission, supporting the temperate administra- tion of affairs for the greatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously haintained the strong arm of authority, to repress disturbance and to over- ome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable govern- ment upon the people of the Philippine Islands under the free flag of the Jnited States. WILLIAM. McKINLEY. H. C. CORBIN, "Very respectfully, { : "Adjutant Generai. ነ ? 121 $ H 5 "By order of the Secretary of War: "H. C. CORBIN, “Adjutant General.” In other words, "your allegiance or your lives," December 21, 1898-hearly our months before Spanish sovereignty had been extinguished by the ex- 'hange of ratifications of the treaty April 11, 1899. This was a declaration of war against the provisional government of the Filipinos, which had been established without objection by the United States, nd maintained by a military organization which had been officially recognized y our military commanders, and with which friendly arrangemerts had been hade from time to time, pending the negotiation of the treaty of peace with pain. The war thus declared by the President against our peaceful allics, len occupying Spanish territory, was to be a war of extermination of all ho should resist United States military rule anywhere in the Philippine slands at that time. All necessary "firmness" and "severity" were especially uthorized. How "mild" the "sway;" how "benevolent" the "assimilation." This order was issued forty-seven days before the ratification of the treaty f peace by the Senate of the United States, February 6, 1899, and three honths before its ratification by the Crown of Spain, March 20, 1899. The eaty had no existence as such, and therefore ceded nothing in the Philippines ntil each nation had notified the other of its ratification on the 11th of April 18 Į اعد } a The President's Violation of the Protocol With Spain. It is beyond controversy that the President's order of December 21st was flagrant violation of the third article of the protocol. By that article the 1 } 1. 2 I 1 I } St } Į t 1 } X 1 t } 1 84 $7 L I 1 ے 2 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.' President was obliged to limit United States military occupation in the Phil- ippines to the "city, bay and harbor of Manila" during the negotiation of a treaty of peace. Until the treaty had been ratified by the United States Senate and by the Spanish Crown, and until these ratifications had been exchanged the President had no more right to occupy any other portion of these islands than he now has to order the military occupation of the Spanish Peninsula. He had agreed in the protocol, in the very article which thus limited our mili- tary occupation, that the treaty of peace should "determine the control, dis- position and government of the Philippine Islands." This left it an open ques- tion, to be determined by the treaty, whether Spain would cede the islands or any portion of them to the United States, or whether the United States i would recognize the Continuance therein of Spanish sovereignty. Yet the President himself undertook in this order the control, disposition and govern- ment of the islands, nearly four months before the treaty of peace had be- come operative. { 14 al Fanni + 1 te LA 67 43 * With extraordinary audacity, veiled with childlike simplicity, the President himself thus briefly groups the facts above stated. Addressing the Secretary of State, on the 20th of January, 1899, he said (Senate Document No. 108, 56th Congress, 1st Session, page 185): , نا } My communication to the Secretary of War, dated December 21, 1898, declares the necessity of cxtending the actual occupation and administration of the city, bay and harbor of Manila to the whole of the territory which, by the treaty of Paris, signed on December 10, 1898, passed from the sovereignty of Spain to the sovereignty of the United States, and the consequent establishment of military government throughout the entire group of the Philippine Islands. While the treaty has not yet been ratified, it is believed that it will be by the time. of the arrival at Manila of the commissioneis named below. This was dated January 20. The treaty was ratified by the Senate on Feb- ruary 6. How could the Philippine Islands have "passed from the sovereignty of Spain to the sovereignty of the United States" under a treaty not yet rati- fied? What virtue had the signatures of the commissioners December 10 nearly two months before it was known whether the United States Senate would accept the cession, and three months before it was known whether Spain would make the cession? It would have been a gross abuse of power if any such order had been made by the President even after the ratification of the treaty. What right would he then have had to forestall the action of $ Congress as to the civil and political status of the Philippine Islanders? How could Congress freely exercise its judgment as to what would be best for our government and for the Filipinos after the latter had unnecessarily been made our implacable enemies by the despotic and war-making order of December 21st? The President's Disregard of the Constitution, of Interna- tional Law and of the Terms of the Treaty. The President's order can only be justified upon the assumption that the' reaty of peace took effect when signed by the Commissioners and approve 1 4 £85 THE PHILIPPINE WAR by himself. Such an assumption is absolutely forbidden by the Constitution of the United States, which provides (Art. II., Section I) that the President shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make reaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur." He cannot in- oke international law as overriding this provision in our own Constitution, for every nation determines for itself what shall be the source of its treaty- making power. On this subject Wheaton says: The municipal constitution of every particular State determines in whom resides the uthority to ratify treaties negotiated and concluded with foreign powers so as to ender them obligatory upon the nation. In absolute monarchies it is the preroga- ive of the sovereign himself to confirm the act of his plenipotentiary by his final sanc- Dion. In certain limited or constitutional monarchies the consent of the legislative Bower of the nation is in some cases required for that purpose. In some Republics, s in that of the United States of America, the advice and consent of the Senate are ssential to enable the Chief Executive Magistrate to pledge the tration's faith in this orm. In all these cases it is consequently an implied condition in negotiating with oreign powers that the treaties concluded by the Executive Government shall be sub- ect to ratification in the manner prescribed by the fundamental laws of the State. Wheaton's International Law, Part III., Chapter II, Section 6, Page 455.) - Were this country an absolute monarchy, the President's approval would have sufficed according to the above statement of the rule. But this preroga- Ive of a sovereign does not belong to our President. To every treaty nego- ated by our envoys, and approved by him, the ratification of the Senate is an implied condition" which must first be complied with before the treaty can have any force or effect. Wheaton adds that "in practice the full powers iven by the government of the United States to their plenipotentiaries al- ays expressly reserve the ratification of the treaties concluded by them, by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate." Article XVII of the treaty with Spain shows that instrument to have been no exception to This rule. It declares that "the present treaty shall be ratified by the Pres- dent of the United States by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty, the Queen Regent of Spain," Had there been O constitutional restriction upon the President's power, this provision of the eaty would have tied his hands until its ratification as thus provided for. Let us see if there is any case in which treaty is binding and effective tom the date of its signature. Wheaton says, in Part III, Chapter II, Sec- on 5: "Every treaty is binding on the contracting parties from the time of its ignature unless it contain an express stipulation to the contrary." In The Spanish treaty there was an express stipulation, making its ratification condition. Had this been omitted, it would, as we have seen, been sub- fect under our Constitution, to the "implied condition" of subsequent rat- acation by the Senate. Following the above quotation, Wheaton gives ex- mples in which European powers, by agreement among themselves, com- enced the execution of treaties before the exchange of ratifications; but st this should be taken as a precedent applicable to the United States, he ays, in a note: "It is presumed that there is a constitutional impediment to + ** 1 $ ~ A } + 1 } 妻 ​1.´e 86 ༧། DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK." such an arrangement when the United States are a party, as the Senate must concur in every treaty or international convention." We are forced to the conclusion, therefore, that the President's orders of December 21st violated the protocol with Spain, and directed the commence- ment of a war against her revolutionary subjects upon soil still remaining un- der Spanish sovereignty. This would have fully justified a resumption of hostilities by Spain. If, however, the Spanish sovereignty was to be ignored by him, prior to its termination by the treaty of peace, then the President's order was a declaration of war against a de facto government of the Fill- pinos, who were admittedly in possession of "the entire island (of Luzon) ex- cept the city, bay and harbor of Manila." Under no view of the case had · the President any right to make war upon the Filipinos. Technically they were still Spanish subjects in revolution against Spanish sovereignty. That being the case, he was restrained by the protocol with Spain. If they were successful revolutionists, under a de facto government, he could not in- augurate hostilities against them without usurping the war-making power,' which the Constitution vests exclusively in Congress. The United States had no rightful authority anywhere in the Philippines, except in the city, bay and harbor of Manila, until the treaty was ratified by Spain as well as by the United States, and the ratifications exchanged, which did not take place until nearly four months later-April 11th, 1899. 1 1 ក 1 £ ~* • ! * 1 Gen. Otis and His Friends the Spaniards. I In his annual report as Commanding General and Military Governor of the Philippine Islands, dated August 31st, 1999, Gen. Otis narrates what he deems the most important events from June 30th, 1898, to that date., In this report he throws much light upon the President's premature move- ments in extending military rule over the Philippines before the conclusion of the treaty of peace made it lawful for him to do so. Having brought his narrative up to December 9th, 1898, he says: (Page 51 of the report). 1 The sphere of United States action in the Philippines was now about to be enlarged. During the last interview with General Rios's staff officer on the subject of inter-island' "trade, alluded to in a former portion of this report, he submitted a proposition for the relief of the Spanish garilson at Iloilo by our troops, saying that General Rios would' be pleased to turn that city over to the United States authorities and withdraw to Zamboanga. The proposition was discussed, but Immediate action was not considered practicable, and he was requested to convey to the General our appreciation of hist offer and to report that permission would be sought to accept it as soon as the Parl. treaty negotiations indicated unmistakably that the United States would succeed to the government of the islands. ! Here we find Gen. Otis making arrangements with the representatives of Spain-then our public enemy-at the expense of our friends and allies, the, native inhabitants. t } J 1 Eagerness of Otis to Extend Military Rule. He did not propose to wait until the United States should succeed to the government of the islands, but only until the negotiations should indicate un # ร > · 1 1 ! F THE PHILIPPINE WAR. * 87 mistakably that their cession to the United States would occur at a future time. He must have considered the signing of the treaty by the Peace Com- missioners on the 10th of December as the unmistakable indication for which he had to wait, for continuing he says:. (Ibid p. 55.). About December 13 a petition was received, signed by the business men and firms of Iloilo, asking for American protection there. On December 14 I cabled to Wash- ington the following: "Bankers and merchants with business houses at Iloilo, petition American protection af Holo Spanish authorities are still holding out, but will receive United States troops. Insurgents reported favorable to American annexation. Can send troops. Shall any action be taken ?! 1 Otis Thought Instruction From Washington, Unnecessary. Whether he had been instructed from Washington to have such a petition sent to him, and what reply to make to it, does not appear; nor is the fact material. We are only concerned with what followed. General Otis proceeds: ... } ♡ ✓ No response was received until the 19th of that month, when I was informed that the I'resident and Segretary were absent from Washington, and that a consideration of my question would await their return, which would be shortly. Appreciating the great desirability of securing possession of this city, the second of the Philippines in import- auce.. I was anxious to receive an affirmative auswer to my cable question of the 14th ustant. It was reported that the Spanish troops were hard pressed by the insurgents, who had made an attack a few days previous, declaring that they would capture the town before the arrival of the Americans. It was also stated that the attack had been repulsed, with a loss to the insurgents of 300 men. ! S. & f * The petition for protection which had been submitted by the business men appeared to me to tarnish sufficient ground upon which to base intervention in their behalf, Independent of specific instructions from Washington, and I therefore, in conference with Admiral Dewey, asked that one of his war vessels convoy troops which I meditated sending to Iloko at once, at ܚܬܳܐ ܀ ܝ * } The desirability of United States possession was certainly the motive; the petition of the "business" men, the pretext. Das the Otis Halted by Admiral Dewey. } Otis was so impressed with the power and authority of the "business men" of Iloilo that he thought their request “sufficient ground" for him to scize the city by military force, "independent of specific instructions from Wash-* ington." Admiral Dewey, more cautious, advised against it. As he could do nothing without Admiral Dewey's co-operation, lie shared the latter's convic- tion. Having asked for a war vessel to convoy troops to Iloilo at once he & says: + 12 This the Admiral thought ft not wise to do, as we were awaiting authority which had already been sought, and furthermore he was of the opinion General Rios would hold out. I shared with him this latter conviction and awaited directions." ༔ཟླ 1 2 3 The President Orders Otis to Send Troops to Iloilo, Then in Spanish Possession., It is important to bear in mind that the President and his Secretary were absent from Washington on the 19th of December, and that Gen. Otis's mo # by Ult } t J 88 1 Į 1 DEMOCRATIO CAMPAIGN BOOK. "General Rios, L 1 1 ! A mentous question of extending military rule in the Philippines must await their return, which would be shortly. That the President lost no time after JAY 1000 256 4-7 his return in making the comprehensive order, or "proclamation," as it was tormed by General Otis, is shown by the fact that that order was signed on the 21st of December. Gen. Otis thus continues his report: On December 23 the following dispatch was received. 1 1 1 } ¿- "Otis, Manila: It is most "Answering your message, December 14, the President directs that you send neces- sary troops to Iloilo, to preserve the peace and protect life and property. important that there should be no conflict with the insurgents. Be conciliatory, but vond stem fr firm. { "By order of the Secretary of War." These instructions' wêre´conveyed to Admiral Dewey, and I cabled the following "Manila; December 23, 1898. 11 1 "Washington, December 23, 1838. } } **** A "Governor-General Philippine Islands, Iloilo, Panay "A considerable United States force, Army and Navy, will leave Manila in two or thice days, and its commanding general is ordered to confer with you at Iloilo* E "OTIS, “United States Military Governor." Gen, Rios was the Spanish Governor-General. Spaniards 'Driven Out of Iloilo by Filipinos.-Departure of U. S. Military Expedition for Iloilo.-Instructions by Gen. Otis to Gen. Miller, Its Commander. J ! 7 O JE SINGO DAI OL.? Before this dispatch could reach Iloilo, General Rios and his Spanish force had evacuated the city, and the Filipino forces under Aguinaldo were in possession of the place. Gen Ríos telegraphed Gen. Otis on the 24th that the Spanish Government had ordered him to Manila where he would arrive at the end of the month. On the 26th a military expedition of a brigade, command- ed by Gen. Marcus B. Miller, sailed for Iloilo. The instructions given him by Gen. Otis, 'dated December 24th, included a proclamation of a military gov- ernment at Iloilo, and full details as to the formation and administration of: such government. He was informed that if the Spaniards were still in pos- - session of Iloilo, they would transfer all authority to him peaccably. Otis feared, however, that the Spanish troops might surrender the city to the in- surgents before the arrival, of the expedition. But he remarked that "every possible precautionary measure had been taken to retain the Spanish forces there." If he found the insurgents against Spain in possession, he was to "proceed with great caution, avoiding all manifestation of immediate forcible action, and undue display of force." Gen. Miller was in that case to "make known to the inhabitants the purpose of the United States, which, having suc- ceeded to all the rights of Spain in the Philippine Islands under treaty stipula-, tions following conquest in the Eastern and Western Hemispheres, intends to establish among them an efficient and most stable form of government." 唇 ​I { 争 ​+1 189 At all times Gen. Otis treated the Spaniards as the friends and the Fil- ipinos as the enemies of the United States. He must have been so instructed. } Otis Directs Gen. Miller How to Deceive the Filipinos if They Are in Possession of Iloilo. THE PHILIPPINE WAR,' When Gen. Otis wrote this he had not received the President's order of the 21st of December, and did not receive it until the 29th-five days later. On the 26th, just as Gen. Miller's expedition was to sail from Manila, Gen. Otis gave him additional instructions which were as follows: (Ibid p. 59.) t In case the Spanish forces have evacuated Iloilo, you will, on approaching that city, keep your transports Arizona and Pennsylvania well to the rear and beyond the view of the inhabitants of Iloilo, and you will take into Iloilo waters your naval escorts, the Baltimore and Callao, and the transport vessel Union, on, which are the native Spanish troops, with your vessel, the Newport. You will make known to the insur- gent authorities the obiect of bringing the large force with you, which is, viz.: To take possession of other poits in the islands, if conditions and circumstances are favorable, but that it may be necessary to keep troops at Iloilo until definite instructions concern- ing other ports of the islands are received from Washington. Gen. Otis Orders the Seizure by Force if it is Not Peaceably Surrendered. On the 28th of December General Otis, having finally learned that Aguinaldo and his forces were in possession of Iloilo, sent General Miller the following additional instructions: (Ibid. p. 60.) By firmness and conciliatory action it is believed that you will be able to land your force without conflict; but you will make as strong a display of the same as possible, landing them and taking possession of the city forcibly, if more peaceable measures are without avail. It is, of course, nccessary now, in this stage of the proceedings, to occupy Iloilo, and the manner of doing so must be left to your discretion, avoiding conflict if possible, but accepting it if necessary to accomplish the object. No further instructions can be given you, and there is no disposition to limit your discretionary action. Conduct affairs in accordance with the demands of the situa- tion, having in view always the necessity of occupying the city with your troops. 1 LATER. * Since writing the above I am in receipt of information from the Malolos govern- ment, which was gathered yesterday. Its former cabinet resigned a few days ago because of its inability to agree with Aguinaldo and his confidential advisers. A new provisional cabinet has been appointed, consisting of men hostile to American annexa- tion, among whom are a number of army officeis. These men are closely watching the results of your expedition and greatly hope that you will be obliged to use force to gain Iloilo. They think that couflict there would inspire the people here to take up arms against the Americans. It is therefore still quite necessary to avoid force if you can do so and still succeed. + } $ Dewey Advises Recall of the Expedition.-Otls Refuses to Act Upon This Advice. These instructions were to be taken by Lieutenant Colonel Potter, Chief Engineer Officer of the Department. Betore that officer sailed, however, Gen, Otis addressed him on the same day the following rather remarkable letter: (Ibid., p. 61.) F Sir: Since delivering to you instructions for General Miller, I am in receipt of a dis- patch from Admiral Dewey saying it is not practicable to send the Callao to Iloilo, and 1 1 * عمر I } ་ * I J 善 ​附着 ​1 } } 90! he further thinks the proper thing now to do is to recall the expedition, as the insur- gents are in full possession and will probably not give up without a fight. This expression of view on the part of the Admiral only confirms my view that you should use every possible means of conciilation, and still I am not of the belief that the expe- dition can be returned. Better that we leave the war vessel and a small force to con- front Iloilo and scatter the force to other ports in the southern islands, where troops are very much needed at the present time. You will therefore inform General Miller to be governed by these views as nearly as possible. I will try and send further infor- mafion in regard to the condition of the islands to-morrow or next day. Notwithstand- ing all this, I still hold to my view that Iloilo must be taken. 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. ards. } (inia · Fon له Conflicting Orders by Gen. Qtis.-The President's Apprecia- tion of His Own "Benevolent Purposes," "Humanity," and "Sacrifices." ان 197 It will be observed that these instructions were all explicit and that Iloilo was to be taken immediately by military force, unless that object could be accomplished, peaceably. This was presumably the construction which Gen. Otis put upon the Presidential order of the 23d of December-to "be concilia- tory but firm." This order of Gen. Otis of December 28-to commence hostili- ties at once if Iloilo could not be taken without such a course-was modified by him on the 30th for reasons which will presently appear. Later in his report he says (p. 79): P · Early in the month (of January) I had cabled the authorities at Washington that open hostilities at Iloilo meant war throughout the islands, and that I had cautioned General Miller and the troops at Iloilo. He complacently quotes the President's olly reply, from which the following is an extract: > Glad you did not permit Miller to bring on hostilities. Time given the insurgents can- not injure us, and must weaken and discourage them. They will see our benevolent purposes and recognize that before we can give them good government our sovereignty must be conceded and unquestioned Tact and kindness most essential at this time. * We accepted the Philippines from high duty in the laterests of their inhabitants and for humanity and civilization. Our sacrifices were made with this humane motive. We desire to improve the condition of the inhabitants, seeking their peace, liberty, and pursuit of their highest good. The President was glad Otis had disobeyed him, and Otis was glad he had countermanded all his own orders to General Miller to take Iloilo at all haz- Filipinos at Iloilo Refuse to Surrender and Gen. Otis Count- ermands His Order to Use Force. & < Gen. Miller's expedition arrived at Iloilo on the morning of the 28th. He was at once visited by an aid of the Commanding General of the Filipinos, who desired to know his intentions. Gen. Miller sent an officer on shore with a letter to that Commanding General, stating the object of the expedition to be the occupation of Iloilo by "representatives of the Government of the United States which has succeeded by virtue of conquest, supplemented by treaty stipulations, to all the rights heretofore excrcised by Spain in these islands." (Ibid., p 62 ) A Everywhere we meet the absurd claim of the President that a proposed treaty, not yet ratified by either government, as required by its own terms and 2 } 多 ​THE PHILIPPINE WAR. 91 - by the Constitution of the United States, had already transferred the sover- eignty of the islands from Spain to the United States. General Miller reported that the Filipino authorities at Iloilo refused to sur- render. He also reported that the merchants who had invited interference had petitioned against the use of force. He stated that if he should force the situation by landing United States troops there would be great loss of life among non-combatants, and destruction of private property and recommended delay. Meanwhile and before receiving these reports from General Miller, General Otis states that he had also incidentally heard from Iloilo that Gen. Miller would probably meet with insurgent opposition should he attempt to making a landing there." He says in his report: (Ibid., p. 65.) "Knowing the great desire of the United States to maintain peace by all honorable means, maturely considering the situation in Luzon which had been so quickly developed, and meditating the transfer later of more troops to. Ilo- ilo when the unnatural excitement should be allayed, and an opportunity pre- senting itself to communicate with General Miller by a British man-of-war, whose captain courteously offered to take any message I might desire to send, I sent on the evening of December 29 the following hastily prepared communi- cation." 裴 ​The communication above referred to directed General Miller not to bring on a collision, but to "remain in the harbor" with his force for further in- structions. Gen. Otis states that the "excitement in Manila and Malolos over this af- fair at Iloilo became rapidly more intense, and manifested itself in unmistak- able signs of danger to the still languishing peace, should an attack be made by our troops upon that city." The President's Proclamation of December 21st, Diluted by Otis, But Published in its Original Form by Miller. In this same communication he sent Gen. Miller a copy of the President's or- der, or, as he calls it, "proclamation," of the 21st of December. The undis- guished intention of the President to assume complete sovereignty of the United States over the entire Philippine group of islands without waiting for the ratification of the treaty with Spain was so much at variance with the professions which General Otis had been making of friendly intentions that the latter decided to alter it to suit the occasion. He states that he trans- mitted it to General Miller in its original form "to inform him of the pol- icy which the government intended to pursue," and that "neither its con- tents nor the feasibility of immediate issue had been carefully considered." He adds: "No direction for its publication had been given, and it was not supposed that it would be published at Iloilo. The General, however, un- der the impression that it was transmitted for publication, issued it very soon after it was received." Although it does not appear that the President had given General Otis any discretion in stating the attitude the United States } 1 1 + k + J ว طی 1 } TI g ¿ ร T 3 V DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. wher would assume, he gives the following most interesting statement of the al- terations he made in the proclamation and his reasons, for so doing (Ibid -P. GG.) US 1 V 1 } # ↑ After fully considering the President's proclamation and the temper of the Tagalos with whom I was daily discussing political problems and the fiendly intentions of the United States Government toward them. I concluded that there were certain words and expressions therein, such as "sovereignty," "ight of cession," and those which directed immediate occupation, etc., though most admirab.y employed and tersely, expressive of actual conditions, might be advantageously used by the Tagalo way BEY party to incite widespread bostilities among the natives. The Ignoidnt classes had been taught to believe that certain words, as "sovereignty."protection," etc. had pécultar meaning disastrous to then welfare and significant of future political domination, ke that from which they liud recently been freed. It was my opinion, therefore, that I would be justi83@ în¹§6ûnfending the paper that the benchecnt object of the United States Government would be brought clearly within the comprehension of the people, and this conclusion was the more readily reached because of the radical change of the past few days in the constitution of Aguinaldo's government, which could not have been px?! ** understood at Washington at the time the proclamation, was prepared. 1 1 1 CYDAD AN な​い ​The amended proclamation was thereupou prepared, and fearing that General Miller would give publicit, to the former. coples of which, if Issued, would be etreuinted soon in Luzon, I again dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Potter" to Iloilo, bot-to ascertain the course of events there and to advise the commanding general of the dangers threatening in Luzon, and which might be augmented if any action was taken which the insur- gents could make use of in furtheiauce of their unfundly designs General Miller thought his action in making publication of the proclamation on January 3 correct, as he had not been instincted to the contrary, and his opinion, he contended, was con- firmed by a Wai Deporument dispatch which I had directed Colohel Potter to deliver to him, and which he had received on January 6. He was satisfied that the 'use he had made of the proclimation was that contemplated by the War Depaitinent authorities. but it was not long before it was delivered at Malolos and was the object of venomous attack. + At Malolos were the headquarters of Aguinaldo. V W 1 2 } ا J } - 1 How President McKinley's Proclamation Road after Otis had Eliminated the Words which He said had Peculiar, Meaning Dis.strous to the Filipinos. The "amended' proclamation," as General Olis terms it, was signed by him- self January 4th, and was published in Manila in English, Spanish and Ta- galos languages. He omitted all the hard words of Mr. McKinley. It I was as follows: "To the People of the Philippine Islands: 1 "Instructions of His Excellency the President of the United States rela- tive to the administration of affairs in the Philippine Islands have been trans- mitted to me by direction of the honorable the Secretary of War, under date of December 28, 1808 They direct me to publish and proclaim, in the most public manner, to the habitants of these islands that in the war against Spain the United States forces care here to destroy the power of that nation and to give the blesstags of peace and individual freedom to the Philippine. people; that we are here as friends of the Filipinos; to protect them in their + ✓ A [ ! I 1 Į 1 t Į } t 1 4 ང } you 1 E homes, their employments, their individual and religious liberty, and that all persons who, either by active aid or honest endeavor, co-operate with the Government of the United States' to give effect to those beneficent purposes, will receive the reward of its support and protection. 11 LU ** "The President of the United States has assumed that the municipal laws of the country in respect to private rights and property and the repression of crime are to be considered as continuing in force in so far as they be appli- cable to a free people, and should be administered by the ordinary tribunals of justice, presided over by representatives of the people and those in thor- ough sympathy with them in their desires for good government; that the functions and duties connected with civil and municipal administration are to be performed by such officers as wish to accept the assistance of the United States, chosen in so far as it may be practicable from the inhabitants of the islands; that while the management of public property and revenues and the use of all public means of transportation are to be conducted under the military authorities, until such authorities can be replaced by civil adminis- tration, all private property, whether of individuals or corporations, must be respected and protected. If private property be taken for military uses it shall be paid for at a fair valuation in cash if possible, and when payment in cash is not practicable at the time, receipts therefor will be given to be taken up and liquidated as soon as cash becomes available. The ports of the Philippine Islands shall be open to the commerce of all foreign nations, and goods and merchandise not prohibited for military reasons by the military authorities shall be admitted upon payment of such duties and charges as shall be in force at the time of importation. } E THE PHILIPPINE WAR. I } J Take "The President concludes his instructions in the following language: "Finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the Adminis- tration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by insuring to them in every possible way the full measure of in- dividual rights and liberty which is the heritage of a free people, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of beneficent as- similation, which will substitute the mild sway of justice and right for arbi- trary rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, while upholding the tem- porary administration of affairs for the greatest good of the governed, there will be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority to repress disturb- ance, and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable government upon the people of the Philippine Islands.' J Eng * "From the tenor and substance of the above instructions of the President, I am fully of the opinion that it is the intention of the United States Govern- ment, while directing affairs generally, to appoint the representative men now forming the controlling element of the Filipinos to civil positions of trust· and responsibility, and it will be my aim to appoint there to such Filipinos as may be acceptable to the supreme authorities at Washington. > ¡ Az $ } > F 裴 ​{ # $ I L 1 3 2 ? L [ 5 1 1 1 J M M 941 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. ADAM, 1 "It is also my belief that it is the intention of the United States Govern- ment to draw`from the Filipino people so much of the military force of the islands as is possible and consistent with a free and well-constituted govern- ment of the country, and it is my desire to inaugurate a policy of that char acter I am also convinced that it is the intention of the United States Gov- ernment to seek the establishment of a most liberal government for the is- lands, in which the people themselves shall have as full representation as the maintenance of law and order will permit, and which shall be susceptible of development, on lines of increased représentation and the bestowal of in creased powers, into a government as free and independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provides of the world. 1 "It will be my constant endeavor to co-operate with the Filipino people, seeking the good of the country, and I invite their full confidence and aid. "É. S. OTIS, "Major-General, U. S. V., Military Governor." (Ibid p. 68.) Aguinaldo Responds to the President's Declaration of War. General Otis falsified the President's order, and attempted to deceive the Filipinos. He was quickly made to appear ridiculous. " 'Unfortunately the original proclamation of the President had already been read by Aguinaldo and hus advisers If General, Otis had known this in time it is probable that he would not have engaged in the silly work of issuing it in an adulterated form, which was a virtual admission that it contained of- fensive and hostile features - * " * J → It was the President's proclamation and not General Otis's dilution of it which aroused the feeling lius described in General Otis's report: (p. 69.) The ablest of insurgent newspapers which was now issued at Malolos, and edited by the uncompromising Luna, he who had been an openly de- clared enemy of the United States from the time Manila capitulated, subse- quently commanded an insurgent army and was assassinated while exer- cising chief milltary command of the insurgent forces, attacked 'the policy of the United States as declared in the proclamation, and its assumption of sov- ereignty over the islands, with all the vigor of which he was capable. He went further aud contended that the policy as declared was merely a subter- fuge to temporarily quiet the people until measures could be inaugurated and applied to put in practice all the odious features of government which Spain had employed. Everything tended siraply to a change of masters for the FH- ipino people without amelioration of condition. * 1 1 "Aguinaldo met the proclamation by a counter one in which he indignantly protested against the claim of sovereignty by the United States in the islands, which really had been conquered from the Spanlards through the blood and treasure of his countrymen, and abused me for my assumption of the title of military governor." } • THE PHILIPPINE WAR. ! 95 Following is the entire proclamation of Aguinaldo, dated January 5th, in response to the President's proclamation of December 21st. (Ibid p. 76.) “The government of the Philippines has considered it its duty to set forth to the civilized powers the facts determining the rupture of its amicable rela- tions with the army of the United States of America in these islands, to the end that they may thereby reach the conviction that I, for my part, have donc everything possible to avoid it, although at the cost of many rights use- lessly sacrificed. "After the naval combat, which occurred on May 1 of last year, between the Spanish squadron and that of America, the commander of the latter con- sented to my return from Hongkong to this beloved soil, and he distributed among the Filipinos some rifles found in the arsenal at Cavite, doubtless with the intention of re-establishing the revolution, somewhat quieted by the con- vention of Biac-na-bato, in order to have the Filipinos on his side. "The people, influenced by the declaration of war between the United States and Spain, understood the necessity of fighting for their liberty, feeling sure that Spain would be destroyed and rendered incapable of leading them along the road to prosperity and progress. The Filipinos hailed my advent with joy, and I had the honor of being proclaimed leader on account of the serv- ices which I had rendered in the former revolution, 缨 ​"Then all the Filipinos without distinction of classes took arms, and every province hastened to expel from its frontiers the Spanish forces. This is the explanation of the fact that, after the lapse of so short a period of time, my government rules the whole of Luzon, the Visaya Islands, and a part of Mindanao. "Although the North Americans took no part in these military operations, which cost no little blood and gold, my government does not disavow the fact that the destruction of the Spanish squadron and the gift of some rifles from the arsenal, to my people influenced the progress of our arms to some extent. It was also taken for granted that the American forces would nec- essarily sympathize with the evolution which they had managed to encour- age, and which had saved them much blood and great hardships; and, above all, we entertained absolute conhdence in the history and traditions of a peo- ple which fought for its independence and for the abolition of slavery, which posed as the champion liberator of oppressed peoples; We felt ourselves under the safeguard of a free people. - "The Americans, seeing the friendly disposition of the Filipino people, disembarked forces at the town of Paranaque and took up positions all along the line occupied by my troops, as far as Maytubig, taking possession of many trenches constructed by my people by the employment of astuteness, not un- accompanied by violence. They forced a capitulation on the garrison of Ma-, nila, which, inasmuch as it was invested by y troops, was compelled to surrender at the first attack. In this I took a very active part, although I was not notified, my forces reaching as far as the suburbs of Malate, Ermita, Paco, Sampaloc, and Tondo. ? I → t ma ! 壹 ​x 挚 ​' 7 گھر - ↓ } 96! 7 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 1 "Notwithstanding these services, and although the Spaniards would not have surrendered but for the fact that my troops had closed every avenue of escape to the towns of the interior, the American generals not only ignored me entirely in the stipulations for capitulation, but also requested that my forces should retire from the port of Cavite and the suburbs of Manila. "I represented to the American generals the injustice done me, and re- quested in friendly terms that they should at least expressly recognize my co- operation, but they utterly declined to do so. Nevertheless, being always de- sirous of showing friendliness and good feeling toward those who called them- selves liberators of the Philippine people, I ordered my troops to evacuate the port of Cavite and the suburbs of Ermita, Malate, Sampaloc, and Tondo, retaining only a portion of the suburb of Paco. It "In spite of these concessions, not many days passed before Admiral Dewey, without any reason whatever, arrested our steam launches, which had been plying in the bay of Manila with his express consent. Almost at { the same time I received a letter from General Otis, commander of the Ameri- can army of, occupation, demanding that I should withdraw my forces be- yond the lines marked on a map which he also sent me, and which showed within the lines the town of Pandacan and the hamlet of Singalong, which never have belonged to the municipal area of Manila and its suburbs. “In view of this unjustifiable attitude of both American leaders, I summoned a council of my generals and asked the advice of my cabinet, and in con- formity with the opinion of both bodies I named commissioners, who placed themselves in communication with these Americans. Although Admiral Dewey received in an insolent manner and with aggressive phrases my com- missioners, whom he did not permit to speak, I yielded to the friendly sug- gestions of General Otis, withdrawing my forces to the desired line for the purpose of avoiding contact with his troops. This gave rise to many misun- derstandings, but I hoped that once the Paris conference was at an end my people would obtain the independence promised them by the consul-general in Singapore, Mr. Pratt, and that the friendship formerly assured and pro- claimed in manifestoes and speeches would be established by the American generals who have reached these shores. “But it did not turn out thus. The said generals accepted my concessions in favor of peace and friendship as indications of weakness. Thus it is that, with rising ambition, they ordered forces to Iloilo on December 26, with the purpose of acquiring for themselves the title of conquerors of that portion of the Phliippine Islands occupied by my government. Such proccdure, so foreign to the dictates of culture and the usages ob- served by civilized nations, gave me the right to act without observing the usual rules of intercourse. Nevertheless, in order to be correct to the end, I sent to General Otis commissioners charged to solicit him to desist from his rash enterprise, but they were not listened to. $ + b I 7 di pa 1 Į $ 1 ↑ 97 A "My government cannot remain indifferent in view of such a violent and aggressive seizure of a portion of its territory by a nation which has arrogated to itself the title, champion of oppressed nations. Thus it is that my govern- ment is disposed to open hostilities if the American troops attempt to take forcible possession of the Visaya Islands. I denounce these acts before the world, in order that the conscience of mankind may pronounce its infallible verdict as to who are the true oppressors of nations and the tormentors of human kind. } THE PHILIPPINE WAR, '- 1 "Upon their heads be all the blood which may be shed. $ ! "EMILIO AGUINALDO." Iloilo is on the Island of Panay, the principal one of the Visayan group. * Filipino Efforts for Peace. Even in this crisis efforts to prevent hostilities came from the Filipino side. General Otis states that subsequent to January 5th he was "approached by in- fluential Filipino gentlemen who expressed a strong desire for continuous peace and an harmonious settlement of difficulties." They asked him to ap- point a commission which could confer with one appointed by the Filipino Government, with a view to an "adjustment of the political, conflicting in- terests of the parties concerned." General Otis declined to officially recognize the Aguinaldo civil government, but he said he would "gladly call a board of officers to confer with one which General Aguinaldo might appoint." (Ibid p. 80.) This resulted in a letter from Aguinaldo on the 9th of January in which he said: 1 Although it not being explained to me the reason why you could not treat with the commissioners of my government, I have the faculty for doing the same with those of the commanding general, "who cannot be recognized." Nevertheless, for the sake of peace, I have considered it advisable to name, as "commanding general," a com- mission composed of the following gentlemen Mi Florentino Flores, Eufrasio Flores and Manuel Arguelles, that they may together represent me and arrive at an accord with those whom you will name, with the object of using such methods as will normalize the actual situation created by the attitude of your Government and troops 11 To this General Otis responded on the same day and explained that he could not recognize any civil government of the Filipinos unless instructed to do so by the President, and that, therefore, he could not receive officially civil “representatives of the revolutionary government." He assured Aguin- áldo of his desire to avoid a conflict. A Joint Peace Commission.-Report of Its Proceedings by Otis. On the same day Gen. Otis appointed a Commission of United States officers to meet those of Aguinaldo. In his report at page 82 General Otis makes the following statement of the efforts that were made to come to a friendly un- derstanding: + The representative boards engaged in joint conference on the evening of the day the order was issued, and had repeated and prolonged evening sessions, sometimes (4) 1 + + I 尊 ​I 1 1 ↓ ! 1 f { " { 1 } } + } I 1 { @8 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. د. 16 1 extending far into the night. Minutes of proceedings were kept and submitted, and the various extended arguments indulged in wele duly reported to me after the adjoùrn- ment of each special session. The board represented the insurgent interests could not give any satisfactory explanation of the qualified sovereignty, measure of protection, or specific automony which it thought would be vested in or enjoyed by the respective governments, nor present any practical plan for the solution of the vexed political problems which constantly arose in the progress of the discussion It conceded the fact that the protection of the United States was essential to the integrity and welfare of the islands, but could not determine how that protection should be applied; certainly not to the extent of interference with internal affans further than the collec- tion of customs, possibly, fiom which source the United States might receive a com- pensation for the protection furnished. They begged for some tangible concessions from the United States Government-one which they could picsent to the people and which might serve to allay the excitement. Nothing could be accomplished without the sacrifice of some of the attributes of sovereignty, and certainly that could not be done by any existing authority. I While these proceedings were taking place, the newspapers announced that a peace commission was about to be sent from the United States, and the Filipinos observed that the volunteers were not being sent home as the news- papers said had been ordered. These things excited the suspicion of the Fil- ipino members of the Commission. Our commissioners reported these things to General Otis, who made a written reply which could be used at the next meet- ing of the commission. General Otis explained that the commission to be ap- pointed from Washington would come with instructions and some power, while the commission he had himself appointed could only ascertain and re- port the desires of the Filipinos. He stated that the failure to send troops home was due to the fact that "the revolutionary government had assumed a threatening attitude notwithstanding our great desire for peace and har- mony." "Peace and harmony" had only been interrupted by the expedition against Iloilo and the President's proclamation of sovereignty while the treaty was yet-unratified. I +? Filipino Request for Qualified Independence Under United States Protection Sent by Gen. Otis to Washington January 16.-No Reply.-Negotiations Ter- minated January, 25. 1 General Olis informed the Filipino Commissioners that on the 16th of January he had telegraphed to the Government at Washington as follows: Conditions improving; confidence of citizens returning; business active; conference held Saturday, insurgents presented following statement, asking that it be cabled: "Undersigned commissioners commander in chief of revolutionary army of these islands. state to commissioners of General Otis that aspiration Filipino people is Judependence, with restrictions resulting from conditions which its government agree with American when latter agice to officially recognize the former No conclusion reached, another conference to-morrow evening I understand insurgents wish qualified independence under United States protection." (Ibid, p. 83) To this dispatch he said no reply had been received. This statement by General Otis was dated January 25th. The Commissioners held their last conference on that day. (The Filipino statement, if supplied with the words omitted for the sake of brevity of cablegram, would read thus; 1 1 1 { 苛 ​To the 1990 14 99 "The undersigned Commissioners of the Commander-in-Chief of the Revo- lutionary Army of these islands state to the Commissioners of General Otis that the aspiration of the Filipino people is independence with restrictions re- sulting from conditions which their Government will agree upon with the American Government, when the latter agrees to officially recognize the for- mer.") 等​が ​* f Jus заваривать зна اء ? 1 THE PHILIPPINE WAR Constitution of Filipino Republic Proclaimed. The failure for ten days to make any response to this request for Filipino independence, under conditions to be agreed on, satisfied Aguinaldo and his advisers that the President was unwilling to give him any encouragement, or assurance of even a recommendation, in that direction. Observe General Otis's interpretation of the Filipino demand as stated by him in the dispatch trans- mitting it to Washington January 16th: *I understand the insurgents wish qualified independence under United States protection." Congress was then in session. The treaty had been before the United States Senate two weeks. The President had not deemed it worth while to inform the Senate or Congress of the expressed willingness of the Filipinos, to accept independence with conditions. Thus left to their own resources, and refused an answer to their proposition, they proceeded to frame a constitu- tion. Following,is Aguinaldo's communication to General Otis informing him of this fact: (Ibid p. 84.) "Maj. Gen. E. S. Otis, Commander-in-Chief of the American Forces of Oc- cupation in Manila: "My government has promulgated the political constitution of the Philippine Republic, which is to-day enthusiastically proclaimed by the people, because of its conviction that its duty is to interpret faithfully the aspirations of that people a people making superhuman efforts to revindicate their sovereignty and their nationality before the civilized powers. "To this end, of the governments to-day recognized and observed among cul- tured nations they have adopted the form of government most compatible with their aspirations, endeavoring to adjust their actions to the dictates of reason and of right, in order to demonstrate their aptitude for civil life. "And, taking the liberty to notify your Excellency, I confidently hope that, doing justice to the Philippine people, you will be pleased to inform the Gov- ernment of your nation that the desires of mine, upon being accorded official recognition, is to contribute to the best of its scanty ability to the establish- ment of a general peace. "May God keep your Excellency many years. [Seal of the Revolutionary Government of the Philippines.] 1 "Malolos, January 23, 1899.” General Otis cabled this to Washington, 1 } “EMILIO AGUINALDO. "A. MABINI ધ f 1 嬉 ​L ན } 喜 ​1 $ Th 그 ​ን 7 постиль 1 ope Vers ་ کہ } * } F 1 { 100 1 } 备 ​DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK! * ! 1 Ratification of the Treaty by the Senate. At the time this constitution was promulgated the treaty of peace had, not been ratified either by the United States Senate or the Crown of Spain. The "city, bay and harbor of Manila" were still held by the United States under the protocol with Spain. All the other Philippine territory was held by the Filipinos through their successful revolution against Spain. The only menace there had been against peace between the United States forces and the Fili pinos had been caused by Otis's Iloilo expedition and the unlawful order of the President to extend military occupation before sovereignty had been acquired by the ratification of the treaty. It was well known in Manila that the ratifi- cation of the treaty by the United States Senate was in doubt. It was equally well known that the ratification would not determine the question of annexa- ion. Under these conditions it was not strange that Aguinaldo and his fol lowers refused to quietly submit to the trampling out process, by the President in advance of ratification, and insisted upon the final decision of their fate by Congress, which alone represented the sovereign power of the nation, and which, as well by the Constitution as by the pending treaty, was especially charged with the decision of the question. ` The struggle over the confirmation of the treaty was a prolonged one. It lasted from January 4 to February 6, and terminated in a vote of 57 to 27- only one more than was necessary to make the constitutional two-thirds. १ $ н 1 How the War Against the Filipinos Was Commenced Beforo the Ratification of the Treaty. + + Two days before the ratification of the treaty war was commenced between the United States and the Filipinos under the following circumstances: General Otis says in his report that on the 2d of February he called General Aguinaldo's attention to the arrest by natives of some American soldiers and a newspaper correspondent, and requested an explanation. Aguinaldo replied that these men were arrested inside of his lines for a breach of a decree for- bidding foreigners to approach, taking photographic views of the same, or entering the territory with arms. These lines were not military lines divid- ing two hostile camps, but lines agreed on by the two parties as a joint police regulation for the easier preservation of the peace. Aguinaldo did not cause. the American troops to be fired upon because they came over on his side of the line, nor did he imprison them. They were lodged and fed with the Filf- pino officers and liberated February 4, at the request of General Otis. (For this correspondence sec Otis' Report, Page 91.) Let General MacArthur now tell his story of how differently the Filipinos were treated who came over on our side of the agreed line. On the 2d of February he addressed a note to a Colonel of the Philippine forces as follows: Sir. The line between your command and my command has been long established, and is well understood by yourself and myself It is quite necessary, under present conditions, that this line should not be passed by armed men of either command. An armed party from your command now occupies the village in front of Block House No. 7, at a point considerably more than a hundred yards on my side of the line, and } } + t I F 1 } ' L 101 Is very active in exhibiting hostile intentions This party must be withdrawn to your side of the line at once. From this date, if the line is crossed by your men with arms in their hands, they must be regarded as subject to such action as I may deem neces Y 106 .d sary. Very respectfully, 3 { THE PHILIPPINE WAR 1 To this the following courteous reply was immediately made: " Major-General MacArthur: My Very Dear Sir: In reply to yours dated this day, in which you inform me that my soldiers haye been passing the line of demarcation fixed by agreement, I desire to say that this is foreign to my wishes, and I shall give immediate orders in the premises that they retire. 1. 1 - -) K ARTHUR MacARTHUR, Major-Genebal U. S: V., Commanding San Juan del Monte, February 2, 1898. ANN Truly yours, Two days later four armed Filipino soldiers came within our side of the line, and, failing to stop when challenged, they were not simply arrested, as in the case of a like action on the part of our soldiers, but were fired upon by the American sentinel and one of them killed. This was the first blood shed in the Philippine war. The three survivors of this formidable patrol of four men retired, rejoining their own forces,-carrying with them the body of their dead comrade,- and the deadly shot which had been fired upon them was returned from the Filipino outpost. We prefer, however, to give the story in the exact lan- guage of General MacArthur in his report to General Otis. Here it is: ! At about 8 30 p. n, February 4, an insurgent patrol, consisting of four armed sol diers, entered our telitory at Block House No. 7 and advanced to the little village of Santol, which was occupied by the pipe-line outpost of the Nebraska Regiment. The Anerican sent nel challenged twice, and then, as the insurgent patrol continued to advance, he fired, whereupon the patrol retired to Block House No. 7, whence fire was Inmediately opened by the entire insurgent outpost at that point. This brought on a general engagement and the war was begun. He states that 374 Filipinos killed in action were buried during the month of February, and he estimates the wounded at over 1,100. L. F. SAN MIGUEL, Colonel and First Chief These facts are from the official reports of Generals Otis and MacArthur. They show clearly enough that our commanders were expected to seize upon the earliest pretext for making war upon the Philippine Islanders. The un- disputed facts shown in the official reports ȧre: 1. That hostilities did not begin until the 4th of February. 2. That, therefore, up to that time there could not have been any hostile military line, the crossing of which by either party, even with arms, justified the other party in treating it as an authorized act of war. \ 3. That there was a line of demarcation between the two parties agreed on by the respective commanders, not as a dead-line the crossing of which should be death, but a line established as a mutual military police regulation for the preservation of the peace. R L 1 1. ↓ # } t 7 } $ مولا - • DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CRATIC 102 4. That when American troops went into the Filipino camp they were not killed, but placed under arrest for breach of a decree, and released after ex- planations. 5. That when four Filipinos crossed into the American camp and disre- garded the challenge of a sentinel, fire was opened upon them and one of them was killed. ↓ Who were represented by the four Filipino soldiers who crossed the agreed line on the 4th of February is not material. They deserved punishment com- mensurate with the offense. If the Filipino authorities, upon inquiry, had sus- tained them, and had thereby manifested a hostile purpose, our commanders could then have properly used any force necessary to meet the exigency; but to allow a Filipino patrol of four to be fired upon and one of them killed under such conditions as are described by General MacArthur, and then to treat the returning fire as cause for war affords strong evidence that a pretext for war was gladly seized upon. General Otis himself expresses the opinion that the four Filipinos did not represent the wishes of their leaders. He says in his report: It is not believed that the chief insurgent leaders wished to open hostilities at this time, as they were not completely prepared to assume the initiative. They desired two or three days more to perfect their arrangements, but the zeal of their army brought on the crisis which anticipated their action. (See his report, p. 92.) General Otis received confirmatory evidence that the petty outbreak at an outpost, which was so hastily seized upon by hum as sufficient ground for the first battle of the war, was not the act of the Filipino leaders. IMPORTANT STATEMENT BY GENERAL RIVES. General Rives, of Minnesota, who was in charge of the city of Manila at the time fighting commenced, in a-published interview, said: But I can tell you one piece of news that is not generally known in the United States. On Sunday, February 5, the day after the fighting began, General Tories, of the insur- gents, came through our lines under a flag of truce and had a personal interview with General Otis, in which, speaking for Aguinaldo, he declared that the fighting had been begun accidentally and was not authorized by Aguinaldo, that Aguinaldo wished to have it stopped, and that to bring about a conclusion of hostilities he proposed the establishment of a neutral zone between the two armies of any width that would be agreeable to General Otis, so that during the peace negotiations there might be no further danger of conflicts between the two armies. To these representations of General Torres General Otis sternly replied that the fighting, having once begun, must go on to the grim end. The ratification of the treaty by the Senate on the 6th of February, imme- diately after the receipt of the news of this battle of February 4, was a startling coincidence, and the two events seemed like cause and effect. Summary. General Otis's report and the official documents it contains show very clearly the purpose of the Executive Department of the United States Government to ignore the right of the inhabitants of the Philippines to the benefit of the ninth article of the treaty, which declares that "the civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby added to the United O ག - Q { I 2 " AA } 里 ​0 } - THE PHILIPPINE WAR, 103 States shall be determined by the Congress." The President's crder of De. cember 21, the expedition to Iloilo with the announced intention to take that city by force, and the aggressive language and conduct of Otis from time to time between August and February clearly prove the disposition, both at Washington and at Manila to force the Filipinos and their leaders to a rupture- with United States authority. The testimony of Generals MacArthur and Otis concerning the events of February 2 and 4, and especially the statement of General Otis (Report, p. 96) concerning "the battle of Manila" of February 4, that the engagement was one directly defensive on the part of the insurgents, and of vigorous attack by our forces," together with the statement of General, Rives, establish the fact that a small pretext was willingly seized upon as suf- ficient ground for an attack in force by the American commander all along the line, and that, when hostilities could have stopped with honor at that point, because they had been commenced by a sergeant for an unimportant act of four Filipinos, unauthorized by any Filipino General, Otis persisted that the fighting should "go on." Not until sixty-four days after this did the United States acquire sovereignty over the Philippine Islands by the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty. At no time, therefore, within that period could there have been an insurrection against the United States outside the limits of Manila city, bay or harbor. V 1 If the treaty signed December 10 had been presented to the Senate as soon as received, instead of on January 4, and if pending its consideration the Pres- ident had refrained from issuing his illegal proclamation of December 21 and had not authorized the Iloilo expedition, it is reasonable to believe that there would have been no war in the Philippines. If the President had asserted no sovereignty until it had been lawfully acquired, and if he had then waited for Congress to direct him as to the policy of the Government, that body might have found some common ground on which the aspirations of the Fili- pinos for liberty and independence could have been harmonized with the ob- ligations of the United States to protect all who had the right to its protec- tion. General Otis said that he understood them to "wish qualified independ- ence under United States protection." h 1 The President has full authority, under the Constitution and existing laws, passed in pursuance thereof, to suppress insurrections against the United States. The occupation of Manila under the protocol with Spain carried with it the right to repel all hostile movements against it; but the President had no authority to violate the protocol and anticipate the ratification of the treaty by invading the distant island of Panay, nor had he the right, in advance of such ratification to treat Filipino occupation of Spanish territory not yet ceded as an insurrection against the United States. By such unlawful exercise of power he made himself responsible for all the blood and treasure sacrificed and to be herçafter sacrifleed in the Philippine war. борато t * } ล I 1 } ? t 1 1 7 Buy 1 F & } 104 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. ར " CHAPTER X. FIVE MALAY STATES A POSSIBILITY. The supporters of President McKinley's Philippine policy profess now to be opposed to permitting the Philippine Islanders to become citizens of the United States. The treaties by which we acquned the Louisiana Purchase, Florida and a large portion of Mexico, contained provisions pledging citizen- ship to those of the inhabitants desiring it, and pledging admission to these new acquisitions into the union of the States. In all the acts organizing terri- toifal governments in those acquisitions the people were recognized as entitled to all the benefits of the Federal Constitution. In the Spanish treaty no pro- vision was made as to the natives of the islands we acquired. The subject was all left to Congress. That body changes every two years. The will of one Congress may not be the will of the next. The President commenced a war upon the Philippine Islanders while Congress was in session, without consulting that body, more than two months before those islands had been acquired from Spain. The people there were then our friends and allies. He must have had a purpose in making them enemies. Every intelligent man is chargeable with the natural results of his conduct. The President knew that to make war upon the Filipinos was to render it impossible for Congress to determine the civil and political status of the islands so long as he was Com- mander-in-Chief and waged an unjust and unprovoked war. At present he maintains a military despotism over the ten or twelve millions of people whose only offense was their love of country and hatred of tyranny. The Republican policy is to make subjects of these people, a condition which hitherto has been unknown to our republic and directly forbidden by its Constitution. * But suppose the Republican leaders should see their power waning and should need more Senators and mole members than they can elect under present circumstances. How simple the remedy and how like the Republican method. How easy to obtain reinforcements. Congress, by a majority of one in cach House and the approval of the President, can provide for the organiza- tion of tire new Territories in the Philippine Islands, and in the same act it can provide for conventions to be held in each of these territories for the formation of State constitutions, and require elections to be held for the election of officers in each territory at the time of the ratification € ↓ 1 1 1 $ 1 $ 1 I FIVE MALAY STATES. of the constitutions by the people. Legislatures under these constitu- tions can then assemble, inaugurate their Governors and choose United States Senators. The Malays have able men. They could easily send ten Senators to Washington who are graduates from English universities, and the fifty Congressmen to which they would be entitled could all be "business men" after Mark Hanna's own heart. With ten Malays in the Senate and fifty in the House, owing their election to the Republican political experts who would be sent to the Philippines with abundance of money to carry out this scheme,, the "business interests," so-called, would be safely in the control of the great syndicates who had furnished the money to produce such results. If it should be deemed unwise to select this new contingent entirely from the Malays, there could be a fair sprinkling of "carpet-baggers" to give it tone, * Let every thoughtful man consider these possibilities in the light of the past history of this country, and see whether there is anything improbable in the picture above drawn. The only guarantee against the admission of the Phil- ippine Islands as States in the Union is to prevent their permanent annexation as Territories, colonies, possessions or dependencies of the United States. As we ceded Texas to Spain in 1819 in the Florida treaty, and as we ceded Brit- ish Columbia, then a part of Oregon, to Great Britain in 1846-in each case "hauling down the flag"-so we may, at a safe and proper time, cede the Phil- ippine Islands to the inhabitants thereof, and make known that intention to them as an incentive to the work of establishing peace and order and of or- ganizing governments to suit themselves. There need be no other protectorate to guard them from foreign invasion and conquest than that which Cuba had for eighty years in the repeated declarations of our Government that an attempt by any European power to acquire the island from Spain would be regarded as an unfriendly act towards the United States. The people, thus made îndependent, and yet dependent upon the United States for protection against any unjust foreign hostilities, would gladly make with us a treaty of amity and commerce which would give us a naval and commercial depot of our own choice. The alternative to this is the permanent maintainence in those islands of more than a hundred thousand armed troops at an annual cost of a hundred and fifty millions of dollars, or the admission of the Philippine Islands to the Union of the States, thus adding to the negro, Chinese and In- dian problems the Malay problem. 1 ķ J T { I = }} 105' the } # + } - " 106 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CHAPTER XI. I CHATTEL SLAVERY AND POLYGAMY UPHELD IN UNITED STATES TERRITORY BY WILLIAM MCKINLEY. Having purchased from Spain the Philippine Islands for twenty millions of dollars, President McKinley purchased one hundred and fifty of the same islands over again from the local ruler for ten thousand dollars and certain annual payments to be continued indefinitely. These islands are called the Sulu Group. They have been under Mohammedan rule for eight centuries. Spain claimed ownership of them, but the nearest she ever came to it was to hire the Sultan to recognize the suzerainty of Spain in consideration of sal- aries to be paid by her. The island of Mindanao, populated by Mohamme- dans, is under the control of the Sultan of Sulu. General Otis sent General Bates to the Sultan of Sulu in July, 1899, to make an agreement. A Manila dispatch of July 12 of that year stated that General Bates would explain to the Sultan that the United States had succeeded Spain, and would keep the Spanish agreement by keeping up the payments it provided for. He was also to present to the Sultan ten thousand dollars in Mexican money as an evidence of good will. The Sultan was to remain in the govern- ment of the island. General Bates then entered into the following agreement: "Agreement between Brig. Gen. John C. Bates, representing the United States, of the one part, and His Highness, the Sultan of Sulu, the Dato Rajah Muda, the Dato Attik, the Dato Kalki, and the Dato Joakanain, of the other part; it being undertsood that this agreement will be in full force only when approved by the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands and confirmed by the President of the United States and will be subjected to future modifica- tions by the mutual consent of the parties in interest., "Article 1. The sovereignty of the United States over the whole archipelago of Sulu and its dependencies is declared and acknowledged. "Art. 2. The United States flag will be used in the archipelago of Sulu and its dependencies on land and sea. "Art. 3. The rights and dignities of his highness the Sultan and his datos shall be fully respected; the Moros shall not be interfered with on account of their religion; all their religious customs shall be respected, and no one shall be persecuted on account of his religion. 5t } 3 2 1 1 MANAG MCKINLEY'S SLAVE COLONY. Th "Art. 4. While the United States may occupy and control such points in the. archipelago of Sulu as public interests seem to demand, encroachment will not be made upon the lands immediately about the residence of his highness the Sultan, unless military necessity requires such occupation in case of war with a foreign power, and where the property of individuals is taken due compensa- tion will be made in each case. “Any person can purchase land in the archipelago of Sulu and hold the same by obtaining the consent of the Sultan and coming to a satisfactory agreement with the owner of the land, and such purchase shall immediately be registered in the proper office of the United States Government. ´“Art. 5. All trade in domestic products of the archipelago of Sulu, when car- ried on by the Sultan and his people with any part of the Philippine Islands and when conducted under the American flag, shall be free, unlimited and undutiable. # & "Art. 6. The Sultan of Sulu shall be allowed to communicate direct with the. Governor-General of the Philippine Islands in making complaint against the Commanding officer of Sulu or against any naval commander. "Art. 7. The introduction of firearms and war material is forbidden, except under specific authority of the Governor-General of the Philippines. Art. 8. Piracy must be suppressed, and the Sultan and his datos agree to heartily co-operate with the United States authorities to that end and to make every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all persons engaged in piracy. L "Art. 9. Where crimes and offenses are committed by Moros against Mores the Government of the Sultan will bring to trial and punishment the criminals and offenders, who will be delivered to the Government of the Sultan by the 'United States authorities if in their possession. In all other cases persons charged with crimes or offenses will be delivered to the United States authorf- ties for trial and punishment. "Art. 10. Any slave in the archipelago of Sulu shall have the right to pur- chase freedom by paying to the master the usual market value. Į "Art. 12 At present Americans or foreigners wishing to go into the country should state their wishes to the Moro authorities and ask for an escort, but it is hoped that this will become unnecessary as we know each other better. "Art. 13. The United States will give full protection to the Sultan and his subjects in case any foreign nation should attempt to impose upon them. "Art. 14. The United States will not sell the island of Sulu or any other island of the Sulu Archipelago to any foreign nation without the consent of the Sul- tan of Sulu. "Art. 15. The United States Government will pay the following monthly salaries: + } น + PAANO 1 > noth * 107 ور . J 1 ? 1 O Į X + 1 A } î ? { Tử L £ ܕܗ ܀ 1 K the 1 14 ر I 1 f 1 • 108. Ľ B the I "Signed: DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK." To the Sultan To Dato Rajah Muda....... To Dato Attık To Dato Calbe To Dato Joakanain To Dato Puyo To Dato Amir Haissin. 普 ​• • To Habji Buter.... To Habib Mura To Serif Saguin J. C. BATES, } • } قدم J ५ 1 $250 75 60 75 1 * ! IA¦g 75 60 60 "Signed in triplicate, in English and Sulu, at Jolo, this 20th day or August, A. D. 1899 (13th Arakuil Akıl 1317). 50 40 15 1 1 The SULTAN SULU. "Dato RAJAH MUDA, "Dato ATTIK. "Dato CALBE. "Dato JOAKANAIN. 1 "Brigadier-General, U. S. V.” The annual aggregate of these salaries is $9,120. The Spanish agreement was for $6,300 a year. Article 3 of this agreement guarantees to the Sultan and his high officials non-interference with their rights, dignities and religious customs. These in- clude polygamy. Article 10 secures to the slaves their right to freedom by paying to their masters the usual market value, and secures to the masters their slaves unless they thus buy their freedom. The President transmitted this agreement to Congress, and in his message of transmittal made the following statement: * I have confirmed said agreement, subject to the action of Congress, and with the reservation, which I have directed shall be communicated to the Sultan of Jolo, that this agreement is not to be deemed in any way to authorize or give the consent of the United States to the existence of slavery in the Sulu Archipelago. I communicate thesc facts to Congress for its information and action. ** 41 The President Allows Slavery to Continue in Existence. Nothing could be more characteristic than this message. It is ingeniously indirect. Slavery does not exist in the Sulu group by virtue of the above agreement, nor by the permission of the United States. Its continued existence requires neither the authority nor the consent of the United States. The President's declaration that in approving the agreement it must not be deemed to authorize the existence of slavery nor to give the consent of the United States to its existence does not in the least degree interfere with or discourage the existence of slavery, nor does it pretend to. It lets it alone, thereby main- taining it. All President McKinley has done for the slaves in the Sulu Group F 1 Is } } 氮 ​? '3b 1 $ } | < 1 } 1 MėKINLEY'S SLAVE COLONY.. + is to give them the right to remain slaves or to buy their freedom at the same price that the slave-dealer would pay for them in open market. And he is the successor of Abraham Lincoln. He is the President of a nation the Constitution of which he is sworn to uphold, including its thirteenth amendinent, forbidding slavery anywhere in the jurisdiction of the United States. He is the hero and master of a great party which in 1856 declared slavery and polygamy to be "twin relics of barbarism," and pledged itself for their extirpation from the land. 2 ! No wonder the State Department refused any copy of this precious docu- ment that could be used until after the clections of 1899. But they furnished a copy to the Associated Press in Arabic--the Arabic of that province-and no one could be found who could translate it. Let every Republican read and reread the President's language concerning slavery in the Sulu Archipelago. Slavery had existed there from time immemorial The Sulu Islands belong to the United States, if the treaty with Spain ceded any territory at all. They are included in the treaty boundaries. The President makes no objection what- ever in his message to the continued existence there of slavery. All he says is that the agreement made by General Bates is not the authority by which slaves are held in the archipelago, and that the United States does not by- that agreement consent to the existence of slavery there. But while the agreement does not authorize slavery, it fixes the price which any slave must pay to his master if he desires to purchase his freedom. Mr. Schurman, the President of the Philippine Commission, in an interview concerning this agreement, not only defended slavery and polygamy, but was very severe on those who complained of the support given them by Ged. Otiš and President McKmley. He said: Į • # → It seems to me that were it not for the ignorance displayed the present hue and cry about polygamy and slavery in these islands would be absolutely criminal. In taking over the Sulu group we have acquired no rights of any sort there except those ▾ bequeathed us by Spain She was bound by her agreement with the Sultan not to inter- fere with the religion or customs of the islands, and it would be most unwise for us to attempt this by foice when it can be ultimately accomplished by the slower method of Civilization and education. The Sulu group proper contains about 100,000 inhabitants. They are all Mohammedans To attempt to interfere with the religion of these people. would precipitate one of the bloodiest wars in which this country has ever been engaged. They are religious fanatics of the most pronounced type, who care nothing for death and believe that the road to heaven can be attamed by killing Christians. Polygamy is a part of their religion, and slavcıy, about which so much is being said just now, is a mild type of feudal homage. The Sultan believes from what he has seen of Ameri- cans that they are ready to be friendly and deal honestly by him President Schurman himself presents a fine example of a "mild type of feu- dal homage." The President could not have a more abject bondman. Congress took no action on this fool agreement, and the Mohammedan slave- holding Sultan enjoys his religion and polygamy, and the "mild homage" of his slaves under the Stars and Stripes of free America, which, by the grace of William McKinley, wave over the nasty sty. ¿ "Who will haul down the flag?" f • } i · 109. し ​A } & 1 ľ } 1 ܝ ܀ ܡܪ ༣ Ex ፈ t I < but 1 } 6 t " + ! 慑 ​+ ↓ f 7 " ~ " + new N $ } 1 ་་ 110 & , 50 ¿ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. # 1 CHAPTER XII. WHO WILL HAUL DOWN THE FLAG? (By Dr. H. S. Taylor, of Chicago.) "Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he, And no man an answer gave, But who will haul up the flag, ask wc, Where the flag ought never to wave? Over an arrogant mission of spoil That takes, as a matter of course, A subject race and a conquered soil And a government based on force! Answer us!-answer us! true and fair, Who will haul up Old Glory there? "Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he, Nay, think how it first went up, When War, astride of the land and sea, Poured wrath from his brimming cup; When brave men died and left in bequest One pledge for the great and the small; Not stars for a few and stripes for the rest, But the flag of our country for all! Auswer us, truly and plainly, we pray; Was that not its meaning in Washington's day? 1 From Washington's day to Jackson's time, From Yorktown to New Orleans, Did any man follow that flag sublims And doubt what the symbol means? Free self-ruled states, each one as a star Fixed fast in a field of blue Fenced in by the blood-red stripes of war To preserve them for me and you! Answer us, now, do you dare to drag The old faith out of our fathers' flag? o 1 П I } } } ↓ 2 t { "Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he, Why, no hand of flesh and bone Can lower that flag on land or sea, Till the faith of the flag is gone! Till a few shall rule and cunningly keep The bunting to garnish their greed; Till dollars are dear and humanity cheap - By the force of a tory creed!- Then will it fall!—but answer us, clear, Do you fancy that hour is drawing near? J Į 7 THE FLAG) Did our Liberty Bell ring in vain? Was our declaration a lie? Dist Nay, haul up the flag-raise it high- Not yet is its spirit spent! Must we turn to the old world, again, With the penitent prodigal's cry? Must we arm us and march in the van Of Europe's barbaric parade, And boom out a gunpowder gospel to man To open a parthway for trade? 1 Shall we strut through the world and bluster and brag With the dollar-mark stamped on the brave old flag? * 7 C вздума Let it sing in the wind and the sky The truth that it always meant! Let it sing of the birthright of man, Of progress that never can 'lag, Let it sing that trade may go where it can But fiberty follows the flag! Yea, haul up Old Glory-but, comrades, take heed That no man shall part the old flag from the creed! The } 111 & 徵 ​1 1 1 ** 1 { } 心​が ​* + ། # t ↓ t 14 A 3 T ? 1 門 ​7 " } } 2 * 7 # ܐ < Auster 112 1 } } i * 45 t DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CHAPTER XIII. THE LIBERTY CONGRESS OF THE ANTI-IMPERIALISTS. A convention of over three hundred independent men, representing the an- ti-imperialistic sentiment outside of the Democratic party and its allies of 1896, was held at Indianapolis on the 15th of August. With substantial unanimity it adopted the following patriotic addiess to the American peo- ple } t Address to the People. "This liberty congress of anti-imperialists recognizes a great national crisis, which menaces the republic upon whose future depends in such large meas- ure the hope of freedom throughout the world. For the first time in our country's history the President has undertaken to subjugate a foreign people aud to rule them by despotic power. He has thrown the protection of the American flag over slavery and polygamy in the Sulu Islands. He has arro- gated to himself the power to impose upon the inhabitants of the Phil- ippine Islands a government without their consent, and taxation without rep- resentation. He is waging war upon them for asserting the very principles for the maintenance of which our forefathers pledged their lives, their for- tunes and their sacred honor. IIe clans for himself and Congress author- He ity to govern the territories of the United States without constitutional re- straint. The : "We believe in the Declaration of Independence. Its truths not less self- evident to-day than when first announced by our fathers, are of universal ap- plication and cannot be abandoned while government by the people endures. "We believe in the Constitution of the United States. It gives the Pres- ident and Congress certain linnted powers, and secures to every man within the jurisdiction of our government certain essential rights. We deny that either the President or Congress can govern any person anywhere outside the Constitution. Opposed to McKinley's Policy. "We are absolutely opposed to the policy of President McKinley, which pro- poses to goveiu millions of men without their consent, which, in Porto Rico, establishes taxation without représentation and a government by the arbi- # 14 L St 'ANTI-IMPERIALISTS IN CONVENTION. 113 E 1 trary will of a legislature unfettered by constitutional restraint, and in the Philippines prosecutes a war of conquest and demands unconditional sur- render from a people who are of right free and independent. The struggle of men for freedom has ever been a struggle for constitutional liberty. There is no liberty if the citizen has no right which the legislature may not in- vade, if he may be taxed by a legislature in which he is not represented, or if he is not protected by a fundamental law against the arbitrary action of exccutive power. The policy of the President offers the inhabitants of Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippines no hope of independence, no prospect of. American citizenship, no constitutional protection, no representation in the Congress which taxes him. This is the government of men by arbitrary power without their consent; this is imperialism. 21 There is no room under the free flag of America for subjects. The Pres- ident and Congress, who derive all their powers from the Constitution, can govern no man without regard to its limitations. } 1 1 · 0 1 Want Censorship Removed. "We believe that the greatest safeguard of liberty is a free press, and we demand that the censorship in the Philippines which keeps from the American people the knowledge of what is done in their name be abolished. "We are entitled to know the truth, and we insist that the powers which the President holds in trust for us shall be not used to suppress it. 1 19 "Because we thus believe, we oppose the re-election of Mr. McKinley. The supreme purpose of the people in this momentous campaign should be to stamp with their final disapproval his attempt to grasp imperial power. A self-governing people can have no more imperative duty than to drive from public life a chief magistrate who, whether in weakness or of wicked pur- pose, has used his temporary authority to subvert the character of their gov- ernment and destroy their national ideals. $ "We, therefore, in the belief that it is essential at this crisis for the Ameri- can people again to declare their faith in the universal application of the Declaration of Independence and to reassert their will that their servants, shall not have or exercise any powers whatever other than those conferred by the Constitution, earnestly make the following recommendations to our countrymen; I 1 Three Recommendations. "First. That, without regard to their views on minor questions of domestle policy, they withhold their votes from Mr. McKinley, in order to stamp with their disapproval what he has done. "Second. That they vote for those candidates for Congress in their respec- tive districts who will oppose the policy of imperialism. "Third. While we welcome any other method of opposing the re-election of Mr. McKinley, we advise direct support of Mr. Bryan as the most effective means of crushing imperialism. J 1 ← $ · * 专 ​* " 1 p 116. DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. "We are convinced of Mr. Bryan's sincerity and of his earnest purpose to 'se- cure to the Filipinos their independence. His position and the declarations contained in the platform of his party of the vital issue of the campaigne meet our unqualified approval. 1 2 + J Organization to be Extended. "We recommend that the executive committees of the American Anti-Impe- rialist League and its allied leagues continue and extend their organizations, preserving the independence of the movement; and that they take the most active possible part in the pending political campaign. ? j ។ kendall the pới 1 1 The Voter's Responsibility. "Until now the policy which has turned the Filipinos from warm friends to bitter enemies, which has slaughtered thousands of them and laid waste their country, has been the policy of the President. After the next election it becomes the policy of every man who votes to re-elect him and who thus be- comes with him responsible for every drop of blood thereafter shed." ? ! + 集 ​Chairman Boutwell's Remarks. The convention was presided over by the venerable Gov. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, one of the most distinguished and' honored founders of the Republican party. He has served his Stale as Governor, Representative in Congress and in the United States Senate, and the nation as Secretary of the Treasury under Grant. He was accorded a great demonstration when he took the gavel. He said: } "Having in mind the many honors I have received from my countrymen In times past, I shall, when this day is gone, have no more favorable recollec- tion of any one of them than I shall of this. This is an historic occasion. If the peril of this country is what we think it is, if the question before you and before your countrymen is the question of the continuance of the republic, then no graver question has ever been committed to an assembly of men or, to the country. We are opposed to imperialism. We are in favor of a republican form of government. We respect the teachings of our ancestors, the glory of the history they have left to us; and standing between the past and the fu- ture, it is our duty to transmit to posterity the principles of the fathers and the institutions that they founded. That is your mission. to-day as the repre- sentatives of forty-five States of this Union. It may be a representation without an organized constituency, but it is a representation that speaks for itself and for the people of the country and for the generations that are ad- vancing to take our places, and it is a representation that has a right to speak of a representation that will be heard at Washington to-day, heard all over the world; speaking as we do for the preservation of republican institutions; representing the American republic, the light of which, if it shall go out, will never be rekindled on the surface of the earth. 4 ✔ + Į ❤ t 115. "I charge that the policy upon which this administration has entered will mean the abandonment of the principles upon which the party was formed and eventually turn the republic into an empire. The first of the means be- fore us for the preservation of the Union, if our allegation is true, is the over- throw of the administration. I am not disposed to make issues with men, but my former friend and fellow-citizen, Mr. Long, the Secretary of the Navy, has made a remark which in itself may not appear very signifificant, but nev ertheless I choose to make some comment on it. 2 ई 7 ANTI-IMPERIALISTS IN CONVENTION. The Cry Against Imperialism. "Mr. Long says what we call imperialism is only a cry, and that the anti- Imperialists are few in number and of no considerable importance. He says their voice is only a cry. That may be true; a census has not been taken and we do not boast of numbers. But nineteen centuries ago a cry was heard in the wilderness of Judea; heard by only a few, but now the echoes of His voice are heard the world over. And now we are crying for an open path of justice for all people; repentance for the wrong that has been done in the past and reformation for the future. We have accomplished something. The anti-imperialist leagues have made the name and characteristics of imperial- ism known and spoken in every palace, every log cabin, and every prairie camp on this continent. "We are told there is peace in the Philippines, and our 60,000 soldiers there are merely performing police duty. The President has said the Philippines are ours, and there will be no abatement of our rights and no scuttle policy. This seems to indicate that we have entered upon a colonial policy. I always follow the President by his doings, not by his speeches. When speeches of men and the actions of men appear not to harmonize, I look to their actions for their truth; therefore, I have never looked to the words of President McKinley as presenting substantial evidence of what he would do. "I am not able to explain the motive of Mr. McKinley in taking this policy. I believe that he is the master mind in his Cabinet, and that nothing has transpired except that which he himself has originated. And he has carried it through thus far without interruption. He interpreted the protocol with Spain contrary to its language and framed the treaty of Paris according to his own ideas; and he has since interpreted his powers upon his own theory as to what he was authorized to do. He is the one person responsible for what has been done, and if we are opposed to what has been done, our chief duty is the overthrow of the administration of which he is head. . Veto Power Over Cuban Legislation. "There has been put forth recently a statement of the conditions that would be required of the people of Cuba if they become independent. They are to have no power to declare without the consent of the United States. The United States is to have veto power over Cuban legislation; the United J J [ LE M f 勇 ​甲 ​} $ 4 t J 116 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 4 States is to have a certain well-defined supervision over the Cuban treasury; the United States is to retain for a period of years, if not indefinitely, the fortifications which command the port of Havana. How do these provisions 3 accord with the promises made to the people of Cuba? 小 ​f * * 你 ​} "Who does not see that the day of England's downfall is approaching? And we are asked to follow her example and tread in the imperial footsteps of Great Britain, knowing that these steps are leading the British Empire to destruction. Now is the time for the people to arrest this progress to ruin, I. and the laboring men of this country are the men to whom I appeal. 'If we'-' accept imperialism it means that some people shall do the thinking, and the rest do the working; then the course of liberty cannot be saved." 1 * * Letter from W. Bourke Cochran. Hon. Bourke Cochran, of New York, being unable to attend the convention, wrote the letter from which the following are extracts: "New York, Aug. 14, 1900. "My Dear Sir: I regret very much that owing to business engagements here I will be unable to attend the Liberty Convention at Indianapolis on the 15th. * لو ! "The attitude of anti-imperialists to imperialism cannot be open to doubt, aud therefore I assume the object of the convention is not to express pppc- sition, but to devise a method of making that opposition effective. "The issue of imperialism having been squarely raised between the two great parties, it must be plain that the only way in which a citizen can exercisé - any direct influence upon the result is by voting for the Republican candidatė who supports it, or the Democratic candidate who opposes it. ** # "Nothing can be accomplished by the nomination of a third candidate that cannot be accomplished equally by abstention from the polls, except that the citizen who remains at home on election day passes unnoticed, while he who votes a third ticket attracts attention. The difference between a silent and a vociferous refusal to exercise the suffrage is not worth discussion, since ab- stention from civic duty is never commendable When the republic is in- danger the only place for the patriot is in the ranks of its active defenders. Absence from the field of contest or shooting in the air can never be justified." * * After expressing his dissent from Mr Bryan's financial views, he said: "There is one issue which the popular verdict will settle irrevocably, and that is the issue of imperialism: If the Republican party be successful, its control of the judicial, as well as of the executive and legislative depart- ments of the government, will be absolute, and its disposition to exercise all its power for the enforcement of an imperialistic policy cannot be ‹loubted. At the end of four years imperialism will be so úrmly bedded in our po- litical life that it can never be expelled. 1 1 1 } * +91 192 健 ​I ANTI-IMPERIALISTS IN CONVENTION.) !- Į "Mr. Bryan's election of itself would put a quietus on the imperfalistic adventure. No policy specifically condemned by the people has ever been adopted into our system, and imperialism would prove no exception to the rule. Mr. Hoar's suggestion that the Senate would refuse to follow a Democratic President in a policy of humanity approved by the people does faint justice to his own patriotic capacity when, liberated from the exigencies of a cam paign for re-election, his intellect and his conscience would be restored to har- monious and effective co-operation. Imperialism, rebuked at the polls and shown to be unprofitable, would not have a single supporter in the country. Within a month of election Senator Hoar could reduce his noble conception of freedom and duty to definite proposals of pacification which both parties would accept. The country having pronounced for justice, politicians of every shape and description will be eager to do justice, and when the desire for justice is sincere the way to justice is soon discovered. **4 I # 2 " The Paramount Issue. "Since the election of Mr. Bryan is certain to deliver the country from the imminent peril of imperialism, can the liberty convention hesitate to support him because of impalpable danger arising from his opinion on subjects with which, as President, he cannot possibly deal? "I confess it is hard to understand the attitude of those gentlemen who would have supported him if the convention had been silent or evasive on the free coinige of silver, but who hesitate to support him on a platform which excludes that question from the serious discussions of the contest by rele- gating it to a subordinate position. The Democratic platform declares that Imperialism is the paramount issue of the campaign, and Mr. Bryan's speech at Indianapolis accepts this conception of the issue, emphasizes it, and vin- dicates it. But a declaration that imperialism is a paramount issue is equiv, alent to a declaration that it is the sole issue, for no Presidential election ever decided more than one question. In my judgment, the platform adopted by the Democratic convention should be much more satisfactory to sound money men than any of the substitutes suggested by older and more conservative managers. Since nobody pretended that Mr. Bryan's opinions on the question raised by the Chicago platform of 1896 have been changed, his refusal to dis- guise them in any way is highly creditable to his honesty, and honesty is the first essential of patriotic Presidential service. ** $ $117 "The best evidence of our capacity to deal with the issues of 1902 or 1904, whatever they may be, is to deal intelligently now with the issues of 1900. On that issue Mr. Bryan stands for justice, liberty, and the Constitution, and since all these would be imperiled by his defeat, it is to be hoped that the liberty convention will not be swerved from supporting him by prejudices springing from past antagonisms or by groundless apprehensions of the fu- ture. Yours very sincerely, W. BOURKE COCKRAN” To T * 7} • 3 忠 ​£ F L fot } I ܐ 1 118 Y } 2 } } DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, Ik ' 1 / } CDD RABAT } C 4 * CHAPTER XIV. HENRY CABOT LODGE AT THE COURT OF THE NEW EMPIRE. \ } Ja 37 Contrast the speech of Gov. Boutwell, the old Massachusetts Republican leader, with the grovelling and fulsome flattery of Henry Cabot Lodge, in his speech at Canton notifying President McKinley of his renomination. Effacing his own official character by ignoring the existence of such a body as the United States Senate, unmindful of the honor bestowed upon him by the peo ple of Massachusetts in commissioning him to sit as their representative where Webster and Sumner served them, he talked glibly to McKinley as a courtier might talk to an Emperor. After referring to the subjects of the tariff, finances and Hawaiian annexa- tion, he said: 1 On all these questions you fulfilled the hopes anr justified the confidence of the peo- ple who four years ago put trust in our promises. But on all these questions also you had as guides not only your own principles, the well-considered results of years of training and reflection, but also the plain declarations of the National Convention which nominated you in 1896 Far different was it when the Cuban question, which we had already promised to settle, brought, first war and then peace, with Spain. Congress declared war, but you, 'as Commander-in-Chief, had to cally it on You did so, and history records unbroker victory from the first shot of the Nashville to the day when the protocol was signed. The peace you had to make alone Cubu, Porto Rico, the Philippines-you had to assume alone the responsibility of taking them all from Spain Alone and weighted with the terrible responsibility of the unchecked war powers of the Constitution, you were obliged to govern these islands and to repress rebellion and disorder in the Phil- İppines.. No party creed defined the course you were to follow Courage, foresight, compre- -hension of American interests, both now and in the uncharted future, farth in the American people, and in their fitness for great tasks, were then your only guldes and counsellors Thus you flamed and put in opeiation the great new policy which has made us at once masters of the Antilles and a great eastein power holding firmly our possessions on both sides of the Pacific 1 The new and strange even exclie real, and the courage and prescience which accept them always arouse criticisin and attack Yel a great departure and a new policy were never more quickly justified thn those undertaken by you On the possession of the Philippines rests the admirable diplomacy which warned all nations that American trade was not to be shut out from China. It is Manila that we owe the ability to send troops and ships in this time of stress to the defense of our Ministers, our mission- alles, our Consufs and our merchants in China, Instead of being compelled to leave our citizens to the casual protection of other power, as would have been unavoidable had we flung the Ihilippines away and withdrawn from the Orient The Philadelphia Convention has adopted your policy both in the Antilles and the Philippines, and has made it their own and that of the Republican party. ¿ part } 1 { + K 1 n i } LODGE TO MCKINLEY, L } 2 119 Your election, sir, next November assures to us the continuance of that policy abroad and in our new possessions. To intrust these difficult and vital questions to other hands at once incompetent and. hostile would be a disastrous and a still more unrelieved disaster to our posterity. } Nearly every sentence is imperialism in its letter and spirit. He mentions the fact that Congress declared war with Spain, but nowhere does he state the fact that, without authority from Congress, the President has since carried on two wars-one against the Filipinos and the other against China. Mr. Lodge tells us that it was McKinley who carried on the war against Spain. True, he was the titular Commander-in-Chief, but he carried on no war excopt by permitting it to be carried on by the army and the navy under the laws of Congress, including the Articles of War. He says the President had to make peace alone. This is palpably untrue. Peace was made by a treaty which was totally without force or effect until ratified by the Son- ate, which, Mr. Lodge needs to be reminded, is still a part of the Gov- crument. Imagine a President assuming alone, as Mr. Lodge declares Mr. McKinley did, the responsibility of taking Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philip- pines all from Spain. There is not a semblance of truth in the statement. Then as to the terrible responsibility of the military government in the newly acquired territory! Why did he not tell the President that, in violation of the protocol, he asserted authority over the Philippines nearly four months before the sovereignty over them was vested in the United States? To assume that a treaty will be ratified, and then to act accordingly in advance of its rati- fication, is to usurp the treaty-making power. } But the most noticeable part of Mr. Lodge's notification speech is that in which he declares that the President has inaugurated a "great new policy" which has made us a "great Eastern Power." This he admits is a "great de- parture" from the established order of things. It is the establishment of this "new policy," this "great departure" from Republican methods-this executive usurpation of powers which the Constitution vests exclusively in Con- gress-it is these violations of the Constitution which, if continued, would themselves be a subversion of our constitutional republic, upon which the American people are to pass judgment at the election in November. The country owes a great debt to Mr. Lodge for his shameless confession that his party is to be henceforth the supporter of executive usurpation both in peace and in war so long as a Republican President occupies the White House, and that the Constitution is no longer recognized by the Republican Administration as the supreme law of the land. A It is not alone the executive branch of the government that seeks to govern without restraint. Although Mr. Lodge and his party in its conven- tion have been very voluble over the President's Philippine policy, they have carefully avoided the discussion of the act of Congress for the Government of Porto Rico. But the Republican Congress could not thus dodge the logical, result of the President's imperial policy. That body trampled upon the Con- stitution as remorselessly when it passed that act as the President did when ព 24 E 1 ร í wh { C F DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. BOOK. } 120 * he inaugurated an undiluted despotism in the Philippines' while they were yet Spanish territory. Mr. Lodge was a member of the majority in Congress, and participated loudly and actively in completing the work which the Presi- dent had begun of transforming our constitutional representative republic, for the time being, into an empire. Of course the people have yet to vote upon this question. They only can destroy the republic and they only can erect an empire upon its ruins. At present the government of the United States is an imperial one, though still under the name of a republic. The President is virtually an Emperor and his party majority in Congress are a part of his executive council. They do his bidding when he cares to bid them, but he acts freely without their au- thority when he cares to do so. He prevents them from acting when their action would interfere with his "new departure," as witness his unauthorized commencement of a war in the Philippines while Congress was in session. That body submitted to this usurpation by him of the war power, and now he bears absolute military sway in that region, which will continue until Congress provides a civil government. Nobody knows whether the war is over or not. The official statements on the subject are conflicting. A bill for the government of the Fhilippines was before Congress at the last ses- sion, but was not acted upon because the President desired to continue military rule,--war or no war. The Porto Rico act, which is more fully discussed in a later chapter, was based upon the entirely new pretense that the Constitution is not operative In the territories. This heresy cannot prevail in this country. It is in open conflict with all the interpretations of the Constitution by the Supreme Court on the subject. Numerous decisions of that great tribunal are given in the next chapter. They will be read with interest because they foreshadow what the decisions of the court will be when the constitutionality of the Porto Rico act comes before it for discussion, and those decisions will control future legislation concerning the Philippines. The court has never made any de- livery upon which the imperialists can build a hope for the success of their hold undertakings. The fact that our Republican rulers are now attempting to rule alien peo- ple only, on American territory outside of the Constitution, is a menace to the continued rule of that Charter of our Liberty within the States. The Louis- ville Courier-Journal sounds the following note of warning: To make the President and Congress free of constitutional restraints in the Territor- les and new possessions would be a long step toward making them supreme everywhere. It is just as easy to invent a new theory for the States as for the Territories. Definitions. Despotism. Absolute control over others. Despot. One who rules regardless of Constitution or laws. Empire. Supreme power or authority: imperial power; always comprising a variety in the nationality of, or the form of administration, in constituent or subordinate parts, as the Austrian Empire or the British Empire. 2 M * } 121 Imperial. Pertaining to an Empire or an Emperor; as an imperial govern- ment; imperial power or sway; the imperial Parliament. ! ; *{L • Imperialism. The power, authority or character of an empire; the spirit of empire. } 5 1 you can 1 A 4 $ 'LODGE TO MCKINLEY. • 7 } 1 * $ 1 " 2 m f } J in J £ " * ปี ** + 1 I 点 ​the द > 1 די # I { + } 1227 1 SI DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, CRATIC soc 1 DA mdat • J CHAPTER XV. THE SUPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIALISM. VEDENOMINALOTHED SITRONUJETTA BIK ZUPLATOM BANK GENERAL ESTATE REARENSEINSTUREININPPREPORTERARUN HAYEK KARAMARPIENTEME KONTAKTANAGERFORD HADINER CANEERS 20 [ Jute matte Its Decisions Upon the Question Whether the Constitution of the United States is in Force in the Territories. By Hon. Wm. M. Springer, of Illinois. Can Congress legislate in reference to the territory acquired by the United States without being subject to the restraints and limitations of the Consti- tution? This is a constitutional question which bas been raised by the legislation of the present Congress in reference to Porto Rico, and the answer to it must finally be given by the Supreme Court of the United States. In the mean- time a President and Congress must be elected to deal with the subject in the future. There are two provisions of the Constitution which are especially important in considering this question They are given below Sec. 8, Article I, of the, Constitution of the United States is as follows: "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uni- form throughout the United States " Article X, of the Constitution (amendment), is as follows: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively or to the people." The Porto Rico Act. 1 On April 12, 1900, Congress passed "An Act Temporarily to Provide Reve- nues and a Civil Government for Porto Rico, and for Other Purposes." Sec 2 of said act provides that the same tariffs, customs and duties upon all articles imported into Porto Rico from other ports than those of the United States shall be paid as are imposed on like articles imported into the United States from foreign countries Provided, That on coffee in the bean or ground imported into Porto Rico there shall be paid a duty of five cents per pound, any law or part of law to the contrary notwithstanding. And provided further, That all Spanish, scientific, literary and artistic works shall be admitted free } } f + SUPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIALISM. of duty into Porto Rico for ten years, as provided in the Spanish-American treaty of December 10, 1898. Sec. 3 of the act provides that all merchandise coming into the United States from Porto Rico shall pay a duty of fifteen per centum of the duties which are imposed upon like articles from foreign countries under the Ding- ley Tariff Act, and in addition thereto, upon articles manufactured in Porto Rico, a tax equal to the internal revenue tax, upon like articles manufactured in the United States. dad, Sec. 14 of said act is as follows: "That the statutory laws of the United States, not locally inapplicable, ex- cept as herein before or hereinafter otherwise provided, shall have the same force and effect in Porto Rico as in the United States, except the internal reve- nue laws, which, in view of the provisions of section 3, shall not have force and effect in Porto Rico." 123 1 The foregoing provisions of the Porto Rico Act are in conflict with the eighth section of Article I of the Constitution of the United States. Sugar is admitted into the United States elsewhere free of duty, and the "Spanish Works" mentioned are taxed according to the rates in the Dingley Act. The internal revenue laws are declared not to have force and effect in Porto Rico. Thus the rule of uniformily required by the eighth section of Article I of the Constitution is disregarded and violated. The friends of the Porto Rico Act in Congress conceded the fact that it vio- lated the rule of uniformity as to imposts, duties and excises, but they con- tended that the Territories are mere dependencies of the United States and the Congress has the right and power to govern them as it may see fit, without regard to any restraints or limitations of the Constitution. Neither the act of Congress to enable the President to take possession of the Louisiana Purchase, approved October 31, 1803, which was the first act in reference thereto, nor the next act in reference thereto, approved March 26, 1804, erecting Louisiana into two Territories and providing a temporary gov- ernment therefor, contained a provision putting the Constitution of the United States in force in the territory covered by the purchase. But in the fourth sec- tion of the latter act it was provided that the powers of the legislative council should extend to all the rightful subjects of legislation, "but that no law shall be valid which is inconsistent with the Constitution and laws of the United States," thus assuming that the Constitution, proprio vigore, extended to the territory purchased from France, by virtue of its acquisition by the United States. } 4 The Supreme Court must finally decide this important question. In view of this fact it is of interest to examine the opinions of the Supreme Court here- tofore announced on similar questions, so as to ascertain, if possible, what may be the opinion of that court in reference to Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands. The cases which bear upon the question will be considered in their chrono- logical order that 1 k 7 } A C 1 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK 124 In the case of Cerré et al. vs. Pitot (6 Cranch, 336, decided in March, 1810), Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the court, after quoting the constitutional provision giving Congress poweß to dispose of and make` all- needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belong- Ing to the United States, said: "Accordingly we find Congress possessing and exercising absolute and un- disputed power of governing and legislating for the Territory of Orleans.” This language if taken alone is broader than was intended by the eminent Chief Justice. The question as to the restraints imposed upon Congress by the Constitution was not raised. When that question was raised in subsequent cases, the Chief Justice left no doubt as to his opinion. The next case cited shows this fact. ما J In 1820, in the case of Loughborough vs. Blake, 5 heaton, pp. 318-9, Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, speaking for the whole court, which was composed of such eminent jurists as Bushrod Washington, Livingston and Joseph Story, used the following language, which is so clear and forcible that it should settle the question for all time: "If this could be doubted, the doubt is removed by the subsequent words which modify the grant. These words are, "but all duties, imposts and ex- . cises, shall be uniform throughout the United States." It will not be con- tended that the modification of the power extends to places to which the power itself does not extend. The power, then, to lay and collect duties, imposts and excises may be exercised, and must be exercised throughout the United States. Does this term designate the whole or any particular portion of the American Empire? Certainly this question can admit of but one answer. It is the name given to our great Republic, whh is coriposed of States and Territories. The District of Columbia or the territory west of the Missouri is not less within the United States than Maryland or I'eunsylvania, and it is not less necessary, on the principles of our Constitution, that uniformity in the imposi- tion of imposts, duties and excises should be observed in the one than in the other." If there was no other opinion of the Supreme Court on the subject of the powers of Congress in reference to the Territories, the foregoing opinion of Chief Justice Marshall ought to be sufficient to convince every fair-minded eiti- zen that, whatever Congress may do in reference to territory acquired by the United States, by purchase or by conquest, must be done under all the limita- tions and restraints of the Constitution of the United States. In the case of the American Insurance Co. vs Canter (1 Pet., 546), Chief Jus- tice Marshall, delivering the opinion of the court, said: "In legislating for them (the Territories), Congress exercises the combined powers of the general and of a State Government." The decision of the court was then announced as follows: "We think, then, that the act of the Territorial Legislature (of Florida) creating the court by whose decree the cargo of the Point a Petre was sold is not inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United States, and is valid." 2 SUPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIALISM '125' The court held that the admiralty jurisdiction exercised by the Florida court established by act of Congress was derived from the power of Congress to make all needful, rules and regulations respecting territory belonging to the United States; and that the jurisdiction exercised by the Florida court was not a part of that "judicial power which is defined in the third article of the Con- stitution." } 盛 ​1 The general statement that in legislating for the Territories Congress exer- cised the combined powers of the General and State Government cannot be construed into a recognition of unrestricted power of legislation, for the rea- son that in exercising the powers of the General Government Congress is sub- ject to all the restrictions of the Constitution. The opinion of Chief Justice Marshall in Loughborough vs. Blake (5 Wheat., 318) sustains this view, and other opinions cited in this paper show that the Supreme Court so under- stood this language. In the case of Benner vs. Porter (9 How., 243, decided in 1849), the Supreme Court, passing upon the powers of Territoral Governments, said: "They are not organized under the Constitution, nor subject to its complex distribution of the powers of government, as the organic law; but are the creatures, exclusively, of the legislative department, and subject to its super- vision and control. Whether or not there are provisions in that instrument which extend to and act upon these Territorial Governments, it is not now material to examine. We are speaking here of those provisions that refer particularly to the distinction between Federal and State jurisdiction." The opinion in this case is relied upon to support the position of those who contend that Congress, in legislating for the Territories, is not subject to any of the restrictions upon its powers contained in the Constitution. But all other opinions of the Supreme Court show that this 'contention is erroneous. The Court expressly stated that it did not pass on that question. } In the case of Cross vs. Harrison (16 Howard, pp. 82-83, December Term, 1853, the Supreme Court held, Mr. Justice Wayne delivering the unanimous opinion of the court, that, by the ratification of the treaty between Mexico and the United States, California became a part of the United States, and that the tariff laws of the United States then in force became applicable to foreign goods entered at San Francisco, in the absence of a specific act of Con- gress putting such laws in force; and the court further held that the duties which had been paid by Cross, the plaintiff, after ratification of the treaty and before Congress passed an act making San Francisco a port of entry, could not be recovered back in a suit against the collector to recover the same. Justice Wayne, in his opinion, said: } "The right claimed to land foreign goods within the United States at any place out of a collection district, if allowed, would be a violation of that pro- vision in the Constitution which enjoins that all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. Indeed, it must be very clear that no such rights exist, and that there was nothing in the condition of Cali- fornia to exempt importers of foreign goods into it from the payment of the same duties which were chargeable in the other ports of the United States.” 1 菜 ​* 1 1 J /ti A 1 £ 3 4 } * * } ř 128, DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK-| 11. San Francisco had not at that time been made a port of entry. In fact, the tariff laws which existed prior to the war with Mexico were held by the court to have become effective over the territory ceded by Mexico to the United States the moment the treaty of cession was ratified, and it was further held, as stated above, that "by the ratification of the treaty California became a part of the United States," and that if the President had neglected to pre- vent the landing of foreign goods therein, "it would be a neglect of his con- stitutional obligation to take care that the laws be faithfully executed." In 1856 the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Taney delivering the opinion, used the following language in reference to the power of Congress to legislate in reference to the territory which had been acquired by the United States, after the adoption of the Federal Constitution: 66 There is certainly no power given by the Constitution to the Federal Gov- ernment to establish or maintain colonies bordering on the United States or at a distance, to be ruled and governed at its own pleasure, nor to enlarge its territorial limits in any way, except by the admission of new States. That power is plainly given. * But no power is given to acquire a Territory, to be held and governed in that character. (19 How. 446.) ** "We do not mean, however, to question the power of Congress in this respect. The power to expand the territory of the United States by the admission of new States is plainly given. * * * It is acquired to become a State, and not to be held as a colony and governed by Congress with absolute authority. *The court must necessarily look to the provisions and principles of the Constitution and its distribution of power for the rules and principles by which its decision must be governed. ** "Taking this rule to guide us, it may be safely assumed that citizens of the United States who migrate to a Territory belonging to the people of the United States cannot be ruled as mere colonists, dependent upon the will of the General Government and to be governed by any laws it may think proper to impose. * * A power, therefore, in the General Government to obtain and hold colonies and dependent territories, over which they may legislate without restriction, would be inconsistent with its own existence in its present form. Whatever it acquires, it acquires for the benefit of the people of the several States who created it. (Id. 447.) * + ¢ "The powers of the Government and the rights and privileges of the citizen are regulated and plainly defined by the Constitution itself. And when the Territory becomes a part of the United States the Federal Government enters into possession in the character impressed upon it by those who created it. It enters upon it with its powers over the citizen strictly defined and limited by the Constitution, from which it derives its own existence, and by virtue of which alone it continues to exist and act as a Government and sovereignty. It has no power of any kind beyond it, and it cannot, when it enters a Terri tory of the United States, put off its character and assume discretionary or despotic powers which the Constitution has denied to it." (Id. 448.)- 1 I Lađa kada ga 葛 ​} 1 ' i 1 SUPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIALISM. 127 * The foregoing extracts from Judge Taney's opinion are taken from the case of Dred Scott vs. Sanford, and the case is reported in 19 Howard, pages 398 to 633. The court was divided in opinion, two of the Justices, Messrs. Mc- Lean and Curtis, dissenting. The Supreme Court at that time was composed as follows: Chief Justice Taney and Associate Justices John McLean, James M. Wayne, John Catron,' Peter V. Daniel, Samuel Nelson, Robert G. Grier, Benjamin R. Curtis and John A. Campbell. + The dissenting opinions of Justices McLean and Curtis are in accordance with the opinion of the court, in so far as its opinion is set forth in the fore- going extracts. Mr. Justice McLean (page 542) said: } "Did Chief Justice Marshall (in American Iusurance Co. vs. Canter, 1 Pet., 512), in saying that Congress governed a Territory, by exercising the combined powers of the Federal and State Governments, 1efer to unlimited discretion? A Government which can make while men slaves? Surely, such a remark in the argument must have been inadvertently uttered. On the contrary, there is no power in the Constitution by which Congress can make either white or black men slaves. In organizing the Government of a Territory Congress is limited to means appropriate to the attainment of the constitutional object. No powers can be exercised which are prohibited by the constitution, or which are contrary to its spirit, so that, whether the object may be the protection of the persons and property of purchasers of the public lands or of communities who have been annexed to the Union by conquest or pur- chase, they are initiatory to the establishment of State Governments, and no more power can be claimed or exercised than is necessary to the attainment of the end. This is the limitation of all the Federal powers. * * "If there be a right to acquire territory, there necessarily must be an implied power to govern it When the military force of the Union shall conquer a country, may not Congress provide for the government of such country? This would be an implied power essential to the acquisition of new territory. This power has been exercised, without doubt of its constitutionality, over territory acquired by conquest and purchase. "And when there is a large district of country within the United States, and not within any State Government, if it be necessary to establish a ten- porary Government to carry out a power expressly rested in Congress-as the disposition of the public lands, may not such Government be instituted by Congress? Ilow do we read the Constitution? Is it not a practical instru- ment? *: "In such cases no implication of a power can arise which is inhibited by the Constitution or which may be against the theory of its construction." (p. 544.) Mr. Justice Curtis, in his dissenting opinion on page 613, said: "As was said by Mr Chief Justice Marshall, in the American Insurance Company vs. Canter (1 Peters, 542), "the Constitution confers absolutely on the 4 } } 1 * L ✓ • 2 { t EL 1 1289 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Government of the Union the powers of making war and of making treaties; consequently that Government possesses the power of acquiring territory, either by conquest or treaty." (See Cerré vs. Pitot, 6 Cr., 336) And I add, it also possesses the power of governing it, when acquired, not by resorting to suppositious powers, nowhere found a the Constitution, but expressly granted in the authority to make all needful rules and regulatious respecting the terri- tory of the United States." * * On page 614 he said: "If, then, this clause does contain a power to legislate respecting the territory, what are the limits of that power? "To this I answer that, in common with all the other legislative powers of Congress, it finds limits in the express prohibitions on Congress not to do certain things; that, in the exercise of the legislative power, Congress cannot pass an ex post facto law or bill of attainder; and so in respect to each of the other prohibitions contained in the Constitution." * * 'And again, on page 616, he said: "It has already been stated that after the Government of the United States was organized under the Constitution the temporary government of the terri- tory northwest of the river Ohio could no longer exist, save under the powers conferred on Congress by the Constitution. Whatever legislative, judicial or executive authority should be exercised therein could be derived only from the people of the United States under the Constitution." * ** + It may be contended by some that the Dred Scott case was decided at a time of great excitement with reference to slavery in the Territories of the United States, and that the court partook of the prejudices of the times. But the fact that such eminent anti-slavery judges as McLean, of Ohio, and Cur- tis, of Massachusetts, in their dissenting opinions took precisely the same posi- tion in reference to the restrictions which the Constitution imposes upon Con- gress in legislating for the Territories that the majority of the court took, shows that upon this point all parties stood upon precisely the same ground- namely, that Congress in legislating for the Territories was subject to all the restraints of the Constitution which it was under when legislating in refer- ence to the States of the Union. In no other case, except, perhaps, in that of Loughborough vs. Blake, 6 Wheaton, 318, or in Cross vs Ilarrison, supra, has the question now in issue before the people of the United States been so squarely met as in the case above cited. But on several other occasions the Supreme Court of the United States has laid down substantially the same doctrine as will be seen by the cases and opinions hereinafter cited and quoted. In the case of Snow vs. United States, 18 Wallace, p. 319, decided by the Supreme Court in 1873, Mr. Justice Bradley, speaking for the entire court, as there was no dissenting opinion, said: "The government of the Territories of the United States belongs primarily to Congress, and, secondarily, to such agencies as Congress may establish for that purpose. During the term of their pupilage as Territories they are mere dependencies of the United States. Their people do not constitute a sovereign 1 + 1 H } SUPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIALISM. 129 power. All political authority exercised therein is derived from the General Government." In 1875, in the case of the United States vs. Cruikshank et al., 92 U. S., page 550, Mr. Chief Justice Waite, delivering the opinion of the court, after quoting from the preamble of the Constitution, said: "The Government thus established and defined is to some extent a gov- ernment of the States in their political capacity. It is also, for certain pur- poses, a government of the people. Its powers are limited in number, but not in degree. Within the scope of its powers, as enumerated and defined, it is supreme and above the States, but beyond it has no existence. It was erected for special purposes, and endowed with all the powers necessary for its own prservation and the accomplishment of the ends its people had in view. It can neither grant nor secure to its citizens any right ar privilege not expressly or by implication placed under its jurisdiction." * "The Government of the United States is one of delegated powers alone, Its authority is defined and limited by the Constitution. All powers not granted to it by that instrument are reserved to the States or the people. No rights can be acquired under the Constitution or laws of the United States, except such as the Government of the United States has the authority 10 grant or secure. All that cannot be so granted or secured are left under the protection of the States." In the case of Reynolds vs. United States (98 U. S., p. 162), the Supreme Court of the United States, Chief Justice Waite delivering the opinion of the court (October Term, 1878), said: "Congress cannot pass a law for the government of the Territories which shaПī prohibit the free exercise of religion. The first amendment to the Con- stitution expressly forbids such legislation. Religious freedom is guaranteed everywhere throughout the United States, so far as Congressional interfer- ence is concerned," } The eighth section of Article I of the Constitution, which requires that all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States, is just as much in force in the Territories as is Article I (amendment), which prohibits Congress from making a law respecting an establishment of religion or probibiting the free exercise thereof. f In 1879, in the case of National Bank vs. County of Yankton, 101 U. S., p. 133. Mr. Chief Justice Waite, speaking for the entire court, there having been no dissenting opinion, said: "All territory within the jurisdiction of the United States not included in any State must necessarily be governed by or under the authority of Congress. The Territories are but political sub-divisions of the outlying dominion of the United States. Their relation to the General Government is much the same as that which counties bear to the respective States, and Congress may legis- late for them as a State does for its municipal organizations. The organic law of a Territory takes the place of a constitution as the fundamental law of the local government. It is obligatory on and binds the territorial authorities; but (5) 1 اته } r } C 1 { * 130 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Congress is supreme, and for the purposes of this department of its govern- mental authority has all the powers of the people of the United States, except such as have been expressly or by implication reserved in the prohibition of the Constitution." In 1882, in the case of United States vs. Harris, 106 U. S., p. 535, Mr. Justice Wood delivering the opinion of the court, said: "While conceding this, it must nevertheless be stated that the Government of the United States is one of delegated, limited and enumerated powers. Mar- tin vs. Hunter's Lessee, 1 Wheat., 304; McCulloch vs. State of Maryland, 4 id., 316; Gibbons vs. Ogden, 9 id., 1. Therefore every valid act of Congress must find in the Constitution some warrant for its passage. This is apparent by ref- erence to the following provisions of the Constitution: Section 1 of the first article declares that all legislative powers granted by the Constitution shall be vested in the Congress of the United States. Section 8 of the same article enumerates the powers granted to the Congress, and concludes the enumera- tion with a grant of power "to carry into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States or in any department or officer thereof." Article X of the amendments to the Constitution declares that "the powers not delegated to the United States are reserved to the States respectively or to the people." Į "Mr Justice Story, in his Commentaries on the Constitution, says: 'When- ever, therefore, a question arises concerning the constitutionality of a particu- lar power, the first question is whether the power be expressed in the Consti- tution. If it be, the question is decided. If it be not expressed, the next in- quiry must be whether it is properly an incident to an express power and nec- essary to its execution. If it be, then it may be exercised by Congress. If not, Congress cannot exercise it.' Sec. 1243, referring to Virgina Reports and Reso lutions, January, 1800, pp. 33-34; President Monroe's Exposition and Message of May 4, 1822, p. 47; 1 Tuck. Black. Comm. App., 287, 288; 5 Marshall's Wash. App., Note 3; 1 Hamilton's Works, 117, 121." The foregoing extract from Story's Commentaries on the Constitution is quoted by the court with approval. In the case of Callan vs. Wilson (127 U. S., p. 550, October Term, 1887), the Supreme Court, Mr. Justice Harlan delivering the unanimous opinion of the court, said: "In Reynolds vs. United States (98 U. S., 145), it was taken for granted that the sixth amendment of the Constitution secured to the people of the Terri- tories the right of trial by jury in criminal prosecution; and it has been pre- viously held in Webster vs. Reid (11 How., 437-460) that the seventh amend- ment secured to them a like right in civil actions at common law. We cannot think that the people of this district have, in that regard, less rights than those accorded to the people of the Territories of the United States." In rendering this decision the Supreme Court held that section 1064 of the Revised Statutes of the District of Columbia, dispensing with a petit jury, in prosecutions by information in the Police Court, is inapplicable to cases like the I ↓ 1 SUPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIALISM. 131 case at bar; in other words, that "the provisions in the Constitution of the United States relating to trial by jury are in force in the District of Colum- bia." Yet there was no law of Congress putting these provisions of the Con- stitution in force in the District of Columbia, but, on the contrary, there was a statute of the United States in existence, as stated above, which violated those provisions of the Constitution. They were, therefore, in force in the District of Columbia, proprio vigore. # تا t In the case of Mormon Church vs. United States (136 U. S., p. 42, October Term, 1889), Mr. Justice Bradley delivered the opinion of the court. He as- serted the accepted doctrine that the power of Congress over the Territories of the United States is general and compleie. He quoted with approval from the opinion of Chief Justice Marshal in the case of the American Insurance Company vs. Carter (1 Pet., 511), and from the opinion of Justice Nelson, in Benner vs. Porter (9 Howard, 255), and from the opinions of Chief Justice Waite, in the case of National Bank vs. County of Yankton (101 U S., 129), and from that of Justice Matthews, in Murphy vs. Ramsy (114 U. S., 15), in which case it was said: "The people of the United States as sovereign owners of the National Territories, have supreme power over them and their inhabi- tants. In the exercise of this sovereign dominion they are represented by the Government of the United States, to whom all the powers of government over that subject have been delegated, subject only to such restrictions as are expressed in the Constitution, or arè necessarily implied in its terms." (136 U. S. Reports, page 44.) Mr. Chief Justice Fuller and Justices Field and Lamar drssented from the judgment of the court in this case, holding that it was an arbitrary disposi- tion of the Mormon Church property by judicial legislation. The Chief Jus- tice, agreeing with the court that all legislation by Congress in reference to the Territories is subject "to such restrictions as are expressed in the Constitution, or are necessarily implied in its terms," went further, announcing his opinion as follows: t { E "In my opinion Congress is restrained, not merely by the limitations ex- pressed in the Constitution, but also by the absence of any grant of power, express or implied, in that instrument. And no such power as that involved in the act of Congress under consideration is conferred by the Constitution, nor is any clause pointed out as its legitimate source. I regard it as of vital consequence that absolute power should never be conceded as belonging under our system of government to any one of its departments. The legislative power of Congress is delegated and not inherent, and is therefore limited." (136 U. S., p. 67.) In 1896, in the case of Walker vs. Southern Pacific Railroad (165 U. S., p.-604) the Supreme Court, Mr. Justice Brewer delivering the unanimous opinion of the court, said: "New Mexico is a Territory, but in it the Legislature has all legislative power except as limited by the Constitution of the United States and the organic àct and the laws of Congress appertaining thereto." 1 } T JA t 3 + 1 + 1 > ? 132 The question before the court was as to whether a certain act of the Legis- lature of New Mexico was in contravention of the seventh amendment of the Consutution of the United States. It was assumed that if the act was in con travention of that amendment to the Constitution it was void. In the case of McHenry vs. Alford (reported in 168 U. S., pp. 151-173, October Term, 1897), Mr. Justice Peckham delivered the opinion of the court. Among the questions involved was as to whether a certain act of the Legislature of the Territory of Dakota violated the fourteenth amendment of the Constitú- tion of the United States. The court held that the act in question did not vio- late that provision of the Constitution. It was assumed that the Constitution' and all its amendments were in force in that Territory. In the case of Thomas vs. Gay (reported in 169 U. S, pp. 264-284, October Term, 1897), Mr. Justice Shiras delivered the opinion of the court. One of the questions involved was whether a certain act of the Legislature of the Terri- tory of Oklahoma, imposing taxes on cattle grazing on lands not in organized counties was in violation of the Constitution of the United States. The court held that the act was not in violation of the Constitution. It was assumed that the Constitution was in force in the Territory of Oklahoma. 警 ​In the case of Wagoner vs. Evans (reported in 170 U. S., p. 588, October. Term, 1897), Mr Justice Shiras delivered the opinion of the court. One of the questions involved was as to whether a certain act of the Legislature of Okla- homa was in violation of the Constitution of the United States. The court held that the act was not in violation of the Constitution, reaffirming the decision of the court in Thomas vs. Gray, 169 U. S., p. 264. It was again assumed that the Constitution was in force in the Territory of Oklahoma. In the case of Thompson vs. Utah (reported in same volume as above, page 346), Mr. Justice Harlan, in delivering the opinion of the court, said: "That the provisions of the Constitution of the United States relating to the right of trial by jury in suits at common law apply to the Territories of the United States is no longer au open question." He then cites all the cases theretofore decided by the court involving the question. In the case of the Capital Traction Co. vs. Hof (174 U. S. p. 5, Oct. Term, 1898), Mr. Justice Gray, in a very elaborate and able opinion, said that Con- gress being empowered by the Constitution "to exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatever" over the seat of government, has entire legislative con- trol over the District of Columbia for every purpose of government, national and local, "so long as it does not contravene any provision of the Constitu- tion of the United States," citing Kendall vs. U. S. (1838) 12 Pet., 534, 619; Mattingly vs. District of Columbia (1876) 97 U. S., 687, 690; Gibbons vs. Dis- trict of Columbia (1886) 116 U. S, 104, 407. The Court held in the case that "it is beyond doubt, at the present day, the provisions of the Constitution se- curing the right of trial by jury, whether in civil or criminal cases appli- cable to the District of Columbia." 3 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. r 1 f I I 1 Į + SUPREME COURT AGAINST IMPERIALISM. ¿ } 133 3 Hence Congress, notwithstanding its power to legislate for the District of Columbia for every purpose of government, is restrained by the Constitution in such legislation. J. i 1 tt In the case of Warburton vs. White (reported in 176 U. S., p. 484, October Term, 1899, the last volume of reports published), Mr. Justice White delivered the opinion of the court. The question before the court was as to whether a certain act of the Legislature of the Territory of Washington was in violation of the Constitution of the United States. The court held that the act was not in violation of the Constitution. It was again assumed that the Constitution was in force in Washington Territory. In the case of Black vs. Jackson (not yet reported, decided by the Supreme Court, March 6, 1900), Mr. Justice Harlan, speaking for the entire Court, sub- mitted an able opinion, in which a decision of the supreme court of Okla- homa was reversed upon the ground, among others, that that Court disregarded the defendant's contention that he was entitled to a trial by jury. Justice Harlan said, in referring to the seventh Amendment to the Constitution of the United States "That amendment, so far as it secures the right of trial by jury, applies to judicial proceedings in the Territories of the United States." citing Webster vs. Reid, 11 How., 437, 460; American Publishing Co. vs. Fish-. er, 166 U. S., 164-460; Springfield vs. Thomas, 166 U. S., 707. The same doc- trine was announced as controlling the Court, in its decision in the case of Potts vs. Hollen, decided at the same time, not yet reported. It may be contended that the recent opinions of the Supreme Court, in ref- erence to the organized territories of the United States were controlled by the fact that Congress had in the acts organizing such territories put the Con- stitution in force in them. While Congress did declare that the Const!- tution and all laws of Congress not locally inapplicable should have the same force and effect within the territories as elsewhere in the United States, it is evident that this language merely declared a fact, so far as the Consti- tution is concerned, which already existed. The Constitution was not made by Congress, and it cannot extend it ver any place or person. Congress itself is a creation of the Constitution, and can only exist and legislate where the Consti.ution authorizes it to do so. 帶 ​All the opinions of the Supreme Court, from its foundation to the present time, bearing upon this question have been examined. If there are other cases not cited herein, they have escaped notice. The opinions from which the foregoing extracts are taken are not in con- flict with any other utterances of the Supreme Court on this subject. There have been no adverse opinions pronounced by the Supreme Court. The question row at issue before the country as to the constitutionality of the Porto Rico Act has been decided in effect over and over again by the Supreme Court, as appears from the foregoing extracts from the court's opin- ious. Chief Justice Marshall, in the Loughborough case supra, setiled the whole controversy. Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands are "not less within the - 1 едно з } f 1 . DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. " 1 134 United States than Maryland or Pennsylvania; and it is not less necessary on the principles of our Constitution that uniformity in the imposition of imposts, duties and excises should be observed in the one than in the other." The opinions of the Supreme Court cited in this paper show that every member of the Court, as it is now constituted, is on record with a written opinion or by assenting thereto to the effect that Congress in legislating for the territories or the District of Columbia, is under all the restraints of the Constitution of the United States. When the Porto Rico Act gets before the Supreme Court there will be no member of the Court to uphold its palpable violations of the Constitution. And if similar legislation is passed for the Philippine Islands, it will meet a like fate. No opinions have been cited in this paper except those of the Supreme Court of the United States, which must finally pass upon the constitutionality of the Porto Rico Act and determine the question as to the extent of the powers of Congress to legislate respecting the territory belonging to the United States. There are two cases determined by inferior courts in the United States bear- ing on the subject which should be cited In the case of Edelman vs. United States (86 Fed. Reports, 456, decided in 1898), in the 9th Circuit Court of Ap- peals, sitting in Oregon, Judge Morrow, speaking for the court, said: "Con- gress has full legislative power over the Teriitories, unrestricted by the lim- itations of the Constitution." He cited, among others, the cases of Cross. vs. Harrison; Nat Bank vs. Yankton, and Mormon Church vs. United States, supra. If Judge Morrow bad read the opinions he cited, he would have dis- covered that they did not sustain his conclusion. The court was evidently mis- lead by the arguments in the case. The other case which should be cited is that of Ortiz, ex parte, decided in May, 1900, in Minnesota. Judge Lochren submitted an able opinion in this case, which is reported in 100 Fed Reporter, 955, which is commended to those who desire to reach a just conclusion upon this important question In concluding his opinion, Judge Lochren said: "It must be held that, upon the cession by Spain to the United States of the island of Porto Rico, that island became a part of the dominion of the United States, as much so as is Arizona or Minnesota, and that the Constitution of the United States, ex proprio vigore, at once extended over that island, and that this ex- teusion of the Constitution gave to Congress, whose every power must come from that instrument, the authority to legislate in respect to that island as a part of the United States territory." This paper has possibly been extended to an unreasonable length. But it was deemed important to cite all adjudicated cases bearing on the subject. It deals with one of the most important questions ever brought to the atten- tion of the American people. An intelligent decision of it can only be bad by a calm and dispassioned review and consideration of all the authotics on the subject. 1 " • { Y { [JUSTICE BREWER'S PROTEST, CHAPTER XVI. JUSTICE BREWER'S PROTEST. Justice David J. Brewer of the United States Supreme Court, who is a Re- publican, uttered an emphatic condemnation of imperialism before the Lib- eral Club of Buffalo, more than a year and a half ago, He spoke in part as follows: [ * } # S G 135 Republic and Empire Distinguished. "It is said that the Anglo-Saxon race has manifested a capacity to govern well; that we are of that race, and that, therefore, we could well govern the Philippine Islands as colonies. I do not question the capacity of the race well and wisely to govern others. I object to the Philippine policy because it antagonizes the principles upon which this government was founded, which have controlled its life up to present time, and the perfection of which has been the hope and aspiration of every true American. "Very few nations, very few individuals, live up to their high ideals; but surely the Declaration of Independence has been the ideal of our life, and we have striven to make it more and more real. Now, government by force is the very antipodes of this, and to introduce government by force over any portion of the nation is to start the second quarter of the second century of our life upon principles which are the exact opposite of those upon which we have hitherto lived. It is one thing to fail of reaching your ideal; it is an entirely different thing to deliberately turn your back upon it. "The test of government is not in the outward mechanical display of order, but in the capacity to develop the best men, and we have lived in the faith, that government by the consent of the governed develops the best men. We have not let the wise rule the ignorant, the learned the unlearned, the rich the poor, but we have appealed always to 'the plain people' as the ones in whose judgment to rely, and upon whose shoulders should rest the burden of the government. Ideas are, after all, the eternal force. Human life and destiny are con- trolled by them. They may seem to-day of little significance, but around them gather material interests, and to-morrow their power is disclosed. l 1 } Į with 1 + " } { + 136 : Parting of the Ways. 1 "Government by consent and government by force, no matter how well the government may be administered, are two essentially antagonistic prin- ciples. Doubtless no immediate conflict will follow. We may see a large measure of prosperity; but are we not sowing the seeds which in the days to come will grow up into a harvest of trouble for our children and our chil- dren's children. DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 点 ​Evils of Empire.. "A necessity of colonial possessions is an increase in our regular army, and the first increase proposed is from 30,000 to 100,000 men. It is a strange com- mentary that at the close of the nineteenth century the head of the most. arbitrary government in the civilized world, the Czar of the Russias, is in- viting the nations of the world to a decrease in their arms, while this, the freest laud, is proposing an increase in its. Yet such seems to be the im- perative need, if we enter upon the system of colonial expansion. > Great Economic Questions Confront Us. "Now the great economic problem in this country is not how can a few men make more money and pile up larger fortunes, but how can the great body of the people make a fair and comfortable living? The right to work is again and again insisted upon as more important than the right to vote, and the cry of the right to work is supplemented by the cry that the state furnish work to all who cannot obtain it clsewhere. "Are we likely to aid in solving this problem by bringing into our national life 10,000.000 or 12,000,000 of unskilled Malay laborers? We have shut the doors against the Chinese. Are they, any worse than the Malay? Shall we Intro- duce in this nation more cheap labor? I do not wonder at the action of the Federation of Labor in protesting against a new competition of cheap labor as well as an increase of the army, with its consequent increase of burden and taxation on the employed laborer. f 1 vs us ཞིག.. 1 < DIVINA C M by Money in it for a Few-Evils From Concentrated Wealth. "But there is money in it. And, after all, this is really the most potent factor in the proposed reaching out after the islands of the Orient. The wealth of Ormus and of Ind is to-day, as in the days of Milton, the expec tation and the dream of many. Possession of the Orient, with its accumulat- ed wealth of centuries, dazzles the imagination and confuses the judgment. The baze of mystery hangs over that vast domain. Wealth untold is be- lieved to be there, ready to be appropriated by any dominant power. . All the uations and tribes.come within Lord Salisbury's definition of dying na- tions, and must soon be divided between and appropriated by the living and growing nations. China is held out as a dying nation, filled with inexhaustible wealth, and why should we hot share in its appropriation? What a picture t. [ 1 [ I Fr. ! : } { } } I f > t JUSTICE BREWER'S PROTEST. this is! The eagle of liberty standing like a buzzard to grow fat over an ex- pected corpsc. "Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey, Where wealth accumulates and men decay. 富 ​} "The Caesars saw the spears of their victorious legions flash in the sun- light of every known land, and in their triumphant return they brought with them the accumulated wealth of all the nations they had subdued. The spien- dor of imperial Rome outshone the world, but the wealth thus obtained without value given undermined the empire, and the glory of Rome is sim- ply a memory. Napoleon beheld the shining star of destiny; and then? Doés human nature change through the centuries? We stand to-day facing the temp- tation which comes from the possibility of rapidly accumulated wealth. What right have we to anticipate that the same result will not follow if we pursue the same course of taking what we have not fully earned? Our Presen: Form of Government. "The problem we have sought to work out in this nation is that of govern- ment of and by and for the people. A great nation upon that principle seems possible only under a federal system, a system which relegates all matter of local interest to the several states, and exercises through the national govern- ment only those powers and functions which make for the general welfare. We have wonderfully prospered in administering such system in a compact, continental territory, each part of which has been possessed and controlled by a race capable of self-government. ✡ } کو Two Courses--Which Will You Choose? | 137 "Duty" and "Destiny" Derided. "This is no trifling question and is not answered by any gush about duty and destiny-in fact, all this talk about destiny is wearisome. We make our own destiny. We are not the victims but the masters of fate, and to attempt to unload upon the Almighty responsibility for that which we choose to do is not only an insult to Him, but to ordinary human intelligence. Blessings of Our Example. "We are told we have become so great and powerful that the world needs us, but what the world most needs is not the touch of our power, but the blessings of our example. It needs the bright example of a free people not disturbed by any illusions of territorial acquisition, of pecuniary gain or mili- tary glory, but content with their possessions and striving through all the abilities, activities and industries of their wisest and most earnest to make the life of each individual citizen happier, better and more content. "Two visions rise before me: "One of a nation growing in population, riches and strength; reaching out the strong hand to bring within its dominion weaker and distant races and 8f I } } ނ ޓީ A { } เ 1 3 * I I $ 1 138' DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, lands; holding them by force for the rapid wealth they may bring-with per- haps the occasional glory, success and sacrifice of war; a wondrously luxur- ious life into which the fortunate few shall enter; an accumulation of magnifi- cence which for a term will charm and dazzle, and then the shadow of the awful question whether human nature has changed, and the old law, that history repeats itself, has lost its force, whether the ascending splendor of im- perial power is to be followed by the descending gloom of luxury, decay and ruin. # "The other of a nation where the spirit of the Pilgrim and the Huguenot remains the living and controlling force, affirming that the Declaration of In- dependence, the farewell address of the father of his country and the Monroc doctrine shall never pass into innocuous desuetude; devoting its energies to the development of the inexhaustible resources of its great continental terri- tory; solving the problem of universal personal and political liberty, of a gov- ernment by the consent of the governed, where no king, no class and no race rules, but each individual has equal voice and power in the control of all, where wealth comes only as the compensation for honest toil of hand or brain, where public service is private duty; a nation whose supreme value to the world lies not in its power, but in its unfailing loyalty to the high' ideals of its youth, its forever lifting its strong hand, not to govern, but to pro- tect the weak, and thus the bright shining which brightens more and more into the fadeless eternal day." 1 J { 2 5 1 Ju i $ ľ 1 j ↓ 1 M THE BRITISH ALLIANCE. The ۲۰ { CHAPTER XVII. F + 1 THE BRITISH ALLIANCE AND SOME OF ITS WORK. SZERETETTA ERITI YEDEKLETIKETTEI KUITPRESOREL ELAN PREIS DRETS:AETIE) i ' C • "The United States and England go hand in hand. This sentiment con- templates peace, arbitration and, without any political alliance, harmony of action throughout the world, on all questions involving civilization, human- ity, and the rescue of kindred. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW." This expression of sentiment was made in a cablegram from Senator De- pew to the editor of the Philadelphia Press (Postmaster-General Smith's news- paper) on the 27th of July, 1900. "Questions involving civilization" have been defined by Great Britain in South Africa. Questions involving "humanity" have been defined by Pres- ident McKinley in Porto Rico and the Philippines. Is it in this policy of "civilization" and "humanity" that Great Britain and the administration of President McKinley go hand in hand? { It is easy for the Republican party to deny that a formal alliance exists between the United States and Great Britain. Such an alliance would re- quire a treaty approved by two-thirds of the Senate. No such treaty exists or could exist. The alliance, understanding, co-operation, sympathy, heart- to-heart brotherly accord, or whatever they find it most expedient to term this relation between Great Britain and Mr. McKinley's administration, is not a matter of treaty, but is between McKinley's administration and the British Foreign Office, in defiance of the Senate's prerogative, and evasion of the Con- stitution. 139 Executive Usurpations. A President McKinley has learned how to evade the Constitution and how to act independently of it by usurpation of power such as no President of the United States has ever before attempted. The Constitution does not permit the President of the United States to cede territory to a foreign government; yet under the form of a temporary agreement, in a "modus vivendi" such a cession of territory has been made to Great Britain in Alaska. the title being made "temporary" to avoid having to go to the Senate with a treaty of cession. But the cession passes to Great Britain with the "temporary" title, and the only thing necessary to render it permanent is for Great Britain never to negotiate a treaty for its cession back to the United States. J * } I 3 # } DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, 140 By such methods things are accomplished without the formality of legal process. By such a system of avoidance, and doing by indirect methods that which cannot be accomplished directly, the understanding between Great Britain and the McKinley administration is accomplished. The Senate would never have consented to a treaty of alliance. Therefore the administration calls it a "sympathetic co-operation for the advancement of civilization and humanity," and proceeds with a policy consistent with the existence of such an alliance. Abundant Evidence of an Alliance. There is abundant evidence of an alliance, not between the United States and Great Britain, but between the McKinley administration and the Brit- ish Foreign Office. Such an alliance, implied and not legally ratified, is a double offense, since it not only violates our traditional policy, but, through a system of avoidance adopted by the administration, usurps the power vested conjointly in the Executive and the Senate, and evades the Constitution. Our fundamental law prescribes a method by which an understanding may be reached between this government and a foreign power. It is a serious thing for an official of the government to have an understanding with a ofreign power arrived at by any other than a legal method. The President will not confess to the existence of such an alliance. To avow it would be to in- vite impeachment. From unguarded utterances and from flagrant acts it must be discovered. Both the utterances and the acts are in evidence and their testimony is overwhelming. ܐ It was publicly avowed by British officials and by the British press that the sympathy of Great Britain with the United States in the Spanish war was not altogether sentimental, but was expected to be reciprocated by this government as occasions, which were anticipated, should arise. And on the very first occasion thereafter, President McKinley did reciprocate. This was in the Chinese open-door negotiations, completed without reference to the Senate, and in a policy of sympathy for Great Britain in a war against the Transvaal Republic, provoked for the purpose of overthrowing that republic and establishing British monarchical rule. Great Britain professed to stand between the United States and foreign intervention at the outbreak of the Spanish war, and the McKinley administration stood between Great Britain and intervention by the powers in the South African affair. McKinley also stood between Great Britain and our own Congress in an expression of sympathy for the Boer Republic. Laying aside matters of common report or secret knowledge among diplo- matic agents, such as the part taken by the British Ambassador in Wash- ington in leading the Administration into a change of policy with reference to the retention of the entire Philippine group in furtherance of the British policy in the Orient; and instructions sent by Secretary Hay to our representa- tives in France, Germany and Russia, to notify these powers, when inter- T 28 1 1 141 vention in South Africa was contemplated, that this government would not participate in such intervention,-the evidence, through public acts and declar- ations, is sufficient to establish by overwhelming circumstantial evidence the existence of an understanding between the administration and the British Foreign Office. When war was imminent between Spain and the United States the expressions of sympathy and kinship by British statesmen, as well as the British press, associated this sympathy with co-operation and rec- iprocity in future events. The St. James Gazette of London, of the date of April 12th, 1898, said the United States would be justified in refusing to tol- erate the condition of things in Cuba, and in asking the moral support of Great Britain in bringing it to an end. In this connection it adds: "In China, no doubt, it is we who are chiefly concerned, but the United States has genuine interests there and they are identical with ours. We both ask for the open door and nothing else. Here, then, moral support may be given for the moral support of the American government. It has every claim to insist upon making its voice heard; it must needs have a seat at any con- ference on the Chinese question, and we can calculate it will be given in agreement with ours. It has hitherto been the ruling principle in American politics to abstain from alliances with European powers. But the time for alliance has come for the United States. They can no longer afford to view the conflicts of the European powers as something remote and of no concern of theirs." 4 THE BRITISH ALLIANCE. When the war with Spain was concluded, Secretary Hay, who in the mean. time had affiliated with the British statesmen as ambassador to Great Britain, and having been transferred from that embassy to the Secretaryship of State. took steps to carry out these suggestions. Correspondence was entered into between the Department of State and the several foreign powers looking to an understanding by which the open door in China might be maintained in accordance with the British suggestion; and commitments, more or less vague and indefinite, were secured from all the principal powers. Sir Charles Dilke, writing about that time on the subject of British and American sym- pathy, expressed his sympathy for the United States in the Cuban affair and said: 1 1 The Alliance Declared by British Statesmen. "I also gladly recognize the recent general admission in the United States of the identity of interest between the United Kingdom and the States in regard to trade facilities in China and many other portions of the world." But by far the most significant utterance, both in its frankness of ex- pression and in its semi-official character, and in the light of reciprocal sym- pathies by the United States. was that of the Right Honorable Joseph Cham- berlain, the British Colonial Secretary. This speech was delivered on the 13th of May, 1898, before the British Liberty Unionist Association. In it Mr. Chamberlain confessed the isolation of Great Britain in European politics, and fb $ } 心 ​f } + ! - } apar DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 142 the importance of cultivating the close friendship of the United States, mak- ing no attempt to conceal the selfishness of his purpose. He said: "What is our first duty under these circumstances? I say without hesitation that the first duty is to draw all parts of the Empire close together-to in- fuse into them a spirit of united and imperial patriotism. We have not neg- lected our primary duty. We have pursued it steadfastly and with results that are patent to all the world. Never before in the history of the But- ish Empire have the ties with our great colonies and dependencies been stronger What is our next duty? It is to establish and to maintain bonds of permanent amity with our kinsmen across the Atlantic." He then described the similarity of language, of law, literature and of race, and our interests in "humanity," and said· "I do not know what a11angements may be possible with us, but this I do know, and fully, that the closer, the more cordial, the fuller and more definite these arrangements are, with the consent of both people, the better it will be for both and for the world-and I even go so far as to say that, terri- ble as war is, even war itself would be cheaply purchased if in a great and bonorable cause the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack should wave to- gether over an Anglo-Saxon alliance. Now it is one of the most satisfac- tory results of Lord Salisbury's policy that at the present time these two great nations understand each other better than they have ever done since, more than a century ago, they were separated by the blunder of the British Government.” This Right Honorable Joseph Chamberlain, the British Colonial Secretary, is the man held responsible for the war upon the South African republic. That war was brought on by his policy and it is recognized in Great Britain as his war. He particularly claimed President McKinley's sympathy and gratitude, and the demand was fully and freely met by President McKinley and the Republican party in withholding from the struggling Dutch Republic that sympathy which our people have always extended to another people struggling to secure or maintain their liberty. The Anglo-American League, Soon after these utterances by Mr. Chamberlain, steps were taken in Great Britain and in the United Stales to organize an Anglo-American League. On June 30, 1898, a banquet was held at the Hotel Cecil in London, attended by Englishmen and Americans, at which was inaugurated a movement look- fog to the establishment of such a league. Loid Bernaid Coolidge presided at the banquet. Col Taylor, President of the American Society in London, and several hundred of the British nobility and the American colony in Lon- don were present. A number of speeches were made on the subject of Brit- ish-American sympathies and a British-American alliance. Col. Taylor said: "As you have stood by us in our day of trial, when your day of trial comes, you may count upon us." Lord Biassey referred to the ties between Great 1 4b T 1 1 ' 143 Britain and the United States as closer than any written alliance--ties which could not be broken. 1 THE BRITISH ALLIANCE. * On the 13th of July, 1898, the British branch of the Anglo-American League was formed at the town residence of the Duke of Sutherland, Stafford House in London. This organization included a great array of the nobility of Eng- land, the high dignitaries of the English Church. Englishmen of letters and most of the leading men of Parliament, with the exception of the Irish Union- ists, who did not participate. On that occasion and on the occasion of the Fourth of July celebration of the American Society in London, significant utterances, declaratory of the perfect understanding between Great Britain and the United States, were made by distinguished Englishmen.. } This movement was followed by a similar one in the United States in which Mr. Whitelaw Reid, who had been the special envoy of this govern- ment to the Diamond Jubilee of Queen Victoria, took the initiative. At the meeting at Mr. Reid's house speeches were made and a committee was ap- pointed to form an American branch of the Anglo-American League. It was composed of leading Republicans and of men who had deserted the Democratic party in 1896 and allied themselves with the McKinley adminis- tration and its followers. Not only in the course of the State Department with reference to the Chi- nese policy, and in the restraint of this nation's expression of sympathy for the South African Republic, but in its relation directly with Great Britain, the administration has followed a policy expressive of that sympathy and pur- pose of co-operation which the British statesmen have described as "more binding than any written alliance." What has been Surrendered to Great Britain by the J President. The contentions between this government and Great Britain over Canadian affairs, in which American rights were so strongly maintained by James G. Blaine, Richard Olney and other American statesmen, have now been quieted; not through, the recognition by Great Britain of American rights, but through a spirit of concession and acquiescence on the part of Secretary Hay. The fishery question on our Eastern Coast is no longer the subject of contention, because the United States no longer contends. The Alaskan seal fisheries no longer occasion irritation, because there are no longer Alaskan seal fisheries In existence. The Alaskan boundary dispute has been settled by, the "tem- porary" delivery to Great Britain of a vast strip of territory to which she had but recently laid claim. The evidence of a secret understanding is manifest in every act of the ad- ministration in our foreign relations and in the adjustment of our foreign policy to correspond with that of Great Britain. The work of this unwritten alliance is well illustrated by the course of the administration on the subject of a Nicaragua Canal. د 虞 ​· ! t 1 { } V " } 144) „DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. " : The Nicaragua Canal. A WAL Ever since the treaty with Mexico in 1848 confirming the acquisition of California in 1846, it has been the intense desire of American statesmen and people, without regard to party, to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by a canal across Central America, the general drift being in favor of the Nicaragua route. Our Minister at Guatamala negotiated a treaty with Nicaragua in 1849 which would have given the United States, not only the right of way across Nicaragua, but the right to defend the territory through which the canal should pass. The Whig Secretary of State under President Taylor repudiated this treaty, saying it was not authorized, and in 1850, nego tiated a treaty with the British Government well known as the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. This treaty constituted a partnership between Great Britain and the United States in the construction of a canal. It pledged both nations against acquisitions of territory in that region, and against military defenses thereon. This treaty is best known by the flagrant violations of it by Greates Britain. These gave rise to long controversies and very lame and inconclusive results therefrom. In 1881 Secretary Blaine announced to Great Britain that the treaty had terminated, both by its own limitations and because of the violations of it by Great Britain on 'occasions named by him. Sec- retary Frelinghuysen, who succeeded him, declared the treaty to be voidable for similar reasons, but not actually void. · · { "1 One of Great Britain's contentions was the maintenance of a protectorate. over a \pretended tribe of Indians known as "Mosquitos." Although the treaty of 1850 was intended to terminate this protectorate, it has been as- serted up to this very time. The last utterance on the subject by Great Britain was a reservation of the question of the regularity of the proceedings of a Mosquito Indian convention, by the act of which the Mosquito tribe was merged into the Nicaraguan nation,-an act expressly authorized in a treaty between Nicaragua and Great Britain in 1860, known as the Treaty of Manaugua. Another contention was that the privilege granted British sub- jects to cut dye-woods on the coast of Honduras created these subjects into a "British settlement," and justified the establishment of the colony of Brit- ish Honduras subsequent to the treaty of 1850, which expressly provided that no such colony should be established by either Government. 霄 ​1 J t C * The British Government has "a sphere of influcúce" in every quarter of the globe, by which is meant that she has a habit of planting herself anywhere. in countries too feeble or too careless of their interests to resist, with a view to taking territory on one pretext and another which did not belong to her pe fore. This has occurred in America, Africa, and Asia and the islands of the She has taken British Columbia from us and portions of the State of Maine through the compliance of American diplomacy. She has just borrowed from Sceretary Hay, a portion of Alaska to see whether we will compel its return. She holds extensive West Indian possessions, and claims the Carib- bean Sea as being within her "sphere of influence." She continues to de- sea. 4. £ な ​# 1 3 1 THE BRITISH ALLIANCE. 145· clare herself a partner with the United States in Central America for canal building purposes, and has succeeded in inducing the State Department to form a new treaty to take the place of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. This would cure all defects in that decayed old relic of American surrender to British demands, and would deprive the United States of any use of an inter- oceanic caual for defensive purposes in time of war. The Isthmus is the gateway to our Pacific States. Whether an inter- oceanic canal could be made useful for defense in time of war is a question to be determined by the United States alone. Military and naval men differ in opinion on this subject. It would be a disgrace to the American nation to submit to a European demand for any pledge on the subject. No one de- nies that an inter-oceanic canal should be open to all commerce on equal terms. It is beneath the dignity of the United States to discuss it with any other pow- er in any other phase. The continental railroad magnates and Lord Pauncefote have exercised the influence necessary to make the McKinley administration antagonistic to a canal. The latest give-away treaty is now pending in the Senate, and a bill for the construction of a canal is now pending in Con- gress. If the people desire to neutralize British influence on this momen- tous question, and if they desire to prevent the railroad monopoly from de- feating the canal project because it would be a rival for their transporta- tion business, they will not continue in power the present administration. Secretary Hay's Alaskan surrender is another proof of the alliance with Great Britain, by which she gets what she wants and we get the smiles of her statesmen, } Hauling Down the American Flag in Alaska. President McKinley's question "who will haul down the flag?" has just been answered through his agents and under his instructions by the hauling down of the American flag by himself, on American territory. The United States bought Alaska from Russia in 1867. It is bounded on the East by Brit- ish territory. The boundary line was established in 1825 in a treaty between Russia and Great Britain. The diplomatic correspondence which preceded the settlement of that line shows that the demand of Russia, to which Grcat Britain finally assented, was for a boundary which should give Russia ab- solute control of the seacoast above 54° 40" and to prevent access to it by Great Britain through any inlet or navigable stream. The description of that boundary was copied into the treaty of 1867 between Russia and the United States, by which Alaska became ours. This boundary line was laid down in the British Admiralty map, and remained undisputed more than seven- ty years. A Canadian conceived the idea of moving it to the westward so that it would cross the heads of some navigable streams and inlets. This would enable British subjects to have water access to the Klondike mining region far in the interior of the British possessions. 1 + } } викли J { 1 FETY { 1 7 * 享 ​} { " 1461 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK,' * The Canadians, who have always kept on hand two or three quarrels with the United States ually prevailed upon their own government virtually Instead of to farm out her treaty-making power to a Canadian Commission meeting this offer by a proposition to appoint a similar commission of citį- zens of the State of Washington, which borders on the Canadian territory, our government met this Canadian Commission by the appointment of full United States Commissioners. Various questions were discussed, and some of them were apparently arranged for, when suddenly there came a check to all proceedings in the shape of a Canadian demand for a portion of the Amer ican territory of Alaska. Two insulting Butish claims were refused discussion by the United States one was to substitute as one of the natural boundaries, the Behm canal or, channel, instead of the Lynn Channel, which is named in the treaty; the other was that in the measuring of the strip of ten leagues from the seacoast we should start at the west coast of the islands lying along the coast instead of at the coast of the continent This would in some parts have left us off the continent entely. No agreement was arrived at, the Canadians being bent upon having some of the American territory needed by them for-access by vessels to the sea. And so the Commission adjourned., Then commenced one of those lovesick periods between the British Ambassa- dor at Washington and our State Department British diplomacy always con- sists in demanding some of the territory adjoining her, and never yielding. By this policy she possessed herself of a slice of Maine nearly sixty years ago, and of all of British Columbia, then a part of Oregon, in 1846. In this latest Alaskan negotiation, Lord Pauncefote consented to take a portion of our Alaskan territory temporarily, leaving its real ownership to be ascer- tained afterwards.When the United States is bulldozed by Great Britain into acceding to an insolent demand for territory, but is afraid of arousing the popular indignation by fully announcing its surrender, Great Britain makes it a little easier by agreeing to call it "temporary." Such an ar- rangement is called a "modus vivendi.” In the present case the maiter was allowed to simmer along for a year, and the people had well nigh for- gotten the whole subject, when suddenly there comes the announcement that an American surveyor, in obedience to the instructions of our government, under this "modus vivendi" has found that Secretary Hay, with President McKinley's approval, has turned over a stip of territory twenty miles in width to the British government, and that in doing so he has hauled down the American flag over a great mining district in which American miners were digging the gold from our soil which it is the desire and intention of Great Britain to steal. When Lord Pauncefote dictated the "modus vivendi" he evidently knew what line to demand in order to drive American miners from American territory and surrender it to British miners. In other words, he knew over just what portion of Alaskan territory it was desirable to have an American President and an American Secretary of State "haul down the flag" of the United States. a * ! 1 - 1 f 1 I V THE BRITISH ALLIANCE. In all this transaction Lord Pauncefoțe might as well have been Secretary of State for the United States as the one we had, and Lord Salisbury might as well have been our President as Mr. McKinley. Hostile footsteps press Amer- ican soil, United States honor is insulted, United States sovereignty is defied, and United States territory is insolently invaded by British subjects through faithless compliance with British demands by the McKinley administration. All this has been done without saying to Congress: "By your leave," and without submitting to the Senate a treaty for its ratification or rejection. If the President can thus surrender American territory at his will, how much further have we to go to reach imperialism? It is an insult to Americans to excuse this on the ground that it is only a "temporary" arrangement. The President can no more part with the possession of a rood of American ter- ritory temporarily than he can permanently. He can no more part with a portion of Alaska than he can part with a portion of Maine, or of any other State bordering either on Canada, or on Mexico. > 1 Protest of Americans. The following from the Washington Times of July 25 shows that the Amer- icans of the surrendered district protest vigorously against being made Brit- ish subjects* 147 The State Department has received no confirmation of the report from Seattle that international surveyors have located a boundary line between Alaska and northwest Canada. According to press dispatches the boundary gives to the British the northern half of the American Porcupine mining district. The surveyors who are said to have located the line are O. T. Tittman, of Washington, and W. F. King, of Ottawa, who followed instructions set forth in the modus vivendi agreed to a year ago by Secretary Hay and Lord Pauncefotc. Officials of the State Department are inclined to believe that the line mentioned in the dispatches is merely a preliminary one established by the surveyors as a basis for future work. According to the story which comes from Seattle, great indignation pre- rails in southeastern Alaska over the cession of the Porcupine mines. A petition has been forwarded to the President, signed by 146 mineis, appcaling for the correction of what is termed a "costly and unwarranted mistake." The petitioners iepiesent that the modus vivendi has permitted the British to seize thousands of acies of the public domain containing rich deposits of gold. All of the Klaheena River and Glacier and Boulder Creeks, upon which Americans have spent thousands of dollas in prospecting, are taken away from their rightful proprietors. lion posts demaiking the boundary are crowded up to the foothills, crossing and recrossing the Dalton Toll Road, thus cutting off entrance to an exit from American mining camps "All this," say the petitioners, "makes our future look uninviting We protest to you, Mr President, against the unjust seizure of the Klahecna above Kluckwan, which is only ten miles from tidewater, whereas we are entitled to the country twenty miles beyond Kluckwan, including the Klahcena River and Boulder and Porcupine Creeks, upon which Americans have made valuable discovenes at great expense of time and money. “Did you not say that you were not in favor of ceding one inch of public domain? Here are thousands of acres of 11ch mining ground that the British are enclosing within their iron posts. Will you not, Mr. President, act with the people and see that those posts are moved back?" 2 1 1 X } 1 J } 1 1 {1 1 } 1 P I } 148 Į DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Great Britain and the Boers. The most heartless and un-American of all the results of the alliance be- tween Great Britain and the McKinley administration is the aid and com- fort given by our government to Great Britain in her war for the destruction of the South African Republics. It is the first struggle for freedom in which the United States Government was ever found on the side of oppression and wrong. Our State Department, under the manipulations of Lord Pauncefolc, has been like an innocent countryman in the snares of a city bunco-sleerer. Brit'sh statesmen and writers have put forth a claim for the gratitude of this country because the British Government allowed us to go to war with Spain. As this country took good care of herself in two wars with Great Britain herself, such a claim is a gross insult to our people. LA Great Britain is always friendly to the United States when she wants us to something done, and when she wants to take something from which she has no night or claim The culy excuse the administration can give for having withheld its sympathy from the Boers is that an expression of that kind would have met with the response that what that country was doing in South Africa we were doing in the Philippines. The super-serviceable, zeal of President McKinley for the British cause against the Boers was man- ifested by the baste with which our State Department assured foreign' gov- ernments that we would be found neutral in the war against the Boers. The great hope of the little republics.-and it was a natural one,--was that the great republic would at least give them moral support in their struggle to maintain their independence. The cause for the war against them was the bandit's cause. They possessed gold mines which were wanted by Cecil Rhodes and his British friends inside and outside of their government. The demand made, in cider to have it refused as a cause for war, was that the British residents in the Transvaal should be allowed to become citizens of that republic without renouncing their allegiance to Great Britain. Imagine such a demand upon this country! A demand that foreigners should become naturalized and at the same time remain subjects of the governments un- der which they were born! All the world was made to believe that ordin- ary naturalization had been refused. By that is meant naturalization which would make the naturalized person an adopted citizen of the new country and break off his allegiance to the, former government. When the Boer representatives visited this country they were made to feel that the adminstration had no kind word for them which would be un- pleasant if heard by the British Ambassador. All through the country they were received by the people with the warmest expressions of sympathy and friendship, and were greatly encouraged, } ** · 4 British Official Violation of U. S. Mail. An instance of the complaisance of the administration towards the Brit- ish Government in this same connection was exhibited by the attempt of f 5 3 • 1 Į } ' 言 ​THE BRITISH ALLIANCE. the administration to stifle the inquiry made by the House of Representatives into the matter of opening the official letters addressed to our consul at Pre- toria. Every effort was made to belittle the inquiry and the offense to which it related, and when these efforts failed and the insult to our Government was about to be the subject of a Congressional report, the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs produced the apology of the British Secretary of Foreign Affairs, "which was evidently not to be used when anything less would prevent a demand for just such an apology. The following letter on this subject from Representative Wheeler of Kentucky, one of the, Com- mittee, fully bears out the above statement: "Washington, D. C., August 21, 1900. "Dear Sir:-Referring to our conversation of yesterday, when you asked that I furnish a statement in regard to the Macrum incident, the facts are as follows: 1 MID $ க 149 1 I "Macrum, who was Consul to Pretoria in October of 1899, applied for leave of absence by cable. It was refused by the State Department. He applied three or four times afterwards. A telegram sent by him on the 14th of No- vember was held by the censor at Durban until the 4th of December before it was forwarded. On the 4th of December the British Government finally for- warded the telegram, and he was given leave to come home. When he reached Washington he ascertained that Mr. Hay had appointed his son as his successor, and he was refused an audience at the State Department and at the White House. He was not permitted to settle his accounts as Consul with Secretary of State, and up to the time Congress adjourned had not settled his accounts. The removal of Macrum and his reception at the State Department grew out of the fact that he was a notorious and open advocate of the Boer cause. ** ** ! U 1 духо "After reaching this country he charged that his official mail had been opened and read by the British censor at Durban. I introduced a resolution into Congress in the early part of January calling upon the State Depart- ment to know the truth or falsity of this charge, and asking if there was an understanding between Great Britain and the United States. The Pres- ident replied at once that he had no information about any official mail be ing opened, and that there was no treaty of alliance between this country and Great Britain. Mr. Macrum came to see me and exhibited the envelopes and the mail which had been opened and read by the British censor. The en- velopes bore the Great Seal of the United States, and were marked "Official Mail, United States Government." They had been cut at one end, and the sticker of the British censor was on them, showing that they had been read by him. I made repeated efforts to procure an investigation of the truth or falsity of Macrum's charge. The resolution calling for an investigation was held up for a month or more by the Speaker, who refused to appoint the proper committee for an investigation. After much persuasion I finally got a hearing. The matter was referred to the Committee on Foreign Re- I } + 1 & 1 16 # : 2 150 * DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 朵 ​lations, and I had Mr. Macrum on hand to testify. He testified substantially as above set out, and at the conclusion of the hearing, Mr. Hitt, the Chair- man of the Committee on Foreign Relauons, laid before me a written apol- ogy from Salisbury, the British Premier, which covered the opening and reading of the official mail of Mr. Macrum. This apology admitted the opening of the mail, and apologized for doing so, saying, it had been the ig- norance of the censor at Durban. The officials of the State Department had evidently had this apology for weeks and weeks, and were making every effort in their power to shield Salisbury and Pauncefote from the humilia- tion of exhibiting an apology to the American people for opening and read- ing their official mail. } Very truly yours, "(Signed) CHAS, K. WHEELER.” Circulation of British Anti-Boer Documents From a Govern- ment Department. The most glaring case of unfriendliness of the administration towards the Boers, and its subserviency to Great Britain, came to light in July when it was found that British publications against the Boers, full of malice and of detraction, were being circulated from the United States Bureau of Educa- tion by Government clerks, during office hours, among teachers, school su- perintendents and others connected with education. in certain States where it was hoped that such pamphlets would excite prejudices against the Boers. About four thousand copies of each of these documents, printed in London, are known to have been sent out from the Bureau of Education through lists procured by reference to its records. How generally this prostitution of our Government service to Great Britain has been is not known. The extent to which the Bureau of Education made itself useful is shown by the follow- ing facts: ! Hon John J. Lentz, a Representative from Ohio, having read in the news- papers that pro-British and anti-Boer documents were being thus circulated by a department of this Government, called personally at the Bureau of Incation and inquired for its head, Commissioner Harris. He was in- irmed that he was not in the city. He then asked for the Chief Clerk and was shown to that official's room. He there found the Chief Clerk, Mr. ! i Arce Lovick, and asked him for information concerning the anti-Boer doc- ument which had been sent out by the Bureau. He was informed that they had not been sent out by the Bureau, but by a messenger in the Bureau, Frank Morrison. IIe then asked that Mr. Morrison be sent for. He Mr. Mor- rison came, and being questioned said he had sent the document out at the request of Commissioner Harris. Being asked if they had been sent out under frank, he said they had not, but had been sent out under postage stamps. Being asked who furnished the stamps, he said they were fur- nished by Mrs. H. F. Hubby. He then asked to see Mrs. Hubby. She was sent for and he questioned her concerning the stamps, and by whom they او Į # ht M W 1 + } } + } } } "}, $ {{ A } A ** $ 6 G (26) 渺 ​} ↓ f Tagout 1 } } + **< ( لی بر 7 buy key THE BRITISH CASE n *** W X M J t BOER REPUBLICS. 1 1 1 " ! 1 { AGAINST THE J~ Jo 1 1 ( PRICE 3d. 7 Issued by the Imperial South African Association, 66, Victoria Street, Westminster, S.W. I عمل 1 ↓ отворени пори # The F { 1 tame { } G Į A } } } } you < You - }< 着 ​практи 芋​の ​The 44 > ه The F Често да ፣ ME Jy " MA 1 1 t Maky } IMPERIAL SOUTH AFRICAN ASSOCIATION. 66, VICTORIA STREET, WESTMINSTER, LONDON. ' President-The Lord WINDSOR. Chairman of General Committee-Mr. GEOFFREY DRAGE, M P. Treasurer-M. H. C. M BOURKE Secretary-Mr. H. HANDCOCK. COCI OBJECTS.-To uphold British supremacy and to promote the, interests of British subjects in South Africa, with full recognition of Colonial self-government. METHODS.-The work of the Association consists in placing before the country the fullest information upon the political, conimercial and other questions which affect the various peoples and communities in South Africa. This work will be performed by the publication and distribution of pamphlets and leaflets, and by organising public meetings These meetings will be addressed by speakers either personally acquainted with South African affairs or who have made them the subject of their special study GENERAL The Duke of Argyll, K T The Dule of Lreds The Duke of Sutherland Earl of Denbigh and Desmond Earl Fingall $ Earl of Mayo Earl Mexborough Eail Scarborough. Earl of Warwich Viscount Coke Viscount Sandon, M P Lord Connemara Lord Haliburton, G.C B. Lord Ebury. Lord Leconheld I 1 Lord Balcarres, M 1' Admiral Lord Charles Beresford, M P´ Lord E Talbot, M P. Right Hon. E Carson, QC, MP Right Hon. A. II Smith-Barry, M P Hon A B. Bathurst, M.P Hon II Duncombe, M P Hon A Lyttleton, M P. Hon J W. Scott-Montagu, M P Colonel Ion G Napier. Hon W F D Smith, M P. Hon, R G Venev, M P Hon R. Ward, M P. Sn W. Cameron Gull, Bart, M P. Sir WH Porter, Bait Sn William Arrol, M P. Sir II II Bemrose, M.P Su W T Doxford, M P Si Alfred Hickman, M P 1 Sir Edward Sassoon, Bart, M P Adminal Sir J. E Cominerell, V.C, GC B General H McCalmont, CB General Su J Bevan Edwards, K C M G. 1 Sn-II S., King, KCLE, MP Sir Alex Macdonald (Ex-Lord Provost of Edinburgh) Sir II M Stanley, G C B, MP Sir John Willox, M P COMMITTEE. Octavius Leigh Clare, Esq, M P Colonel J MCA Denny, M.P. E A. Goulding, Esq, M P. Walford D Green, Esq, M.P. J Gretton. Esq, M P. G Kemp, Esq, M P. H-Kimber, Esq, M P. F W Lowe, Esq, M P. J Lowles, Esq, M P. fan Malcolm, Esq, M.P. III Marks, Esq. M P JT Middlemore, Esq, M P Colonel Victor Milward, M.P. E-R P Moon, Esq, M P C L Or-Ewing, Esq, MP FA Newdigate, Esq, M.P J M Paulton, Esq, M P H Pike Pease. Esq., M P. C Guy Pym, Esq, MP JA Rentoul, Esq, QC, MP H, C. Richards, Esq, M P. General Russell, M.P I S Samuel, Esq, M P. II Seton-Kari, Esq, M,P PM. Thornton, Esq, M P. J L. Wanklyn, Esq, M P A F Warr, Esq., M P G W. Wolf, Esq, M P N D'Arcy Wyvill, Esq., M.P Canon ko Little G. Aimstrong, Esq C. Kinloch Cooke, Esq Edward Dicey, Esq, C B. W. H Grenfell, Esq H Rider Haggard, Esq A Harmsworth, Csq V lloisley, Esq, F.RS F J Wootton Isaacson, Esq. Capt W James Andrew Jameson, Esq, Q C 4 Weston Jarvis, Esq A Keene, Esq. FRGS Rudyard Kipling, Esq J. Y W Macalister, Esq T Miller Magune, Esq, LLD E A. Maund, Lsq A Brassey, Esq., M P E W. Beckett, Esq, M P E Boulnois, Esq, M P. II. F-Bowles, Esq, M P A G Boscawen, Esq. M P J G Butcher, Esq., QC, M.P Walter C Cahle, Esq, M P Evelyn Cecil, Esq, MP His Excellency Sn OLIVER MOWAT, GC MG, PC, Lieutenant-Governor of Ontario Hon. Su JOHN HALL KCMG, Canterbury, New Zealand. COMMITTEE CANADIAN Edward Tennant, Esq C F. Tainton, Esq A De Sales Turland, Esq W A. Wills, E‹q I 1 1 1 I 1 { 3 E B Osler, Esq, M P. Dr J G. Roddick, M P (Chầnraan) WC Edwards, Esq, MP (Treasurei) Sir John Bourinot, KCMG, Clerk of Parliament (Hon Secretary) Raymond Prefontaine. Esq, QC MP (Mayor of Montreal) Ross Robertson, Esq, M P B. Russell, Esq, QC, MP J G Rutherford, Esq, M P 11on Senator Allan NA Belcourt, Esq, M P RL Boden, Esq. Q C, M P. Hewitt Bostock, Esq, M P LP Brodeun, Esq, MP (Deputy Speaker of the House of Commons) Hon Senator Sir John Cailing, K C M G PC A. MacNeul, Esq, M.P Hou, Senator Drummond All those in sympathy with the objects of the Association ale invited to send in their names to the Secretary. Contributions may be forwarded to the Treasurer. رما es que 1 ५ } +1 -- Į *14 f نی 14 11/4 } + * J ↑ f 1 + سو Y " 3 1 } { Fant THE BRITISH ALLIANCE. 151 1 were furnished. She said Commissioner Harris had left with her the money for the stamps. Being asked how much money he left, she replied "Eighty dollars." Upon being asked if all the money was used, she replied, "No." She said there were "twenty-eight left." Being asked "twenty-eight what?”" she replied "twenty-eight cents." She said the stamps used were two-cent stamps. She stated that Mrs. R. L. Foote, who was a clerk in the Divi- sion of Arts and Art Schools had furnished slips containing the addresses to which the documents were to be sent. She informed Mr. Lentz that the names of the persons connected with education in the various States and counties were alphabetically arranged on cards after the manner of library cards, so that the names could readily be found for any State or County. J During the interview Mr. Lentz asked the Chief Clck, Mr. Lovick, if he could furnish him with a set of the documents in question He replied that he could not, as they had all been sent out, except a single set which had been furnished to Representative James D. Richardson, the Chairman of the Dem- ocratic Congressional Committee, at his request. Mr. Richardson has permit- ted the compiler of this book to use the copy of the principal one of these British pamphlets for the purpose of having the accompanying lithographs made from it: 1 The first is the title page of the pamphlet. The second is printed on the inside o. this title page It will be found to con- tain a highly interesting array of the British nobility and others who con- stitute the committee of this "Imperial South African Association." The reader will observe near the top of No. 2 the objects of this association. They are "to uphold Butish supremacy and to promote the interests of British sub- jects in South Africa." ) f 子 ​$ I These documents would not have been circulated so industriously by our Educational Bureau if its chief had not been fully satisfied that the Presi- dent was anxious to aid in upholding Butish supremacy in South Africa and wherever else it chooses to assert itself. But at the bottom of No. 2 will be found the most important of the objects for which this association is in existence. It is the request that all those in sympathy with British supremacy send their names to the Secretary, and the additional suggestion that "contributions may be forwarded to the Treasurer." Our Educational Bureau has collected at considerable trouble the names of all persous who are closely connected with educational interests in this country. it was among these persons that the "Imperial South Alucan Asso- ciation" thought il desuable to circulate British documents against the Boers. Those who received the ramphlet by forwarding their names to the Sec- retary would enable that officer to address them individual icquests for con- tributions. The pamphlet contains 36 pages. The last page contains the terms of the settlement of the Transvaal War proposed by this "Imperial South African I سه 1 } -> $ اشید } > F " 1 ' } I } 1 ༥ 1 } { 1 + ↓ 152 1 ! J $ 'Association" of London. The first of these terms is as follows: The two republics must be permanently and completely incorporated in the British Empire under the Union Jack." 1 The third of these terms reads as follows: "There must be absolute equality in all matters, civil and religious, 'be- tween all white men," ~ The attention of the Civil Service Commission is called to the fact that while our own government refuses to allow the departments to be used in American politics, the administration permits their use in British politics. t DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK," FAJES VOTE A 1 { > !! 7 add med de ૐ 1 1 ? ! } 1 } 霓 ​I 1 t 1 } } } WILL CUBA HAVE INDEPENDENCE? # D 7 * 1 1 CHAPTER XVIII.. CUBA SENATOR HALE FEARS SHE WILL BE DENIED INDEPENDENCE. Y 153 I F Senator Hale, of Maine, a Republican of recognized ability and many years' service in Congress, spoke thus of the condition of affairs in Cuba in a colloquy with Senator Spooner on the floor of the Senate on the 23d of last May: "Mr. HALE. The Senator has more confidence than I have in the experi- ment we are trying to-day of teaching to the people of Cuba honesty and good government and good management and good affairs. I do not sympathize with him in the belief that this people has gained anything thus far in what it has taught the Cubans. I think we would have been better off if we had not taught the Cubans the lesson that has been taught in the last few months. "Mr. SPOONER. What lesson? "Mr. HALE. The lesson of fraud, peculation, appropriation of revenucs, cheating, stealing-a carnival in every direction of corruption and fraud. I think it would have been very much better if we had not taught those people or tried to teach those people this. "Mr. HALE. I do not recognize any line of fealty to party obligations that compels me to consent to the proposition that everything has gone right in Cuba. "Mr. SPOONER. Nobody pretends it. "Mr. HALE. I think the experiment has been a failure. I would vote to- morrow, Republican or Democrat, to withdraw from Cuba and leave that people to establish and set up and maintain their own government I would keep the proposition that was put into the declaration of war and leave the people there, and there is nothing that has happened since that goes to remove that impression from me. I do not understand that that is a question of party fcalty. "I tell the Senator that he has no right, when I get up and protest against things that have occurred, to declare that I am making a Democratic speech. I am making a Republican speech, and the time will come, Mr. President, when Republicans will be glad if we get out of this thing without worse things hap- pening than are happening now. In what I say I am more interested for the Republican party than I am for anything else. * } t { 1 1 x I 1 I } f { f } 1 } + } Į { -- Re } 154 “Mr. HALE. Now, let me say to the Senator I think there are very power- ful.influences in this country; I think they are largely located in New York City; I think they are largely speculative and connected with money-making enterprises that are determined that we shall never give up Cuba. I think there is a dangerous cloud in the sky; I think the time will never come, unless something earnest and drastic is done by Congress, when the last soldier of the United States will be withdrawn from Cuban soil. I do not think the President favors that. $ 5. DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK IG "Mr. SPOONER. Favors what? “Mr. HALE. Holding on to Cuba. I do not think the Secretary of War favors that. I discover (and the Senator has different apprehensions from mine if he does not discover) very powerful influences-commercial, mercan- tile, money influences, and political influences-that are opposed to our ever withdrawing from Cuba." # ? } • } } } f A * I B { * 1 } A & ·· STEALINGS OF UNITED STATES REPUBLICAN OFFICIALS Barracks and quarters. Sanitation OFFICIAL STEALINGS IN CUBA, Civil goveìnment Municipalities Aid to destitute. Quarantine Customs service • ❤❤ USALA • terms. The condensed statement of expenditures is as follows: • The extravagance, mismanagement and maladministration of the fiscal af- fairs of Cuba by the agents of President McKinley are but partly disclosed by the reports to Congress in response to resolutions of inquiry addressed to the Secretary of War. The inquiries of Congress were responded to by the transmission of several detached communications presenting an account of the receipts and expenditures of the revenues of Cuba in such form as no re- sponsible business house would think of accepting as an account from an agent. The communications of the Secretary of War showed that the Cuban reve- nues from all sources amounted to $16,340,015 17 during the period from Jan. 1, 1899, to Dec. 31, 1899, and that the total disbursements during the same period amounted to $14,085,805.32, leaving a balance of $2,260,209.85. The detailed statement of how this money was expended presents a most extraordinary account. Under the general heading of "Sanitation" is an item of $3,052.282.94, with no further information as to how that amount was expended in "sanitation." Under the head of "Miscellaneous" is an item of $610,329.48. In general terms, "Civil Government" is put down at a cost of $345,479.05 to the Cuban revenues; and "Municipalities" at a cost of $1,239,403 65. Throughout the accounts the expenditures are stated in broad and liberal CHAPTER XIX. ·· Rural police and administration I'ublic works, ports, etc Chanties and hospitals... Miscellaneous (includes internal revenue to June 30) + · 5-16 IN CUBA. • DISBURSEMENTS. کند ·· 1940JALU aja 4 155 ? $1,269,939.43 3,032,282.31 1,445,467 21 700,126 01 625,783 53 640,329 48 345,479 05 1,239,403 f5 229.912.87 156,813.90 810,802.31- $ }: t } ↓ ہوں I { کو 4 { 1 1 2 I 156 State and government Justice and public instruction Finance Agriculture ■ • DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. MOUR Postal service Auditor's and treasurer's offices Census ** • 1 The next entry is: • Dfectants Provisions Total 14,085,805.32 In the statements in detail there is a similar liberal use of general terms to cover vast expenditures, and some of the items of interest are curiously desig- nated. General headings cover very large amounts. The statement of. the disbursements by E. G. Rathbone, Director-General of Posts of Cuba, starts off with an item: Miscellaneous. ▸ · • Salaries-Department of Posts .. -$219,087 91. In separate items are charged the salaries of clerks in the post offices, of postmasters, of railway postal clerks and of letter carriers. What par- ticular salaries were paid with the two hundred and nineteen thousand dol- lars is not explained. 1 The charge for furniture is twenty thousand some hundred dollars, while "rent" is charged with over eleven thousand do irs. Another entry. I'er diem .$17.713 39. One of the charges under which Mr. Rathbone was recently arrested was tha. of tampering with the "per diem” account of the “department of posts." Mr. Rathbone's carriage, harness and equipment, costing $3,105.26, was paid for out of the Cuban rēvēnues His account also carries an item of $36,931.40 for "building and repaus." Is private residence was filled up and furnished in elegance at the expense of the poor Cuban government. His statement of account shows an expenditure of $C12,290 38 for the year ending December 31st, 1899. Under the heading of "Charities and Hospitals," another department of this benign govern.nent, there is an item: • Post mortem Clothing Med me Medical and surgical supplies. Supplies · • ► • ■ Ammunition..... $16,100 91. The to¹ expenditure under this head of charities and hospitals was, from July 1st to December 3'si, 1899, in round numbers two hundred and sixty-two thousand dollars yet the only items covering relief to the sick or needy are: $37.55 35,521 01 150 00 2,712 21 5,92130 5,473 30 1,543.21 * • O $19,514.36 ** > } 1 ▸ ~690.334.04 789,897.29 542,412.83 347,516.93 634,929.10 206,397 38 357,977 37 → { OFFICIAL STEALINGS IN CUBA.' Aid to hospital. Aid to orphans. Laundry Medical examinations. Burial expenses. Rations ! This aggregate of less than twenty-nine thousand dollars leaves a balance of about two hundred and thirty-four thousand as the expense of admin- istering the less than twenty-nine thousand dollars' worth of charity. Under the head of "Barracks and Quarters," the expenditures for the period from July 1st to December 31st, amounted to over six hundred thousand dol- lars: It includes an item of $202376.55 for "material." The rent of officers' quarters is something over nineteen thousand dollars, and then there is a "Rent, miscellaneous," amounting to forty-one thousand dollars. Under the head of "Civil Government"-distinct from "charities"-there is an item of twenty thousand dollars for "provisions," and of seven hundred and ten dollars for "clothing." 4,123.13 3,789.83 54.92 294.00 51.17 3,713.95 157* There is another account under the heading of "Aid to the Destitute," where clothing, provisions and medicines are provided for. . Under the head of "Sanitation," the salaries are $109,539 and the labor pay roll is given in a lump sum of $SS0,799.79. There is also an item of "Mate- rial, $339.685.10." A hundred and twenty-six thousand dollars is charged to "property," and thirty-eight thousand to "Real Estate." Commenting on this account, the New York Tribune (stalwart Republican) · said: The expenditures on this account during the six months, ended December 31, 1899, amounted to $1,382,197 87, of which the sum of $880,799.79 was expended for "sanita- tion." If the men who did the work were destitute, unemployed, and unskilled, it is not possible that they received more than $1 (gold) each for a day's work, and at that rate it would have required 8,744 men working all day and every day except Sundays during that period to earn $1,382,197.87, and it would have taken 5,577 men working all day and every day except Sundays from the morning of January 1 to the night of De- cember 31 to earn the sum of $880,779 charged to labor under the head of "sanitation.” The salaries charged against the Cuban revenue for six months covered by the account, under the head of "Rural Guard and Administration," are, in a lump sum, $417,813.73, while there is a "pay roll" of twenty-seven thousand dollars. The items of "Material" and of "Property" appear in this account also, one for nearly eight thousand dollars and the other for over eleven thousand dollars. ** The grand total of salaries, not including labor pay roll, which in the san- itation department alone amounted to above $880,000, amounts to $3,122,052.06, during the period from July to December, 1899, in all the departments and from January to June in some of them. This does not include exira allow- ance of salaries to army officers, which was made without authority of law. 1 忠 ​* ', K 1 1 # λ } 158 { } 1 1 [ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Between July 1st and December 31st, 1899, extra salaries were paid to army officers out of the Cuban revenues, amounting to $7,799.40. Major-General Erooke received, in August, $625; in November, $1,250; in November again, $625; in December, $416.66. Brig -General William Ludlow received in each of the months, August, September. October, November and December, the extra salary of $116.06. Colonel Bliss and Major Ladd each got extra compensation, the former $$900 and the latter $300. General Chaffee was allowed $5,000 for quarters, and shared the build- An allowance of ing with some other officers, not named in the report. $3,600 was made for the "commanding officer's quarters.” The "miscellaneous" items are a feature of the accounts of the several branches of the government in Cuba. Each account has a miscellaneous item, and then there is a special "miscellaneous" account, amounting to $109,642 38, in which occur, "miscellaneous salaries $27,000;" "miscellaneous rent, $14,000," and simply "miscellaneous, $572," and an item of $11,775 for repairs to the quarters of the captain of the port. In addition to entries for "repairs of highways," "repairs of buildings" and other repairs, the character of which is designated, the following entries arc made in the accounts of the various departments: "Repairs, $3,885.58," "Repairs, $7,735.65;" "Repairs, $92,565.05," "Repairs, $8,875.41;" "Repairs, $817.," "Repairs, $20,194.88;" "Repairs, $6,027.04;" "Repairs, $53,730.16," "Repairs, $2.055.63, Under the simple entry "Material" there are more than fifty items, among which are the following: "Material," $49,425.52; "Material," $35,615.79; "Material," $202,376.55; "Ma terial," $339,685.10. Under the heading of "Department of Justice and Pub- lic Instruction" there are thirteen entries under the general term "Material.” Among the items of expenditure there are several entered as deficits. One of these under the heading of "Department of State and Government,” is: "Deficits, $35,175.47." # I ! Another entry which frequently occurs in the accounts is: "Eventual ex- penses." One entry under this designation is for $31,236 25. In the department of posts of Cuba flagrant frauds were discovered early In May, 1900, resulting in the arrest of C. F. W. Neeley, at the time, and of E. G. Rathbone, "Director General of Posts of Cuba," on the 27th or 28th of August. ] Fourth Assistant Postmaster General Bristow, who was sent to Cuba to make an investigation, after the arrest of Neeley, submitted his report to the Post Office Department the last week in July and upon this report was based the arrest of E. G. Rathbone. Mr. Bristow was unable to determine how extensive the frauds and embezzlements were, but his report thus sum- marizes those by Neelev. as a "minimum:" ¿ • " } T Shortage as. shown by his own records.... 30,600 73 Excess of credit by destruction of surcharged stamps definitely ascertained.. 101,113 16 • Total 131,713 89 This will be increased by the discovery of additional sales of sui charged stamps, but will not exceed $150,000 in the aggregate An interesting compilation has been made from Neely's cash book Cash received from all sources Cash accounted for. L& OFFICIAL STEALINGS IN CUBA. ... 1 10 $ • O ... = .. $550,759 65 431,481 17 Leaving a cash shortage of 119,278 48 The report given out in summary form by the Post Office Department-at Washington says Neeley's # 541 {} Cash books do not show an accurate amount of cash received, because there is evidence that he did not enter on his books all the cash received from unbonded post- masfeis. The first computation is considered the most reliable estimate of Neely's embezzlements that can be arrived at. Numerous exhibits are submitted with the leport relating to Neely's financial transactions in detail 滑 ​• Director General Rathbone appointed C. F. W. Neely, chief of the Bureau of Finance, who had custody of the stamps; W H Reeves, assistant auditor for the island of Cuba, the only man who could in any way have had a check upon Neely's transactions, and D. Marfield, chief of the Bureau of Registration, as a commission to destroy the sur- charged stamps Neely and Recres entered into a conspiracy to report a larger quan- tity of stamps destroyed than were actually destroyed and thereby defiaud the Cuban Government. € 159 Neely's fraudulent transactions, however, were not confined to embezzlements only, and while the amounts thus received by him were small as compared with the outright embezzlements, yet they show the same official depravity and utter disiegaid for the interests of the public service. It shows ↓ With reference to the conduct of Director-General of Posts Rathbone, the report says that on "December "December 21, 1898, E E G Rathbone was appointed director general of posts. His salary was fixed at $1.000 per annum. At his earnest request the Postmaster General on January 30, 1899, allowed him $5 per diem for expenses in addition to his salaiy. Later - on he claimed his salary and per diem were not sufficient, and on Jung 19 the Postmaster General wrote him that his salary should be increased to $6,500 per annum, and that, 'with the compensation fixed at $6,500, the per diem of $5 would cease. On July 3, in answer to this letter, Rathbone, in a complaining way, stated that this increased his salary but $675 and indicated a very carnest desire that a house be furnished him as an official residence. In reply to this letter the Postmaster General on July 7 wired him "Will make full allowance for house besides salary," and on the 8th wrote "This means that it is our purpose that provision shall be made foi a suitable residence for you over and above the fixed compensation of $6,500." } "On December 19 the Postmaster General issued the order fixing the sal- ary at $6500, making it effective August 1. The salary of the director gen- eral, therefore, was from August 1, 1899, $6,500 per annum, without per diem. In addition to the salary he was provided with a house. The iccoids of the Department of Posts show that he continued to draw $5 per diem in addition to the $6,500 as salary, and when called upon by Colonel Buiton for his au- ✡ 1 $ { 1 * = f } } # 21 160 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.'! thority for this allowance submitted the letter, suppressing that part of it prohibiting the per diem. In closing the discussion as to per diem the re- port says: F It appears, therefore, that Director General Rathbone drew, from August 1, 1899, to April 30, 1900, the sum of $1,365 as a per diem, which was unauthorized, and that the drawing of the same was fraudulent, and I, therefore, recommend that he be required to reimburse the postal revenues of Cuba in that amount. L Improper Personal Expenses. "In the bills rendered for the purchase of furniture for the official residence there appear many items that were paid for from the postal revenues that cannot be considered as house furniture. Among these items are charges for a trunk, gloves, dog collar, overcoat, hals for coachman, boots for coachman, boots for footman, shirts, collars and cuffs for coachman, etc. One item was for a pair of 'jip-a-jap' gloves for coachman, $12. This item must have been one of those incurred for the purpose of upholding the dignity of a repre- sentative of the United States Government. Under what authority of law these expenses for clothing were made, I am unable to state. Director Gen- eral Raflibone claimed that it was the custom of all countries that high offi-* cials should be furnished with such attendants, and that they should be clothed at the expense of the public revenues.” The report of Mr. Bristow charges that fraudulent duplicate warrants were drawn by Mr. Rathbone, and that the Cuban revenues were used by him to pay traveling expenses of himself and family between Cuba and the United States, and hotel bills in the United States, and the expenses of trips taken by him within the United States on private business. The report further says: There were many large expenditures by Rathbone and Neely for which no vouchers were filed, when rouchers could have been easily obtained. These expenditures were usually made by Neely and approved by Rathbone Assistant Auditor Reeves, when asked why he passed such expense accounts, stated that he did not feel that he had the right to refuse to allow that which the director general of posts had ordered paid- a statement which, if true, indicates that he had no conception of the duties and respon- sibilities of an accounting officer The report says "I do not credit Reeves' state- ment, howevor The evidence is too strong of collusion existing between Neely, Rath- bone aud Pceres for the purpose of passing these unwarrantd expense accounts." For some months such miscellaneous expenditures aggiegated as much as $850. Such items as "repairs, $200," "fieight, $450," "miscellaneous expenses, $78," appear, without any receipts or accompanying vouchers whatever. Director General Rathbone, on being asked as to these ruscellaneous expenditures, said that he supposed Neely was honest and that the accounts were right, and he therefore ordered them paid. ܕܪܐ - The New York Tribune's review of the expenditures in Cuba says with reference to the postal service: 1 Take the postal service, for example, which is carried on under the magnificent and Imposing name of "department of posts," under an official described by the equally magnificent and imposing title of "director general of posts" Plain "director of posts" was not dign.ied enough, and so the "general" was added-whereupon the official who bore it immedrately pioceeded to sustain his new dignity by adding to his official staff and raising their salaries, and having his own increased to a sum which, together with his other official, "perquisites," made a total exceeding the official salary of the Post- master General of the United States. 栾 ​малку пред вести при незна } } ار # # = " + 1 3 I ! 11 The com- He also set up a carriage at a cost of several thousand dollars for the first year-to the revenues of Cuba-and his "miscellaneous" official expenditures jumped from about $5,000 in the first half of last year to nine times that sum in the second half. bined salaries of himself and the clerks and other employes in his office amounted to more than $219,000 last year, which was about $47,000 more than all the public-school teachers in the island received, and nearly twice as much as was paid in salaries in the department of agriculture and public works, and salaries there were on a generous scale. No wonder that the expenditures for salaries under the "director-general of posts" were classified by both the military governor and the auditor of the island as "extraordinary expenditures.” #A UFFICIAL STEALINGS IN CUBA 27 fo 1 คร { 1 1 4 L } < + IOL 1 & Į 2 + 162 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, } CHAPTER XX. PORTO RICO. Nullification of the Constitution-Imperialism Applied. The policy of protection to American interests has hitherto been under- stood to be directed against undue competition of foreign products with domes- tic products. It originated with a professed desire to build up "infant in- dustries," and retard foreign competition with them by the imposition of high duties. When the infant should become a man he was to be left to the protection of only such duties as would neutralize the lesser cost of foreign production. We now have the spectacle of a trust, more powerful than the govern- ment, compelling the President and Congress to change legislation already formulated, and pending in Congress, for contrary and unconstitutional leg- islation to protect by a duty the sugar trust against domestic trade in sugar between Porto Rico and other portions of the United States. Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands became a part of the United States on the 11th of April, 1899, on which date ratifications were exchanged of the treaty of peace with Spain, which ceded these islands to the United States. To the extent that Spain was then sovereign in those islands the United States became sovereign from and after that date. The rights to be cn- joyed by the people of these new acquisitions depend upon the Constitution of the United States, the laws made in pursuance thereof, and the treaties made under the authority of the United States. When, therefore, the treaty with Spain provided in Article IX that the "civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Congress," it did not enlarge the powers of Congress, nor liberale either Congress or the President from any restraint imposed upon them by the Con- stitution. The powers of Congress include the power to legislate for the government of territories, and the prohibitions upon Congress for the pro- tection of the civil rights of the people, extend to all persons within the juris- diction of the United States; these prohibitions can no more be affected by a treaty than they can be by an act of Congress. The bill of rights con- tained in the 10 Articles of Amendment to the Constitution is for all the people of the United States. What it forbids Congress to do is of universal J || { } PORTO RICO. 1 application. Legislation is necessary for the enforcement of some of these rights, but legislation which denies any of them anywhere is void because re- pugnant to the Constitution. In the treaties by which the territories of Louisiana, Florida, New Mexico, California and Utah were acquired, as- surances were given for the future of the inhabitants, having reference to their political status; but in the present case no such pledges were made on behalf of the native inhabitants, that subject being left to Congress; if our Paris Cominissioners supposed, however, that therefore they were buying the Philippine Islands and Porto Rico merely as outlying real estate, or plan- tations for sale or to let, and that their inhabitants were to be our subjects as the inhabitants of British India are the subjects of the Empire of Great Britain, they placed themselves in direct antagonism to the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Loughborough vs. Blake. The opinion of Chief Justice Marshall in that case contains the following language which no man can misunderstand: f ** 1 } } * The eighth section of the first article gives to Congress the "power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises," for the purposes thereinafter mentioned. This grant is general, without limitation as to place. It consequently extends to all places over which the Government extends. If this could be doubled, the doubt is removed by the subsequent words which modify the grant. These words are, "but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." It will not be contended that the modification of the power extends to places to which the power itself does not extend. The power, then, to lay and collect duties, imposts, and excises may be exercised and must be exercised throughout the United States. Does this term designate the whole or any particular portion of the American empire? Certainly this question can admit of but one answer. It is the name given to our great Republic, which is composed of States and Territories The District of Columbia, or the terri- tory west of the Missouri, is not less within the United States than Maryland or Penn- sylvania, and it is not less necessary, on the principles of our Constitution, that upi- formity in the imposition of imposts, duties, and excises should be observed in the one than in the other. The Constitutional clause forbidding unequal taxation is as vital and im- portant a prohibition upon Congress as any one contained in the first 10 amendments to the Constitution. What authority is there for singling out cer- tain prohibitions upon Congress and saying that they apply to the terri- tories, while others do not? It is but a few years since North and South Da- kota, Montana, Idaho, Washington, Wyoming and Utah, now States in the Union, were mere territories. What would have been said if Congress had asserted the power to collect duties in these lerritories upon their commerce with the States of the Union or with each other, and what would have been said if Congress had undertaken to fix duties on imports from these terri- tories into States of the Union? The answer would have been found in the language of Chief Justice Marshall, above quoted. How exactly applicable it is to this Porto Rican question. 163 In Chapter XV of this volume will be found many decisions by the Su- preme Court of the United States that stand as a barrier against this new wrench which Republican statesmen seek to give to the Constitution of the 1 * j The i $ " J 1 { . 1 { T $ 3 ! 1 164 United States to justify the oppression of the people who inhabit the newly acquired territories. The Porto Rico tariff is in direct opposition to the following recommenda- tion made by Secretary of War Root to the President in his last annual re- port: DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. t The highest considerations of justice and good faith demand that we should not dis- appoint the confident expectation of sharing in our prosperity with which the people of Porto Rico so gladly transferred their allegiance to the United States, and that we should treat the interests of this people as our own; and I wish most strongly to urge that the customs duties between Porto Rico and the United States be removed. Secretary Root found an enthusiastic supporter in the President, who, in bis annual message, said: The markets of the United States should be opened up to her (Porto Rico) products. Our plain duty, is to abolish all customs tariffs between the United States and Porto Rico and give her products free access to our markets. The House Committee on Ways and Means reported in favor of these rec- ommendations. Porto Rico had been devastated by a terrific hurricane. Brigadier-General Davis, our Military Governor theie, made a report of its destructive work, and made these suggestions: "The measures of relief I have had suggested to me, and which I deem of sufficient importance to submit to the Government at Washington, are: "The removal of all duties on trade between the United States and this island; the authorization by the Washington Government of the issue by the In- sular authorities of interest-bearing notes in small denominations to the amount of ten millions, the notes representing money, to be loaned solely on landed security to the extent of 30 or 40 per cent. of the value of the same, and no note to be issued save where a first mortgage on the land is behind it.'" This last recommendation was a method frequently resorted to by the Porto Ricans, always with success, and always followed by the faithful pay- ment of the obligations. There was no recommendation that the United States should guarantee the loan. This was wholly unnecessary. All the people wanted was the right to borrow upon their property from willing lenders. Before reciting what was finally done, let us see who the people were in whose behalf General Davis, Secretary Root, President McKinley and the House Committee on Ways and Means recommended at first that they should be allowed their legal right to freely engage in commerce with other ports of the United States, and not be subjected to customs duties as though they were in a foreign country. The following account of them is from the speech of the Honorable Charles E. Littlefield, a distinguished Republican Representa tivs from Maine: + I desire, thout repealing it now, to incorporate in my remaiks in the Record the magnificent and cameo-like description of this beautiful island given by the distip- 37 } * " t { !165 guished gentleman from New York when he made his speech on Monday last., I incor- porate that in my speech because I cannot improve upon it: 1 "The island of Porto Rico, with which the bill deals, is one of the richest islands of the West Indies, a small island, about 80 miles in length and 40 miles in width, in the form of a parallelogram, running east and west, with a mountain range running along the center, some 3,000 feet high at the summit, and cultivated from the summit clear down to the seashore, with level lands along the line of the sea at the foot of the hills averaging in width from nothing to five miles, on which sugar is raised, the higher lands adjoining fitted for the cultivation of tobacco and pasturage, and the higher lands of the mountains on which coffee is cultivated. It is said to be the most densely popu lated of any land in the whole world." [ PORTO RICO. * ! } [ # I 1 It is inhabited by about 1,000,000 people. Seventy thousand of them are dark-skinned people; 100,000 of them are of mixed blood, 830,000 of those living upon that island are white, Caucasian people, made up of Spanish, French, Italian, Portuguese, English, American, Scotch, and Irish. Its area is about 3,650 square miles, giving, say, 273 persons to the square mile. * The island has a property valuation of one hundred and sixty to one hundred and eighty million dollars. Before our flag was raised upon its soil it was under Spanish domination. It had an autonomous local government, with universal suffrage. The people of Porto Rico had the same pro rata representation in the Spanish Cortes as the citizens of the Empire, in Spain itself They had sixteen members in the lower house and four members in the upper house. Every citizen of Porto Rico had the saine legal rights as a citizen of Spain. *k | " For years has this island been populated by this white, Caucasian population. It never has had a dollar of public indebtedness. Time and time again the island from its own taxation has loaned to Spain money with which to carry on its various wars; and it has loaned to Santo Domingo and Cuba money for their public purposes. When the American flag was raised over this island, it had a surplus of a million and a half dollars in its treasury. j The people who inhabit this island are a self-respecting, valorous, and heroic people, Four times during the eighteenth century, unaided and alone, the citizens of Porto Rico repelled -the attacks of the English navy, once under the command of Drake and once under the command of Abercrombic, and preserved Porto Rican soil for Porto Rico, against the most powerful of foreign invaders, although it was then a dependency of Spain, Porto Rico, in 1873, manumitted its slaves without tumult, without disturbance, with- out convulsion, without bloodshed, without murder, without outrage, and without revo- lution. With the consent of the Spanish Cortes, upon motion of a representative of Porto Rico, in one moment 39,000 persons who before that time had been held in human bondage, became freemen. One day found them slaves; the next day they continued In their employment for the same masters, but working for hire-their own masters. On one day they bent down, bondmen. The next day they stood erect, freemen. This great change was wrought as quietly and silently as the dawn precedes the rising of the sun. The little island of Porto Rico paid for those slaves, by its own revenue, from its own prosperity. Seven million eight hundred thousand dollars in 1873, with a loan that required only fourteen years to pay, and, adding the interest and principal, aggregating the magnificent sum of $12,000,000-paid by whom? By the people that live to-day in Porto Rico. For what? To emancipate 39,000 human bondmen. This nation of "illit- erates," this people to whom we now propose to act the part of a "good Samaritan!" That was a deed worthy of the highest triumph of Christian civilization anywhere. (Applause) The mechanics of Porto Rico, consisting of masons, blacksmiths, leather workers, and silversmiths, are superior in their various branches to similar mechanics in nearly every part of the civilized world. The carpenters and cabinetmakers do not rank so high. This is the condition of the island, this is the character of the people for whom the American Congress is about to legislate. They are an intelligent people, not bar- Wher x $ 166 'DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. { barians, not slaves, but a free people, and I submit, as I shall submit later to the Re- publican party-for I do not stand here to address gentlemen upon the other side of this House-I submit, as I shall submit later to the Republican party, that they are a people who, by then history, by their character, by their intelligence, their endeavor, and inheritance, are entitled to fair treatment at the hands of the Republic, and to the maintenance of its plighted faith. Republican Perfidy Towards the Porto Ricans-Self-Stultifi- cation of the President. In the face of the declaration of the President that it was our "plain duty" to abolish all customs tariffs and give Porto Rico free access to our markets; in the face of the strongest and most urgent recommendation of Secretary Root in the same direction, and in the face of a icport in favor of this meas- ure from a House Committee, all these powerful influences were suddenly turned in the opposite direction. A bill was reported by the Committee on Ways and Means, imposing a tarit on Porto Rican imports from all other domestic ports, and imposing the equivalent of an export duty on all that her people should send to other domestic ports. Dr. Jekyll's transformation to Mr. Hyde was not more miraculous or more complete. The authorship of this bill, brought in by Mr. Payne of New York, was credited by some to Sec- retary Root, and by others to Mr. Oxnard, the king of the sugar lobby. It provided: That on and after the passage of this act all merchandise coming into the United Slates from Porto Rico and coming into Porto Rico from the United States shall be entered at the several ports of entry upon the payment of 15 per centum of the duties which are required to be levied, collected and paid upon like articles of merchandise Imported from other counties. Prior to July 1st, 1898, there had been a duly of ten per cent. between Porto Rico and Spain, but by a statute which had been enacted by the Spanish Cortes this tariff of ten per cent. was to expire on that day, so that there was then to have been perfect free trade between Porto Rico and the parent State, Spain. Thus the joyful submission of the people of Porto Rico to United States rule was punished by a Republican Congress and President by a duty on all domestic commerce with their own country equal to fifteen per cent. of the duties on foreign commerce. Had they remained subjects of Spain there would have been no duty on com- merce with the mother country. Great was the consternation in the House. The word was passed around among the faithful that the President desired the passage of the substitute. The White House was besieged with anxious members seeking to learn the attitude of the President. Either he evaded most of them, or they evaded those who inquired concerning the result. The friends of the Sugar Trust declared that the President was in favor of the new bill imposing a duty. Some Republican Representatives raised their voices against the iniquity. As days ran on the struggle became intense. It was generally doubted whether a majonty of the House could be had for the measure. Mr. Littlefield of Maine, Republican, said: 1 1 + { 1 ६ " } PORTO RICO. 167 What does President McKinley say? He said when he sent his message to the House and I have received no communication from the President of the United States since mark that-he communicated to me through the Constitutional channel; I say since then, neither directly nor indirectly, have I received any communication from the President of the United States that would tend to indicate that when he said-not that it was his opinion, not that he thought, not that he would advise or suggest, but that it was "the plain duly"-stop and listen to that a minute--"the plain duty" of the Republican Congress to give free trade between Porto Rico and the United States, he did not mean it. That is an assertion of fact. It was either true or false ! / } If conditions have changed, let some gentleman suggest it while I am speaking. If there has been any change of conditions that could be mentioned by any gentleman, since the President of the United States said it was our "plain duty," let him assert it now. That statement was either true or false when he made it, and if it was true or false when he made it, it is true or false now. I believe it was absolutely true. As the contest progressed, statements appeared in the papers that the President had actually sent for refractory members of the Republican party to induce them to vote for the new bill. Meanwhile the Iowa legislature passed concurrent resolutions denouncing the measure. This brought the sub- ject up to Speaker Henderson of that State, who wrote to a constituent, in a letter that was widely published, that the President "worked tooth and nail" for the bill. This he wrote in commendation of that public functionary. This merciless exposure of the President, who had resisted all appeals to give his public sanction to the bill, of necessity was meekly accepted by him as the truth. It was a snapshot at our presidential Dr. Jekyll as Mr. Hyde. Free sugar from the Philippines was the shadow overhanging the expan- sion policy of the administration. The new pretension that Congress had des- potic power in all newly acquired territories, and that the Constitution had no operation there, had become of vital importance. If this could be maintained the Philippines would be held as subject colonies, and our Filipino subjects could be held like the natives in British East India-under the control of a single man-a "Secretary of State for the Colonies." If, however, Congress must govern the new territories under the protecting restraints of the Constitu- tion, and if the Philippine Islands were to be permanently annexed, then the Filipinos, except only their savage tribes, would in time become citizens and their islands be divided into States of the American Union. The question accordingly was applied to Porto Rico as a new medicine is some- times tried on a dog. It was not, therefore, the small crop of sugar which Porto Rico contributes towards the vast amount consumed in the United States that excited the interest of the sugar trust, and made it determine to bend a President and a Congress to its will; it was the question whether the sugar monopoly should be broken down by free sugar from the Philippines, or be compelled to acquire control of the sugar plantations there. It was freely remarked in administration circles of Congressmen after the passage of the Porto Rico bill that if it was unconstitutional to impose duties on the products of the new territories, the sooner it was decided by the Supreme Court the better. They said such a decision would be likely to change the policy to- wards the Philippines. By this they meant that those islands might be } } ! 1 } 1 3 1 < Y Ar S DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.. $ 168 come independent. A reaffirmation by the Supreme Court of Chief Jus- tice Marshall's opinion may yet result in causing the President to "haul down the flag" at Manila as he hauled down free domestic commerce with Porto Rico. The Committee on Ways and Means in reporting the Porto Rican bill stat- ed their final proposition on this constitutional question. Representative Lit- tlefield of Maine states and comments upon it as follows: I have a few suggestions to offer upon the legal propositions involved, and I shall go over them as rapidly as I may. What is the proposition of the Ways and Means Com- mittee? It is. "In case of territory acquired with no limitations upon the power of Congress, Its power is absolute and conclusive except in so far as it is limited by the thirteenth amendment of the Constitution, which prohibits the existence of slavery in any place over which the United States has jurisdiction." In other words, no single provision of the Constitution besides this relating to slavery, according to the Ways and Means Committee, applies outside of the limits of the forty- five States of the Union. No other provision of the Constitution controls our action in connection with teutory or property They assert in effect that it is necessary to establish this proposition in order to sustain the bill Let me say at the outset that, so far as I am concerned, in discussing this proposition, whenever there is a doubt, I shall resolve it, in favor of, and not against, human rights. I think the Republican party will stand better in the next campaign if it resolves these doubts, where there are any, in favor of, and not against, human rights. When I speak of rights, I mean legal nights, existing by virtue of the provisions of the Constitution-not provisions of the Constitution that are torn from it and thrown into a stump speech, made part of a peroration, and then called, forsooth, moral, inher- ent rights. I speak of rights in the sense that, when they, exist, no person, no matter how poor, or how weak, or how ignorant, can be deprived of them Why? Because if the legislature, either State or national, undertakes to pass a law that transcends the constitutional prohibitions, the person who suffers from that art has in the courts a remedy-a place to which he can go-where there will be asserted in his behalf rights written in the Constitution-not rights asserted in a stump speech or guaranteed only by a peroiation Rights which can be asserted against the power of the Government Itself, not rights that are enjoyed at the will of another. That is the distinction be- tween a moral and a legal right I wish to call attention to the fact that the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Dal- zell) said it would, be "giotesque" to suggest that we could govern these people in accordance with the limitations of the Constitution The gentleman from Massachu- setts (Mr. Moody) said it would be "impossible" to do so It thus appears that we have reached a stage when the leading statesmen of the Republican party stand up and say that unless they can constiue the Constitution just as they like, to give them abso- lute, arbitrary power, they are incapable of forming a plan of government to take care of these people now under our coutiol. Without having had an opportunity to exhaustively investigate this question, I be- lieve that a fair analysis of the authorities upon which the committee rely shows their contention to be unfounded With Loughborough vs Blake and Cross vs Harrison, not only undenied or overruled, but duectly and indirectly approved and affirmed, with no case holding that, for the purpose of imposing duties and imposts, the term "United Siates" is confined to the geographical aica of the 45 States; and with an unbroken line of decisions holding that Congress, without the qualification or aid of treaties or acts of Congress, legislates for the District of Columbia and the Territories, always subject to constitutional limitations and restrictions, I submit that the great weight of author- ity sustains the proposition that the 12,000,000 of unfortunate people whose destinies have been united with ours by the fortunes of war cannot bc, and of right ought not to he, deprived of the civil rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution. Their weal or woe, and that of millions yet unborn, hangs trembling in the balance. The gravity of the situation transcends the power of the imagination. Upon the law and the facts the House should refuse to pass this bill. The honor, good faith, and integrity of the Republic is at stake. 1 1 1 TAN KADARAN I CONTROL OF CONGRESS BY SUGAR TRUȘT." 像 ​J 1 I CHAPTER XXI. VISIBLE CONTROL OF PORTO RICO LEGISLATION BY THE SUGAR TRUST. 109 } TOKAT} K 169 } Why did the Republican Committee on Ways and Means in the Republican House report at first against imposing duties on imports from the American territory of Porto Rico? Because they thought the President was right when he said in his message, that it was the "plain duty" of Congress to do so. Why did the Committee on Ways and Means, later on in the same session, report a bill imposing duties on imports from Porto Rico? Because the Sugar Trust, through its spokesman, Henry Oxnard, directed them to do so. How did the President regard this new bill,, so contrary to the recommendation in his message? He regarded it just as Henry Oxnard and the rest of the Su- gar Trust did as soon as they had made their wishes known. He not only allowed the Sugar Trust to change his mind, but he worked "tooth and nail” ` for a tariff on Porto Rican sugar, thereby violating what he had declared to be "a plain duty." He did good by stealth to the Sugar Trust, being naturally ashamed to do it openly and in public. All the reporters who tried to ascer- tain his position reported that he stood squarely by his message in favor of free commerce with Porto Rico. But Speaker Henderson, who had conferred with him and knew his real position, stated in a letter to an Iowa friend that the President, as above stated, "fought tooth and nail" for the Porto Rican tariff bill. Neither the President nor any friend of his has ever denied this declaration of Speaker Henderson. Serious as is the charge no man pretends to deny its truth. It was through the personal efforts of the Pres- ident, wrestling with reluctant Republican members of Congress, that the bill was passed. They knew, and so did he, that this remarkable somersault could not be explained, and would disgrace the administration and its sup- porters in Congress. The only reason why the President so stultified him- self and coerced Congress into doing the same was because it was demand- ed by the Sugar Trust. This assertion does not rest upon any doubtful tes- timony. It rests upon the statement made in the House of Representatives by the Honorable Sereno E. Payne, Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means. His statement will be found in the following extract from the 6f 1 { t 1 # F J 1 t น Į 1 } DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK."' 1 170 debate on the bill in the House of Representatives on the 19th of February, 1900. It is on page 2041 of the Record: Mr. HENRY of Texas. You introduced this bill giving the Porto Ricans free trade with the United States. Now, was this bill introduced until the representatives of the beet-sugar producers and the tobacco producers and all other sugar producers In the United States had been before the Committee on Insular Affairs and stated that fiee trade would be disastrous to their interests? Mr. PAYNE. I think it was, and right here, lest I forget it, I want to say that the gentleman who represents the beet-sugar industry, Mr. Oxnard, came before the Com- mittee on Ways and Means and made a statement before the Ways and Meaus Com- mittee. Mr. HENRY of Texas. And before the Committee on Insular Affairs. Mr PAYNE. I was not present there, and I only heard him make it before the Ways and Means Committee. I made this inquiry. “Mr Oxnard, do you fear the disas- trous influence of the importation of sugar fiom Porto Rico, bearing in mind the fact that the United States consumes 2,000,000 tons of sugar annually, that it is increasing by 100,000 tons every year, that we import 1,400,000 tons and pay duty upon it? Do you think the fice importation of only 58,000 tons, and supposing it should be doubled to 120,000 tons, from Porto Rico, would affect your industry?" He said, "No; that is not what I am afraid of., What I am afraid of is"- MI. HENRY of Texas rose. Mr. PAYNE. Now, let me make that statement. Mr HENRY of Texas. I want to make a statement of what be said before the In- sular Affans Committee. Mr. PAYNE Well, you cannot do it in my time. He said what he was afraid of was fiee sugar from the Philippine Islands, and he was afraid that when prosperity came to Porto Rico under fiee sugar Cuba would be knocking at the door for admission, and that all sides of the chamber-imperialists, expansionists, anti-expansionists, and every other kind-would vote to admit Cuba into the Union, and if we extended free trade to Cuba it would break down all the sugar industries. Thus the Republican Chairman of the Republican Committee on Ways and Means of the Republican House freely confesses that the Republican party swallowed its own opinion and the previous opinion of its President, and prostrated itself before the sugar kings. At their demand Mr. Payne turned himself wrong side out on the Porto Rican tariff bill. The Sugar Trust cared nothing for the triding sugar product of Porto Rico, but if Porto Rico had become a part of the United States, then the Philippine Islands bad become a part of the United States, and the sugar plantations of the Phil- ippines were a menace to the Sugar Trust. It therefore became "the plain duty" of the Republican Congress to decide that Porto Rico, ceded to the United States by Spain, had not become a part of the United States, after all. They decided that acquisition did not acquire, nor annexation annex. They decided that the Constitution of the United States, without which there is no Congress and no treaty-making power, had been left out of the new acqui- sitions The treaty-making power had acquired them in some mysterious way without exercising its constitutional authority, aud, therefore, Congress, ex- isting only by authority of that Constitution, could leave the Constitution out of consideration in any legislation for the new territories. And all because the Sugar Trust demanded it. Chairman Payne's confession proves that in the case of the L'orto Rican tariff the legislative power of the Congress of the United States was transferred to the Sugar Trust, I } 1 Buti + CONTROL OF CONGRESS BY SUGAR TRUST. 171. Mr. Payne did not allow Mr. Henry of Texas to state what had been urged by Mr. Oxnard before the House Committee on Insular Affairs. It will answer the purpose to produce a few extracts from what Mr. Oxnard said before the Senate Committee on the Pacific Islands and Porto Rico, on the 20th of January, 1900. His statement and argument there covered twenty pages of the report of the hearing. In analyzing the bill before the Committee he informed the members of the committee what the leading features of their own bill seemed to be. He said it was "a colonial rather than a territorial system." He explained that certain phraseology in the bill was intended probably to recognize and preserve, so far as the other provisions of the bill can, the sovereign or constitutional power of Congress over, and the recognized distinction be tween, a territory of the United States given organic law, looking to future statehood, and the inhabitants of tropical colonial possessions that the United States may acquire by war as indemnity or otherwise." Mr. Oxnard evidently feared the committee might get muddled over the language of the bill, for he proceeded thus: f 5 But doubt exists whether the courts may not in some cases tall to recognize the Intention of Congress, especially as sections 26 and 36 of the bill give all voters qualified under present laws and military orders the right to elect a delegate to our Congress, which is extending a right only to a (fully constituted) Territory of the United States. Mr. Oxnard was quite sure that if the bill made Porto Rico a fully constl- tuted territory there must have been some mistake about it. The orders of the Trust had not been implicitly followed. He continues: Section 10 also extends our Constitution to the island, which may form a serious pre- cedent and become very objectionable. Whatever is given could more safely be done by specific laws or a general provision too plain to admit of misrepresenta ion as to intent and extent. These instructions by Mr, Oxnard were carried out to the letter in the Porto Rican Act as finally passed. The "serious precedent" of recognizing the Constitution as controlling the island was not admitted. Only the will of the Sugar Trust was allowed to get a foothold there. And yet all the officials au- thorized by the law are required to take an oath to support the Con- stitution of the United States. 1 { •ht Mr. Oxnard found a great deal of fault with the Senate bill. He much fcared that the courts might construe the bill as creating a territory. Of course he did not desire that this should be done. His principal objection, however, was to the free commerce for which the Senate bill provided. His serious objection was "the great injustice to our competing 'home industries' and perhaps to our labor which the 'free' admission of Porto Rican products into the United States would entail, violative of 'protection.' By this he meant that the Republican doctrine of protection for home industries was not confined to protecting them against foreign products, but also against other home industries! The great doctrine of protection would, he thought, be vi- olated if sugar should be brought from the American territory of Porto Rico M . { M } 1 11 4 P t 晶 ​DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 172 and sold in competition with sugar from the State of Louisiana. If that is the real meaning of Republican protection, then it would be perfectly proper for Congress to fix a tariff on Louisiana cane sugar coming into other States, or on beet sugar going into the State of Louisiana! Jes Here is a little gem: "Better lift some of the Durdens from our own people before extending favors to the tobacco, sugar and coffee of foreign planters." The planters of Porto Rico are regarded by Mr. Oxnard as "foreign planters." Mr. Oxnard quoted from the New York Tribune,-a newspaper conducted by Mr. Whitelaw Reid, who was one of the Paris Commissioners by whom the treaty with Spain was negotiated. As he is a great Republican light, and is not trying to be elected to anything, he announces the policy of Republican imperialism with rather more frankness than we get from the trembling Re publican candidates for re-election. Here is the quotation: "The laws of the United States are not to be applied to any place outside of the United States; and Porto Rico is outside of the United States, and there- fore they are not to be applied to it." Mr. Oxnard, being thus informed that Porto Rico, acquired by treaty, has not been acquired, and is no part of the United States, asks himself a question and answers it as follows: 밥 ​"Why should we admit free of duty these products of Porto Rico which compete with our own products? One great reason why we should not is that it would be in violation of the principle embraced in the cardinal doc- trine of 'protection for home industries.' Finally Mr. Oxnard decides that "the average Porto Rican ought to feel that he has been transported to Heaven" by the benevolent American, and that, therefore, he ought to be resigned to whatever fate may be in store for him Mr. Oxnard then speaks for the philanthropic side of the Sugar Trust as follows: "Have our tax-payers not done enough for a little while at least? We have given our sons as a sacrifice in the cause of humanity; we have incurred millions of debt; we will lift the oppressive burdens of unjust taxation; we will educate the masses and rid the people of despotism as it has manifested Itself in so many ways." Mr. Oxnard shares the contempt of all trust representatives for the rep resentatives of the people. Concerning them he says: "Of course without stating the reasons, the average Senator or representa- tive, who seldom has time to thoroughly Investigate a subject, would be apt to jump to an erroneous conclusion." This is the way the trusts always surround Congress with learned and ex pert gentlemen who will prevent Congressmen, as far as possible, from jump- ing to an erroneous conclusion where trust interests are involved. Surely Ca + I M ¿m 1 m + *** CONTROL OF CONGRESS BY SUGÁR TRUST. 173 Mr. Oxnard has no cause to, complain that the majority of Congress was un- mindful of his instructions. Mr. Herbert Myrick made his appearance as chairman of a league embrac ing all the beet sugar and cane sugar associations, as well as many others. Mr. Myrick loudly denounced the free admission of Porto Rican sugar. When he was asked how discrimination against Porto Rico and in favor of other territories would be sustained, he replied: "I appreciate the magnitude and delicacy of the question you refer to, but you must remember that England imposes, the same tariff on imports from her colonies that she does from for- eign colonies." Whatever England could, do, to her colonies Mr. Myrick thought we ought to be able to do to ours. Enough has been quoted to show clearly the impudent or ignorant con- tention of the Sugar Trust, and its congressional supporters, that the doc trine of protection protects home industries against other home industries as well as against foreign products. We have quoted enough to show also that neither the Republican Presl- dent nor the Republican Congress had any intention of imposing duties on the domestic commerce between United States ports in Porto Rico and United States ports on the continent; but that this correct and only admissible posi- tion was abandoned at the bidding of the Sugar Trist. The debate in the House of Representatives, above quoted, shows that the will of the Sugar Trust controlled the Republican administration and Congress in the in- famous and unconstitutional Porto Rican legislation; and forced the Repub- lican party into the absurd and unprecedented pretension that in legislating for the territories of the United States Congress acts outside of the Constitu- tion, and therefore outside of the United States. 3b ! } The Administration's Deal with the Sugar Trust to Secure a Campaign Contribution. The Washington Star on March 23 published what follows: } A MATTER OF MONEY-CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTION IN RETURN FOR PORTO RICAN TARIFF SERIOUS STATE- MENT OF A REPUBLICAN-DESPERATE EFFORTS WILL BE MADE TO PASS THE BILL. "The action of the Iowa legislature cannot affect the situation in Congress. The deal has been made. It is a matter of money for the campaign, and the tariff measure will be carried through.” This statement was made by a Republican member of the House who supported the bill in the House by his vote. "You may as well set it down that the deal will be carried out," he added. "The carrying out of the recommendation of the President for free trade with Porto Rico would have deprived the party of a very considerable contribution. The adoption of the reverse policy insures a very large contribution. "The possible unpoplarity of the Porto Rican tariff was balanced against the cer- talnty of money to use in the campaign, and the decision was in favor of the cam- paign contribution. It was not expected that the storm of protest would be as strong as it is, but it is now too late for a change." The Washington Post bears witness to the character and standing of its contemporary in an editorial dated March 24, as follows: 4 f T 1 L F LA $ # 1 I ↓ { DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 174 The Star has everything to lose and nothing to gain by disseminating falsehood-and we may add, upon our own motion, that the Star does not bear the reputation of reck- less or unsupported statement We feel that we are warranted, therefore, in assuming that our esteemed contemporary speaks with knowledge and conviction when it quotes- if anonymously-a member of the House as declaring that the Porto Rico tariff pill bas been inspired by the detestable and base purposes of a campaign fund. To say that is to say that the Republican party is using the Administration and the Congress as the footpad exploits the defenseless wayfarer-foi mere plunder in the form of cash! We have frequently wondered, and as frequently asked, what there is behind all this astonishing determination in Congress to afflict Porto Rico with a tariff. Unable to understand it ourselves, we have appealed to the country at large for enlightenment- for even a suggestion Every consideration of honor and good faith and justice de- mands that we should treat Porto Rico as the President eloquently indicated in his message last December Almost without exception, the press-especially the Republican and the independent press-has supported this demand. And now comes the Evening Stai, as if to answer the almost passionate anxiety of the country, explaining in deliberate terms that the tariff against Porto Rico has been devised, not for any purpose of statesmanship, not even in mistaken loyalty to national houor, not even to establish a precedent in the public interest, but simply and solely to placate certain corporations which will contribute handsomely to a party campaign treasury! 5b J If this be the case, if Porto Rico is to be sacrificed to the sordid uses of a political contest, if these innocent and trustful people,. who welcomed us with open arms and confided their destinies to our honor and generosity, are to be immolated on the altar of a detestable and mean party emergency, if it be true that the Republican Congress, backed by the Republican Administration, deliberately intend to trade upon the misery and the helplessness of a people who have thrown themselves upon our mercy, then we say-and we believe that the country will make haste to denounce and to condemn and to lebuke an infamy so monstrous and so indefensible. 19 Both the Post and the Star are strong advocates of the President's general policy, but both of them strongly condemned this Porto Rican outrage. It is important to observe that the motive of the Sugar Trust in forcing the robbery of l'orto Rico is to pave the way for applying the same Imperial rule for the Philippines. It proposes to adopt the British colonial system. It is clearly the intention of the Republican party to abstain from any legis lation concerning the Philippines, and leave that entire group under military rule. In 1858 Great Britain took British India out of the hands of the East India Company, which, under a British license, had robbed and plundered its nhabitants for one hundred and fifty years, and made that country a "crown colony." Three hundred millions of people are there ruled by one man,—the Colonial Secretary, who speaks through the Governor General of India. In 1877 an Act of Parliament conferred upon Victoria, Queen of England, the additional title of "Empress of India." It only remains for the Republican party, at the coming session, to enact a similar law, and declare William Mc- Kinley President of the United States and Emperor of the Philippines and Porto Rico. • } 1 + 4 / { 杂 ​{ 情 ​1 THE FRESS ON PORTO RICO, LAW, PERUENIPULIS Ana CHAPTER XXII. WHAT SELF-RESPECTING NEWSPAPERS AND PUBLIC MEN DILAR. ANNORA DETAILLEVERETT TERPENOITE TEHLMETEJÉTREVISTERETI KELMANNZO (OVEREENS BOTTENUTZERKOTIORANES PRESTEERI Pakalandoza V TARARE MAESTIOT SAY OF IMPERIALISM IN PORTO RICO. STRA OPEREREN 45 } TLİL MEDIA to t 175 Extracts from the speech of Honorable John S. Williams of Mississippi, in the House of Representatives, Tuesday, March 27, 1900. Mr. Williams. "I want to take advantage of the time given me to insert a few things In the Record from distinguished men and equally distinguished newspapers of this country, some of them Democratic and some of them Republican, upon the Porto Rican question generally, the inconsistencies and self-stultifications of the Republican party upon that question, and the cavity in which it has đẹ- posited itself on account of these inconsistencies. (Laughter on the Demo- cratic side.) I will quote first from the Cincinnati Enquirer. It says: Cincinnati Enquirer (Democrat). "Had the Republican management confessed that it was intended to rifle a land distant 10,000 miles from our shores, lay waste cities and populous dis- tricts, and kill and have killed under the science of war tens of thousands of people whose crime consisted of love of home and country and the en- joyment of liberty as they sought best to enjoy it, William McKinley would not have polled a single vote in the electoral college. Had the Republican leaders in the canvass of 1896 scouted our Declaration of Independence, in which our forefathers in 1776 appealed to mankind for approval; had they scoffed the Constitution of the United States and mocked the teachings of the fathers of the Republic, such a political organization as the Republican party would not be to-day in existence. Public opinion would have scorned the party to death. Yet the administration of William McKinley has done all these things.' "It has done something more than 'these things,' Mr. Chairman. It has contended that certain parts of the earth are neither in the United States nor out of the United States, and then has contended in the next breath that these certain parts of the world are both within the United States and out> side of the United States. You have taken the curious position that Congress, 7 1 11 2 7 } { B } Lawy DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. * 176- the creature of the Constitution, has powers beyond the Constitution. Then again, some of you have said: 'No; that is false, but something else is true- unless and until Congress legislates the President,' another creature of the Constitution, has powers beyond the Constitution; but we do not think that Congress has powers beyond the Constitution.' "Here are some truths tersely put by a couple of great men who are members of the Republican party. I refer to the speeches of Judges Har- man and Judge Taft at the farewell banquet to the latter as he was taking his departure to go as one of the appointees of the President as commissioner to the Philippine Islands. Judge Harman, "Here are some of these epigrams of Judge Harman: "Our history and principles are a perpetual promise to peoples struggling for freedom and independence. Ļ "We now hear the usual plea of doers of doubtful things. """The deed is done; it is too late to discuss it."'" It is never too late to retrace a mis- step, to right a wrong.' * "If the people shall decide that no nation is good enough to rule another nation without that nation's consent; if they shall conclude that this country cannot long exist part vassal and part tree, then there will be no difficulty in doing what we ought to have done in the beginning-leave the Filipinos to manage their own attans and scive notice to the world that they are under our protection. "The Philippine question, as it involves right and wrong, will never be settled until it is settled right.' Judge Taft, a Philippine Commissioner. "Judge Taft says, and remember Judge Taft is a Republican, and, more- over, is the Republican appointee of a Republican President as a Philippine Island commissioner: "I have always hoped the jurisdiction of our nation would not extend beyond territory between the two oceans." "Again Judge Taft says: "We have not solved all the problems of popular government so perfectly as to justify our voluntarily seeking more difficult ones abroad.' "And how much more difficult, Mr. Chairman, is the problem when the question is not the government of a homogeneous people with common aspir- ations and common traditions whence those aspirations flow, but the gov- ernment of a people alien to us in 1ace, in religion, in institutions, in law, in aspirations, in traditions, in environment, in everything, and inferior to us in every respect. "Here is something which I find quoted from General Lew Wallace: • 1 } THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW, ' General Lew Wallace, Author of Ben Hur. • Į "'When the President recommended free trade with Porto Rico, that was William McKinley speaking from his heart. When he urged Congressmen to eat their utterances and vote for a duty on the industries of the island going and coming, that was Mark Hanna, the great Ohio suspect. Either the Porte Ricans are fellow-countrymen or people in relation to us not yet defined. If fellow-countrymen, free trade should govern in all our dealings with them, and their institutions should be Americanized, something impossible under military control. If they are in relation unknown and undefined and poor and helpless, then charity, the essence of Christianity, should have had the molding of our policies. "It is idle to talk about the island being outside of the Constitution. Is Congress the creature of the Constitution or the Constitution a device of Con- gress? It is unfortunate that none of the men invited to see him and come away converted has told us of a word dropped by the President in explana- tion of his own conversion. It is not pleasant to think of the President ex- erting himself to control the action of an independent branch of the Gov- erment. What shall stop him next from interfering with the judges of the Supreme Court?" "That I find attributed to General Lew Wallace, ex-minister by Repub- lican appointment to Constantinople and author of Ben Hur. "Here is something from the Peoria (Ill.) Journal, which I believe is a Re- publican paper: FITT · Peoria (III.) Journal. "The appeal of the Porto Ricans for the privilege of free trade with the balance of the United States is not one that should be rejected. The party that neglects to heed this appeal will suffer for it.' "Here is something from the Cincinnati Commerical Tribune, Republican: 糞 ​Cincinnati Commercial Tribune. "Porto Rico suffers because of Congressional tardiness. And in her suffer- Ings is the flag reproached and the nation discredited. This is a condition that discounts American statesmanship.' "Here is something from the Chicago Times-Herald. It is Republican, un- doubtedly: Chicago Times-Herald. ""The truth is that the consistency and honor of the Republican party were sacrificed for cheap and cowardly political reasons, and the moral sense of the party was outraged at the bidding of the smallest fly that ever buzzed around the hub of progress.' "Not satisfied, the Chicago Times-Herald continues in another issue in this original manner: * } } [ } ร 1 1. # sta • ľ young wom 178 {DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. រ "Is it not about time for the advocates of the Porto Rico tariff bill to se- lect some apology for that amazing political blunder upon which they can stand over night? In the six weeks that have elapsed since the Ways and Means Committee cut its safe moorings to the dock of duty and ventured forth on the stormy sea of broken faith and temporary shifts each week has seen the invention of a new explanation to replace an exploded excuse. Take them in the order in which they were invented and abandoned, the Gov- erment will not fulfill the pledges of Miles, the "necessity" of Davis, the “jus- tice" of Root, the "plain duty" of the President.' { "Here is something from the Portland Oregonian, a Republican paper: J } i The Portland Oregonian. 'What especially concerns the country is this striking proof that pró- tected avarice and greed have been able to control the House of Represen- tatives and overbear. the President against plain duty, manifest justice, and the interests of industry and trade between peoples under the common flag of the United States.' 1 "That would have sounded bitter coming from me. What must be the mag- nitude of your crime to provoke its utterance by a partisan Republican news- paper!'. "Here is something from the Angola (Ind.) Magnet, Republican. It is head- ed People are not fools.' "Of course it means 'most people:' 1 Angola (Ind.) Magnet, Republican. "Some of the members of Congress tell us that the people do not un- derstand the Porto Rieu tariff bill. Perhaps they do not, but they have a pretty well established belief that the clause in the Constitution which de- clares that all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States" means precisely what it says. } "Here is something from the Baltimore American, Republican: Baltimore American. "At this time, when General Miles's pledge, the provisions of the peace treaty, the President's plain duty message, Secretary Root's unqualified rec- ommendation, and the temper of the Porto Ricans are all taken into con- sideration, the country refuses to believe that there can be any right or jus- tice in the latter-day effort to treat the island as an alien. "Here is something from the Philadelphia North American Republican, that is very good reading. It is headed 'Un-American treatment.' Philadelphia North American, Republican. "No wonder the Porto Ricans are not satisfied. If they are foreigners, let them ship their goods on foreign vessels if they find that to their advan- tage, and let them trade with foreign countries without the impediment of Fu 克 ​ད་ 1 THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. 1 "1 the Dingley tariff. If they are Americans, let them be treated like other Americans. They have a right to be considered one thing or the other.' "Here is something from the Minneapolis Journal, Republican, from the Republican Northwest. This paper dares to say that you are blind: > } 費 ​179 { Minneapolis Journal, Republican. "It begins to look as if the people who lack for information were not in the country among the constituents, but were in Washington in the Ways and Means Committee and in the House meekly following the lead of its blind leadership. It will not hurt the Republican party to abandon this mis- take, and the Republicans look with hope to the Senate to save the party from -persisting in a dangerous error.' } "Then the peaceful rest and grassy quiet of the City of Brotherly Love are disturbed by the following plaint occasioned by your bad faith: 1 Philadelphia Ledger, Republican. "Every consideration of justice and good faith," as the Secretary of War declared in his last annual report, demands that Congress shall accept the obligation of plain duty as it was announced by President McKinley. Should Congress fail to do that, it will do it, not only at the risk of defeating the Republican party in November next, but with the certainty of breaking solemn pledges, of violating the bed-rock principles of the Constitution, of inflicting monstrous wrong and injustice upon a people who came to us cheerfully and welcomed us effusively because of their confidence in the good faith of our Government." Boston Transcript, Republican. "Now comes a voice from the Hub of the Universe, and the cultured and protected gentlemen who have hitherto voted the Republican ticket in the Athens of America must have their self-contemplative satisfaction disturbed by the following appeal to common sense made by a Republican newspaper: ""The stuffed bogy that the admission of Porto Rico goods into our mar- kets without the payment of duty would be a step toward free trade as a national policy has lost its force, if it ever had any. 꽝 ​"We have heard of mother countries, like France and Spain, which force their colonies to buy everything of the motherland. We never heard of any mother country which forced the colonies to sell all their goods outside of the motherland. If we insist upon exacting tribute from the suffering is- land, we shall be acting the motherland very strangely, J Cleveland Leader, Republican. "The Cleveland Leader, Republican in politics, actually accuses the 'great party of moral ideas,' the 'G. O. P.,' of being immoral: "It is long since any policy adopted by the representatives of the Repub- lican party in Congress has been attacked by so great a proportion of the best } { 1 THERE ARE } 3 ها A { ť L 彝 ​180 FOR A WAY INY ¡DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. # | HAY Of [ ՐԱ -~- 1 ぶ ​Republican newspapers in the United States as have resolutely opposed the Porto Rican tariff bill. The outbreak of dissatisfaction is so wide and intense BY COOLONG MURFUL that it may well alarm the most sanguine leaders of the party. “The reason is that the question is largely a matter of morals. Foremost in the issues raised by this unfortunate bill is the plea of Porto Rico for Lind- ness and justice. That is what breaks the lines of the Republican party. It is the appeal to the moral sense of the people. Republican policies caunot safely or successfully be turned away from the instinct of right and justice involved in the demand for free trade between the United States and the little Island which welcomed the American flag with high hopes and very demon- stration of joy? Pod Bud 4 2.22 I A A ** C C 19 ! *C } f ہے # -- lly 1 L 1 لے Indianapolis Journal, "And then the Indianapolis Journal even forgets that it is Republican, and remembers only that it is human and American: The Pauper Argument. "There is no weaker algument n defense of th. Poto Rican tariff bill than that based on the ignorance and poverty of the people of the island. We are told that when we got the island a large majority of them could not read or write; that thousands of them were never clothed beyond wearing a shirt; that 85 per cent. of them went barefoot, and so on. "Much of the same might have been said of the Southern plantation ne- groes at the close of the war, yet we gave the latter unrestricted free trade with the United States and the ballot besides. If ignorance and poverty fur- nished a justification for discriminating duties or taxes there would, be a great deal of class legislation in this country.' by Detroit Tribune. ~ "The Detroit Tribune comes very near to calling you hypocrites. The idea that a Republican paper should let that cat,' of all cats, 'out of the bag! 1 ""The proposition made by some of the Senators to levy a tariff equal to 15 per cent. of the Dingley duties upon imports from the United States free is probably the most remarkable compromise ever offered. Certainly nothing more extraordinary has been proposed since duly and destiny established them- selves in the seats of the mighty. - ? "The principal argument advanced by the supporters of the House meas- ure is that Porto Rico needs the revenue. Now, the solemn Senators come along and say, "Let us do the right thing by these helpless people. We will keep their products out of the United States, but we will permit them to buy our products without paying anything extra for the blessed privilege." Hu- manity and benevolent assimilation can go no further. If the Porto Ricans are not tickled now, it is hardly worth while to try to please such a fickle and frivolous people.' 20 1 / # 1 ؟ 1 # 1 IVE # THE PRESS ON PORTO RICÒ LAW. 181 " > New York Evangelist, Presbyterian. "Then comes the Evangelist, and in the stern tones of a 'God-fearing cov- cnanter announces what one might have known would be its opinion, dic tated by the great heart and hard head of Presbyterianism: "Some commercial degenerates are said to have used the argument with the President that Porto Rico sugar and tobacco will compete with the American product. We must protect our own growers. Our own growers! Is not Porto Rico our own? What kind of absorption is this? What kind of Americanization of our own dependence does it portend? It would leave Porto Rico worse off than it was under Spain, and it would impose on the people of this generous and justice-loving Republic the harder lot of ex- changing places with Spain and coming down from our ideals to the level of that once proud and magnanimous people.' New York Board of Trade and Transportation. "Then to make the sad irony of your fate 'sadder yet and yet sadder" comes the voice of commercialism itself. Listen to the New York Board of Trade and Transportation, then cry, 'et tu, Brute?' and die: "'Rooms of the New York Board of ""Trade and Transportation, ""Mail and Express Building, 203 Broadway, ""New York, March 22, 1900. "'At a special meeting of the York Board of Trade and Transportation, called for the purpose of conside the Porto Rico tariff matter and held this day, the board adopted the following resolutions, viz: 'Resolved, That in the judgment of the New York Board of Trade and Transportation the policy of the United States toward the island of Porto Rico should be denitely and immediately determined upon considerations and conditions which relate to that island alone, and that such policy so decided upon should not in any particular or degree be affected, influenced, or warped by other and different questions, conditions, and considerations which may be involved in the relations of the United States to the island of Cuba and to the Philippinès. "Resolved, That the people of Porto Rico, in the opinion of the New York Board of Trade and Transportation, are entitled by every consideration of juctice, equity, and honor to the most beneficent treatment by the Govern ment of the United States. We believe that in assuming the existing relation toward Porto Rico this country accepted obligations which cannot honorably be evaded, and that, apart from all other considerations, due regard for pledges given demand the extension to that island of free commercial inter- course with the United States and a civil form of government. "Resolved, That it will be a dishonor to the American flag, which now floats over the island of Porto Rico, if by reason of any consideration un- worthy of this great nation any act of ours shall impose upon the people of 1 1 } 鼻 ​"'Attest: "FRANK S. GARDNER, Secretary.' + 182 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. that island burdens less tolerant than those from which they have been re- leased, and they shall come thereby to regard our flag as the emblem of avarice and not of liberty and happiness. 1 Resolved, That while giving expression to the foregoing sentiments, the New York Board of Trade and Transportation renews its expression of con- fidence in the wisdom of the Administration and of Congress, and of their desire and purpose to legislate upon the interests of the island of Porto Rico, in accord with the overwhelming sentiment of the people of the United States, which, in our judgment, favors the keeping of good faith pledged by General Miles and other representatives of this Government, ""Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to the President of the United States, and to the members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives. "Resolved, That the president be authorized to appoint a committee of five members of this board, who shall have full power to take such action as they may deem conducive to the carrying out of the views of this board as ex- pressed in the foregoing resolutions. "A true copy. * } A ** { Buffalo Evening News. "Editorial in the Buffalo Evening News-a proselyte to Renublicanism, and therefore zealous in the faith: "If the tariff wall is to be raised between the United States and Porto Rico, the Republican party may well look about for another candidate for President, for William McKinley has himself written the epitaph which will be his if that happens His message to Congress put upon Congress, as a matter of conscience, the duty of opening our markets to the annexed island. If he yields to pressure, and in the end consents to wrong Porto Rico, the re- sponsibility will be his, and it will be a grave onc.' * 3 1 3 * ""The attempted betrayal of Porto Rico has divided the Republican party in Congress. It will divide it in the nation if the policy is carried out. The re- sponsibility rests mainly with the President. This is a year when, of all years, the Republican party should be united, hopeful, and aggressive. It should not be put on the defensive. The prestige of a successful war and re- turning industrial prosperity makes it invincible if it will only be true to American ideals. } “'W. H. PARSONS, President. 壮 ​""The President should speak out and should stand by his message in the manly fashion which is his in matters of principle, however he may com- promise in matters of policy and detail. The Republican State legislature $ + 1 毒 ​M * 183 of towa has protested against the betrayal of Porto Rico. In New York a great mass meeting is to be held Thursday night to voice a similar protest. Soon it will be too late for the Chief Magistrate to break silence with self- respect. For political reasons, for personal reasons, above all for patriotic reasons and for the welfare of the whole country, the President should speak out, and he should speak out now.' 1 ' THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. "Wants the President to 'speak out.' Poor fellow! So anxious to please everybody! He has 'spoken out' so often and so variously that he has' spoken himself out of alluring breath and some of you out of Congress. What a predicament you have gotten one another into! 6. } Postmaster-General Smith's Newspaper Reviewed by the Washington Post. ""The Philadelphia Press is one of the quintet of Republican papers that support the Porto Rican tarift bill. The 'ress, referring to the passage by the Senate, with amendments, of the Porto Rico appropriation recommended by the President, says: } "There is no disposition anywhere to deal with the island of Porto Rico except on the most generous punciples. The return of these duties shows this, and the proposition to relieve the island of all but a very small fraction, 15 per cent. of the Dingley duties, and then hand that 15 per cent over to the Island for the sole benefit of the Porto Ricans, is another example of na- tional generosity which some good people persist in misunderstanding, and some not so good misrepresent and distort for their own fell purposes. We do not believe they will succeed in deceiving the plain people or make them believe that it is dealing harshly with a people to collect a trifling duty on then goods and then hand the money collected back to them." 'There are few of the "plain people" in this country so dull as to be de- ceived by the flimsy pretense that the collection of a tax from individual Porto Ricans and then appropriating the proceeds for public works on that is- land is a fulfillment of our duty in the premises. It is substituting charity for such just action as would place the people beyond the need of humiliating assistance. It is a violation of our pledged faith, a direct breach of the promise held out to the Porto Ricans when our Army landed on their shore. President Schurman, of the Philippines Commission, appears to be one of those "good people" who "persist in misunderstanding" this business, and therefore co-operate with "some not so good" in efforts to "deceive the plain people." He stands by and on the President's message calling for free trade with Porto Rico. He says: 464 64 "We are bound to this course by solemn promises. The supreme and irresistible reason for removing all customs bariers between the United States and Porto Rico is the promise made by General Miles, when first landing American forces on the island, that the Porto Ricans should enjoy the same * I *** # S DMC I } *** 1 * 184 · ! 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. { rights, privileges, and immunities as the people of the United States. On this understanding the Porto Ricans accepted American sovereignty, not only with- out opposition, but with joyful trust and confidence. The present issue is simply this: Shall we repudiate or shall we fulfill the national engagements? Shall this great Republic break faith with the little island of Porto Rico? Having secured the fruits of General Miles's promise, shall we now renounce the promise?" 1 "Does the Press imagine that the "plain people" will fail to understand that? Is it not as clear as a ray of sunlight? And it goes to the country comended by the fact that the gentleman who wrote it possesses, in the most marked degree, the respect and confidence of the President. "President Schurman not only stands on the President's message, but on the annual report of Secretary Root, in which he said: ""The highest considerations of justice and good faith demand that we should not disappoint the confident expectation of sharing in our prosperity with which the people of Porto Rico so gladly transferred their allegiance to the United States. We should treat the interests of this people as our own. I wish most strongly to urge that the customs duties between Porto Rico and the United States be removed." "Is there any difficulty about the "plain people" comprehending that? And will they misunderstand ex-President Harrison's declaration that he regards the Porto Rico tariff bill "as a most serious departure from right principles?" Senator Davis, of Minnesota, has some influence with "the plain people." We suspect the Philadelphia Press has a very high opinion of his judgment. Did the Press follow him when he said to the Senate the other day, "What is the reason that this tariff rate, anomalous, unheard of, unprecedented, and tem- porary, should be applied to Porto Rico while the other day a bill was passed in the other House appropriating $2,000,000 for Porto Rico from the Treasury "" ""There is an ex-Senator from Vermont now residing in Philadelphia, for whose opinion on a constitutional question his countrymen, "plain" and other- wise, have as much respect as for that of any other living man. We refer to George F. Edmunds, and cite his declaration that "the Porto Rican tariff bill is clearly unconstitutional and violates all our agreements with and pledges to the Porto Ricans." From the Chicago Times-Herald, March 7. "Let us bear from the great commercial centers, and first from that mar- velous American growth-Chicago: "'Senator Davis of Minnesota has raised the true standard of American obligations to Porto Rico, around which all Republicans can rally for the salvation of the party from the amazing blunder of the 15 per cent. House com- promise with our duty. Mr. Davis's free-trade amendment to the Senate bill comes not a day too soon nor goes a step too far to save his party from the direful consequences of that unaccountable aberration from the straight path of national justice and honor. 11 1 /.. ↓ 1 1 THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. 185 ""From every section of the Union Republicans have called upon their Re- publican Representatives to undo the great wrong contained in the tariff provision of the Porto Rico bill. "We in the great West know that that demand is almost unanimous throughout the Republican party in this section. We know, too, that if it is complied with-if the Republicans in Washington act upon Senator Davis's amendment promptly--that in two weeks' time the mistake will be forgotten in thankfulness that it was remedied. "But if that wrong is persisted in-if the Republican party in Congress, through false pride or in obstinate servility to the mysterious power behind the House bill, enacts its Porto Rico tariff into law, it will become the overshadowing issue in the Presidential campaign. "How can the Republicans meet such an issue? Up to the day Mr. Payne Introduced the amended Porto Rico bill in the House, every report, pledge, message, and tradition of the Republican party was committed to the principle of no customs barrier between parts of the United States. Republican sophistries will be choked back into Republican throats by the report of Re- publican pledges, professions, and principles. A Tidal Wave of Indignation. "We do not know what they think in Washington would be the result of such a campaign, but here in the West we know that such a tidal wave of popular indignation would sweep across the prairies that the Democrats would capture the House of Representatives, even if they did not defcat President McKinley. "Senator Davis has shown the path of duty to his party, which is the only path open for its salvation it can take and be forgiven, its blunders forgotten, and its campaign saved. It can refuse and prepare for the pen- alty which fate exacts from those who despise the warnings of honor, jus- tice, and duty.' Senator Aldrich's Political Trick. "'Senator Aldrich could hardly have grasped the full meaning of his ples for the Senate's acceptance of the House Porto Rico bill. The argument he used was that an amendment would endanger the whole program, because it would make it necessary for the House to vote once more, and, as he said, "we do not know whether or not we can hold the House again." "On the supposition that this is a popular government, the Senator's own program thus appears as a political trick to defeat the popular will. Why is it that there is doubt if the House can be held again? Simply because the House has been hearing from the people. Having a regard for their repre- sentative character, as well as for their own convictions and the prospect of future punishment, the Congressmen feel that they have committed a mistake which they should rectify. They recognize that the power which they wield } 7 ļ 1 H . 2 9 } Ĭ 1 B + f / I 186 is delegated to them by their constituents; that it belongs in the last resort to their constituents, and that it should be employed as those constituents decree. ""This is undeniably the correct theory, but what is the proposed practice of Senator Aldrich? He admits in effect that there is no question about the trend of public sentiment, and then suggests a betrayal. For the present the Congressmen have the advantage of position. They are in office for a fixed term and may do as they please. Therefore they should use their advantage in a way that is antagonistic to the people. "Naturally the question arises, What is the consideration for this con- duct? The Senator would probably reply that it will be found in the In- terests of his party. But no party has an interest in offending the public. This persistence can be referred only to some organized, selfish force that is playing for a personal profit, and that force can be discovered only in the lobby. ५ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK,' ""To this complexion does it come at last. The implied alliance would drag down any party, however powerful.' 中 ​* 1 Chicago Times-Herald, March 2. "It must be evident to the Government at Washington by this time that the treatment of Porto Rico as alien to our institutions, foreign to our markets, and only entitled to our charity, contemplated in pending legislation, offends the universal sense of American justice and honor. When such a cool-headed and conservative constitutional lawyer and Republican as ex-President Har- rison says, "I regard the bill as a most serious departure from right principles," it is time for the Republican majority in Congress to face the situation with the courage and wisdom that dare to acknowledge a great mistake and undo a grievous wrong. Mr. Harrison merely packed into one sentence the well- nigh unanimous sentiment of Republicans of the Mississippi Valley. ¦ "In the popular mind Porto Rico occupies a very different place from Cuba or the Philippines. It came under the protection of the Stars and Stripes more than willingly-gladly. The people do not forget, if politicians do, that we sent an army under General Miles to conquer Porto Rico. That army went prepared to meet the fiercest resistance, not only from the soldiers of Spain, but from the inhabitants of the island. What was the fact? From the landing at the port of Ponce to the entrance into San Juan the resistance was nominal and the welcome was generous. General Miles and his soldiers were everywhere greeted as deliverers. When they entered San Juan the children, dressed in white, strewed flowers before the feet of our marching host. 1 "Our Plain Duty," said the President. "Our conquest of Porto Rico was a peaceful ovation. There was no hag- gling over terms, no talk of independence, no quibbling about relations., General Miles pledged the protection of the Stars and Stripes, and Porto Rico accepted the pledge with all that it implied. 7 } } f THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. τα 'When we contrast the attitude of the Porto Ricans, loyally accepting the situation and confiding their future without question or condition to the honor of the United States, with that of the Cubans and Filipinos, we under- stand how the American people feel bound to extend to the former ungrudg- ingly every privilege and benefit that American institutions afford. "This sentiment was reflected in the report of Governor-General Davis, of the Porto Rico Commission, and of Secretary of War Root. It was embedded in President McKinley's message of last December in words that met with instant approval throughout the Union. It seems little short of providential that the common will of 75,000,000 Americans to less than a million Porto Ricans should have found such simple yet imperishable expression in the very heart of a state document of over 26,000 words long. "But there it is, telling us "our plain duty" in a sentence that cannot and will not down. 1 187 "How came it that the President, moved by the same impulse that yet sways the vast majority of his fellow-countrymen, has permitted himself to lend his influence to the perpetration of a political blunder that has sent a shudder of apprehension throughout the Union? It is a question that is being asked in every hamlet and home in the United States, and upon its answer depends more than was dreamed of in the mysterious meeting from which the Porto Rico bill came without a father and without a sponsor who would give to it his name. Paternity of Bill Never Acknowledged. ""To this day no man has acknowledged the paternity of the bill, which, like a veritable apple of discoid, threatens to bring disruption to a great party. { "While we cannot trace the parentage of the Porto Rico bill beyond the doors of the Ways and Means Committee, it is not difficult to comprehend how, having found its way into the House of Representatives, it became a party fetich that has involved Congress and the President in a serious conflict with popular sentiment. Having become a party measure, the well-nigh irresistible influence of party discipline and traditions was enlisted on its behalf. But even these were not strong enough to insure its passage through the House. A majority of Republicans were opposed to the principle of the bill and faithful to the thought and purpose of the President's message. ""The defeat of the bill was imminent, and the prestige of the Republican majority in the House was in peril. Then the President was appealed to. It was represented to him that nothing could save the party from humiliating division and defeat but some sign that he receded from the recommendation of his message. The leaders of the party were permitted to suggest that he had changed his mind; but this was not sufficient to bring the recalcitrants into line. The President was again appealed to, and under pressure from the party leaders in the House he personally urged several Representatives to support the bill so as to preserve an unbroken Republican front in the House, f } + է # { 188. DEMOCRATIC, CAMPAIGN BOOK, Fraught With Dire Possibilities. - đ "Thus was the grievous blunder committed. How grievous and fraught with what dire possibilities, not only to the Republican party, but to the country, neither Congress nor the President could have foreseen. But they must realize now that the tariff section in the Porto Rico bill has aroused a storm throughout the country that will not down. LEY "If Congress and the President persist in their present course, nothing can save the Republican party from defeat next November. It will surely cost them the House of Representatives, and it may cost them the Pres- ご ​idency. 尊 ​* Inic - ! 1 • Ja 噐​い ​"Worse than any of these possibilities, it may involve the election of Bry- an, with all that that implies. "But one course is open to the Republican party. Let it face the sit- uation with the only spirit that can compel respect in the presence of a stu pendous and humiliating blunder. Let it acknowledge the mistake and make haste to regain popular confidence by undoing the contemplated wrong tạ Porto Rico. 1 { w ""There is no shame in retreating from the verge of a precipice before taking the last irretrievable step. The only salvation for the Republican party is through the gate that gives free trade to Porto Rico. "The country looks to President McKinley to rise to the full stature of a statesman who dares to acknowledge a mistake and to undo a wrong.' EK ~ Chicago Inter-Ocean. THE REVOLT OF DECENCY. "Men who are protectionists to the backbone, whose lives and fortunes have been devoted to the advocacy of prolection as a policy, will revolt and are re- volting against the proposal to exclude the people of Porto Rico from full and free participation in the benefits of national trade and against a scheme to debar the people of the United States from the advantages of free inter- course with American territory that has been won by expenditure of their blood and treasure. Cuba and Porto Rico were not redeemed from serfdom in the spirit of the cry, "Help the trusts!" Nor are they to be administered in such a spirit.' พร "It is a pity this great though partisan newspaper cannot see a little further into this great problem, and while recognizing that Porto Rico should have a Teritorial government within the Union, also recognize the grave peril of retaining the Philippines at all-peril to our institutions if we violate the Constitution by governing them as a province inhabited by subject peo- ples, peril to both institutions and industries if we govern them constitu- tionally-as a Territory and a part of the United States-their people vested with the constitutional rights of freedom of trade, freedom of travel, and freedom of religion, and with local self-government. 1 T I 3 THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW Chicago Tribune. "Many lawyers who are competent to pass upon questions of this kind believe that any attempt to establish discriminating duties as against a part of the territory of the United States will be declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, and if this shall be the ultimate fate of the present bill and all other measures like it, few tears will be shed by those members of the Republican party who are not controlled in their opinions by the financial or business interests of other people. S ""Instead of sticking resolutely and firmly to his original and righteous views regarding some great questions, the President has been persuaded by incompetent advisers to abandon those views. He was right in the first in- stance as to Porto Rico. Had he stood by his own sound intuitions he would be now one of the most popular men in the United States. 46 'Unhappily, he was induced to abandon his convictions and give up an im- pregnable position at the instance of a few special interests or of possibly disinterested but altogether ill-informed advisers. Nor is that all. He was induced to bring his influence to bear upon Representatives to "get them into line." He sent for recalcitrant members and absolutely entreated them to vote, against their convictions and against the wishes of their constituents, for a measure which he himself at the outset strongly and properly opposed- a bill which flew in the face of his own positive recommendations to Con- gress. There are some Republicans who cannot turn corners as sharply as the President can, and they are not sorry for their lack of flexibility in this respect. }} "The President, without needing to do it, has assumed the whole responsi- bility for the passage by the House of the maimed, mutilated, crippled, and inadequate Porto Rico bill, a measure which eventually will be repudiated by both Houses of Congress. He might have kept his hands off and let the House "work out its own salvation in fear and trembling," and have looked to the Senate and a conference committee for judicious legislation on the subject. + ** 1 "A storm is gathering. The House Porto Rico measure will have to be sacrificed. It is scarcely supported by anybody. The three newspapers in Chicago which have stood by the President are against him in this matter. So is the Indianapolis Journal, while all Indiana is in a tumult and a fer- ment over it. It is evident that the feeling against the House bill is becoming more intense. The only mode of allaying it is for blundering leaders to ad- mit they have led the party from its true course and promise an immediate return to safer ways. 1 عصر 189 ""There is need of a judicious "steering committee" in the House. There is still greater need of a pilot in the Cabinet. There is great need of fresh material there of men who are not "amateurs" in politics, but who are ex- perienced in public life, who are trained in the arts of statesmanship, and who know the temper of Congress and of the people. Men who are destitute Choms > # BLO 1 V t F } 190> DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 1 I of these qualifications, who are influenced by social considerations in Wash- ington, and who deem it the acme of human felicity to be asked to dine with the British ambassador are not fit constitutional advisers for an Amer- ican President. He should have at his council board men who look at Amer Ican interests from an American point of view. ""This is what is needed. The sooner that need is met the better. If Pres- lent McKinley wishes to retain the confidence of the public, he will bring into his Cabinet before long advisers more sagacious than some of those he has there now. Otherwise the feeling will go abroad that the Administration is nerveless, spineless, and without convictions, adopting good policies only to abandon them at the dictation of incompetent advisers.' * # * "Then the Chicago Journal, an independent paper, asserts that Spain her- self, with the worst Government in Christendom, was more just, generous, and enlightened in her dealings with Porto Rico than you are in yours! To what are we fallen! ****-* Chicago Journal, Independent. WHEN DID SPAIN DO WORSE? "What did Spain ever do to the present inhabitants of Porto Rico that was worse than the things the tobacco ring and the sugar trust, through a lot of servile Congressmen, are proposing to do to them, and to which Wil- liam McKinley, conscious of his "plain duty," to quote his words, seems willing to assent rather than embarrass his party? If that is the spirit in which Porto Rico is to be governed, what have the inhabitants of the Philip- pine Islands to hope for from submission to American rule?' "Thus speaks the great city of the mighty West. Let us hear from the London of the New World-New York: The New York Sun, Republican. NO DELAY. "The essential justice of the situation demands that the free trade of Porto Rico, which the bill promises in two years, should be made to begin now. New York Times, Independent. THE COUNTRY'S VERDICT. ke 1 "The opposition to this measure within the Republican party in the House is as nothing compared to the opposition, without regard to party, through- out the country The American people do not like meanness; they do not like perfidy; they do not like cruelty. And with these base qualities the bill the House has passed is branded." V } گر New York Mail and Express, Republican. A COMPROMISE WITH DISHONOR. "The fatal weakness of the measure, we believe, is that, like most com- promises, it signifies nothing. It is neither free trade nor protection, im- I I ነ { 191 perialistic nor anti-imperialistic, and therefore is just the legislation mat dem- agogues thrive on. It is so easily susceptible of misrepresentation that no one will fear convincing refutation of his charges, no matter how he maligns its purpose and spirit.' New York Evening Post, Independent. 1 THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. } f OUR NATIONAL FAITH. “The bill now goes to the Senate. The duty of all who have fought it while it was before the House is to keep up that fight while it is pending in the Senate. Indeed, they should now redouble their efforts to avert the national disgrace involved in the enactment of the bill into a law. "This fight should be made in behalf of the national honor. Questions of constitutional construction are interesting subjects for discussion, but the is- sue of good faith in redeeming our pledges to a suffering people is the fun- damental one. That is the issue to keep before the American people until they force their representatives in the National Legislature to do justice.' Baltimore American, Republican. ዓ h 1 COLONIAL RIGHTS ""There should be no discrimination. Porto Rico should be made to feel that her interests are identical with our own. This cannot be done by raising a tariff barrier between her and this country. The recommendations made sev- eral months ago by President McKinley, Secretary Root, and Governor-Gen- eral Davis were made after fullest investigation and careful thought. They were then the wisest, considering all conditions. The true manhood of the na- tion, considering first the good of the people of Porto Rico, fails now to com- prehend how, in so short a time, those recommendations can be said to have been erroneous and opposed to the best interests of all concerned.' 着 ​New York Evening Post. MR MCKINLEY'S POSITION "President McKinley's attitude in this whole matter is to be discussed on higher than personal grounds. The pool figure he cuts as a man we pass by, but as the incumbent of a great office he has brought humiliation upon it as well as upon himself. To "stand by" hum is impossible for his most earnest supporters, since he does not stand by himself. No man can serve two mas- ters, nor a single master with two minds, neither of which he himself knows. "I had hoped," sneered a Democrat in the House yesterday, "that there was one question of which the President was not on both sides." “There was no answer to the taunt, for there could be none. Mr. McKinley is quoted vehemently both for and against the Porto Rico bill, and he sits si- lent under the open charge of double dealing. The only question on which he is known to have film and unchangeable opinions is that of his re-clec- tion. It was the unconcealed threat to defeat that which set him to jumping back and forth over the Porto Rico fence with such agility. But why could { Į b 1 3 1 Į {} Į 7 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN LUUK.' 1 192 he not have confronted his sordid and minatory visitors, if not as a brave man, at least as a courageous President? Why did not his office, if not his character, make him despise their threats? } } ▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬ \} New York World, Democratic. ROBBERY AND HYPOCRISY. +7 ""The pretense that "all the money collected will go to the Porto Ricans" is of a piece with the rest of the fraud and hypocrisy and robbery that are back of this bill. The duties paid upon the food and clothing of the starving and naked Porto Ricans will not go back to the poor wretches who pay them. It will go to the carpet-bag officials and other agents of the government that Mr. McKinley has set up there. } ""The bill violates the Constitution. It imposes upon the Porto Ricans the tyranny of taxation without representation against which our forefathers re- belled. It violates the promise of General Miles to the inhabitants, never dis- avowed by our Government, that "Porto Rico under the American flag will enjoy the same privileges and the same immunities as the citizens of the different States and Territories of the Union." It makes of Porto Rico a "crown colony" instead of an American Territory.' Boston Post. NOT FOR PARTY CAUCUS TO DECIDE RIGHT OF CONGRESS TO LEVY A TARIFF TAX ON PORTO RICO. - "We believe that the United States Government has no more right to col- lect duties upon goods imported from Porto Rico than upon the products of Oklahoma or Arizona. ""This is the view held also by Congressman McCall, Congressman Little- field, and other Republicans who have an old-fashioned regard for the Con- stitution. And, however Congress may vote on the question, it is the Su- preme Court of the United States that must finally decide it. The matter is of too great and far-reaching importance to be allowed to rest upon the author- Ity of a majority of a party caucus. It might be permissible, so long as Porto Rico and the Philippines are held under military rule, for the President, by his authority as Commander-in-Chief, to levy taxes and tariffs in extra- constitutional form. But Congress, which is itself a creature of the Consti- tution, cannot override or nullify the provisions of the source of its au- thority. ""This body is restrained by limitations which do not exist in the case of the Executive acting as the supreme military power. Sooner or later the Su- preme Court will have to pass upon whatever act of this character Congress may pass. This court is composed of six justices appointed as Republicans and three appointed as Democrats. But it is unlikely that party designations will rule in the judgment of this matter. Judge Brewer, as is known by his public utterances, does not sympathize with the imperialist policy. Judge Har- lan holds traditional ideas of the relations of Congress and the Constitution. { } Y 1 忄 ​K * I THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. In short, if the Republican tariff bill for Porto Rico is passed, there is a very likely chance that the whole scheme, including the Philippines and all the rest, may be ripped up by the Supreme Court.' 1 1 L } Boston Traveler. "SOLD OUT." ““"Sold out" is the only fitting epitaph to describe an administration whose pledge to the world has been broken, by whose recreancy to the high prin- ciples it caused to be promulgated the American flag is made to stand for in- direction and oppression, instead of liberty and relief for oppressed peoples. Shame upon President McKinley for eating his own words, publicly spoken, upon the rights of Porto Rico. 4 ****There should be no discriminating tariff against our new possessions." At the bidding of the great sugar and tobacco trusts he now says let them be taxed without representation. Let the Constitution be forced to permit of this grave injustice. "Sold out to sugar and tobacco!" Philadelphia North American, Republican, March 8. "It is evident that what the leaders of both parties at the capital still need to learn is that the country is not thinking of tariff percentage or points of constitutional construction in connection with Porto Rico. The people know simply that it is our plain duty to deal justly with the inhabitants of this American island; that our plain duty will not be done until the Porto Ricans, who supposed they were becoming Americans when they threw off their al- legiance to Spain, are treated as Americans. 66 'Anything short of that will be condemned by the sense of fair play, which the people of the United States have not lost. No fine-spun explanations of the necessity of sacrificing Porto Rico in order to establish a precedent for use in the Philippines will satisfy. If the Philippines cannot be retained with- out committing a crime against justice and liberty in Porto Rico, it is highly probable the popular judgment will be that it would be better to turn the Philippines over to the Filipinos than to bold them at any such cost. If freedom does not follow the American flag when it is carried beyond this continent, then it had better be kept for use only where it does mean free- dom. 19 Y "This Porto Rico outrage is breeding a rebellion against expansion. If we are not to expand except as imperialists, making ourselves hated as oppress- ors where we go, there will an irresistible demand for the abandonment of a policy that cannot be brought into harmony with the Constitution and that de- nies to others the rights which we claim in the Declaration of Independence for ourselves as natural and inalienable.' * " *7 { } 1 I t 1 3. 3 } E 姜 ​194 ? 1 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, } Philadelphia Ledger, Republican. THE PORTO RICO INFAMY-ROBBED AT HOME AND ABROAD. 'On the day that the Republican majority of the House imposed upon Porto Rico the rigors of a law intended to operate only against aliens a law which, in the case of any part of this country, is opposed by the Declaration of Independence, which presents as a just cause of the Revolution taxation without representation, and which is condemned by the Constitution, which declares that all Federal taxation must be uniform throughout the United States-several hundred of the people of Porto Rico, employed in the con- struction of military roads for the Washington Government, went on strike to secure an increase of remuneration for their labors from 3 to 5 cents per nour. $ "It appears that these workingmen, recently brought under the benevo lent safeguard of the country's flag, are compelled by the United States Gov- ernment's contractors to work on Government work under "the old flag" ten hours a day for 30 cents, or less than many of our workingmen here justly receive for a single hour's work. "It would be interesting to learn what the Republican leaders in and out of Congress think of the contractors of the Government who are constructing the military railroads, paying a wage of 3 cents an hour, or 30 cents for the labor of a ten-hour day, to their Porto Rico employes. It might be similarly in- teresting to learn what our workingmen here at home think of their Govern- ment making all the money it can out of the Porto Rican workmen by levy- ing unconstitutional taxes upon them, upon the one hand, while on the other it pays them 30 cents a day on which to pay the taxes and sustain life,' Philadelphia Lodger, Republican. SERVING THE TRUSTS. ! * 'But now, 'Ho, for the Middle West,' Indianapolis; "The bill is a purely selfish one. It is directly in the interests of two of the most notorious trusts in the country. If the sugar trust and the New Eng- land Tobacco Association were out of the way, there would be no effort to starve the people of Porto Rico, under the plea of giving them a government.' Philadelphia Record, Independent. PETTY LARCENY. "The bill in the form in which the House passed it should be dubbed the petty larceny bill, and for the credit of the country and to save our weak- backed President from the disrepute of his own nerveless vacillation the Re- publican leaders in the Senate should fall foul of it when it shall reach that body and strangle it in committee. The people of the United States stand pledged to a different course of action toward the unfortunate people of Porto Rico. They should make their pledges good in spile of protectionist repudi- ation.' { ♪ 13 秦 ​* { → 3 I 1 } ? I THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. *1 Indianapolis News. FRESS WILL NOT BE SILENCED-WILL NEVER GIVE UP THE FIGHT AGAINST THE PORTO RICAN TARIFF ACT. W "Our friends in the East need not fear that the people and papers of Indiana will give up the fight against the Porto Rican tariff act. They have enlisted for the war. And as the days go by the more clearly does it ap- pear to them that the President has made a grave mistake a mistake from every point of view. He has hurt his prestige, seriously weakened the party, and injured the standing of the country in the eyes of the world. After all the "explanations" that have been made, and in spite of the attempts to "edu- cate" them, the people of Indiana, unlike Mr. McKinley, adhere to the opinion that we ought to do what the President said was "our plain duty."' Indianapolis Journal. 1 } MISTAKE OF ADMINISTRATION—" CAMPAIGN OF EDUCATION ON THE PORTO RICAN TARIFF WILL FAIL ""If the attitude and policy of the Administration regarding the Porto Rican tariff bill are correctly foreshadowed by Washington dispatches, it will add another to the mistakes already made in this matter. It is said to have been decided upon at a Cabinet meeting to inaugurate a campaign of enlightenment and education of the people, in the belief that when they understand the que lion in all its bearings they will withdraw their opposition to the House bill and admit that in the peculiar circumstances of these a tariff on com- merce between the United States and Porto Rico is proper and necessary. "It is said the campaign of education will include evidence that the pro- posed tariff is only a temporary measure; that it is necessary to establish a precedcnt for the Philippines, and that ils real effect will be to give the Government a free hand in fostering Porto Rican industries. All this ground has been gone over. It is straw twice thrashed. ¦ ¦ ""The people have considered the matter from a broad and liberal point of view, without regard to temporary expedients or makeshift policies, and they are of the opinion that a fair construction of the Constitution in the inter- est of national honor and justice requires that the door to trade between the United States and Porto Rico, both ways, be thrown wide open. #1 "No argument of political expedience or party advantage can lead the people to look at the matter differently. They breathe a different atmosphere from that which sometimes pervades party caucuses and conferences in Washington, and they must be permitted to reach their conclusions in their own way. No campaign of education is needed in this case. It is not only unnecessary, but it will be politically injurious.' ** { & MI 11 ** ""The Journal has already stated the reasons why, in its opinion, the bill should not be passed. Those rcasons relate to the constitutionality,the justice, the fairness, the wisdom, and the expediency of the measure. All the ar- guments in favor of it are based on sordid and mercenary considerations [ 195 ? 1 ** } } # 196* which should have no place in the policy of a great nation toward the people of a newly acquired territory. The bill should not be passed at all, and the two years' proposition does not help it any." + DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Indianapolis Press, Republican. A DAMAGING COMI ROMISE. { √ ""The American people do not take kindly to invasions of their primary rights. They see in this Porto Rico measure or if they do not now, they will see later—a dangerous departure in constitutional construction. It means a reversal of American traditions. Porto Rico was led to expect liberal treatment, and was induced to welcome American control by promises which, if not very explicit, are none the less binding. Having lost the Spanish mar- kets as a result of the war, Porto Ricans may rightfully look to us for as- sistance.' A L 2 Cincinnati Commercial-Tribune, Republican. A HELPLESS PEOPLE. "If permitted to sell their products in the United States free from duty and buy what American products they need duty free, the Porto Ricans will be able to pay all the taxes that will be required to raise money for the support of the insular government. To give them less than this is to take criminal advantage of helplessness. L Louisville Courier-Journal, Democratic. THE PRESIDENT'S DOWNFALL. 1 "'In December last the Republican party, speaking through its President, who owed his nomination-whatever may be true of his clection-to his zeal for protection, said it was the "plain duty" of this country to give free trade to Porto Rico. Now, political exigencies may change. Policies must nec- essarily be modified to meet changing conditions. But expediency does not change the moral law. "The Ten Commandments will not budge." A "plain duty" in December is a plain duty in February. "The fear that an honest discharge of this duty might change the vole of Connecticut or some other Stale next November has nothing to do with the obligation. The President has once or twice admitted that he has been coerced into doing certain things by the compelling force of the Almighty. But "let no man say when he is tempted he is tempted of God; for God can- not be tempted with evil, neither tempteth he any man. But every man is tempted when he is drawn away of his own lust and enticed." No man is tempted of God to disregard a plain duty. Nothing can be clearer than that.' "Then there is a word to be said by Kansas City: Kansas City Journal, Republican. UNFAIR AND UNGENEROUS. "Even if the bill pass both Houses and receive the President's signature, 1 1 Y 1 { I 1 197 / the fact will remain that Porto Ricans are being treated unfairly and ungen erously at the hands of the country from which they had a right to expect better things.' 271 *C 1/ THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. Detroit Tribune, Republican. TO REPUBLICAN CONGRESSMEN. 21 9989 'Congressmen, especially those from Michigan, have been bombarded with letters and telegrams telling them to stand firm for free trade with Porto Rico and the honor of the nation. It remains to be seen whether, the people or the protected interests will conquer. The struggle is being watched by the people, and there will be a day of reckoning for those Congressmen who capitulate to the capitalists when they come up for re-election. SELE ܕܚ } ر Hartford Courant, Republican. THE CONNECTICUT OPINION. ""There is something very significant in those resolutions of the New Ha ven Chamber of Commerce, protesting against a tariff upon Porto Rican prod- ucts. That is a large and repres ntative body of business men, made up without regard to politics. It was widely known that such resolutions were to come up, and yet there was not an adverse vote. We must admit that the sentiment of the New Haven business men reflects the general senti- ment of the State, as far as we have tested it. The message of President McKinley, a recognized leader of protection, advocating free Porto Rican trade as a matter of justice, set the drift of thought all that way, and things are not especially different now from their condition when the message was read and received with applause in Congress. The feeling is widespread that we owe it to these people not to choke them to death with our embrace of wel come.' ""No question is settled until it is settled right. This question of fair play to the Porto Ricans has not been settled. It has been evaded and postponed. We were bound-we are still bound-in houor and decency and conscience to see to it that the people are no worse off but better off for coming under the sovereignty of the United States. They had lost the best of their old markets. We were bound-and are still bound-to make that loss good to them. Our duly was our interest, too. Better a thousand times the appropriation out of the Federal Treasury for the urgent needs of the island which President Me- Kinley had in view than the raising of the money by a tax upon its struggling industries and a denial of its legitimate hopes. "What the purblind and blundering leadership in the House has done is grievously to disappoint the people of Porto Rico, to chill and alienate them, and to put a new weapon in the hands of the Republican party's enemies. To say that to give free trade to Porto Rico would have been to recognize Porto I co as an integl art of the United States is-with all necessary respect for a number of honoralle Cong issien-to tak puale nonsense. The Re- publican Senators have now an opportunity to do their country and their } ? 198 器 ​** DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. party a service of importance. Perhaps they may see it and improve it. We are not building any very sanguine hopes on the chance, however.' "From the far-off West, 'where Oregon rolls,' this: Portland Oregonian, Republican. THE PRESIDENT'S MASTER " ""The probability, as the Oregonian supposes, is that the President, who said a while ago that it was our "plain duty" to grant struggling Porto Rico free trade, has been badgered by selfish protected interests into silent ac- quiescence in this bill. In the ancient day it was said: "There are three things that are never satisfied, yea, four things that say not, It is enough." In the modern day there is a fifth. It is the "protected grafter."' "From Milwaukee, 'where good beer is made,' this: Milwaukee Sentinel, Republican. DECEIVED. } "'If Congress does not do "our plain duty" by Porto Rico and give her free trade with this country, if it takes the other term of the alternative, the For- to Ricans will be justified in looking with contempt upon future American protestations of disinterested affection.' Rockford (11.) Republic, Republican. UNPOPULAR AND UNJUST. "There is more danger in the Porto Rican bill than its promoters in Con- gress dream of in their ostrich-like philosophy. The bill seems strong in the support of hired trust attorneys in the lobbies and occupying seats in both Houses of Congress, and they are striving with desperate energy to force it through in defiance of the most powerful and general popular protest that has ever been aroused by proposed Congressional legislation.' } } Peoria (III.) Journal, Republican. THE POLITICAL DEATH KNELL. "That Porto Rico measure will sound the death knell of several Congress- men if they are not careful. When the people get in earnest they are not to be fooled with, and there is no doubt that they are in earnest in that mat- ter.' 4 1 The Voice of Great Republican Leaders. "Ever since I have been in Congress there has been one giant Republican intellect that has towered above the rest of you like a giant among pygmies- sometimes narrow, intolerant, and bitter in his partisan zeal, but a marvel of quickness, penetration, and common sense, a great man-Thomas B. Reed. "He opposes your oriental expansion, colonial government, and imperialistic policies. "Benjamin Harrison, ex-President, whom you have delighted in times past to honor, appeals to you to do justice under the Constitution to the people of 7 1 દ્ } < [ Porto Rico. Ex-Senator Edmunds, ex-Senator Henderson, Carl Schurz, ex-Sen- ators Boutwell and Sherman, Senators Hoar, Mason, Davis, Proctor, and others-members of both Houses or retired full of honors, I cannot name them all--appeal to you̟ to halt. Boards of trade and commerce, Republican con- ventions, State legislatures join in the appeal. "Your President has said in his message: "It must be borne in mind that since the cession Porto Rico has been de- nied the principal markets she had long enjoyed and our tariffs have been con- tinued against her products as when she was under Spanish sovereignty. The markets of Spain are closed to her products except upon terms to which the commerce of all nations is subjected. The island of Cuba, which used to buy her cattle and tobacco without customs duties, now imposes the same duties upon these products as from any other country entering her ports. She has therefore lost her free intercourse with Spain and Cuba without any compensaling benefits in this market. Her coffee was little known and not in use by our people, and therefore there was no demand here for this, one of her chief products. The markets of the United States should be opened up to her products, Our plain duty-' "This is strong language: 'Our plain duty.' "A great American, whom all good men love, once said: 'Duty is the noblest word in the English language.' "Our 'piain duty'-'plain' is obvious, palpable, undeniable, 'Our plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs between the United States and Porto Rico and give her products free access to our markets.' 1 f Letter from Ex-Senator Henderson. "There is much worth hearing and rememebring in the following letter from ex-Senator Henderson, one of the few left of the Republican 'old guard,' survivors from your better days: ""To be a protectionist has been to favor duties on the commodities of for- eign countries, Trade betweep the States and Territories of the United States has always been free and untrammeled. This freedom of trade was a sine qua non of the Union. Without it the Union was originally impossible and with- out it the Union cannot endure. Equality of taxation is crystallized in the Constitution. To remove it is to break the great compact upon which it Is founded. "If the protected interests shall be able to wage wars at the common ex- pepse in order to create additional home markets for their products and then compel consumers here to pay tariff duties on the commodities of those an- nexed or subjugated countries, then the Union exists only for the purpose of dispensing bounties to the favored classes. "Porto Rico, if annexed at all, has been annexed by the common blood and treasure of the people of the United States. We knew its products before we took it from Spain. One of these products is sugar. I do not produce su- p THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. } 199 C * → · 1 تو 1 $ } 2001 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK! gar; I am a consumer of sugar. My money has gone into the acquisition of this territory. Have I not the same rights in the products of this territory and its people that Mr. Oxnard has? He grows sugar and I consume it. Shall he take the whole benefit of the acquisition and I get nothing? I consume to- bacco and I manufacture cigars. I need both wrappers and fillers in my busi- ness of cigar making. “'Connecticut alone of the present admitted States grows tobacco suitable for wrappers. It produces from 10,000,000 to 15,000,000 pounds of these wrap- pers per annum, on which there is a tariff duty of $1.85 per pound. Connect- icut, of course, is benefited by this enormous protective duty on foreign to- bacco. But Connecticut demanded that Porto Rico should be brought into the United States. It is now no longer a foreign State. It it now a part of the great Republic. Connecticut claims all the benefits of the transaction and leaves me nonc. 'It accepts the good and rejects the bad; or rather, it ap- propriates the blessings and shuffles off on me and others all the brudens. } น "I have a right, both constitutional and moral, to receive from Porto Rico free of duty its oranges, its lemons, and other fruits. California and Florida object. On what ground? Simply because they are unwilling to accept the consequences of competition. The people of these States have the benefit of an enormous tariff duty on these articles, and they wish to force me still to pay them the bounties of protection. Is it right? Is it just to me and others who stand in the same situation? They know it is unjust. They know it is immoral and against conscience. They know it is unconstitutional. They vainly imagine, however, that under the old slogan of protection to Amer- Ican interests they can blind the people yet a little longer. What are Amer- Ican interests? The interests of Porto Rico are now as much American in- terests as those of New York, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, or California. "Gentlemen of Congress, the only way the settle your differences is to treat Porto Rico as a part of the United States. Give to it all the benefits and all the burdens of all your laws. Porto Rico must pay the same tariff which we pay on goods of foreign production, but not one cent on goods produced In the United States. Between us and Porto Rico trade must be free. You must cease to vote away money from the Federal Treasury as a cloak to cover political wrongs. The people see through the very thin gauze which mantles your pretended charity. J. B. HENDERSON. "'Washington, March 27, 1900.' เ 1 Į "I have already made mention of the resolutions of the House of Repre sentatives of the State of Iowa. They were passed by a unanimous vote of that Republican body. Here they are; { i 1 1 Ι 1 h + 1 } J } THE PRESS ON PORTO RICO LAW. Iowa Porto Rican Bill-Concurrent Resolution Condemning Tariff Measure Unanimously Adopted by the Lower House of the Legislature. On a potem 'Des Moines, Iowa, March 22, 1900. ""The House of Representatives of the State to-day passed a concurrent resolution, by unanimous vote, declaring that the people of Iowa are unal- terably opposed to a Porto Rican tariff. The resolution was massaged to the Senate, and will be taken up there next week. Representatives Kendall, Eaton, Byers, Theophiliss, Temple, Carr, and others made speech in favor of the resolution. While Republicans generally sympathize with the sentiment of the resolution, many of them regret its passage at this time, feeling con- fident as they do that Congress will not pass the tariff bill. ""The resolution was introduced by Representative Kendall, as a. amend- ment to a resolution Introduced by Representative Eaton, memorializing Con- The gress to appropriate $5,000,000 for the St. Louis Exposition in 1903. Porto Rican resolution follows: } ""Be it resolved, That the people of Iowa are unalterably opposed to the establishment of any tariff duties between the United States and any ter- ritory acquired as a result of the Spanish-American war, the people of which accepted the sovereignty of this Governinent without resistance, and voluntarily passed under the jurisdiction of its Constitution and laws."' Merchants' and Manufacturers' Association Condem Porto Rican Tariff. "I have quoted from the New York Board of Trade and Transportation. Would their opinion be re-enforced by the expression of that of the commer cial and manufacturing interests of Baltimore, the 'city of conservative busi- ness habits? If so, digest this: (C 7 4 A B£ مر "Baltimore, March 21, 1900. "The Merchants' and Manufacturers' Association of this city, one of the leading commercial bodies of the South, to-day adopted, without a dissenting vote, resolutions strongly condemning the Porto Rico tariff bill and favoring the Nicaragua Canal. The resolution follows: 201 * 1 1 ""Resolved by the Merchants' and Manufacturers' Association of Baltimore, That we hereby express our conviction that justice demands the removal of ali trade barriers between the United States and our recently acquired col- cnial possession of Porto Rico, and that the inhabitants of the island of Porto' Riço be admitted to the same rights and freedom in trade that are accorded to citizens of our own country. Resolved, That we are opposed to the passage of any law by Congress which provides for the imposition of taxes upon trade between Porto Rico and the United States contrary to the freedom of commercial intercourse which now prevails between the several States and Territories, and we therefore re- quest our Senators and Representatives in our Congress to advocate such leg- islation as will establish free interchange of commerce.' # 跪 ​** } 1 + F * 1 2 } ? t j } 202' * DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. New York Sun, Sunday, April 1, 1900. SPEAK FOR PORTO RICO RHODE ISLAND REPUBLICANS DISCUSS THE ISLAND'S NEIDS-GOVERNOR DYER SAYS THAT RAISING A TARIFF BARRIER IS AN "OUTRAGEOUS TRANSACTION"-ADDS THAT RHODE ISLAND MIGHT AS JUSTLY PLACE A DUTY ON BLOCK ISLAND FISH. MA 'Providence, R. I., March 31, 1900. "At the ante-election dinner of the representatives of the Republican party held here to-day the speeches of Governor Elisha Dyer and Congressman Adin B. Capron pertaining to the Forto Rican question were received enthu- siastically by the large gathering present, which represented every city and town in the State. Governor Dyer said: ; ""I believe it is the duty of every Republican to stand up, and with no uncertain sound condemn any course of procedure by Congress which brings into question the honor of the Anerican nation toward those new peoples W bo have come under its protection. In the very beginning of the war with Spain, when it was uncertain what the result would be so far as added ter- ritory was concerned, the United States went to Porto Rico; it made no ex- cuse that the island has been misgoverned by Spanish; it made no apologies; It said the island of Porto Rico is the gateway to the Antilles. To treat these people now as if they were aliens, as if they had no rights at all, to have gone over and taken possession of their island, to set up our own Government, and then to impose duties upon them just as we would upon the people of Haiti or Santo Domingo, is one of the most outrageous transactions that could be thought of. * EX I 66 3 { "What a spectacle it will be to European nations, that this people, having been conquered by us and brought into our field, should be treated as stran- gers, and taxed without reason for bringing their products into our ports. We might just as well tax the people of Block Island for the fish and farm products they send to the mainland as to tax these people of Porto Rico for what they bring to us. This question is one in which every Republican should De interested. I believe that before the time comes for the meeting of of the national convention in Philadelphia this question will be settled, and settled with jusuce and honor, not only to ourselves, but to the people who by every moral right should be a part of our nation."" "Mr. Capron spoke in a similar strain." + C Суди мачения D 1 Ji 1 } I LI LÖST REPUBLICAN PLANK, ! 暑 ​CHAPTER XXIII PLATFORM. Free GE MONITORIES WELLNESS ECOLINE t Ti ว The 00 & C ว C THE LOST PORTO RICO PLANK IN THE REPUBLICAN LEESEKKEREVERSED LADIES LENTİ EKET A BEBEK BENSONTENT NO! DAPTERNETEENT LATEST FREE PETERS dona 203 + Great was the outcry when it was discovered by General Grosvenor of Ohio that Mr. Lemuel E. Quigg of New York had revised out of the original draft of the Republican platform, agreed to by a sub-committee of the National, Convention, a resolution Laving reference to the Porto Rico bill. That bill trampled down the constitutional right of the people of Porto Rico to equal taxation, President McKinley, Secretary Root and the House Committee on Ways and Means had all agreed on a totally different bill, which recognized the right of the Porto Ricans to free commerce with all the other ports of the United States. They had not then received any orders from the Sugar Trust. When Mr. Oxnard appeared before the Committee on Insular Affairs, having the bill under consideration, he called a halt as the representative of the sugar interest. From that hour the bill was never again heard of in that Committee. The subject was transferred to the Ways and Means Committee, which promptly reported the will of the Sugar Trust, as now recorded in the Forto Rico law, treating that island as a foreign country, compelling it to pay duties on imports from other United States ports, and in effect imposing an export tax on whatever it might send to the other ports of the United States. The President allowed his henchmen in Congress to bear the odium of this in- famous and unconstitutional act. He publicly stood upon his record against It, while working privately "tooth and nail" in favor of it, according to the public testimony of Speaker Henderson. In the Senate the task of engineering this measure of the Sugar Trust wa's imposed upon Senator Foraker. Between him and the President there is no love lost, and it is believed he is doomed to defeat for re-election if the President and Mr. Hanna can accomplish it. The lost plank in the platform reads as follows: We welcome the people of Hawail, Porto Rico and the Phillippines to the fellowship of our republican institutions, which will carry light and hope to the isles of the sea as they have to this great country; and to the people of Cuba, who have been made the wards of this great country, while they are preparing for independent self-government, we pledge our best care and help, with the assurance that the plighted faith of the tion will be faithfully redeemed. We reassert the principle which was the watch- word of the Republican party in its first great battle, of which Abraham Lincoln was • ' } + $ 1 } ८ 1 A 1 ए 20 I . 1 { ? } 20/ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK,' the Illustrious champion, and on which he was elected President-that Congress has full legislative power over territory belonging to the United States, subject only to the fundamental safeguards of lib.rty, justice and personal rights. It is said that Senator Foraker thought this declaration would to some ex- tent screen him from the popular indignation which had been aroused, as well in Ohio as elsewhere, over the tyrannical act of Congress engineered by him in the Senate. The draft of the platform, including this resolution, has been credited to Postmaster-General Charles Emory Smith, who has not denied the soft im- peachment. It was understood to have been submitted to the President, and révised and corrected by him. It must have given both these gentlement a great deal of trouble in its production. If the people of Porto Rico have been "welcomed to the fellowship of our Republican institutions" by the Porto Rico bill, then a baby, roasted on a spit in its father's house, has thereby been wel- comed to the joys of the domestic fireside. But if Senator Foraker thought this absurd statement would pass muster, through the thoughtlessness and lodifference of the Republican masses, why should he not have had the ben- efit of it? We rather think that after the sober second thought the President, and his platform expert, thought the absurdity of the statement too apparent, The White House platform-makers started out to vindicate the Porto Rico bill, but, after first asserting full legislative power for Congress over the territories, they immediately found themselves compelled to admit that the legislative power in this country is always limited by the Constitution, and they made haste to admit that the Constitution does extend of its own proper force into the territories. This they did by adding the words, “subject only to the fundamental safeguards of liberty, justice and personal rights." This is all that is contended for by any of those who claim that the Constitution controls legislation for the territories as well as for the States. There are portions of the Constitution which are not applicable to the States themselves or to their people. The power to make rules and regulations for the, ter- ritories is plainly written in the Constitution, but it has no more application in the States than the right of each State to be represented in the Senate has in the territories. 17 If the administration had respected the "fundamental safeguards" which the Constitution provides, as well for the people of the territories as for those in the States, they would never have violated their right to equal taxation and to uniform duties in Porto Rico. It is probable that the President saw in the resolution above quoted a censure and not an approval of the Porto Rican Act. It is very dangerous to state a general principle, in defense of a flagrant viola- tion of that very principle. The full legislative power of Congress,-and it always has "full legislative power" when it has any at all,-the full legislative power of Congress is always and everywhere "subject" to the "fundamental safeguards of liberty, justice and personal rights." Senator Foraker need have no regret that the improvident resolution was erased by Mr. Quigg, for had it remained in the Republican platform it would have been a rebuke to him and a stultification of his party. في 1 Į гг = 1 } { BRITISH COLONIAL SYSTEM ADOPTED. 1 1 CHAPTER XXIV. SCHUBERTHI SAT SOUKUPERIEURES-BERETN Į FOR PORTO RICO. EMMAIRERADORNMENT PROPRIEDA HOME PREMIUM Antig2="RA 1 let In THE BRITISH COLONIAL SYSTEM ADOPTED BY CONGRESS PREVOZNITTUVATEDRETEENUS SERENISTERO SERRAD Je 40 PAVERSTONIUSZERE 1205 Under the Act of Congress "Temporarily to provide revenues and a civil government for Porto Rico, and for other purposes (especially for other pur- poses), approved April 12, 1000," a legislative department for that island was created which is patterned after the British colonial system. It consists of two Houses,--one the Executive Council, and the other the House of Delegates. The House of Delegates is to consist of thirty-five members. These are to be chosen by elections at which "all citizens of Porto Rico shall be allowed to vote who have been bona fide residents for one year, and all who possess the other qualifications of voters under the laws and military orders in force on the 1st of March, 1900, subject to such modifications and additional qualifica- tions and such regulations and restrictions as to registration as may be pre- scribed by the Executive Council." According to this the elective franchise in Porto Rico is to be governed by existing laws and military orders sub- ject to any alterations that may be pleasing to the Executive Council. This makes it quite important to understand how this Executive Council is to be created. It is to consist of eleven members, all of whom are to be appointed by President McKinley, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and, it might be added, of the Sugar Trust, which controls the Senate in colonial matters. Six of these members of the Council are also officers of the island, namely: The Secretary, Attorney-General, Treasurer, Auditor, Commissioner of the Interior and Commissioner of Education. Added to these there must be appointed by the President five other persons of good repute. Their term of office is five years. Five of these eleven "shall be native inhabitants of Porto Rico." The other six can all be from Ohio if the President and Mark Hanna see fit. It should be stated that the majority of six may, under this law, all or any of them, be removed by the President if at any time they do not give him satisfaction. This makes Porto Rico what the British call a "Crown Colony." It makes the President imperial monarch of the island. It places in the hands of eleven men appointed by him the power to disfran- chise all citizens who may be opposed to his administration, so that the House of Delegates as well as the Executive Council constituting the Upper } Eb 1 3 ד " 1 { } هم . İst r 3 f 1 រ затт } 7 T 206 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. House of the Legislature, will be under his absolute control. The great body of the people of Porto Rico are of European descent and white people, but this law subjects them to the British colonial system which prevails in Brit- ish India, Ceylon and Hongkong. In East India there are three hundred mil lions of natives and about a hundred thousand Englishmen. In Ceylon there are three millions of people of whom only eight thousand are Europeans. There is one defect in this Porto Rico Act. It ought to provide for the cre- ation of the office of "Secretary of State for the Colonies," and this office ought, for the first ten years, to be held by an Englishman who has had experience under the British government in her East Indian possessions. This omission, however, can be supplied at the next session if this British colonial policy shall be endorsed by the American people by the re-election of President McKinley. 3 Although the salaries provided for our officers who are to govern Porto Rico are very liberal, we can learn much from our British cousins on this subject. For example, the Governor of Porto Rico receives an annual salary of $8,000 per year. The British Governor at Hongkong receives $32,000 per year. The Secretary of Porto Rico receives $4,000 per year. The Colonial Secretary of Hongkong receives $9,720 per year. The Attorney-General of Porto Rico receives $4,000 per year. The Attorney-General in Hongkong re ceives $8 400 per year. 'The list of officers, however, in Porto Rico is much longer than those in Hongkong. } It cannot be doubted that under the fostering care of Mark Hanna, second administration of McKinley would bring our colonial system fully up to the Butish standard. It is possible that in following the British system, Mr. Hanna inay decide to begin at the beginning and farm out Porto Rico and the Philippines to a corporation similar to the old East India Company, which for a hundred and fifty years ruled and plundered that vast empire un- der a license from Great Britain. It is only forty-two years since the Brit- fsh Parliament substituted the present system of government in India for the former rule of the East India Company. As this was a voluntary act of Parliament, so it could again turn the people of East India over to a corpora- tion. If Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands are not under the protection of the Constitution of the United States, as the Republican leaders say is the case, Congress has the same power over that island that the British Par- liament had over the East Indics. If the Republicans remain in power, there 'is no reason why they may not turn this island over to the absolute govern- mental control of a private corporation as England did in the case of her East Indian conquests. Indeed such a corporation might be invested with the power to conquest as was the East India Company, and be authorized, as was that company, to raise armies and exercise the general powers of sover- eignty. We have business men who could organize such a company and con- duct it on business principles. For the possibilities under such a system read the speech of Edmund Burke in the impeachment trial of Warren Hastings. 4b • ↓ ን र I " } = 1 1 { 1 the $ * 1 ** If the American people sustain the absolutism of the McKinley administra- tion and its disregard of constitutional limitations, nothing has ever been done in the British East Indies that may not now be repeated in the newly acquired territories of the United States. + 1 BRITISH COLONIAL SYSTEM ADOPTED. { it ļ } برا I + J 207 # 1 } > → 1 Jan 1 th t se 柔 ​2 1 ~*~* も ​~~c a لا یں 1 { y f * 3 } 1 * } } } I 208 1 Į DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CHAPTER XXV. THE COST OF IMPERIALISM. • • 1 the A total for the two years of This was an average each year of 37 Now take appropulations for fiscal year 1899. Now take appropriations for scal year 1900 Take the estimates and appropriations for 1901. The total for the three years is In the debate of March 31st, 1900, on the bill making appropriations for fortifications, etc., Mr. Richardson of Tennessee called attention to the ex- penses brought upon this country by the Republican party since the present administration came into power. He said: ¦ ¦¦ ¦ ; ... I have a statement here which shows the entire expenses of the Government for all purposes appropiated for the two years immediately preceding the late war with Spain. Take the appropulations for the fiscal year which ended June 30, 1897, and for the fiscal year which eaded June 30, 1898, the two years, and compare the appropriations for the three years which immediately followed-that is, for the fiscal year which ended the 30th of June, 1809, for the fiscal year which will end June 30, 1900, and for the fiscal year which will end 1901. The appropriatious for 1837 wele Foi fiscal year ended June 30, 1898, they were. .. ... • Or an average each year of . The average per year before the Spanish war was. .. • • • ; • i • • { • J 4 .... } \} 301,439,698 TO Which shows an annual increase of Or, as I have already stated, an increase in three years over what the appropria- tions would have been but for the change from a republic to an empire of over $900,- 000.000. I do not charge that all this alarming increase is due to the policy of imperialism, for some of it belongs legitimately to the war with Spain. But when that war ceased, the war expenditures should also cease T'hey cannot grow less under the grandeur and glor of the policy of imperialism. Mr HEMENWAY. Will the gentleman yield to me for an interruption? Mr. RIICHARDSON Ycs. Mr. HEMENWAY. Did the gentleman oppose the cxpenditures for carrying on the war? $469,499,010 41 485.002,044.72 954,496,055.13 477,248,027 56 台​一 ​893,231,615.55 4,981,022.29 767,850,540 94 2,338,063,178 78 778,687,726 20 477,248,027 36 Mr. RICHARDSON. No, I am uct opposing the expenditures, and did not oppose them. Mr. HEMENWAY In your bgures are the expenses for carrying on the war In- cluded? Mr. RICHARDSON, Testa 1 * A t 1 [ COST OF IMPERIALISM. Mr. HEMENWAY Does the gentleman think that is a fair comparison? Mr.-RICHARDSON. Yes. You are not appropriating for 1901 for expenses of carry- Ing on the war, but for expenses made necessary by your policy of Imperialism. Mr. HEMENWAY. Does the gentleman deny that the appropriation for the fiscal year 1901 will not be largely increased as a result of the war? 'Mr. WILLIAMS of Mississippi. That is an insurrection growing out of the empire. Mr. RICHARDSON. Let me ask my friend in charge of the appropriations, and who knows more about them than I do, what is there in the appropriations for 1901- the fiscal year which will end about fifteen months from now-what is there in that budget of expenses that is chargeable to the war with Spain? Is it not true that we have a large expenditure in the Philippine Mr. HEMENWAY. Islands? 1 Mr. RICHARDSON. Certainly; that is what I am talking about. Mr. HEMENWAY. Is the gentleman in favor of discontinuing those expenses and withdrawing our army from the Philippines? ነ Mr. RICHARDSON. I am not undertaking to say that all these expenditures are Improper. They are proper, many of them, and we are compelled to vote for them by reason of the policy you are pursuing. Mr. HEMENWAY. If it is a proper expenditure, and you are compelled to vote for It, why do you criticise It? L گر Mr. RICHARDSON. Because of the policy of your party. The administration of the country by the Republican party is now entailing upon this country, by reason of its policy, which we must carry out under all the conditions, necessitates an annual ex- penditure of more than $300,000,000 more than it was necessary to spend before your party came into power and entered upon the present policy. Mr. HEMENWAY. But the gentleman Mr. RICHARDSON. I cannot yield to the gentleman further. He has got all the time, and I only took the floor to emphasize the fact that it is going to cost us three hundred millions, more year by year and every year as long as this policy is continued. I want to get away from this policy and turn back. I Representative Livingston of Georgia, the ranking minority member of the House Committee on Appropriations, is authority for the following statement as to appropriations: 1¦ I 11 W/ ¡ ""' "I beg," he says, "to call the attention of the House and the country to the fact that notwithstanding the elcimous appropriations for 1900 on account of the Spanish-Cuban war, the army and navy appropriations for this session are $50,000,000 in excess of those for the last session. Also that in every department of the Government we have increased at this session the amounts authorized at the last session. And when to the aggregate we add the amounts that should have been appropriated at this session, but which have been deferred, for no good reason, or at least for reasons that need explana- tion on the part of those in control, we would have a grand total of $879,729,476 for this session alone. کر دی } 209** 瞿 ​¿ I | "In the case of the appropriations for the navy the authorization of the eight new warships yolves an ultimate expenditure for construction, armor and armament of something like $50,000,000, not one dollar of which is now appiapilated for and does not figure in the navy item, but must be met in future years. "The dominant paity attempted, to commit this Congress at this session, and doubt- less will renew their efforts at the coming session, to commit the Government to what is known as the ship subsidy scheme, which involves the sum of $120,000,000 to be expended throughout a term of years." War Taxes. To provide for the expenses of our war with Spain, Congress passed June 13, 1898, the bill known as the War Revenue bill. This bill authorized the issue of bonds to the amount of $400,000,000, the coinage of the silver bullion in the Treasury, and the issuance of certicates of indebtedness to the extent of $100,000,000. It further provided for special taxes, stamp duties, ele J $ } I [ # 210 I 7 !4 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, The Secretary of the Treasury under this authority sold bonds to the ex- tent of $200,000,000 and proceed to coin the silver bullion and collected war taxes which up to March 31 00, aggregated $183,405,292, 1 War was declared April 21, 1898; the peace protocol was signed August 10, and the treaty of peace was signed December 10 of that year, was ratified by the Senate February 6, 1899, and ratifications exchanged April 11, 1899, but the war tax which was passed with the distinct understanding that it was only, a war measure not only stands unrepealed, but there is no promise or sign of its repeal. 1 } I J * Discrimination in Favor of the Rich. 1 The tax falls mainly on the poor and the rich are largely exempt. Beer and tobacco are consumed by the poor, and it is the consumer who in the end pays the tax. The consigue: and not the corporations pays for the A lease for a stamps for transmission of freight messages and packages. cottage is taxed as much as one for a mansion, a bank check for $5 the same as one for a million, and a bill of lading for a barrel of potatoes as much as one for a cargo or a train load of products. • The rich are reached to a small extent through the tax on legacles, bank- Ing capital, bonds, etc., the total of which can hardly aggregate $8,000,000 a pear. This war tax is so cunningly devised that the larger part of it is collected from the people without their realizing it, or being able to know what they are paying. 22 The scheme is not new, the statescraft which devised it was long ago ex- posed by William Pitt, who said: "To levy a direct tax is a dangerous experi- ment in-a frce/couâtity and may excite revolt. But there is a method by which you may tax the last rag from the back and the last bite from the mouth without a murmur against high taxes: and that is to tax a great many articles of daily use and necessity so indirectly that the people will pay them and not know it." The War Tax Must Stay. } "A number of bills were introduced in the 50th Congress to repeal in whole or in part, which were all put to sleep in the committees. The Republican administration would not even allow a vote upon any of them. ļ 11 A small tax is imposed on telephone companies, petroleum and sugar re- fineries, pipe lines, palace and parlor car companies, but there is nothing in the law to prevent these corporations, or the rich brewery and tobacco com- panies, or the owners of patent medicines, from increasing prices or charges, thus shifting the burden from their own shoulders to those of the patron and the consumer; even the tax on legacies can in part be avoided by ante-mortem distribution. .211 We thus see that only about 6 per cent. of the war tax is borne by the capitalistic class. ; According to the United States census bulletin No. 98, issued January 24, 1895, the rich, who constitute only 9 per cent. of our population, own 71 per cent. of the wealth. It therefore appears that the few rich who own more than two-thirds of everything pay only about one-sixteenth of the war tax, while the middle and wage-earning classes, who constitute 91 per cent. of the people and who own less than one-third of the wealth pay about fifteen-six- ' ! teenths of it. 1 As such discrimination in a monarchy would be tyranny, so in a republic it is nothing less. 1 1 12 T } Records of the Two Parties. The position of the two parties is this: The Republicans opposed and the Democrats favored the repeal of the war tax. This is shown by the following taken from the Congressional Record of May 23, 1900, pages 63, 62-64. 1 COST OF IMPERIALISM. * } p U REPUBLICANS OPPOSE REPEAL. Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I am authorized by the Committee on Ways and Means to present the following resolution and ask unanimous consent for its present consid- eration The Clerk read as follows: 1 "Resolved, That the Committee on Ways and Means have leave to sit during the recess to consider the subject of the revision and reduction of the war revenue taxes.” 1 } The question has been asked why a bill was not brought in at this session for the reduction of the revenue. I will state briefly the reason why we are adjourning with- out doing it. 1 The committee have had some hearings of various interests in the country, pressing forward to be heard, on the subject of the reduction of the war revenue; and after the committee had got into those hearings they found that nearly every person who had to pay any of the war revenue taxes was not only willing.but anxious to have those taxes removed from his particular industry. 复 ​I So that the committce found that if they wished to please all the people of the United States who think themselves' injured by this war revenue act, who have com- plained of the taxes paid under it, we would have virtually to repeal this war revenue act, or wipe out from the statule books more than $100,000,000 annually of taxation. That would result, of course, in a defiul to the Treasury of the United States. I These are some of the considerations, Mr. Speaker, which have led the committee to think it unsafe to undertake to perfect a revenue bill during the recess, when a bill may be framed that may be brought in next December and passed through the House. DEMOCRATS FAVOR REPEAL. } } Mr RICHARDSON. I wish to say that in my opinion this Congress ought not to adjourn until some provision is made for the reduction of the war taxes. We can get along without the enormous sum now being collected under the war tax measure. The Secretary of the Treasury has shown by his report to Congress that the surplus at the end of the present fiscal year will amount to nearly $90,000,000. Now, Mr. Speaker, that being truc, the gentleman from New York may juggle with figures, he may use figures to disguise this fact, but his Secretary of the Treasury tells us that there will be an enormous surplus growing out of the revenues for the present fiscal year. This being true, this Congress ought not to adjourn, I say, until it makes provision for some relief to the people from these onerous taxes. I know when the war tax measure passed it was claimed that it was an emergency measure. The war came suddenly, and it was necessary to enact hasty legislation; but, D 1 { } बँ $ * 1 fe { $ } 1 5 212 Mr. Speaker, this Congress has been in session six or seven months in a time of pro- found peace, and no effort whatever has been put forth by the majority to give the people any kind of relief from this burden of taxation. And now they propose to adjourn. { The gentleman from New York has made a statement about what occurred in com- mittee. I do not like usually to do anything of that kind, but he has said that this motion to adjouin met with no opposition from the minority, after voting on certain preliminary motious. · 4 Now, one of those preliminary motions, Mr. Speaker, was a resolution instructing that committee to report a resolution or a bill forthwith to reduce the war taxes 50 per cent. before we adjouin, the bill to take effect July 1, 1900. That they will not agree to do. That would give some measure of relief to the people. Why not pass such a resolution? It can be passed in forty-eight hours or less time. Then if the gentleman admits that the war tax measure was hastily prepared and that it will take time to prepare a measure to take its place, then if he thinks it is necessary for the Ways and Means Committee to sit during the recess in order to prepare a safe and wise measure making further reduction, this side of the House would not object to it, I venture to say. We are for any measure or any resolution and for any fair and reasonable steps that will reduce the burden of taxation now resting upon the people. (Applause.) DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. How the People's Money Goes Under Imperial Rule. The following is compiled from U. S. Senate Document, No. 453, 50th Con- gress, 1st session, as compiled by Thomas B. Cleaves and James C. Courts, clerks, respectively to the Senate and House Committees on Appropriations, and prepared and published by authority of law. Its accuracy may be relied on. It illustrates the difference of the cost of the Republic against the Empire, but is only the beginning: Total number of new offices created by the first session of the 56th Congress Total amount of salanes attached to same Total number of offices abolished by the first session of the 56th • 1 → - • 1 Congress Total amount of salaries attached to same Net increase in number of offices created by the first session of the 56th Congress Increase in salaries of new offices created by the first session of the 56th Congress Congress ** Net increase in one session Net incréase in number of new offices Amount of salaries attached to same. Number of old offices increased in salaries. Amount of salaries attached to same. • { • ► • • • } 4 ↓ New offices specifically named (as above). New offices created by increase of appropriations or other law not included in above, amount of each salary not being specified.... S ·· * " Total Total decrease in salailes by abolishment of, by first session of 56th Grand net total of new offices created and old ones increased in one session.. mindo wa 5,069 2,799 } 2,270 1 479 2,270 2,749 * $4,537,673.77 1,944,658.00 4,537,673.77 2,721,307 84 $7,258,981 61 $2,024,218 00 5,234,663.61 5,231,603 61 133,529.75 Salaries attached to the same. $5,368,193 36 Attention is called to the astounding facts shown in this statement. The total increase in number of new offices created and salaries increased in the old ones is 2,749; while the increase in the salaries amounts, in the aggre- WE } Ꮧ } 1 } 1 + 1 *** COST OF IMPERIALISM. 213 gate, each year, to $5,368,193.36. This does not include the numberless com- missions appointed by the President with salaries attached. { This document shows also that the appropriations for one year made by this first session amounted to $710,150,862.88. In addition to this it shows that the amount of contracts authorized by ap- propriation acts in addition to appropriations made therein is $58,440,374. The total being $768,591,236.88. This latter sum does not include the indefinite appropriations, which amount to many thousands of dollars. ↓ { } t } } + } น } ht } 1 1 1 1 T 1 } 1 嘁 ​} 1 រ + Ke f 1 } S * ' 3 + { 1 { 1 214 RETRESCUE NING { PART FIVE.-The Trusts. DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. PROVARE PROG 100 ' } t P CHAPTER XXVI. PROPOSED REMEDIES THE REPUBLICAN PROPOSITION- KundasalON MORE THE SAME Ma K וי והארות בדרך MR. BRYAN'S BILL. THE DEVOSKOVAZE, 134.90*45kr + HEREMINDRE SIDE 1 NEGRO OGREY MAKERETETERORITY) 1 PREDKOMERSILINESKIDA K The Republican party has been delivered by false leaders into the hands of the trusts. When trusts are on trial it sits as a corrupt judge, and, at the same time, acts as counsel for the defense. In the magnitude of their cap- italization, the trusts organized during McKinley's administration exceed all others that have been formed since the foundation of the Government. The millions contributed towards McKinley's election in 1896 proved a good in- vestment for the trusts. Certain of his support for every scheme their avar- ice could devise and their astute lawyers formulate, with a Congress quick to record their will, they have only to seek new worlds to conquer. The bold- est stroke they have yet made is their proposition for an amendment to the Constitution to subject all corporations and trusts to the Federal control— Congress to control trusts, with trusts to control Congress in the control of trusts. Nothing could be more simple. When the President undertook to set up for himself for a few days, and antagonized the idea of treating Porto Rico as a foreign country by imposing customs duties on Porto Rican ports in their commerce with all other ports of the United States, and when Con- gress was about to enact the President's view into law, Mr. Oxnard, the over- seer of the Sugar Trust, with one crack of his plantation whip, brought the President, the Secretary of War, and the House Committee on Ways and Means trembling to his feet. The President and Congress immediately re- versed their position, declared the people of Porto Rico to be out of the United States and enacted a tariff law in violation of what the President had said was "a plain duty" and what the Secretary of War had said was de- manded by "justice and good faith." With equal alacrity the Armor Plate Trust dictated to Congress legislation to take off all limits on the price to be paid for armor plate for our new war vessels and compelled that body to delegate to the Secretary of the Navy the legislative power of determining what price should be deemed reasonable. These two illustrations clearly show the wisdom of the trusts in confiding to Congress the power to regulate them and requiring that body to advocate a constitutional amendment giving itself supreme power over the subject. J > ( } í ** BRYAN'S ANTI-TRUST BILL 215 This would give us a government of the trusts, for the trusts, and by the 1 trusts. 3 If the American people, shall determine to break the power of the trusts they must first take the government out of their hands. Wendell Phillips said years before he died that the Republican party was dead and that a tramp was walking around in its grave-clothes. The Railroad Trusts, the Su- gar Trust, the Standard Oil Trust, the Iron and Steel Trusts, the Coal Trust, the Beef Trust and their kindred organizations are in the saddle. They are our "rough riders." Their will is obeyed by a Republican President and a Republican Congress. Their power will increase and their arrogance swell as their rule is continued through the assignment made to them of the Republican party's power by Hanna, McKinley and Company. It is not only vain but ridiculous and absurd to discuss remedies for the trusts with the political agents of the trusts themselves. J 1 ❤ Take the government away from the trusts. There will then be no difficulty in squeezing the water out of the stocks of trusts and corporations, and in compelling them to deal honestly with the stockholders and with the public, by the necessary and proper exercise of the power to regulate commerce and the power of taxation. ¥ 1 ! • Mr. Bryan's Bill in Congress. On the 26th of May," 1892, Mr. Bryan introduced in the House of Repre- sentatives a bill to amend the "Act to Protect Trade and Commerce against unlawful restraints and monopolies." Its passage then would have done more for the people of the country than has been done by any Republican Con- gress in twenty-five years. It was in the form of an additional section, and 4 read as follows: < { Sec. 9. That whenever any Circuit Court of the United States shall find in a case pending before it under this act that any contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise, ´or conspiracy in restraint of trade or compierce among the several States, or with foreign nations, exists in respect to any article or articles upon which any duties are levied by the then existing tariff laws of the United States, it shall be the duty of the ecurt to report the facts so found to the President of the United States, setting forth specifically each and every suen article. It shall be the duty of the Presi dent of the United States, upon the receipt of such report, to issue his proclamation placing each and every such article; when imported into the United States, upon the free list, and stall 6x the time, not execeding thirty days from the receipt of the find- ings of the court, at which such article or articles shall be admitted free of duty. And on and after the dute fixed in said proclamation such article or articles shall, when imported into the United States, be admitted free of duty: Provided, That whenever such article cr articles are subjected to a tax under the internal revenue laws of the United States, the duty on such article or articles shall be equal to such internal revenue tax. And from aud after the date fixed by the proclamation such article, or articles shall be admitted, when imported into the United States, subject to a duty equal to the internal revenue tax on said article or articles. - There are £ > 1 .§. . The Republican Anti-Trust Fund. Following is the proposed amendment to the Constitution with which the Republican managers insulted the intelligence of the United States at the 157 3 1. *** } DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 216 close of a six months' session of a Congress strongly Republican in both its branches. 慧 ​1 ARTICLE XVI. Section 1. All powers conferred by this article shall extend to the several States, the Territories, the District of Columbia, and all territory under the sovereignty and sub- ject to the jurisdiction of the United States. Sec. 2 Congress shall have power to define, regulate, prohibit, or dissolve trusts, monopolies, or combinations, whether existing in the form of a corporation or otherwise. The several States may continue to exercise such power in any manner aot in conflict with the laws of the United States Sec. 3. Congress shall have power to enforce the provisions of this article by appro- priate legislation. י ך } This absurd proposition contained the clements for its own defeat. It was self-annulling. Had there been the least possibility of its adoption, it could not have received a single Republican vole. A reading of its second section will show any intelligent man that it was a dishonest trick intended to de- ceive the people into the belief that it was an anti-trust measure. That sec- tion not only provides that Congress shall have the power over trusts and monopolies, but also over all "combinations" A partnership between any two individuals for any purpose under the sun, however honest, is a "combination;" and under this mock anti-trust Republican proposition Congress could have prohibited the carrying on of a bootblack stand by any two persons. A trust Congress, like the one now in existence, could, under such an amendment to the Constitution, pass laws asserting exclusive control over all business in which more than one person is engaged; and no State legislature could then exercise any power at all without being "in conflict with the laws of the United States." The proposed amendment did not have its origin in ignorance as some might suppose, but in pure insolence. It presupposes ignorance on the part of the great body of the people, and a total disregard of he opinions of others. It is such an amendment to the Constitution as might have been framed by the counsel for the Standard Oil Company, the Armor Plate Trust or the Sugar Trust. 1 It would be as vain to expect to gather figs from thistles as to look to a Congress owned by the trusts for an honest proposition for legislation to in- terfere with the trusts. Elasticity of Republican Construction When They Want to Use Power. The Hon. John J. Lentz, of Ohio, in a speech in the House of Representa- tives, June 1, 1900, thus addressed the Republican members on their pre- tended desire to amend the Constitution to avoid doing what can be done without an amendment: You are very anxious to amend the Constitution under which you established des- potism in Porto Itico, the Constitution under which you estabushed a trust of carpet- bag thueves in Cuba (applause), under which you paid bribes and pensions to Moham- medans and polygamists in the Sulu Islands (laughter and applause), the Constitution under which you had power to shoot to death a congress of Christian people in Luzon who had fought, bled and died for liberty and the light of self-government, and yet 1 } S 'BRYAN'S. ANTI-TRUST BILIZ you now claim you have not power sufficient to stop the trusts from using the mail while they are fleecing the Republic of thousands, of hundreds of thousands, and rail- lions of dollars. You could prevent the lottery trust in New Orleans from using the mails, but your Constitutions too weak to prevent the wire and nail tiust, or the sugar trust, or the tobacco trust from using the mails! Who says the Constitution will allow postal laws to prevent obscene matter, but will not allow postal laws to prevent the trusts from robbing the people? You Republicans know very well how you can reach the trusts. The best informed man on this subject in your party, Mr. Monnett, told you how he would get nd of the trusts, and instantly you got 11d of him (Laughter on the Democratic side.) Oh, yes; you are against the trusts! I will tell you how to get rid of the trusts. If the trusts elect McKinley in November, constitutional amendment or no amendment, the trusts will do Lusiness at the old stand for four years moie. If the people elect William Jennings Bivan (applause), no amendment will be necessary, and after the 4th of next March we will have an Attorney-General who will not go on sleeping while the trusts go on fattening, for he will keep the trusts so busy that it will be hotter for them than any part of the tropical islands of our empire. A A Warning from a Clear Headed Business Man. L ¥ Mr. James R. Keene, ´well-known as one of the largest business operators in New York City, is reported to have said in a recent interview: The people of this country must arouse themselves The coming election is of more Importance, from the standpoint of a pure and truc Amclicanism, than any that bas transpired since the second election of Lincoln. Money is in the saddle; it is riding down the Institutions of this country with a confident insolence that tells of its firm belief in its own invincibility. It is running the Government today in its every branch and arm. 0 If money's power in molding public affairs goes forward for four years more as it has for four years past, the name of American liberty will only be worth a recollection as a matter of history. Money is pressing the people backward step by step. What is to be the end? If it goes on, there are, as matters trend, but two solutions. One is socialism, and the second is revolution. The American people must defend themselves from money just as they ouce guarded their forest frontiers from the savage Unless they come solid'y shoulder to shoulder for their rights, and come at once, Bupker U will have been a blunder, Yorktown a mistake, } 217 √ ] 1 + F } C 2 1 11 素 ​13 > ま ​1 5 ال 1 Present Name of Trust. (Prepared by Byron W. Holt) Industrial Trusts Incorporated-(See explanatory foot notes.) CHAPTER XXVII, TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES. Alabama Consolidated Coal and Iron Co. (5 properties) Amalgamated Copper Co (6 or more properties) American Agricultural Chemical Co. (29 fertilizer plants) Amorcan Automatic Woighing Machine Co. (3 Companies, all in US). American Ave and Tool Co (16 plants) American Boot Sugar Co (Proportios in Neb. and S. Cal ) American Boll Telephone (Controls 51 Companies with $153,324,516 capital) Amonican Bicycle Co (56 plants) American Book Co. (School books) American Brass Co. (3 Mfgrs Sheet Brass) Amonican Budge Co (21 principal concerns in U.S) American Car and Foundry Co. (Railroad cars) .. American Caramel Co (Consol. 2 firms-almost whole export trade U S American Cement Co (Mills, etc in Pa. and N. Y.). American Coical Co • ܚ. .. *+ American Chicle Co (6 large chewing gum companies) American Clay Mfg Co. (27 sewer pipe mfgrs. of Ohio, 80-85 per cent of all) American Cotton Oil Co (123 properties in South) Amorican Edible Nut Co (Peanut combination). American Electric Heating Corporation American Felt Co (nearly all in US) American Fisheries Co. (15 to 18 Menhaden oil companies 1eorganizing). American Glue Co. (plants in many states and citius) American Graphophone Co (Consol. 3 companios). American Glass Twino Co (Consol 3 companies) American Hide and Leather Co. (35 companies-85 per cont upper leather output) ... ... ·· ... *** ** *⇓⇓⇓ ·· ... ·· American Ice Co. (companies of N. Y., Phila., Balto., Wash. and N J.) American Iron and Steel Co. (several companies of Lebanon and Reading, Pa.) Organized. 1899 1899 1899 1899 1889-- 1899 1$79 1899 1887 1899 1900 1899 1898 1899 1891 1899 1900 1883 1899 1896 1899 1898 1831 1899 1899 1899 1899 Rooigan- ized. · V ·· ·· Ja ………. 1880 1890 .. 1889 1893 Where Incorpo- rated.' N. J.' N. J. Conn. England Ky. N. J. Mass. N. J 1 N. J. · Conn., N. J. N. J.' Pa. N J. Ohio N. J. N. J. N J. N J. N J. N. J. Del., N J. På. } I 77 } Common toc Stock. $2,500,000 75 000,000 17,000,000 £135,000 3,872,500 15,000,000 70,975,500 20,000,000 5,000,000 6,000,000 30 000,000 20,090,00 1,000,000 2,000,000 3,341,700 6,000,000 650,000 20,237,100 5,000,000 10 000,000 2,500,000 8,000,000 800,000 1,199.736 15,000,000 11 500,000 22 939,100 17,000,000 Capitalization. • • Preferred Stock. $2,500,000 17.000,000 £135,000 4,000,000 10,000,000 30,000,000 20,090,000 5,000,000 3,000,000 10,198,500 2,500,000 2,000,000 1,000,000 800,000 13,000,000 12,140,400 3,000,000 • ... Bonds. . .. ***1 ... $10,007,500 10,000,000 ·· 1,000,000 1,257,300 1,650,000 3,068 000 500,000 500,000 600,000 200,000 8,445,000 1,255,000 < 218 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. AG ใต้ fa } A American Jute Bagging Mfg. Co.. ·· American Linseed Co (all principal linseed oil companies in U. S.). American Lithograph Co American Loom C(3 companies) American Malting Co (37 companies, nearly all in U. S.) American Ordnance Co. (guns, projectiles, etc.). American Pastry and Mfg Co. (nearly all pio bakers of N. Y.) American Pneumatic Service Co. (Consol 4 companies-controls patents) American Preservers' Co • American Radiator Co (4 companies, 75 per cent U. S. product) American Sash and Door Co, (3? mill, in Chicago) Amonican Screw Co -- American Soda Fountain Co American Steel and Wne Co (controls these industries in US) American Steel Casting Co (7 plants). American Steel Hoop Co (0 hoop, tie and band companies) American Stoveboard Co. (7 companies) } Amorican Shoet Steel Co (owns 160 mills cat of 215 mills in US). American Shipbuilding Co (shpbuilding, otc., on Great Lakes) .. American Skewer Co. (nearly all in USI American Smelting and Refiumg Co (controls many big companies) American Snuff Co. (95 per cet of product of U. S, controlled by Am and Cont T Co ·· · ·· .. …………. ... ··· 44 .. ... American Strawboard Co. 19 companies) American Sugar Refining Co (70 per cont. U. S, product) American Thread Co (13c tton-thread companies, controlled by Eng. Cot. Co. American Tin Plate Co. (280 mills-95 per cent of all) American Tobacco Co (plug business sold in 1898) American Type Founders' Co (23 companies in U. S.) American Whip Co (20 companies) American Window Glass Co (controls 80 per cent. all in U. S) American Weodworking Machinery Co 1t companies-in receivers hands) American Woo.en Co (men's woolens-mils in Now England) American Wiinger Co American Writing Paper Co (22 companios-76 per cent. of U. S output). Armour & Co. (consolid ited packing houses, et, in Chicago, Omaha, Kansas Citv, etc). ·· • • • .. Asphalt Co. of America (controls 95 per cent trade in U. S, owns 14 companies) Atlantic Clav Co " → Atlas Tack Corporation, to be sold under foreclosure (50 per cent tack output) .Baltimore Buick Co. (22 plants) Baltimore Breweries Co. (consolidated 2 breweries) Bartholomay Browing Co. (consolidated 3 browories of Rochestor) Bigelow Carpet Co. (2 companies ingiain carpets)... Booth, A. & Co. (fish and oystors, 43 concerns). Borax Consolidated, limited (consol. 12 principal borax properties in world). Brass Foundry and Machine Co. (iron and biass castings). T ·· .. 1888 1887 1891 1900 1897 1896 1899 1899 1885 1892 1900 1860 1900 1899 1893 1899 1900 1891 1898 1891 1899 1890 1889 1887 1898 1898 1890 1892 1871 1899 1897 1899 1891 1399 1900 1899 1899 1881 1899 1889 1889 1900 1898 1899 1898 ·· ……… ... 1894 1898 1892 1889 1899 1893 ... 1899 1891 • 1893 1891 1896 1898 1899 ******** ... 1897 ·· N. J. N. J. · N. Y. N. J. D. C. N J. Del W. Va. N. J. N. J. "N. J. N J. Ind. N. J. N. J. N. J. N J. N. J. N. J. W Va. Ill. N. J. N J. N. J. N. J. N. J. Mass, Pa. N. J. N J R. I. N, J. Ill. N. J. N. J. Mass. N. J. Ill. England. N. J } 2,800,000 1,750,000 8,000,000 1,000,000 14,500,000 1,491,300 2,000,000 5,000,000 $2,500,000 4,893,000 3,500,000 3,250,000 16,000,000 7,600,000 300,000 27,400,000 1',000,000 1,250,000 50,000,000 2,143,000 19,000,000 81,100 6,000,000 86,968,000 3,600,000 28,000,000 57,524,000 4,000,000 250,000 13,000,000 2,000,000 › 29,501,100 850,000 11,100,000 20,000,000 30,000,000 2,000,000 700,000 1,500,000 180,000 1,093,000 4,030,000 3,000,000 £600,000 $6,000,000 * 16,750,000 3,500,000 14,440,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 5,000,000 $3,000,000 2,500,000 16,000,000 7,600,000 27,400,000 12,000,000 2,500,000 40,000,000 1,195,700 14,000,000 36,968,000 4,890,475 18,325,000 11,000,000 4,000,000 2,00,000 20,000,000 1,650,000 12,500,000 *** 1,000,000 600,000 (all kinds stock, etc.) (all kinds stock, etc.) ... 2,500,000 £800,000 • 4,000,000 • • • *ựa ** *** *$2.067,000 25,00,0 620,000 •* 5,798,000 1,000,000 1,200,000 ⚫ 405,000 - 17,000,000 1,400 000 1,500,000 1,250,000 2,000,000 £800,000 & [ TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES. 219 We ha ~1. 1 $ F Present Name of Trust. *** PORTU ARI · Brooklyn What and Warehouse Co (in receivers hands) Brunswick-Balke-Collender Co (billiard tables, etc ) Californa Fruit Packers' Association (75 per cent canneries. Califorma Winemakers' Corporation (allied with California Wine Ass'n), Cambria Steel Co (owns C Iron Co, plants in 5 counties in Pennsylvania).. Carnegio Coron, steel and coke companies) Celluloid Co Central Coal Coko Co (solling agency) Central Coal & Coke Co of Kansas City, Mo (plants in several States) Central Pandy Co. (95 per cent soil pipe output US) Central Hudson Steamboat Co (911. Kv. hoats) - 35 3 · JABANE UZG 鲁​道 ​3444 - 1 ******** ? Chesapeake tonaship Co (Consol. of steamship lines) ………. Chicago IP s, Limited (Consol 3 cos) Chicago Ed. n Co (sorbed 4 cos) Chicago netion Ry and Union Stock Yards Co. (3 cos., meat packing) Chicago Packing and Provision Co, (Limited) Chicago Re: ay Equipment Co (5 or moro cos, all but Sterling).. 1 11 C **** - 1 - F:----- ** AAAA SAASTAL • ·· ·· …………… TAIKA D A ***** 1 SAMAJU .... P ·· ** ***** to di me te bly and a *** ANASA *** › Incorporated Trusts-Continued. · ་་་་ ** • ** *** Cincinnati Ewenos Co. (Consol. 2 cos. in Cincinnati and Aurora, Ind.) City of Chicago Dowing and Malting Co (Consol 5 Chicago cos) Cievolaan 1 S..ndusky Brewing Co (1i bieworios) Colorad. Fuel and Iron Co. · Consol Col Coal at 1 Iron Co ì. Compressed Co, of BG of Manhattan (Consol. of Am Air P and another) Consolidated He ting Co AL... ..... 4 • Tregti ~··· *** *** Aadas Consolidated Ice Co all artificial ice cos. in Pittsburg) Consolidated Ro Superior Co. (1 water-power cos) Consolidate Imo Co (cont.ols product of lime south of Vnginia, oxcopt Texas Consolidated Moter Vehiclo Co. (sovoral Wostorn motor vehicle companies). Consolidated Packing Co. (Beef) Consohda.cd Railway Electric Lighting and Equipment Co (5 cus Corsonaleà Ruber Tire Co Continental G. Co or Now York (90 por cent U. S. output of cotton gins- consol companies) Continental Tupacco Co. (7 plug companies and part interest of Am. T. Co.) Denver United Brewerios (consol 2 Denver companies) ……………………….. *** La *****E DEIRA ** ·· ……… · 44 · **A SA4 …………….. SALA D **▼ ... **S *** ……….. ···* • ………… ***** KAMI ME •*• - ANSA. FELIN STAGIAIRE • · * 4 4 2 ••• ... - Med d · ---- …………… 100 ự đ *** ** *** .... 451 ** ..... NO BA 420 *** ** …………… བ་་་བ Diamond Math Co. (mills all over U. S. and in England, etc.)...or...- Distilling Co of America (nearly all spirits manufacturing co's. in America... Electric Boat Co. (absorbed 3 or more companies)….. FORE DRUGIM • USO ZEO**…………. San Organized 1895 1882 1899 1894 1698 3804 1890 1898 1893 1899 1899 1900 1890 1890 ... 1890 1898 1292 1900 1889 1899 1899 1900 1900 1892 1900 1892 1899 1898 1897 1899 1899 Reorgan- 1zod. M ** ………… .. --- · ·· 1900 1897 444 1898 1898 · • Where Incorpor- afod N J., Ohio. Cal. Cal. X. ** J. Ohio.. Mo. N. J. Md. N. J. Eng. Gr, Brit. Colo. N Y. N Y. Conn. N. J. N. J. N. J. N. J. Del. N. J. , Ill. N J. N. J. Common Stock. 5,000,000 1,500,000 2,500,000 10,000,000 16,000,000 160,000.000 5,926,000 500,0 0 1,500,000 7,000,000 400,000 600,000 £100,000 5,975 600 $6.500,000 £200 000 #2,000,000 £398,520 625,000 $3,000,000 17,000,000 6,245,000 1,130,400 2,000,100 14,000,000 1,250,000 1,000,000 5,000,000 10,000,000 4,000,000 2,000,000 48,816,100 £600,000 $14.750,000 44,202,665 4,997,800 Capitalization. • Preforred Stock. .. $7,500,000 ... * 1,500,000 7,000,000 600,000 $6,500,000 £200,000 (Capital esti- mated) (All kinds stock, etc) 625,000 $3,000,000 2,000 000 755,000 2,000,000 6,000,000 1,250,000 *** 4,000,000 49,814,600 (All kinds stock, etc.) $29,283,831 1,190,000 ... Bonds. $17,500,000 ·· • * 200,000 560,000 4,000,000 500,000 £389,000 4,458,000 $14 000 000 £550,000 3,160,000 $6,000,000 7,418,000 500,000 750,000 B $1,899,000 220- DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK 7 4 박 ​Max 1 1 Electric Storage Battery Co. (closely identified with several automobile, etc., companies), Empire Steel and Iron Co. (consolidated several properties) Federal Steel C. (many mills and propertios in U. S.) Fisheries Co General Aristo Co. (photographic supplies-6 concerns) General Chemical Co. (several large companies) General Electric Co. (pools with other companios) Globe Sewer Pipe Co 4 Glucose Sugar Refining Co. (nearly all in U. S.). Goebel Breweries Co. (consol. 4 Detroit companies). .. • ADDI ·· ………………* { A • masa tazm ****** ……………ntana · Len · 1 …………………******* bawat Great Lakes Towing Co. (tow-boat companies on Great Lakes). Hargraves-Parker Mills of Fall River (consol. 2 companies-5 yarn mills) Havana-American Co. (consol. many cigar mfg's-makes 180,000,000 cigars a year). Havana Commercial Co. (owns factories and lands-Havana cigars, etc). Herring-Hall-Marvin Co. (safe trust-receiver's hands 1897-1900) Illinois Brick Co (consol. about 30 companies of Chicago).... Indianapolis Breweries Co. (consol. 3 Indianapolis companies). D GITAR • ·· ***** · ****** I ………… • .. .. …………… Utgi un ég VADODARKAD .. Raski International Auto, and Vehicle Tire Co. (3 rubber tire companies). International Cutlery Co. (bt. 4 of 5 plants of Nat, Shear Co.). International Fire Engine Co. (11 companies entire U. S. output of fire engines) International Paper Co. (30 news and print-paper m'fr's; over 75 per cent, of all print-paper east of Mass). International Power Co. (engines and locomotive works in R. I and Mass) International Silver Co (24 companies-34 silver-plate companies in US International Steam Pump Co. (5 largest in U. S., 90 per cent U S. output). Jones & Laughlin, limited, of Pittsburg (consol of 2 or more companies) Jones, Frank, Brewing Co. (consol. 2 companies in Portsmouth and Boston).. .. ………………………….. Oksa ……….. ***** ... 2-90-6 .. ADDIT I ………… …………. **JOS…………………………& …………… • Keystone Watch Case Co. (consol 2 companies). Knickerbocker Ice, of Chicago (28 companies, nearly all in Chicago) Kodak Co., limited (consol French, Ger. Eng. and Am companies). Lake Superior Consolidated Iron Mines (owns many important iron prop- .. ………………ma …. ** ... …………… ……………………………….. ……………… ** *** DOUR ……………………………… · .. ……………………… Pohamadtá− 51 a ………. erties Macbeth-Evans Glass Co (5 chimney companies-60 per cent. U. S. output)….. Magnus Metal Co. (consol 5 metal companies). Manhattan Spirit Co. (wood alcohol). Marsden Co., of Phila. (cellulose and smokeless powder trust)….. Maryland Brewing Co. (17 brewing companies in Baltimor) e………………………………………………………………….. Metropolitan Tobacco Co. (selling combine) Milwaukee and Chicago Breweries (consolidation 5 Chicago companies) Monongahela River Consolidated Coal and Coke Co. (controls 44 transporta- tion companies on Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and 96 out of 102 coal mines on river-agreement with Pennsylvania Coal Co,)…………………………………………… .... A **** **** ..... DURA …………………………. ·· ..... 3 ... T * *** .. ... …………… **** 10. ... ******* ... ………. 1888 1899 1898 1900 1899 1899 1892 1889 1897 1899 1900 1899 1899 1892 1900 1899 1900 1900 1898 1899 1898 1899 1900 .... 1899 1898 1898 1893 1899 1899 1893 1897 1898 1899 1891 1899 ..... ……………… ………………. U ****** ……….. ……………….. .... * sont no • ………………AN *** 1897 *** ... …………. 1900 ……………T ....... ***** .... .... ..... **** **** .. ………….. 41 .... .. ……… SUITA ... ***** ……… .. ** N. J. N. Y. N. Y. N. Y. 41 N. J. ………… N J. Mass. N. J. N. J. N J. Ill ** 1 N J. N. J. ……………………………………… N. J. N. J. N. J. ***A Pa. .. ***** na & N. J. ASTRIGALSU *... Pan • N. Y. …………… ***1 $11,875,000 2,280,000 46,484,300 1,000 000 2,500,000 7,070,300 18,276,000 - 8,000,000 24,027,300 £146,650 $1,675,000 1,600,000 10,000,000 10,600,000 1,500,000 9,000,000 £430,000 1,500,000 300,000 4,000,000 17,442,800 7,400 000 9,946,000 15,000,000 20,000.000 £1,300,000 - 1,080,000 4,000 000 £1,000,000 28,722.000 2,000,000 1,000,000 5.000.000 80,782,200 2 750 000 500 000 £775,000 20,000,000 • $5,000,000 2,370,000 53,260,900 2,000,000 2,500,000 8,126,400 2,55.1,200 13,638,300 (all kinds stock, etc.) 1,675,000 4 ·· ... D. 5,000,000 6,000.000 1,800,000 (all kinds stock, etc.) 1,500,000 1942 Iona 8,200,000 22,406,700 600,000 5,111,500 8,850,000 ** .. (all kinds stock, etc.) 2,160,000 3,000,000 £600,000 ***Ima ***** 1,000,000 • 1,530,000 2,750,000 500,000 £775,000 10,000,000 …………. seba …….…. *** 1 *** AU ………… MORAY ****** $500,000 ma 5,300,000 …………… E ……………………----- …..……ck cutane ……………………………… SAULIU DRAAD A .. *** …………. LIVII …………………… .... sulane ………………………………………………… …………… Ano *** ... 8,969,000 150,000 3,900,000 nassa y ………….. * ***** 1,962,000 B .. **** besues --- ***** ***……………………… •• 7 500,000 DAMAI $3,500,000 10,000,000 TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES. P221 night ↓ } • Present Name of Trust. Mt. Vernon-Woodbury Cotton Duck Co. (owns 14 mills-produces 90 per cent. ✦✦✦✦…………… …………… ··· ******** ** 44 ……………………………RATI .. cotton duck in US).. National Biscuit Co. (90 per cent, large bakeries in U. S) National Carbon Co (all companies in U. S and three-fourths in world) National Casket Co. National Enameling and Stamping Co. (4 principal companies in U. S ). National Fish Co (15 largest fish dealers in Boston) National Glass Co (19 firms-tableware trust).. *****…………. …………………. ……………………… National Harrow Co. (owns many agricultural implement plants). National Lead Co. (26 white lead, etc., plants) National Rice Milling Co National Salt Co of New Jersey (90 per cent, allied with Spanish-American Co of Spain and Italy) 4 LOCALa a Bên cạnh nên nên đi tin cậy ta một VISIT •• …………… PROTETOR 1 TU OLISTE JAZ ***** LE ACET ** National Saw Co (controlled by Diston). National Stareh Co. (most companies in US) National Steel Co. (8 soft steel plants-controls output of tin plate bars).. National Sugar Refining Co. (all but one company outside Am, S, R. Co.- allied with Am. Co.) National Tin Plate and Stamped Ware Co, (opposition to Nat E. and S. Co ) National Tube Co. (17 companies-90 per cnt output welded tubes National Wallpaper Co. (65 per cent. U. S. output) New England Breweries Co. (consl. 3 Boston and 1 Lawrence companies) sao ta năm làm liên l • At l +++ SAADA …………………………… RATI 11, *** .... 1946 Escostat ROS ·· ĐÀ Đ • - •• …………… Lema ****………♥ …………………………SORIE Gorana U………♥ ……… ..... s - **** aa ·· #KPURAUAL. · ki* *****COUCESTE¶IONS Incorporated Trusts-Continued. A ❤❤ -- £………………… kesana Casa a SLA JEA KATALAKUDAGING AN *****Name Pittsburg Brewing Co.. Pittsburg Coal Co (rail coal consol.--output 19,000,000 tons).. Pittsburg Laundry Co...………………….. ** Pittsburg Plate Glass Co.. ** .1 ☛ AUS ON G • ... *** ……………………… ·· New England Cotton Yarn Co. (9 yarn mills) New York Breweries Co. (consol, 2 or more breweries)... N. Y. and Ken, Co. of Rochester (8 whiskey, cologne, spirits, etc., distilling companies) LKLARSTES KADA như tên của cô với B ་་་་་་ *****……………… ... **** **** taaaa Nên đặt hết tâm hồn đặt hàng nên một ca tinh Ama Niles-Bement-Pond Co. (controls heavy machine tool trade U S.). Oil Well Supply Co. Otis (passengei) Elevator Co (13 companies-S5 per cent, product) Pacific Am. Fisheries Co. (salm.on canners-with 2 other compani´s controls catch of Puget Sound) Pacific Coast Biscuit Co. (11 cracker and candy firms). Paterson Brewing and Malting Co. (principal breweries in Patern)………………. Penn. Consolidated Brewing Co. (12 breweries in Wyoming Valley). People's Brewing Co. of Trenton, N, J. (consol. all breweries in Trenton) Pillsbury-Washburn Flour Mills Co... ***** --- ***** SPRATA DAKOTAss 1 ***** +P …………… • 44 ** • …………ATAA . ***** acadas " *** # One dead · LO .. akes a………………………………-----*** ► L ****** DIRECTORIO ** ** LARAK 407935aute *** Mo * ** • ……… *** KARNAAO VOANER SOVER • ANDERS -- MARKE -- G * * * * *2 -…………………………ases Fo…Y ONLINCKLE Organized 1899 1898 1899 1891 • 1899 1899 1999 1590 1591 1892 1809 1890 1890 1899 1900 1899 1899 DLA DO SOLDIS **** 1099 1888 1900 1899 1898 1899 1899 1899 1897 1899 1895 1899 1899 1899 1891 Reorgan- ized. *** 629t ·· ... And ***♣ *****PUT --- ** U + 40 ···· 1893 ****** …… 1893 1900 A ****** 1899 -U... …………….. .. 1900 44444 ……….. -&& AARAL • **** ********** .. ****** ** BONG LLITE ……………. ASLONGUE SKIE • CODE ******** 44 a ... ..... ……… ... 1595 Where Incorpor- ated. BALKA ***** Del. N. J NT N J Del. Pa. ..... ** N J N. J. Ky. N J N J. ***** N. J. N. J. N. J N Y. ******* · biti *** TARIKANA .. N. J. N. Y. N. J. PB. N. J. - N. J. N. J. N. J. Pa. Minn. 4442 N. J. * ↓ Common Stock. 9,500,000 29 200,000 $5,500,000 6,000,000 11,038,100 1,000,000 2,250,000 2,000,000 14,005,400 1,807,000 7,000 UCO 2,000,000 2,250,000 32,000,000 10,000,000 10,000,000 40 000 COO 27 931 500 £610,000 5,000,000 £360,000 2,000,000 5,000.000 1,000,000 6,000,000 5,000,000 2,500 000) 3 000,000 21000 *3,000,000 £500,000 $6.500.000 29 626 900 1,750 000 9,850,00 Capitalization. Profei rod Stock. -**CATE 7 LAR + a 23,200,000 $1,500,000 **** ** -- ***** **** ་་་་་ 7,655,800 ***** CANAKANAN 24 11,901,000 1,320,000 Đặt tên cho hành của tôi là dân văn một s •U S 5,000,000 600,000 4,171,000 27,000,000 10,000,000 10,000,000 40,000,000 7,500,000 (all Linds stock, etc.) 5,000,000 ALUMA 19036 2,000,000 4,000.000 ANOT 10% c 1,500,000 2,800 000 £500,000 6 530,000 29,124,200 1,750,000 150,000 *****IDES ** **4444 ***OPERAT❤** 244 AJA LACUUMea Bonds. • r • - ** 262 14,000,000 1,789,000 443429 4 · ALLOU $000,000 2,000,000 ANTIA+ Ta bema •• 4413 •• 3,610,000 2,561,000 3 ****** 42 TANT SUSS♥ - ... ···4 Fantas ++ ** *-**-*** བྷ 5,700,000 *****DOA *****SILAUEA •*** ****** *SONG 20 **T ****INSKA ứn -་་ - 1,500,000 3 000,000 2,00,000 1,300 000 £42,000 6,500.000 Ca sắt l 747,000 922 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 1 મ nd F ? And 30 } Pittsburg Terra Cotta Lumber Co (all but 1 factory in United States) ……………. Pittsburg Store ani Range Co__(9 stove compañíles). Pressed Steel Car Co (consol Fox & Schoen's companies, and bas monopoly) Puget Sound Packing Co (2 or more large companies and 20 fishing traps on wt% Se → *** 1 Puget Sound) Pullman Co (co sol Pullman, Wagner, etc, Palace Cars)......... Pure Oil Co (controls product of 14 companies independent ot Standard Oil).. Quiner Quairies Co (copsol 13 Q granite quany companies) Republic Iron and St el Co. (29 bai and forge iron companies, etc) Rochester Optical and Camera Co (6 companies, and agreement with E. Rodes Co, 85 per coat plate cameras in United State-) Royal Baking Powder Co (consol 5 principal compatiles) Rubber Goods Manufacturing Co (consol mecha e goods companies) St. Louis Breweries, Limited (18 St Louis breweries San Francisco Breweries. Limite (10 bieweries in California) Schuylkill Brewing Co (consol in 3 companies in Pennsylvania) Sea Coast Packing Co (sardines-consol outside of Standard Co). Shelby Steel Tube Co (amless tubes-nearly all in United States) Sloss-Sheffield Iron and Steel Co (6 properties) 1 *** …………▲ MBASHI YU Southern Cai and Foundry Co Southern Naval Stores Co ? " € 4 •• …………. ---- Ma ***** Ka • ... · • ... ... F · •* ... .... ** 41 *** ***** ww • *** LANSMA .... -▼ • U ………… ... Sperry Flour Co (California companies) Springheld (Mass.) Breweries Co Standard Chain Co. (80 per cent of US output of chains) Standard hoe Machinery Co (5 companies not in the United Co) Standard Oil (controls pe roleum retinerles etc, in US) Standard Rope and Twine Co (seils thro gn Un. Sell Co) Standard Sanitary Manufacturing Co (9 bath-tub inanufacturers) Standard Saidine Co. (all companies not in Sea Coast P' Co) Standard S-rew (o (machine-made screws-4 compimies) Standard Quarrying and Cnstruction Co. (granite consolidation) Steel Tued Car Wheel Co (6 01 7 car wheel co paties) Swift & Co (packing plants, etc, in Chicago, Omaha, Kansas City, St Louis, St Paul etc.) ·· ... · Tennessee Coul, Iron and Railroad Co. (many plants in Tenn. and Ala ). Tidewater Oil Co (consol 4 companies) ་ AND SOCI ..r J *****KON • ... ·· *** ** ** **** …………… ** ***** MAN .. ••• لمي به **** +4 414 •? ****** GUI STA I • .... ……… Trenton Potteries Co.... Union Bug and Paper Co (90 per cent all in United States) Union Carbin Co (cousol all companies in United States). Un'on Steel and (n in Co (73 properties in five States) ► 40 401 Union Switch and Signal Co (Consol with Nat S and S Co Union Typewriter Co (5 leading companies) ** **** *****stitmaa …….. United Brewenes Co (13 breweries in Chicago). United Fruit Co (10 big compan es control tropical fruits U S.)... United Ice Cream Co (4 companies in Chicago) Unit d Metals Scking Co (selling agent for Amal and other copper cos.) United Shoe Machinery Co. (all not in the Stan. S, M, Co) United Tissue Paper Co. (tissue paper) J • ··· • ******* .... * * - * * ·· *** • -- ·· *** *** ♥· . *** • AUDI SURADO ANA ++ • ·· Dan ❤❤ ·· ... ** • .... ** *** GARRIS ** 1.5. .. KONTA450 *** VR ... .. N ** * ODA 1900 • ht 1899 ... · . .. • **** 1898 …………… .. ***** 盛 ​Pa N J Wash. N. J N. J N J. U N. Y N J N J. ^ ******* • ** ❤► Ga C'al TF Va Pa. N J N J N J **** N J NJ N I N J N J N J Ill N J N. J N J Va Del J. N J. 111 N J. N J. N. J. ... AAA } 2,000,000 1,000,000 12,500,000 500,090 71,000,000 8 000,000 2 000 000 27,352,000 1,750,000 10,000 000 15,134,600 £900,000 £1,340,000 $5,000,000 ,000,000 8,150,000 7,500,000 1,750 000 500 000 10,000,000 1,500 020 1,250,000 2,500,000 97,250,000 12,000 (00 2,000 060 5,000,000 1,500 000 1,000 000 2,000,000 $20,000,000 22,269,200 5,000,000 1,750 000 16,000 000 6,000 000 30,000 000 997,950 10,0-0 020 5,402 000 11 076, 00 300 000 5 000.000 8,884 025 1,500,000 ……………… ………….. D ··· • 4. .... ... • 1,000,000 12,500,000 …………… mama » * 1.750 000 10,000,000 7621;36 £900,600 (All kinds stock, te →→ 12 • 2,000,00 20,832,000 -A ******* 5,00,00 0,700,000 1,750,000 1,500,000 200 100 1,500,000 1,800,000 ·· 11. .. $261,000 1,250,000 11,000,000 At .. 50,000.000 497 600 8,015,000 1 •· CANTI ♦ 8,864250 1,500,000 KONTOROJE .... *****.. 31 hom • 41 Ca .... kannst. NO · 454 LATE ■ ■ - PA dava i www.ti PAKKING --- ** …………….. ht =201 • Y ***** a 1,400,000 ... .. .. • *****AB ... LA... $961,000 * •••• ***** 44 10+ BLU 2,825,000 ... 1,500,000 600,000 10,578,000 1,000,000 -- *****napuu u ... ...... 21 ·· ••• FORSLI • ** ·· MA *** ་་ 5 000,000 10,851.550 ... 10,000,000 379,000 ***** 3,413,000 $ 500,000 *** • ********SU TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES. 223 t } ' ६ It. + ... Prosont Name of Trust. Ma ******* U. S Book Co United States Brewing Co. (5 companies in NY and N, J United States Cast Iron Pipes and Foundry Co (13 companies-all in south ** ·· ……… and west-controls most cast iron business in U. S) United States Bobbin and Shuttle Co. (5 companies-90 per cent output) United States Canning Co 6 factolle in western NY) US Envelope Co (10 companies, 90 per cent US product commercial env) U. S Finishing Co (dveing and printing companies in New Engla ad). U S. Flour Milling Co (19 mills in US-in 1eceivers' hands) U.S. Glass Co (flint glass, not in National Glass Co.). Kat ***** 4+* **** -- ………. .... …………♥ T S Leather Co (outros sole leather output US) U. S Paving Co (owns plants, etc., of Boston and Syracuse companies) TI. S Playing Card Co (allied with 3 other companies) U S. Rubber Co (controls bot and shoe output of U S.) United Zine Co. (CoL:ol 4 compimics) ** • • • • • Vermont Marble Co Virgina-Carolina Chemical Co (27 commercial fertilizer fartones in south) Virginia Iron, Coke and Coal Co. ( Lany properties in Va, Ky and Tenn.). Wellsbach Co (consol 2 compani‹s--ccntrolled by UG I Co) Western Live Stock and Land Co (cattle trust) 傻傻​d鼹​瀛 ​**** Western Straw Board (o (most companies not in Am Co) Westinghouse Air Brake Co (consol Am and Poy, companies in 1998) Wenghouse El and Mfg Co (pools with Gen Electric Co Wheeling Consolidated Coal Co (consol. 4 bitum coal mines) Wisconsin Lime and Cɩment Co (8 cempanies in Wis, 1ll and Ind) Yellow Pine Co......... 1024 …………… . **** ***** .... Incorporated Trusts-Continued. KULTURII KOLA •IL. J 1+= *** *** **** ❤ ·· KOKE **** .... ¿ - …… K …………… --- a .. · ·· 4 446 + · **CARS .. …………… 4 · **** Organized ***** 1890 1899 1899 1899 1898 1399 1899 1891 1893 1900 1893 1892 1899 1880 1895 1899 1900 1896 1899 1839 1872 185J 1900 1891 ****** Reorgan- izud. ** ***S •PERI · *** · ……………… **J** 14 ********** ••••• ** • ANYW 44 .... .... ••• 1898 · 1898 -- …………… *** *** ... ... 1896 PAJDILE…………… - ••• ... ··· Le • ... ……… ·· - ** ·· · • LAU ··· **CAT4 Where Incorpor- atod. ……………… ……………LOG ……….. …………… La .. ………… N J N J ***** Me. N J. N J Pa. N. J. N. J. N J. .. ... N. Y. ***** N. J. Colo. ** POMOR Pa Pa W. Va. **ONEOKAA N. J • Con.mon Stock. 1,250 000 £350,000 12,155,447 1,050,000 1,000,000 750,000 1,000,000 3,500,000 3,458,100 62,851,600 2,000 000 3 600,000 23,666,000 5 000,000 • 3,000,000 9 00v,000 10,000,000 3,500,000 408,000 2,500,000 10,950,000 9 463,150 5,000,000 100.000 2,500,000 Capitalization. * O ** -4 Preferred Stock. .... + ** .. ****** 2,000,000 £350,000 12,500,000 950,000 ** 3,750,000 2,000,000 5,000,000 69,000 62,251,00 23,525,500 1,000,000 14 10,000,000 • GRAN 104 ****** ... 2,500,000 3,996,750 ………….. …………… **** .... *****• • ❤ *****)40 • Bonds. • ********* MA 600 000 £100,000 1,321,500 *** GREAS 2,000,000 1,750,000 7,500,000 5,280,000 ***NOTE ****** ***** **** 5,000,000 680,000 ** ****A .. ... 10.000,000 7,000,000 **** ** LAMAN ·UR4 ***** 4,350,000 …………… .. ……………………………..Ako a *** Trust, as popularly unde stoood, means a consolidation, combine, pool or agreement, of two or more naturally competing concerns, which establishes & limited monopoly with power to fix puces or rates in any industry cr group of industries The number of incorporated trusts appears to have diminis ed since 1899. This is because greater and more comprehensive trusts have been formed by taking in several smaller trusts Thus, in New York City, about a year ago, there were two or more street railway, gas, electric light and ice companies, today there is but one sticet railway company, one gas company, which includes electric light and power companies, and one ice company. Many small independent ice companies are, however, springing up because of the extreme prices fixed by the ice trust. The amount of stock issued is given when known; when not known, the amount authorized is given. In two or three instances the capital has been estimated. 224 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 1 } } } } { 2 • " $ Alaska Packers' Assn. (pools with two other princ. Salmon Cos. on Puget Sound). American lowder Co.. American Watch Case Mfgrs. Assn. (8 watch case Co's agree on prices). Ammunition Mfgrs. Assn. (fixes prices of cartridges, etc.). Anthracite Coal Trust (main coal railoads fix prices).. Associate Wine Dealers (agreement with Cal. Winemakers' Corporation) Assn. of Boat Oar Mtrs. of J. S. (controls prices). Atlantic Dynamite Co. (glant powder, etc)... Atlantic Passenger Steamship Pool (renewed in 1899).. Beef Trust (several big Co.'s tix prices dressed beef in most large cities) Belting Mfgrs. Assn. (33 frais, 12 different States, fix prices) Bessemer Ore Assn. (fixes prices on Great Lakes) Body Mfgrs Assn. (carriage and buggy bodies).. Bolt & Nut Assn. (several Assis, carriage, stove, tire, etc fix prices) A TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES. பட Name and description of trusts. ... } • UNINCORPORATED TRUSTS. [See explanatory foot-notes.] · • . • • # Boxmakers' Combine (California and Oregon) Bromides Trust (six of eight manufactures, all in U. S) Broom Mfgrs. Assn of U. S. (regulates prices). Broom Twine (selling combine) California Cured Fruit, Assn. (90 per cent. prune producers and curers fix prices). ... California Raisin Growers' Assn. ·· ·· • Card Board Mfgrs. of US (fix prices). Cedar Shingles Mfgrs Assn. (Washington, limits production) Central Lumber Co. of California. · Central Supply Assu. (jobbers and makers of plumbers' sup- plies in Central West).. Central Walnut Assn. (California, fix prices) Chain Mfgrs. Asso. (trace, wagon, etc.).. ... Cheese Dealers' Assn. Co. (19 cheese merchants of Chicago, fix prices) ·· + • Chemical Combine (pharmaceutical mfgrs.). Chinese Laundry Assn. (laundrymen of N. Y. and vicinity fix prices) Columbia River Cauneries Co. (fish packers). Commercial Chemical Co. of U. S. (paris green selling agency) .. Consolidated Forwarding Co. (Cal. Fruit Growers' and Ship- pers' Asso. with 2 others contro' 90 per cent, trade). Copper Sheets and Bolts Migis Assn Dairymen's Assu. of Atlanta, Ga. (95 per cent milk supply of Atlanta) Derby Hat Pool (4 big companies sell together). • · Dredge Owners' Assn (12 firms divide work and fix prices, N. Y. Harbor). Dynamite Pool (3 big California companies) Eastern Broom Mfgis. Assa. (fixes prices). Eastern Burial Casc Assn... M Eastern Jobbers' and Mfgrs. Assn. (plumbers' supplies, east of Alleghanies) • .. 1 I • · M ** • # •• · • ... ·· D Electrotypers (N. C. City and vicinity). Factory Insurance Assn. (29 companies). Fall River Cotton Mfgrs. Assn. (all cotton cloth mills sell to- gether) Federal Fashion Co. (Butterick and Standard Fashion Cos.) Flint Bottle Mfgrs Assn (attempts to control prices, etc.). Fraser River Canners' Assn. (salmon) · * Fruit Dispatch Co (fruit selling agency). Fruit Jar Manufacturers (one selling agency for all (8) west- ern firms) Gas Meter Manufacturers of N. Y. City (have a pooling Georgia Saw Mill Assn. (lumbermen of Ga., S. Car. and Fla.) Grain Elevators on Great Lakes (10 or more companies pool) Grape Growers' Pool (agree on prices, Northern Ohio).. Hoslery Assn. (seamless hosiery, mfgrs. of Eastern Pa.). Hot Air Furnace Mfgrs, Assn.. } · · .. • B • * • Where formed. 1896 1900 1883 1892 1899 1898 1892 1899 1890 1899 1880 1898 1885 1892 1898 薯 ​1900 1898 1898` 1896 1896 1900 1890 1898 1898 1898 1899 1899 1894 1897 1900 1890 1897 1898 1900 1900 1900 1898 1000 [ ས Estimated capital involved. 225 1 # Į $500,000 1,500,000 1,000,000 4,000,000 150,000,000 5,000,000 500 000 2,500,000 100,000,000 100,000,000 3,000,000 50,000,000 4,000,000 10,000,000 1,000,000 300,000 5,000,000 500,000 2,000,000 4,000,000 10,000,000 5,000,000 70,000,000 15,000,000 2,000,000 3,000,000 1,000,000 50,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 3,000,000 1,000,000 3,000,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 4,000,000 20,000,000 5,000,000 34,065,000 '(8) 30,000,000 2,000,000 3,000,000 1,000,000 5,000,000 2,000,000 500,000 3,000,000 10.000.000 2,000,000 3,000,000 5,000,000 1522 1 J i * 226 + DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, Unincorporated Trusts-Continued. * Name and description of trusts. Illinois State Board Fire Underwriters (72 companies). Independent Mfgrs Photographic Assn. (15 photographic supply companies) * Indiina League of Fire Underwriters (27 companies). Indurated Fibre Industries Co. • · Lake Cairiels' Assn ( lines, pool prices) Laundrymen's Protective Assn (non-Chinese in N. Y. fix puces) Linen Thread Co (selling agency for 3 companies). Lumber Carriers' Assn. (vessels on Great Lakes) Lumber Dealers of Texas (combine on prices). Machine Silk and Sewing Silk Assu... Manufactuers' Paper Co of Chicago (selling agency for many mills) Maple Flooring Mfgrs Assn (fixes prices) Mass Elect Co's (35 El Light and St. Ry. Cos, Voluntary Assn. managed by 15 trustees) · Master Plumbers' Assn. (Rochester plumbers, fx prices and stop outside competition) Michigan Salt Assn. (90 per cent. producers in State sell to- gether) • Michigan State Assn. of Wooden Ware Mfgrs. (fixes puces) Middle States Furniture Migis Assn. (35 turniture factories of Middle States) ·· Milk Combine of Scranton, Pa (ertue Supply) R * • • • * ... • • .. • • Minnesota and Dakota Fue Underwriters (53 compaules) Mississippi River Steamboat Pool (3 companies pool) Mutual Shippers' Assu (growers and shippers of California J • • fruit, with 2 others, controls 90 per cent trade) National Assn of Chamber Suits and Case Migrs. (90 per cent. of manufacturers) National Assu of Master Plumbers (fixes prices and de ·· ……. clares boycotts) National Assn. of Retail Druggists (agrees on certain prices) National Assn of Wagon Migis (tries to fix prices) National Assn. of Wholesale Dealers in Crockely and Glass- ware (agtee on prices). National Banaua Jobbers' Assn (agrees on prices and tries to nght inst) - National Chair Asso (150 mfgrs of Northwest) National Dining Table Assu (39 brms). National Jobbing Coufectioners' Assn (agree on prices). National Muro Mfgis. Assn. (40 companies agree an prices) National Ornamental Glass Mfgrs. Assa. (85 per cent of ૬ • • ••• • ·· • •• trade west of Philadelphia) National Musical String Co. (combine of 6 or 8 gut, etc., string companies in U. S) National Wholesale Grocers' Assn. (aixes prices some classes goods) New England Insurance Exchange (84 hre insurance com- panies) New York Milk Exchange (uxes prices buying and selling) New York State Tobacco Jobbers' Assn. (io tx prices and fight tiust) Nicholson File Works (5 plants, 70 per cent of product). North Carolina Pine Timber Assn. (xes prices).. Northwestein Plow and Implement Assn. (fixes prices and discounts) →→ • -- .. ☐ • • •••• Oilcloth Pool (table, enameled, etc.) Oregon Hopgrowers' Assn (fix prices). • Pacific Coast Export Lumber Mfgrs. (agree on prices). Pacific Coast Jobbers in Plumbers' Supplies (fix prices west of Rockies) Philadelphia Carpet Mfgrs. Assn. (nxes prices (nxes prices ingrain carpets) Print Cloth Pool (30 mills, restrict production and fix prices) Proprietary Assn. of America (proprietary medicines).. Shenango Furnace Assn. (fixes prices Bessemer non Western Pennsylvania) Shingle Mfgrs. (ux prices, Maine, New Brunswick and Quebec) Shot and Lead Mfgrs. Assn (fixes prices)... Shovel Makers of U. S. and Can. (international agreement) in • 4 Where formed. 1 1900 1890 1898 1900 1898 1898 1898 1898 1899 1808 1878 1899 1898 1895 1893 { 1899 1900 1899 1894 1898 1900 1898 1883 1898 1887 1899 1900 1898 1900 1890 1 G + Estimated capital involved. 49,430,760 400,000 10,028,568 1,000,000 10,000,000 $,000,000 4,000,000 10,000,000 5,000,000 2,000,000 10,000,000 2,000,000 24,000,000 1,000,000 4,000,000 1,500,000 6,000,000 1,000,000 45,119,740 4,000,000 8,000,000 8,000,000 30,000,000 30,000,000 40,000,000 10,000,000 2,000,000 4,000.000 5,000,000 3,000,000 8,000,000 2,000,000 500,000 150,000,000 58.537,167 4,000,000 1,500,000 2,000,000 12,000,000 10,000,000 1,500,000 1,500,000 4,000,000 3,000,000 5,000,000 50,000,000 20,000,000 20,000,000 1,000,000 2,000,000 6,000,000 { X 1 $ 1 £ • Soapmakers' Combination (most of the big western com- panies) · • 1 Name and description of trust. •*• · • Southeastern Tarif Assn (67 fire insurance companies). Southern Cal. Fruit Exchange (Fruit Shipping ASsn, with 2 others, controls 90 per cent trade) Southern Cotton Spinners' Assn. (fixes prices cotton yarn) Southern Hosiery Yarn Spinners' Assn. (18 largest mills North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia and Alabama), Southwestern Washington Hopgrowers' Assn. (nxes prices). Springfield Coal Assn. (10 Illinois companies). Spruce Mfgrs, of Maine, New Hampshire and New Bruns- wick (limit production and fix prices). 1 TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES. ■ Unincorporated Trusts.--Continued. Steel Beams Assn (fixes prices). .. Steel Rail Mfgrs Assn (all big companies agree on prices) Stone Cutters' Assn. (freestone cutters of Mass. and Conn.) Struw Wrapping Paper Mfgrs. Assn.. Theatrical Trust (one management fixes salaries, etc., for 50 theaters in leading cities) Tile, Grate and Mantel Assh. of N. X. (fixes prices and boy- cotts non-members) ... • • " - Toilet Soap Mfgrs. (agree on prices). Underwriters' Assn of State N. Y. (72 companies). U S. Eaves Trough and Conductor Pipe Assn. U. S. Paper Bag Mfgrs. Assn. (10 concerns not in Union B. P. United Wine and Trading Co. (wine retailers of N. Y. and Brooklyn) Vaudeville Trust (40 or 50 leading houses under one manage- ment) Washington Red Cedar Shingle Mfgrs. Assn. (controls pro- duction and prices, 30 mills) Western Elevator Assn. (10 leading companies in Buffalo work together) ·▸ Western Factory Insurance Assn (23 companies) Western Potters' Assn. (agrees on prices). ... Western Union Fire Ins. Assn. (59 companies in South and West) Wholesale Druggists' National Assn. (25 firms). Wholesale Grocers of New England... in Window Shade Mfgis. Assn (nearly all U S.).. Wire Cloth Mfgrs. Assn. of America (12 firms agree on prices) Woodenware Assn. (meets in Cleveland, O. and fixes prices small articles) • • ,, ► • ▼ • • * Total estimated capital in unincorporated trusts • • • { Where formed. 1899 1382 1899 1900 1888 1894 1899 1898 1897 1899 1883 1897 1899 1899 1895 1897 1894 1890 1874 1875 1896 1899 1899 1 227 ✔ 14 Estimated capital involved. 20,000,000 41,424,818 10,000,000 4,000,000 500,000 3,000,000 5,000,000 40,000,000 60,000,000 3,000,000 4,000,000 30,000,000, 2,000,000 3,000,000 56,428,711 2,000,000 4,000,000, 700,000 15,000,000 4,000,000 15,000,000 23,862,500 47,902,368 25,000,000 40,000,000 2,000.000 4,000,000 3,000,000 1,904,799,132 The number of unincorporated trusts is very great. Such trusts consist of price and rate-fixing agreements, profit-sharing pools, selling or buring agencies, product-restrict- ing agreements, etc. They exist in nearly every industry and in most States and cities. Some of those mentioned above may be incorporated. Many have no definite names. Some of these have been operative for many years. Some ale renewed periodically- as the Michigan Salt Association (which now sells its product to the National Salt Co.)— every five years. Some are ineffective part of the time because of disagreements. Some, like the Paris Green Trust (which is usually very active during the potato-bug season), are effective for only a few months in a year and may not reappear every year. In such cases as the Anthracite Coal and Steel Rail Trusts only such part of the capital of the allied concerns is taken as is believed devoted to the particular industry considered. As many fire insurance companies belong to several associations, the aggregate of capital in the insurance combines is considerably too high. The amount of capital in these associations, if counted only once for each company, is probably about $80,000,000. Similar fire insurance associations for fixing rates, terms, conditions, etc, exist in all sections of the country and in most States and cities. They are nominally in action in several States with strong "anti-compact" laws. The Wholesale Druggists' National Association maintains prices of proprietary meal- cines by refusing to handle goods sold to wholesalers who cut prices Similar local asso- ciations of jobbers and retailers regulate prices of most leading articles in States, Counties and cities. Wholesale Grocers' Associations exist everywhere. By means of rebates, etc., they 4ssist manufacturers of many articles in maintaining uniform prices. Four T } > 1 Ι ** + 1 ↓ • ………………… • Name of Trust. .. • …... AUTORE…………ament aque ……………... ·· ... ………. • ..... …………. …….. ………….. INGL ko ·· ***** •.♥…♥ ……… …………… ……… • ……4. *** .... And mana……………st Adams Express Co. American District Telegraph Co.....………………………………… American Express Co American Railways Co. (controls electric railways in several cities) American Telephone and Telegraph Co (controls long distance lines, etc. Baltimore Electric Luht Co (3 elect companies in Baltimore) Bay State Gas Co. (controls many gas compani5 in and about Boston). Brooklyn Rapid Transit Co Brooklyn Union Gas Co (all Brooklyn gas companies execpt two) Buffalo Gas Co.. Cheyenne (Wyo.) Light, Fuel and Power Co (consol. 2 companies) Chicago City Rr. Co. (cable, elect, and horse lines ia S Chicago), Chicago Union Traction Co (elect Rys of N and W. Chicago and suburbs) Citizens Traction Co. (all street iys of Detroit). Commercial Cable Co. (owns Pos. Tel, and Cable Co and 3 trans-atlantic cables) Commonwealth Electric Co. of Chicago (12 Co's-pools wuh Edison Co ) Connecticut Lighting and Power Co (contiols companies in 8 Cona, cities), Consolidated City Water Co. (3 compinies Los Angeles, Cal). Consolidated Gas of Baltimore Consolidated Gas Co. of Newark, N. J. (all gaş companies bt Passasic and • .. satama……… ***** .... ……………ge ** ………43 .... ... ·· ... * 4 • ………… ………… 1 ** ** .. NATURAL NATURAL MONOPOLIES OR FRANCHISE TRUSTS. (See explanatory foot note.) **** I ... .. ••• ……………. .. .. **** ******* *** ***** .. CONNECTOR *** · ba 40 30 • LORRA ! .. ·· …………… *** Da………………. 4442 .. - AUT * ·· *** ·· 800- - ING =2343 fiatal Elizabeth). Consolidated Gas of New York Consolidated Gas of Pittsburgh (5 con.panies in W Pa belongs to Phila Co Consolidated Water Co of Utica, NY (consol of all water works of Utica) Denver City Tramway Co (consol sfrect lines) Denver Gas and Electric Co Denver Union Water Co (controls water supply of city) Detroit City Gas Co (all nat and art gas companies in city) Electric Co. of America (gas and electric companies of S eastern cities), Erie Telegraph and Telephone Co (owns many 'phone companies in West and South)... Gas and Electric Co. of Beigeu Co. (consol. of 5 companies) General Electic Co of Minneapolis (light, heat, power).. Grand Rapids Railway (ull street railways of Grand Rapids and vicinity) Havana Electric Railway Co. (electricity, gas, telephone, etc). Herkimer Count: Light and Power Co (companies in 3 cities in county) Hudson County Gas Co (6 companles controlled by U. & Imp Co of Phila). International Traction Co. (trolley railways of Buffulo and vicinity), ……………. ** ·· Za st •• boma - 1 …in ... • » • A. • ----- • M •* ** ***** JUA 16 …………………… 1 ……………… • ·· .... ww ·· …………………. * 2004 ... · IN .. .... • */ **………………ansa DURA *** 21 **** Organized. Ad 1851 ……………………… ………… ** 1859 1899 1885 1899 18-9 1896 1895 1899 1900 1859 1899 1897 1898 1 99 1898 18c8 1898 1884 1898 1899 My 1899 1899 1891 1898 1899 1888 1899 1899 1900 1899 1898 1899 1899 Reorgan- ized. ……………… · *** A • ---- TODA ……………… JUNE • 2 ... 1002 ... …………… ità che · ……………… N .. ***** 1892 1868 VODA • KODA *****. • U1 aanza k (*** .……….. ***** •• ... ……….. 1 .... · •• • 1898 .. ... ... ... KA .. ... .. .. ..... *1 ……………. ****. ... ……………… J •* .. • .. ***** ********* ↓ Where Incorpor- ated. *4* ***** • N Y. ……………. ... **** • +4 Del. N. Y N. Y. N Y. Wyo. 111. …………. …………. ·· N J N. Y. ***** FROT …………… ………………………… *** N. J. N. Y. **** *** ... ……………1 Md. ... ... Colo. Mich. N. J. ……………. .. N. J. N. J. da N J. N. J. N. J. • Common Stock. $12,000,000 3,844,700 18,000,000 25,000,000 70,975,500 5,000,000 100,000,000 45,000,000 15,000,000 7,000,000 600.000 13,000,000 20,000,000 7,000,000 13,333,300 3,000,000 *2,000,000 2,480,000 10,770,968 6,000,000 51,595,200 4.000 000 1,500,000 5,000 000 3,500,000 5,000,000 4,560 000 22,000,000 10,000,000 2,000,000 2,100,000 2,000,000 5,000,000 400.000 10,500,000 10,000,000 Capitalization. ·· Preferred Stock. ***** ... .... ·· ………………… 1**** U • • **** • ……………. …………… .. ·· …………… $2,000,000 ...... A .... ******** *****11 **... …………… 12,000,000 .. --- ***** ... **** ····· 3-Do-n …………… 8,625,000 ... …... ❤ + 2,500,000 Né ** .. ………………………………… ……………... 2,500,000 • •* 1,500,000 5,000,000 ……………………………… DOD ……….... 1 ***JOS.. .. ..... Bonds. $12,000,000 STANI Ju S…………………… • •J maaaa . . ***** 1 * 17,625,000 4,000,000 12,00,000 7,000,000 11,210,000 5,805,000 .... **AUTS ... * * c o s 2, 588) …………………. **** **** *** ----- 4,619,500 *.1 18,000,000 2,650,00 ·· ******* FACE ******* → …………. *** 6,782,000 S 2,101,500 5,000,000 2,500,000 5,599,000 5,500,000 7,000,000 4,972,000 10,000,000 1,500,000 2,500,000 5,000,000 8,150,000 5,000,000 --Ar 228 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Gıda Karma vatik A Y ** ---- ………… KATALOG TOURN …………………ARES .. 9***** PAGASA HOTE *****……….. WAT · .. REDON ... CON REDGE AND .... MAGNE ……………… - - - - - CA JA saa kad ·· FOTOA….. - ………………… PAUL DADUFOURG A ·· .. ****** ****** **ANOI and LUGA 2. .. ••** …………………….” -……………*** *** *** ---IT TEJDE F KOS PARAnd exe Jersey City, Hoboken and Paterson Street Railway Co. (trolley lines of North Jersey, except N. J. St Ry.). Kansas City Gas Co. (controlled by U. G. Imp. Co.)....... ......... Kings County Electric Light and Power Co. (all electric companies in Brooklyn except one). Laclede Gas Co Lexington (Ky) Railway Co (all street railways, elect. light and ice plants), Manhattan Ry Co. (all elevated roads in N. Y. City) Metropolitan Street Ry. Co (rys., elect. light and power of Kansas City) Metropolitan Street Ry. Co (operates all surface lines in NY. City) Milwaukee Elect. Ry. and Light Co. (all in city controlled by N A Co.) Minneapolis General Electric (all plants in city)- Missouri Edison Electric Co..... New England Gas and Coke Co. (all in Boston, except Bay State). New England Telephone and Telegraph (controlled by Am. Bell Co). New Orleans Water Works Co Newark CoLsolidated Gas Co (leased to United Gas Imp Co) New York an New Jersey Telephone (in vicinity N. Y. City, Am B. Co)..... New York Suburban Gas Co. (5 companies in Westchester County) North Am. Co. (street railway and elect companies in 2 or more cities) North Jersey St Ry. Co (consolidated trolleys and 2 ferries) Olio and Indiana Consolidated Nat. and Illuminating Gas Co (an'many rities).. Omaha St, Ry. Co (consolidated street railways-cable, horse and electric).. Pacific States Telep. and Tele. Co. (4 tele. and telep co's. of Pacific Coast). Paducah (Ky.) Ry, and El, Light Co, (all rys. and el, light plants in Paducah) Paterson and Passaic Gas and El. Co. (concol. of 4 companies contro.led by U G. Imp. Co.) People's Gas Light End Coke Co (Chicago) Peuple's Light and Power Co (14 companies in N. J cont. by Una Ins. Co.).' Petersburg (Va.) Ry. and Electric (consolidation of all companies) Philadelphia Co. (gas, natural and mfgd, electric and trolley companies). Philadelphia Electric Co (all electric companies in Phila.) Pueblo Traction and Electric Co. (owns 3 electric light companies of city), Railways Company General (st, rwys., gas, etc, cos, in several small cities)... Saginaw Valley Traction Co (consol. 4 companies in Mich Beattle (Wash.) Electric Co. (consol. st, rwyê,, and electric light plants). Southern Ohio Traction Co. (3 Cin, trolley lines)....…………….. Fiosda } MASSA. #241 be*** AYANAN SAMI KANALI *** BAZAARDLES .... -- a man .. ACADE •• ***JNE ****** *|--Onayy ---TAT ******NERGI ***** · **** *****. A A A A JESI * 4 * 2 HOURS4 ---- ……………9 ·· Syracuse Rapid Transit Rv Co (all in Syracuse) Telephone, Telegraph and Cable Co. of Am, (cont. Erie T. and T and other companies) Trenton Gas and Electric Co. (all gas-companies in Trenton).. Tubular Dispatch Co. (consol 2 companies). Twin City Rapid Transit (all street railways in Minneapolis and St. Paul) Union Gas and Electric Co. of N J. (6 gas and electric light companies in various parts of U.S) Union Light and Power Co. of Salt Lake City (4 companies in 2 Utah cities). Union Traction Co. (all trolleys in Phila.) Union Traction of Pittsburg (consolidation all street railways). ·· *** 1******KUS. ******* ****** ******NANTI. ***** ***…………………………….. * SLES - à ……………… ---➖➖E PEO $ *** *****3 •••••• ……… ****** 1 ****** I -77 .. ITALANNEDEN ••••---- 23 • •A JURIADEIRADO MARIA ****** …………………… **** *** DESI ***** ··· 4336 ***** same D SURAHIAT …………… …………… ………. .. Kasama an ***** FIA AGRO - YEN •• • • 482 4 ***** ***ATII SASA443 ... ARMOUR QUA ………………………………. ……………….. 1899 1897 1898 1357 1899 1875 1886 1893 1898 1893 1897 1897 1886 1878 1898 1890 1899 1890 1898 ....... 1839 1889 1900 1898 1899 1887 1899 1899 1899 1895 1899 1899 1900 1900 1896. 1899 1899 1838 1891 1899 1899 1895 1900 .. *** sa (admad…………40S sad su ? ••**•* ……………… ………………………. ……….. ka Date I a RETOUR ………… ……. 1899 LARGA PORNO ... *** Sarees A KALTSINGU TUWAKE ... 14 C WASHING • LIGIEU - ·· ***S DOLCER AUDUSA ******* SUNGEN …………. ***** ANNIE ** 1897 1889 4.4 ... • 1899 ... a. 1 ………. • LOCCULAN ** .... .. • ……………………… *****…. 16 banane LE *** .... .. N. J Mo. ***** Mo. ……………………… CATEGO *** …………………………. *** N J. Mo. 44444 RAGNA S SUREAU .... N. J. SEAS • N Y. N J. N. J. N. J. Ore. -A ***** N. J. Ill. N, J. TOOL ADAUG ………………. N. J. Cal. N. J. ………………… Wash. ... QUESKIcoa N. J. N. J. N. J. ****** spansk Utah P&. Pa. 20 000,000 5,000,000 1,950,000 7,000,000 1,000,000 17793,688 5,586,800 5~,000,000 3 500,000 1,500,000 000,000 14,000,000 15,759,100 1,000,000 6.000 000 7 500,000 1,500,000 39,7 5,300 15,000,000 ސ 10,000,000 2,500,000 15,000,000 200,000 5,000,000 28,668,800 20,000,000 500,000 14,719,956 25,000,000 500,000 1,500,000 700,000 5,000,000 2,000,000 2,750,000 80,000,000 2,000,000 2,100,00 15,010,000 1,000 000 1,500,000 20,997 850 6,000,000 …………… MAIN| **** ... sundara As **** ..... *** • ****** ***** BTC 2,500,000 ***** I wan AAA •~20*** ………… 3,500,000 600,000 E ^ SOGONA 442---2 STORA AR Z30 Vandone *** ** IS …………. BRANKAATTO • ·⭑4 KO ZAWARA 146 ** 1,750,000 ***** Me A aamaani sab *** ----oo-D *** PROKANE ******* ****** .... .... *****INASAZ 3,998,350 …………intageone as ·· *** · 400,000 1,250,000 PANAR TID 1,250,000 C -- PAU…………………… BAG 2 700,000 250 000 2,000,000 •«* kakkupante-aukė? ……………ka -.. 10,500,000 3,750,000 11,275,000 10,500,000 435,000 39,883,000, 10,393,000. 41,396,000 8,000,000 915,000 4,000,000 14,000,000 3,491,000 645,000 4,600,000 1,161,000 1,200,000 ***** 6,500,000 7,445,000 2,250,000 400,000 3,317,000 34,496,000 500,000 TESTO 17,500,000 566,000 TURISTIKO **** *MORE EXPLORIN 680,000 5,000,000 2,000,000 3,500,000 12,000 000 1,500,000 800,000 10,317,000 *********** 5,250,000 ..----་ **** 8,500,000 V TRUSTS IN THE UNITED STATES, J * W { $ L **** Name of Trust. SECON • ·· ..t …….. INICI ****** *** • …………………. ……………. •• .... ……………. United Electric Co. of N. J (all light, etc., companies in Hudson and Essex counties) United Gas and Electric Light Co of Syracuse (consolidation) United Gas Improvement Co (controls electric light and gas in many cities)... United Illuminating Co of New Haven (consolidation) United Lighting and Heating Co. (8 companies' cill ghting interests in U. S.).. United Power and Transportation Co (electric, etc, cos. in Pa, N J. and Del cities) United Railways and Electric Cos of Baltimore (all in city) United Railways Co. of St. Louis (all but cue stièet railway in St. Louis) US Express United Traction Co (all elec.ric roads in Reading, ra ) United Traction and Electric Co, (all roads in and near Providence) United Traction Co of Albanr, N. Y. (consolidation 3 lines).. Utica Electric Light and Power Co (light, etc., in Herkimei and Oneida cos).. Virginia Electric Co of Norfolk (consolidation of all companies in city) Wells-Fargo Express Western Union Telegraph Co Worcester Traction Co (consol. 2 trolleys). ... *** .. .... ... * Dr. · .. ……………… $4 40 ***** .... ……………. .. Total capital in franchise trusts .. B ·· ... ***** **** SOU…………… ..... ·· …………………. ... D ………. Natural Monopolies or Franchise Trusts-Continued. .. ************ .. ·· ·· ****T ………………………… ……………… ………… ·· ……………… .. *$2 • • ·· **** ..... ... …………. D ………. .. ………………… " ·· O …………… • ↓ INDEK …..……………………….. ... .. …………… Organized ……………… 1899 1900 1882 1899 1899 1899 1899 1898 1854 1895 1899 1899 1898 1872 1851 1893 Reorgan- ized. ** + ·· ****** D*** • ……………… ... 1885 …………… ... 41 ……….. ... *** ** ………………… ………. C **** …………….. *** 1856 ... .. .. Where Incorpor- ated. ………… .. ·· N. J. N Y. Pa. * N. J. **** ··· N J. Md. Mo. ... N. J. ... ..... ....9 N Y. Va. Colo. N. Y. Common Stock. 20,000,000 3,000,000 22,500 000 1,000 000 6,000,000 3,125,000 15,000,000 17,347,500 10,000,000 403,700 8,000 000 4 000,000 1,000,000 450,000 8,000,000 97,340,740 3,000,000 $1,213,538,602 Capitalization. ... ……… Preferred Stock. ❤ ** ***** L I ་ ***SEE 1,000,000 ***** 417,306 11,565,000 **** 6,000,000 • • .... ·· D • A31 ..... ► .... ... ... .. **** } ·· · ……………. …….…. 2,000,000 $75,335,656 • 4 Bonds. 1. ……………. 20,000,000 2,826,000 1,000,000 2,000,000 21 Mythy ………………****** 33,576,694 23,000,000 }} **** 149,900 8,247,000 44 $1 ***** " ·· ******* 500,000 450,000 24,585,000 ……….. The term trust is improperly, though often applied, to natural or franchise monopolies. A street railway in a city has no competitors on the streets in which It operates, and perhaps none from other street- Such business, therefore, is not naturally competition. Moreover, competition in such business is usually destructive, and not usually beneficial to the public, as it is in industrial business In the above list franchise monopolies are not considered as trusts, unless practically all of the natural monopolies in a particular locality have consolidated, Only a few of these franchise trusts have been included in the above list. The great railway systems of the country are all franchise trusts. $574,015,195 230 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 1 * 1 } I 4 $ # } 4 ま ​ARMOR PLATE TRUST WINS TOUMATAT CHAPTERXXVIII. THE ARMOR PLATE TRUST-ITS VICTORY IN CONGRESS. + 200 I 1 * STANLARA 1 SAASTA 231 The use of armor plate in the construction of naval vessels, and the obsta- cles presented to competition by the enormous cost of the plants for the manufacture of these plates led to great extortion by the manufac- turers. In 1893 the price paid by the government reached $606 per ton. An investigation disclosed the fact that the Bethlehem Iron Company, now a part of the Iron and Steel Trust, had furnished Russia with armor plates at as low a price as $249 per ton. This was followed by the enactment, in 1899, of a provision of law limiting the price that should be paid by the government for armor plate to, $300 per ton. At the last session of Congress a provision was incorporated in the naval appropriation bill, appropriating four millions of dollars for the armor and armament for naval vessels with a proviso that "the Secretary of the Navy is hereby authorized to procure, by contract, armor of the best quality for the battleships Maine, Ohio, and Missouri." The Naval Committee had also in- corporated in the bill authority to purchase armor for these three ships at a cost not to exceed $545 per ton. As this was a proposition to change existing law, it was stricken out on a point of order. When the bill reached the Senate that body amended it by authorizing the payment of $445 per ton on all naval vessels authorized to be built by ex- isting laws. It further provided that if the Secretary of the Navy could not purchase armor plate for $445 per ton, he might pay $545 per ton for armor for the battleships Maine, Ohio and Missouri, but no others; and that he should, in such case, erect an armor plate factory at a cost not to exceed four millions of dollars, two millions of dollars to be appropriated for that pur- pose and mado immediately available. The House offered for this the fol- lowing substitute: That the Secretary of the Navy is hereby authorized to procure by contract armor of the best quality for any or all vessels above referred to, provided such contracts can be made at a price which in his judgment is reasonable and equitable; but in case he is unable to make contracts for armor under the above conditions, he is hereby author- ized, in his discretion, to procure a site for aud to erect thereon a factory for the manu- facture of armor, and the sum of $4,000,000 is hereby appropriated toward the erection of sald factory. 1 1 } 1 2321 • It will be observed that the House proposition placed no limit upon the Secretary of the Navy as to the price he should pay for the armor plate of all vessels. the construction of which was authorized by existing laws, and that it was left wholly to his own discretion whether, under, any circumstances whatever, he should erect a government armor plate factory. The proposition of the Senate limited the price of armor plate to $445 per ton, excepting for the three battleships named, for which he might pay $545 per ton if he could do no better. But if he found that he could not purchase armor for $445 per ton, he was positively directed to erect an armor plate factory for the government. J Ja Something like ten different conferences were had by the conference Com- mittees of the two Houses to reconcile these differences. The House conferees, sustained by the House, were unrelenting in their determination to defeat all limits as to price, and all compulsory provisions for the erection of a govern- ment armor plate factory. The Senate for a long time resisted the demands of the Armor Plate Trust. In that body Senator Hanna hotly led the con- test for the plate manufacturers, ably seconded by Senator Elkins of West Virginia. On the last day of the session, June 6th, when the requisite number of votes had been assured for a complete surrender to the trust, Senator Pen- rose of l'ennsylvania, the State in which is located the plants of the great Steel Trust, offered the following amendment: amor, factory." t DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. That the Senate recede from its amendment numbered 58, and agree to the House amendment to the same with the following amendment. "That the Secretary of the Navy is hereby authorized to procure by contract armor of the best quality for any or all vessels above icferred to, provided such contracts can be made at a puce whnen, to his judgment, is tensorable and equitable, but in case he is unable to male contracts for under the boy2 COBI, ons he is hereby authorized and directed to procute a site for aud eicet thereon a factory for the manufacture of and the sum of $1,000,000 is hereby appropriated toward the erection of said Senator Hale, the Chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs, made the following explanation of the difference between this new proposition and the House proposition: Mr HALE. The Senator from Pennsylvania moves to concur in the House amend- ment with an amendment substituting this same amendment, ouly in place of the words "in his discretion" he users the words "and directed," so that it will read But in case he is unable to make contracts for armor under the above conditions, he Is hereby authorized and directed to procure a site for and to erect thereon a factory for the manufacture of armor So that the sen.c of the Senate is to be taken on the proposition of the discretion being left with the Secretary of the Navy as to the price; but as to an armor plant, if he cannot get a reasonable contract, he is obliged to build an armor plant, * } I It will be observed that what seemed in the Senate amendment to be compulsory upon the Secretary was, after all, leaving everything to his owD discretion. He was directed to erect an armor factory if he was unwilling to submit to the extortionate demands of the armor plate manufacturers; hư if he was willing to pay whatever price they demanded, he was fully author- Ized to do so, in which case, of course, he would not erect a government fac 1 } 1 } 7 لم 233 tory. The eagerness with which the Armor Plate Trust struggled to trans- fer to the executive department the power to yield to its demands was evi- dence of the most positive kind of its confidence that it would fare better. with the Secretary of the Navy than it would even with a friendly Con- gress on the eve of an election. ARMOR PLATE TRUST WINS. } ř A Republican Senator Rebels. "A very exciung debate took place on the terms of capitulation proposed by Senator Penrose. In the course of this debate Senator Chandler of New Hampshire, who had been Secretary of the Navy under President Arthur, de- nounced the proposed surrender in the following severe language: Проте 1 1 Mr. CHANDLER. Mr. President, the motion made by the Senator "from Pennsylva nia (Mr. Penrose) correctly takes up the issue between the House and the Senate, and a vote upon that is ccrtainly an appropriate method of determining what the course of the Senate shall be. His proposition is substantially the House proposition that the whole question of the pilce of armor plate shall be emitted to the Secretary of the Navy, and that he shall be authorized to pay any price he sees fit to pay without limit. His judgment is to be exercised as to whether the price is just and reasonable. But so far as the broad principle of legislation is concerned, the whole subject of fixing the price for armor plate is committed to the Secretary of the Navy; and that, Mr. President, is to be the end of all the investigations which Congress has made upon this subject. The investigation began five years ago, growing out of a contract made by the Bethlehem Company with the Russian Government for $600,000 worth of armér plate at $240 a ton. The report of the committee made on February 11, 1897, was that a fair price for armor would be between $300 and $400 a ton; and on every vote which the Senate has taken since $300 a ton has been adhered to up to the time when the majority amend- ment to pay $145 a ton was adopted in the Senate by two majority. Mr President, the report of the committee in 1897 was a unanimous report, and the vote of the Senate, until this last concession of $445 a ton, was overwhelmingly against paying these large prices for armor. A distinguished and influential Senator upon this floor has stated that the Senator from South Carolina (Mr Tillman) and myself are responsible for the failure of the construction of the battleships to proceed. Mr. President, in some sense that is true; but the Senator did too much honor to the Senator from South Carolina and myself, because our opinions would have been of very little importance and our efforts would have been of no consequence if they had not been ratified by overwhelming votes of the Senate, until $415 a ton was fixed the other day by a majority of 2. The Senate has been convinced, and the Senate has taken the responsibility, as I was glad to take my share of the responsibility, of not conceding that the price of armor shall be fixed by the armor-plate nianufacturers, who, it is admitted, are in combination in this coun- try, and who, I say, are in combination with the armor manufacturels of Durone For the Senate and the House of Representatives, in the face of a combination where there is no competition, to abandon its function of fixing a limit beyond which the priče of armor shall not go would be a most cowardly and impotent conclusion. ** I have been governed in all the contest I have made on this subject from the time when I learned of the Russian contract at $240 down to this hour by no other con- sideration than a sense of public duty. I think it is the duty of Congress to stand up squarely and manfully on this question, and either decide that it will or will not sub- mit to the price which the armor manufacturers may charge, and not run away from the whole question and put the burden upon the Secretary of the Navy. Senator Teller's Indignant Denunciation. In the course of the debate Senator Teller said: It seems to me that every man who has listened for five years to these yearly debates Fr { 1 1 1 1 " + J } اعم ! + 234 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. ought to be willing to build an armor plant. I believe that the American people, secing this unseemly exhibition-for it is unseemly- { 1 ino 1 * Mr. SPOONER. It grows every year We Mr. TELLER. It grows, as the Senator from Wisconsin suggests, every year. are practically charging ourselves, or some portion of this body or the other, session after session, with collusion with the armor-plate manufacturers. The public press is repeating it. The American people will believe, whether it is truthful or not-there is great ground for them to believe it-that the armor-plate manufacturers have what is called in common pariance a political pull so great that we cannot compel them to produce armor and sell it to the Government at a fair price, nor can we get the power here to authorize the Government to build a plant. Mr. President, I repeat, such a condition is unseemly, such a condition is disgraceful to. the American Legislature, and one that must eventually bring us into contempt with the American people. We either ought to have the power here to say to these combines, “You shall sell us armor at what we believe to be a fair price, or you cannot sell us any at all." Mr. PENROSE. Mr. President, I should like to ask the Senator M1. TELLER. "Mr. President, I do not care to hear the Senator just now. The Senator's proposition is a disgiaceiul proposition It is a surrender of the American legislative body to the executive department. As the Senator fiom' New Hampshire said, and I am using his term, it is either a cowardly proposition or it indicates that somewhere there is a corruption. → Why, Mr. President, should you say to the executive department of the Govern- ment, "Buy 37,000 tons of armoi today, when you do not need more than five or six thousand tons, and pay any price that these aimoi-plate combines choose to demand of the American peopic, and pile up your armor plate for years simply that they may make a profit on it?" The American The American people will not believe that we have acted with common judgment or common honesty when that takes place. Now, M1. President, I think the time has come for plain talk in this matter. T'he Chairman of the committee says that there is no backing behind this concern. The American people will believe, and I have no hesitation in saying I believe, that there is a great backing behind these combines; that a great political organization in this country hopes to make profit-I do not mean a money piont, I mean a political profit-- by giving to this combine an unreasonable price, and what the Senator from Maine has said is a robber's demand. 1 7 There is no necessity for going into any general debate to show that armor plate can be made at a profit for $300 a ton There is not anybody here who does not bellere it, ol, if he does not believe it, it is because he has not tried to inform himself on the subject Nobody has over been able to come into this Senate or to go into the Bouse of Representatives or before the American people and show that the figures of Secre taly Herbert were not just and propei. We know, in addition to that, as I said the other day, the finding of the Navy Depart- ment was buttressed and supported by the fact that these people went into compell tion in Europe with the great manufacturers of armor plate there, carried their product across the sea, and sold it in foreign lands for $240 a ton. Mr President, it is said that these companies sent armor plate abroad so as to show to the American people that they have some reason for sending it abroad and selling it at a lower price. They did sell it at less than it was sold for here; but they did not sell it at a loss, and the man who stands on this floor and says that they did sell it at a loss insults the intelligence of this body and insults the intelligence of the Ameri can people These combinations believe that they have the power to compel the Gov- ernment of the United States to give them their price, a price, I will say again, which has been repeatedly declared by members of both political organizations on this floor is a robber's price. There is a way to escape from the control of this combine, and that is, for the Gov- ernment of the United States to build an armor-plate plant of its own; to build and create armor as we create guns; to build and create armor as we create ships Mr. President, the rules of propriety pievent my making any comment upon the 5f + $3 5 2 1 } ร์ ARMOR PLATE TRUST WINS } 235 action of the House of Representatives, but the condillon we are in today is the con- I knew that cer- dition which I predicted the other day on the floor we should be in. tain influences in this country have determined that we should pay to this armor com- bine whatever it domanded, and I have predicted that before we got through with this I think we contest the American Senate would surrender to the armor-plate combine are very likely to make that prophecy good between this time and the time of adjourn ment tonight. I В I have been asked what are we to do; and it is said somebody must give way. want to say here what I would do and what I think the credit of the American Senate demands, and that is, I would insist upon a fair limit; that we should say we will give no discretionary power to the Secretary of the Navy as is proposed; and if we are unable to crystallize that into law, let the whole proposition fall, battleships and all. That is the only way that the American Senate can assert their independence. It is the only way that they can go to the American people and feel that they have a right to demand the confidence and support of the people. They cannot do it if they sur- render to this combine. r[r It has ceased to be a question of policy and become one of absolute principle, and one that I think closely touches this body. I do not believe that you can agree to the proposition of the Senator fiom Pennsylvania (Mr. Penrose), which is the proposition of the House of Representatives, without such scandal and disgrace as has not afflicted us as a people for many years. I think the stealings in Cuba will be insignificant and lost sight of in this greater steal, in this greater combine, allowed by the American Sen- ate with the full knowledge that it is a steal. If we are at the mercy of this combine, let us quit building ships until we can build a plant and create our own aimor plate, and when we create it, we will have a guar- anty that it is not full of blowholes, filled up with grease and with putty and with ashes, as we have bought it of these same identical robbers, and paid for it at $600 a ton. They came before our committee and admitted that they had sold us plates which would not stop an old six-pounder ball fired from the oldest cannon on the face of the earth-armor plates that we weic to put on our ships and risk the lives of our sailors and our men on those ships. Our ships would have gone to the bottom of the sea with the fist shot because of the frauds of this combine; and yet they find defend- ers on this floor, who tell us we must submit to this combine and allow them to con- tinue to steal from the people of the United States. #tr ** *0 # { ik E 4 Mr. President, the hour has come when the party in power has got to take the responsibility for this thing.' If they want to go to the American people and, with a majority in both Houses and with the Executive, say, "We are willing to continue this robbery," I will enter my protest. They have got the power to do it, and I am very much afraid they propose to do it, but they shall not do it without my negative vote; they shall not do it without giving me an opportunity of saying to the American people, "You are being robbed; you ale being robbed by the party that you put in power under pledges that you should have good government and honest administration of public affairs, which you have the right to demand and the right to expect of any Administration, no matter how it may be labeled. The senatorial advocates of the armor plate monopoly never wearied of their task, but fought as they would if they had themselves owned the armor plate factories. Their labors were finally crowned with success, although the defenders of the treasury of the Government held out long and well. Public attention had been called so loudly to the contention, that it seemed sheer madness for an administration, on the eve of a presidential campaign, to deliberately load itself down with so fierce and reckless a struggle for a private interest, and for the unnecessary transfer of millions of dollars from the public treasury to the armor plate monopoly. Some friends of the admin- istration refused to be coerced into the support of Senator Hanna's final proposition, but in vain. He listened with intense interest to the response of every Senator who voted on his ultimatum, embodied in the Penrose amend- B - I J ¿ f 1 $ 7 4 236 Alllison, Baker, Carter, Clark, Cullom, Davis, neboe, Dopew, Elkins, Fairbanks, Bacon, Bard, Bate. Berry. Beveridge, Butler, Chandler, ment. When it had received a majority of the votes his face beamed with beamed with the greatest victory for him of the year. We may never know what con- tribution the campaign fund of the Republican party receives as a result of that vote. It may be more or it may be less than the Sugar Trust will pay for the Porto Rican outrage of compelling the payment of duties between Porto Rico and other United States ports in violation of the Constitution. But whatever it is, it will be in the power of the executive branch of the govern- ment to reimburse the contributors in the price it will pay for armor. 11 1 The following is the vote on the Penrose amendment. (Democrats and Inde- pendents in italics): $ Clay, Cockrell, Aldrich, Allen, Burrows, 1 ( DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Foster, Frye, fallinger, Hanna, Hansbrough, Ilawley, Hoar, Kean, Kyle, Lodge, Culberson, Daniel, Foraker, Harris, Hertfeld, Jones Ark. Kenny, Lindsay. McLaurin, Caffery, Chilton, Gear, YEAS-39. McBride, McComas, McEnery, McMillan, 1 Mason, Penrose, Platt, Conn. Platt, N. Y. Pritchard, Proctor, NAYS-35. 1 Mallory, Martin, Moncy, Morgan, Nelson, Perkins. Pettigrew, Pettus, Rawlins, e NOT VOTING-12. Hale. Jones, Ncv. McCumber, Mr. BATE. I think my colleague would vote "nay." Mr. SPOONER. Then I will vote "nay." The roll call was concluded. } Quarles, Ross, Scott. Sewell,' Shoup, Thurston, Warren, Wetmore, Wolcott. Simon, Spooner, Sullwan, Taliaferro, Teller, Tillman, Turner, Vest. } 1 JT Stewart, Turley, Wellington. 1 1 During the roll-call pairs were announced as follows: Mr. BURROWS (when his name was called). I am paired with the senior Senator from Louisiana (Mr. Caffery) Mr. SPOONER (when his name was called). I have a pair with the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Turley), who is absent from the city, and unless his colleague can assure me as to how he would vote- M 1 Mr. DAVIS. I have a general pair with the Senator from Texas (Mr Chilton). I will transfer that pair to the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Wellington) and vote "yea." Mr. JONES of Arkansas (after having voted in the negative). I am paired with the Senator from Rhode Island (Mr. Aldrich), who is absent from the Senate, and I with- draw my vote. Mr. BUTLER (after having voted in the negative). I have a general pair with the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Wellington). I understand that on this vote he is paired with the Senator from Minnesota (Mr. Davis). If that is correct, I will let my vote stand. Mr. JONES of Arkansas. The Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Turley) is absent with- out a pair, and I will transfer my pair with the Senator from Rhode Island (Mr. Aldrich) to the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Turley) and let my vote stand "nay." Mr.`QUARLES. I suggest whether the Senator from Arkansas is not mistaken in ? * / 1 + J * ARMOR PLATE TRUST WINS. 237 regard to the pair he has just stated. I understand that my colleague (Mr. Spooner) is paired with the Senator from Tennessee (Mr Turley). Mr. JONES of Arkansas. The Senátor's colleague has voted } 1 Mr. BERRY. He voted "nay." This was an abdication by Congress of its duty, and an extraordinary di- vision of legislative power with the executive department of the Govern- ment. T The Constitution provides that "no money shall be drawn from the treas- ury but in consequence of appropriations made by law.". It may be that, in the face of this constitutional provision, and notwithstanding the struggle in Congress to prevent extortion in this case, money can be lawfully drawp from the treasury to pay for armor plate at a price to be fixed by the executive department without limit. If it can be, it would be equally constitutional for Congress to appropriate the lump sum of seven hundred and fifty millions of dollars to the President for the total expenses of the Government for one year, leaving it to his discretion how much shall be expended for every service and everything rendered the Government. A precedent even for this ex- traordinary and manifestly inadmissible legislation was established when fifty millions of dollars was appropriated, in the spring of 1898, to be ex- pended at the discretion of the President when the war with Spain was im- minent. } Mr. Hanna conducted the armor plate contest in the Senate with the help of his administration friends as though the Government were a corpora- tion in which he owned the majority of the stock, and the expenditures of which he could absolutely control. 1 That the Democratic members of the Naval Committee of the House of Rop- resentatives fully performed their duty in an effort to stem the tide of corrup- tion in this matter of armor plate will be seen by the following extracts from their minority report on the Naval Appropriation bill: * र In our judgment the potential reasons in enhancing the price of armor to the Gov ernment is the existence of a trust or agreement between the armor-plate factorles ol this country-we are almost persuaded we could safely go further and say armor-, tɩ factories of the world; but we again quote from Mr. Schwab's testimony: "Mr. CUMMINGS. There is an insinuation that the European companies have an agreement with you. “Mr. SCHWAB. That is not correct I know nothing of it if it is true. I have stat candidly that there was an understanding between the Bethlehem Company and ou selves to divide orders, because we went into the business on that basis. I have hea a great deal about this matter of there being an agreement between the foreign man facturers, but I think that is very doubtful, for this reason: If the armor business i as profitable as many people think it is, why should all of this foreign capital which is lying uninvested remain idle with such a golden opportunity for reward; when Eng- land, for example, is barely able to fill the orders which the Government has given for armor?” There are but two armor-plate factories in the United States, and, as will be scen from the above quotation from Schwab's testimony, they understand each other so well there is no competition for orders, and we feel justified in concluding this understand- ing exists to price also. The Government is at the mercy of these companies, and we see but two ways of escape-either stop building armored ships or manufacture our own armor. We belleve if the Secretary of the Navy was directed to buy armor for not exceeding $400 per ton, and if he could not get it at that price to build a factory, the two companies would reduce the price to a reasonable sum per ten rather than to allow Bb በ prin VAL + } 1 $ { › 14 ✩ t } 1 I " } الدي ' * ' 1 ! 广 ​** $ 是 ​DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 5b 238 the Government to become their competitor. One thing is certain: Unless we build our own plant armor plate will never cheapen. We unhesitatingly say, in our opinion it would be wise for the Government to own its own plant, even if it never made one ton of armor plate, because the fact of the Government's ability to produce armor plate on its own account would operate to keep down prices in the private yaids. The Gov- ernment ought to take steps at once to reduce the price of armor plate by authorizing a plate factory, otherwise next year will find us in the same condition we are now in, and we will be compelled to pay the same exorbitant prices for the armor then needed. So it will go on from year to year, being, as it were, held up by manufacturers each year, because in the previous year we failed to provide against the holding up. There- fore Congress should act now. Again, we feel compelled to differ with our colleagues on the subject of constructing ships in the Government yards We reach this conclusion from the evidence before the committee on the subject. Four of the most distinguished and competent constructors of the Navy were heard by us, as well as the Chief of the Bureau of Construction. They all unqualifiedly recommend the construction of ships in the Government yards. The opinions and wishes of bureau chiefs seem to have been followed by the committee in many instances, and in our opinion it is unfortunate that the opinion of the Chief of the Bureau of Construction was not persuasive in this instance also. 1 $ J In the building of ships, and in the manufacture of armor, we announce that we befieve in the principle that would have the Government to buy her ships or contract for their bullding and buy ber armor plate, when the prices are reasonable. When we advocate that the Government build part of her ships and make the armor plate we do so because we feel that it would save millions of dollars to the taxpayers of our country in the long 100. We do not believe in creating offices unnecessarily; on the contrary, we believe in 1idding the public of all needless officials, but we prefer more officials, if necessary, which we do not believe in this instance, to conscious or even well-suspected extortion, 1 F. C. TATE. JOHN F. RIXEY, W. W. KITCHEN, CHAS, K. WHEELER, WV. D. VANDIVER. The people of the United States own the money in the treasury, and if they desire to bave it squandered for illegitimale purposes to fatten the trusts and monopolies to enable them to perpetuate their power in the government, they will vote to continue in power the present administration, and its supporters in Congress. } - * 1 IN THE WORLD ふ ​} * ~E! ' 1 t # 1 ' I BIERZEHEN. ¿ *** } CARNEGIE'S GREAT INCOME, 9 CHAPTER XXIX. CARNEGIE'S ENORMOUS INCOME-$68,000 A DAY-- inter HEROGENETICÁKOSKI AN f $24,000,000 A YEAR. TEREZZIE The German Emperor... The Emperor of Austria. The King of Italy... Andrew Carnegie דיד Is there a man in the country who can read the extraordinary statements made under oath by Henry C. Frick in his suit against Andrew Carnegie with- out stopping to think of the swift change which the trust system, backed by government favoritism. has wrought in economic, political and social condi- tions in America? Mr. Frick says that Mr. Carnegie's share of the profits of the Carnegie Steel Company last year was $12,285,000. He also says that Mr. Carnegie's share of the earnings this year will probably be $24,867,500. -t } } Carnegie's Profits Greater than Kings' Revenues. Can you grasp the meaning of that? Twelve millions of dollars last year; twenty-four millious of dollars this year! This is the private income of one man. Let me give you a list of the annual incomes that may help you to estab. lish a rule of proportion: Queen Victoria.. } 239 One Day's Income Would Pay President's Salary. Mr. Carnegie's income from his steel works is $68,130.13 a day. That is more thau the salary of the President of the United States for a whole year. His annual income is equal to the wages of twelve million of workingmen at two dollars a day. But is Mr. Carnegie the only man in the community who is able to pay the President's salary for a year out of one day's income? Until Mr. Frick made his astounding revelation no one had any suspicion that the Carnegie Steel Company was earning $42,500,000 a year. May there not be other men in the country-many of them-whose incomes would startle the country if the real facts were to be made known? Who can tell? The trust system, the scheme K •$1,925,000 3,852,770 3,875,000 2,858,000 .24,867,500 + t } f * * * { ¿ ť $ 2 ↑ 1 } 240 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, of limited monopoly, is so well surrounded with safeguards of secrecy that it is only by the accident of a legal quarrel among the great financial cap- tains that the truth may now and then be uncovered. Senator Hanna, the spokesman of the present administration at Washington, laughs at the earnest men who have tried to probe this greatest problem of the present generation. The trusts should be "let alone." They pay millions of dollars into the Re- publican campaign fund, Why should they be disturbed or investigated? The Modern Youth Faces a Wall of Monopoly. Mr. Frick deserves the thanks of the nation for this contribution to the world's knowledge. He has no doubt started springs of thought in the pub- lic mind that will flow long after his suit against Mr. Carnegie has been won or lost. The thinking American citizen will ask himself how it is that one man can lawfully-and Mr. Carnegie's wealth is lawful--earn twenty-four millions a year. He will glance backward and forward. He will think of his father, of himself, of his son. And he will see that the founders of the great trusts entered upon their business careers when competition was possible and that they have gradually destroyed the competitive system. Could Andrew Carnegie start in the steel trade to-day and achieve power? Does any one believe that this man, with all his intelligence and ability to apply himself to the work before him, could break through the wall of mon- opoly built around the steel trade? I 1 ' This Power Dangerous to the Public. Men like Mr. Carnegie, having established themselves in power, naturally scek to prevent competition. He is not alone in this. It is the foundation idea of the trust system. } 1 A I 732 But can a power like this exist in a republic without destroying the re- public? What is the remedy? Who knows? Is there a remedy at all? And how can there be any effective and reasonable remedy until the Government is in the hands of men who honestly want to find a remedy?-James Creelman in New York Journal. { 1 } f 4 1 C L- $ 1 t } 1 小 ​• ; I 1 3 1 RAILROADS AND THE TRUSTS. 11 CHAPTER XXX. THE RAILROAD QUESTION I-DISCRIMINATION IN FAVOR OF THE TRUSTS. Comparatively little attention has yet been given to the great domestic and practical question of the control (not ownership) of those great trusts, the public transportation lines. 241 The Inter-State Commerce Law. In 1887, Congress passed what was known as the Interstate Commerce Law, which was intended by those who took part in its enactment, to regulate the interstate railroad rates of the country and afford some protection to the small shipper as against his great competitor, who was, and is, fattening off of the special privileges granted him by the railroads. The Senate Committee on Interstate Commerce reported that year to the Senate that "the effect of the prevailing policy of railroad management, is, by an elaborate system of se cret rates, rebates, drawbacks, and concessions, to foster monopoly, to enrich favored shippers, and to prevent free competition in many lines of trade in which the item of transportation is an important factor;" and that “rates are established without apparent regard to the actual cost of the service per- formed, and are based largely on 'what the traffic will bear.'" 11 1 It was contemplated by its framers that the Act to regulate interstate com merce would correct this condition of affairs, but its application and construc- tion by the courts have tended to the reverse. ; # + # Decisions of the United States Supreme Court. Under the decisions of the United States Supreme Court, with this law on the statute book, declaring that all rates shall be "reasonable and just” and that "unjust and unreasonable rates" are unlawful, the railroads may still charge whatever rates they see proper and there is power in no commission, in no court, to say them nay. That this is true, read what the Supreme Court said in the case of the C., Ñ. O. & T. P. Rly. v. Interstate Commerce Commission, 162 U. S., 184: ! Whether Congress intended to confer upon the Interstate Commerce Commission the power to itself fix iates was mooted in the courts below, and is discussed in the briefs of counsel તેન [ C 1 } 1 1 11. " $ 1 1 ሰ 242 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. We do not find any provision of the act that expressly, or by necessary implication, Coy fers such a power. We prefer to adopt the view expressed by the late Justice Jackson, when Circuit Judge, in the case of the Interstate Commerce Commission v. Baltimore & Olio Rail- road Company (43 Fed Rep, 37), and whose judgment was affirmed by this court (145 U. S, 263). } I : "Subject to the two leading prohibitions that their charges shall not be unjust or unre sonable, and that they suall not unjustly discriminate, so as to give undue prefer ence or disadvantage to persons on traffic similarly circumstanced, the act to regulate commerce leaves common carriers, as they were at the common law, free to make spe- cial contracts looking to tue increase of their business," etc There is no case on record where a shipper has been able to recover from the railroad company an unjust rate collected, and the Supreme Court in the case of the Interstate Commerce Commission v. C. N. O. & T. P. Ry., 167 U. 3. 479, holds that Congress has not delegated the power to either the Commission or the courts to fix the rate for the future, for in that decision it says: Congress might itself prescribe the rates, or it might commit to some subordinate trl- bunal this duty, or it might leave with the companies the right to fix rates, subject to regulations and restrictions Further on, in the same decision, it says: * Beyond the influence which irresistibly follows from the omission to grant in express terms to the Commission this power of fixing rates is the clean language of Section 6 (of the Act to regulate commerce) recognizing the light of the carrier to establish rates, to increase or reduce them. And further: I • 1 These considerations convince us that under the Interstate Commerce Act the 'Com- mission has no power to prescribe the tariff of rates which shall control in the future. That the shipper cannot recover excessive rates paid in the past, read the decision in the case of Van Patten v. C., M. & St. P. Ry. Co., 81 Fed Rep., 545. In commenting on that case, the Interstate Commerce Commission in its Twelfth Annual Report (1898), pp. 25-0, say: This was a suit before the Circuit Court for the northern district of Iowa to recover the excess above a reasonable rate upon grain from points in Iowa to Chicago. It appeared that the rates charged and collected by the defendant railroad company were the openly published rates, and the court held that, this being so, the plaintiff was not entitled to recover The court apparently took the position that the publication of a given` rate under the sixth section by the carrie fixed that rate; that when the rate was so published it became unlawful to receive any other or different rate, and that it could not be an unlawful act to demand and collect the published rate. The Com- mission said that if this opinion should finally prevail it would result that the public has absolutely no protection against an unreasonable rate. The Supreme Court holds that the Commission, and therefore the courts, has no power to correct the rate for the future, and therefore there is no way in which a railroad company can be com- pelled to publish a reasonable rate Under the decision in the Van Patten case a rate when published is conclusively presumed to be reasonable, and the shipper has no light of action to recover any portion of that rate If that case was correctly decided, it follows that there is absolutely no way in which the public can obtain any rodiess from the exaction of a rule, no matter how exloitionate. Between these two millstones, the small shipper is ground to dust. How about the large shipper, the combination. the trust? No matter what may be the published legal rate, it affects him not. The same men who con- trol other trusts and combinations control the railroad trusts. It is the same moneyed interest that controls both. To the favored trust rebates are granted, } 1 * } ހ ހ t 1 'RAILROADS AND THE TRUSTS. which are inaccessible to the small shipper, who has to pay the published tariff. Our The public complains a great deal against trusts and combinations. platform condemns them. The papers are full of them. We have laws already on the statute books proposing to annihilate them. Yet with all this, the main- spring of their existence, their progenitor, their breeder,—namely, the railroad trusts,-lie unchecked within our grasp. The point at which combination becomes unlawful,, is debatable. That the large shipper should not receive advantages from public utilities which are denied to the small shipper, is not debatable. The theory, at least, of taxa- tion in all rational civilized governments is to place the lightest burden in the form of taxation upon the poor and those least able to bear it, and to lay the heavy hand upon the rich and powerful. The theory of taxation by railroads in the levying of their tariffs, when uncontrolled by the state or gov- ernment, is the reverse of this, and the hand of mail is placed upon the poor and unprotected, while the great and powerful trusts and combinations are granted free passes, rebates and special privileges of every description. Very few combinations or trusts could exist to-day were it not through the control or the favor of public utilities in their behalf. Some fatten through the in- iquities of the protective tariff, and a demand is now being made for the abol- ishing of the tariff on all articles controlled by trusts. This is along the right • fine, but the benefit of it which the trusts receive from the import tariff is less than that they receive from the railroad tariff. Under the import tariff it may at least be said, that whatever favor it grants is open to all with means to avail themselves of it. But suppose the Government secretly granted a re- bate of 25 per cent. of the duty to two or three large manufacturers, what then would be the position of the small manufacturer in competition with them? Yet this is the nature of the discrimination which the trusts and combinations are to-day receiving from our public transportation lines, and this is the testimony of the railroads themselves. - Testimony of Good Witnesses. Mr. A. B. Stickney, President of the Chicago Great Western Railway, the author of a book entitled the Railway Problem, says: 243 It is idle to talk about railway transportation being a mere article of commerce, owned by the company, "who, as such owner, may sell it or not, as it may see fit, or, if it elects to sell, may demand such price as it chooses or can obtain." It is nonsense to call that merchandise which no one can refuse to purchase. Looking at the subject from the point of view of the owner of railway property, this absolute power in the hands of managers, who after all are but human, with limited knowledge and capacity, scems quite as dangerous to that interest as to the interests of the people. And yet upon each road one man with autocratic power, with many subordinates, acting separately and without consultation, is making rates varying in amounts from day to day, and as between different men and localities, without rule or principle as a basis, simply guessing in each case, with the expectation that the average guesses for a year will come within the fraction of a mill per ton per mile of the proper amount. f $ 1 a + $ 214 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. This appears to be the present basis of the value of railway property. If the people need a fixed rule or law for establishing the basis of rates, the companies need it even more. But such a law, to be just or beneficially effective, should consider the rights of both parties. Mr. M. E. Ingalls, President of the Big Four and the Chesapeake & Ohio, in an address to the convention of State Railroad Commissioners in Wash- ington, said: A It is well, perhaps, that we should look the situation fairly in the face, and while I do not care to be an alarmist I feel bound to describe plainly to you the condition today, so that you may understand the necessity fo" action. Never in the history of railways have tarifs been so little respected as today. Private arrangements and understandings are more plentiful than regular rates The large shippers, the frre- sponsible shippers, are obtaining advantages which must sooner or later prove the ruin of the smaller and more conservative traders, and in the end will break up many of the commercial houses m this country and ruin the railways. A madness seems to have seized upon some radway managers, and a large portion of the freights of the country Is being carried at prices far below cost. The Standard Oil Trust, } The Standard Cil Trust is often held up by our Republican friends as an example of a great trust not founded upon the import tariff. That is true. But no trust in this or any other country has ever received such rebates from the railroads as this combination. It has not only received rebates upon its own shipments below that paid by any other producer of oil, but it is said, and very generally believed, that it has actually demanded that the railroads col- lect an excessive rate from the independent od refiner and pay that excess to the Standard Oil Company. Not all other causes combined have contributed so potently to the estab- lishment and power of trusts as the one thing of freight-rate discrimination. L → The Magnitude of Railroad Interests. For a moment consider the enormous magnitude of the railroad business of this country. The total railroad capital is about eleven billions of dollars. The gross railroad earnings per annum amount to one and a quarter billions, some thing more than double the receipts of the United States Government from all sources, and considerably greater than the interest-bearing debt of the United States which, on June 30th, 1839, amounted to a little over one bil- lion dollars. The railroad companies operate 185,000 miles of road and em- ploy directly nearly one million of men, who, with their families, make about five millions of our population dependent upon the railroads for their daily living. Fighting Water Transportation.. The Government has appropriated from time to time $320,000,000 to improve our harbors and rivers, yet these great railroad corporations assume the right to make any rate, to points reached by vessels, necessary to "drive them out of the waters," while yet maintaining high local rates to intermediate points. EAILROADS AND THE TRUSTS. 1245 Like all other great aggregations of wealth, the management of these great quasi-public corporations stand opposed to the Democratic party, since its re- habititation on the principle of "equal rights to all, special privileges to none," would signal the vitalizing of the interstate commerce law and sound the death knell to special privileges granted favored patrons. " } Weakness of Existing Transportation Laws. Every year since the Supreme Court declared that Congress had failed to in- vest the Interstate Commerce Commission with authority to afford practical relief to shippers, the Commission, in accordance with the provisions of the statute requiring it to suggest necessary amendments to Congress, has rec- ommended the passage of a law that would remedy the evils complained of. The present law, since the decisions of the courts above referred to, is noth- ing more than an instrument in the hands of the roads for the purpose of ex- torting from the general public exorbitant published rates, and a veil for granting special privileges and rebates to the great and powerful. Added to these recommendations of a non-partisan board, created by Congress itself, have been added within the past year the appeals of nearly every commer- cial organization in the country, together with innumerable letters from small individual shippers, praying that Congress would hearken to the cry of the people, but to all such, the Republican committees of Congress have turned a deaf ear. A Petition to J. Pierpont Morgan. To illustrate the impotency of the law, and to show the contempt in which it is held by the shippers of the country, I quote from a statement made by Interstate Commerce Commissioner Charles A. Prouty before the Senate Com- mittee on Interstate Commerce last winter: I hold in my hand a paper received this morning, published in the interests of the railroads of New York, in which it is said that the present condition of east-bound rates from Chicago to New York is outrageous; that all traffic practically is being moved upon something less than the published rate, and under contracts with the great shippers in Chicago. What does the man in Chicago do who. is thus driven out of business? Does he apply to the Interstate Commerce Commission? Past experience shows him that is useless. This paper indicates his opinion, and it contains a letter to J. Pierpont Morgan from a committee of grain shippers, asking him that his ranrosas observe a statute of the United States. I submit that the United States should see that its statutes are observed, and that the shippers of the United States should not be compelled to apply to J. Pierpont Morgan, or any other individual, to intercede with his railroad properties to secure the observance of this statute. Just think of the small shippers of the country appealing to J. Pierpont Morgan, the man who has done more to create trusts than any one living, which trusts receive the direct benefit from the rebates, imploring him to compel the railroads to comply with a statute of the United States, when Con- gress has full power under the interstate commerce clause of the Constitu- tion, to confer authority upon the Commission and the courts to right the wrongs from which the people suffer, 1 > } ず ​I + 1 } F 1 • 246' Luy DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. { 1 1 Oppression of Small Shippers by Railroad Companies. What makes the rate discriminations so much more disastrous to the small dealer than the action of the ordinary trust is that, no matter how venal may be the latter, yet it generally demands tribute of all alike, but the railroad trust grants its favors to the powerful few, laying its mailed hand upon the small unprotected shipper to make good its losses. This is the injustice that saps the very foundation upon which commerce rests. It is as inevitable as the law of gravity, that its unrestrained contin- uance means the passing away of the small shipper. Illustrate it by a concrete example. Suppose it costs 80 cents to manufac- ture a given article in New York, and the published railroad rate is forty cents on that article from New York to Chicago. Suppose it costs the trust and the small dealer identically the same amount to manufacture it, but the trust re- ceives from the railroad a rebate of twenty cents when it ships the article to Chicago. Is it conceivable that the small dealer can long exist under these conditions? This is what is occurring to-day and every day. The small dealer no longer ships. It is more than he can do to hold his own in his immediate neighborhood against the distant, foreign trust, with its favored rates. I These great combinations and trusts care nothing about adverse legislation to prevent their combining as long as they are left a free hand to secure re- bates. They will reorganize and recombine to come within the terms of any law that can be placed upon the statute 'books, as they are doing every day, but when Congress strikes at the rebate, it inflicts a mortal injury. The small producer or manufacturer should always be ready and willing to com- pete with the trust in meeting the advantages which may arise from economy in production, etc., because his close contact with the consumer will more than outweigh the advantages the trust may have, arising from that source, but he cannot and he should not be compelled to meet the unfair, unjust and unlaw- ful advantages which the trust secures from our public transportation facil- ities. As against this, he will inevitably go to the wall. From it there is no dscape. Mr. A. B. Stickney, in his work above referred to illustrates this when he says: A guaranteed rate of transportation of even so small a sum as one-quarter of a cent per bushel less than any other middleman can get will give the man possessing it a monopoly of the business of handling the coin in the district covered by the guarantee. The general public is not aware that the manufacturer located in Liver- pool, England, can ship his goods via New Orleans, La, to San Franciscu, California, for less money than can the American manufacturer of a like ar- ticle located in New Orleans, and the same is true in shipping from Liver- pool via New York to Pitsburg, Pa. For these and other discriminations, there is no remedy under existing laws, and for relief, the people must look to the Democratic party, for the Re 1 + 1 A $ }} RAILROADS AND THE TRUSTS, 247 publicans, the railroads and the trusts are all dominated by the same in- fluences and no relief will ever be had at their hands. + 4 ~} No Existing Remedy Against Railroad Extortion. It is a fact that cannot be contradicted that to-day any interstate railroad may charge whatever rate it sees at and there is no tribunal in the United States that can grant any relief either for past extortions or for future de- mands. Under existing laws neither the Interstate Commerce Commission nor any court can prescribe what shall be the rate for the future; that is a matter that Congress has left entirely and absolutely to the discretion of the railroads. To substantiate this assertion, see the case of I. C. C. v. C. N. O. & T. P. Ry. Co., 167, U. S., 479.* Milton H. Smith, President of the Louisville & Nashville Railroad, in tes- tifying before the Interstate Commerce Commission, when asked if a shipper living on his road would not have to pay the rate demanded by the railroad, said if the shipper does not like the rate "He can walk as he did before he had railroads, as thousands now do who have no railroads." This is what the shipper does to-day--pays the rate demanded by the rail- road or walks, or, in the case of the small producer sells his goods at home or goes out of business, and this he will continue to do, until Congress sces fit to cxercise its power under the Constitution "to regulate commerce." It remains to be seen how long the trusts of the country can divert public attention from the breeder of great combinations-the discriminating railroad rates--which Congress can destroy by direct legislation, or by giving the power to do so to the Interstate Commerce Commission. : *Section 6 of such statute expressly recognizes the right of the carrier to establish, Increase or reduce rates, on condition of publishing and filing them with the Commis- sion The Interstate Commerce Commission has no power to prescribe a taliff or rates which shall control in the future, } $ + 1 } r } the + j } 个 ​1 3 { 1 $ \ 1 248 } } 4 W } * { DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. · 71 ERROMATA ✔ ! ! זד ' > } CHAPTER XXXI. THE SHIP SUBSIDY BILL FOR SHIPBUILDING TRUSTS. GOUVERN SELAMPEREELEY BUMESHTIN WAIVIET KERRUPTER UNICATE PRO POŘSKÁ BAGYBÍ LAURA BEBA MÁNIČ { A bill to donate hundreds of millions of dollars to a few of the largest ship- building companies in the United States was introduced in the Senate by Mr. Hanna at the last session of the 55th Congress under the pleasing title. of “A Bill to Promote the Commerce and Increase the Foreign Trade of the United States. and to Provide Auxilliary Cruisers, Transports and Seamen for Gov- ernment use when Necessary." The bill was reported favorably with some amendments so late in the session that no action was taken upon it. This same bill was introduced in the House by Mr. Payne, and was reported back with amendments. This bill was not acted upon. The reason why the measure was not pressed with more energy was the certainty that it could not pass the Senate as that body was then constituted. Perhaps even the House was not yet prepared for so large a grab. The name of Senator Hanna was of course a guarantee of the earnestness of the support of the large ship-building companies in whose counting houses the bill had been approved and by wyhose lawyers it was probably drawn. At the same time the name of Senator Hanna was equally a warning that it might be too "broad and liberal" to meet the "narrow views" of those Republicans who thought their constituents had yet some interest in the public treasury, and who might object to seeing it 1aided. As an experienced charioteer driving two horses sees the importance of making a start when both animals are ready to pull and to go, so Senator Hanna might have thought that, inasmuch as the Senate would be Republican in a few days, it would be better to wait until both the horses in bis governmental wagon were equally manageable. If Mr. Hanna had at any time intended to ask the House to pass tuis bill in the last hours of that Congress, there was ample cause for discouragement in' the fierce attack made upon it on the 17th of February, two weeks before the final adjournment. On that day Mr. Clayton of Alabama, a member of the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries, which had reported the bill, rose in his place and asked and obtained leave to print as a portion of his remarks a criticism of the bill prepared by Dr. Samuel Adams Robinson, a prominent Republican and a member of "the Protective Tariff League of America." He represented the Board of Trade in New York City in the ma س 个 ​ན 1 1 249 1 latest Convention composed of representatives of the Boards of Trade and Chambers of Commerce throughout the country, and was in that body & member of its Committee on Merchant Marine. Let us see what this prom- inent Republican member of the Protective Tariff League of America, and prominent member of the Board of Trade of New York City, thought of Senator Hanna's proposed measure. Dr. Robinson commenced by stating that the enactment of the bill into law would benefit him pecuniarily for the rea- son that it would increase the value of deep water front property owned by him in the city of New York, and that be owned no property which it could injure. This statement he made to show that he was not moved by self-in- terest in opposing the bill. He said that two months before, while a dele- gate to the National Convention of the Boards of Trade, he heard of this bill, although it had not been published, and was not introduced in Congress until four days after the adjournment of that convention. He said that those interested in the bill were fully and ably represented, and were thor- oughly prepared to induce the convention to endorse it. He was informed by them in the most positive manner that it would be useless to oppose it, as it would surely become a la before the 4th of March, 1899. } Dr. Robinson gave an interesting account of the influences at work for this bill. "Representatives of the most powerful transportation lines in the United States and Europe," had, he said. for years been working to secure some leg- Islation in the interest of these great corporations. The endorsement of this measure was presented in a resolution brought forward by "an able dr rector of one of our largest railroads," approving the message of the Pres- ident and the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and recommending a law to carry them into effect, and it was adopted. "It is likely that no del- ·egate,” says Dr. Robinson, "except those pecuniarily interested in the Hanna- Payne bill knew enough about it, or understood the connection between it- and the railroad director's resolution well enough to know what his vote really signified.” SHIP SUBSIDY BILL. 1 * Resolutions favoring this legislation were passed through Boards of Trade and Chambers of Commerce without cxplanation, and then widely advertised as evidences of public opinion. The Doctor explained how the Chamber of Commerce of which he was a member was prevented from falling into the trick of endorsing it. At a meeting of the Board the resolution was read and was about to be acted upou without comment, when he briefly explained the measure, "with the result that that board unanimously refused to endorse It." He stated that a very large part of the press in the United States re- fused to publish anything against the bill. It was because of this fact that he'put his statement in the form of a circular. It was this circular that Mr. Clayton read in the House. He said he knew instances in which papers had been compelled by those advocating the bill to stop the publication of anything calculated to show the public its true character. The Doctor made the fol- lowing staten:eut: *** 4 } Į > ' I # 1 250 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. - "Men in very high positions would amaze me by their efforts to muzzle the press with regard to this measure. In view of these facts Representa- tives and Senators must not think that because much is said for and almost nothing against the Hanna-Payne bill in the newspapers that the people will approve it when they learn its character. Indeed, I read a newspaper al- most daily, whose editor is to my certain knowledge a man opposed to the Dill, while every issue of the paper advocates it and urges its passage. Wheth- er this is done through the great advertising patronage of railroads, steam- ships and other corporate interests which are beneficiaries of the bill I do not know, but I do know that never before in a long and busy life, during which I have always kept in reasonably close touch with the press of my country, have I had reason to suspect that the brutal power of capital and corporations could sa suppress the truth, and I warn them that our free schools have taught the people the importance of the free press." Dr. Robinson called attention to the fact that the steamship subsidy extends to railroads as well as ships, because they own more than half the stock of the most important steamship companies. Railroad corporations own more than one-half of the wharf and dock privileges on the Atlantic, Pacific and Gulf coasts of the United States, and one-third of the remainder is con- trolled by railroads and steamship companies working in harmony. "The passage of this bill," says Dr. Robinson, "would lead to an alliance or trust embracing practically all the transcontinental and trunk lines of railroad and oversea transportation interests, which would be much the greatest monopoly the world has ever known." He estimated that the Standard Oil Company would be benefited by the bill to the extent of over a million of dollars a year. As to the cost of Mr. Hanna's measure, to be paid by the people, he presented a table giving the result of most thorough study of this subject by' Capt. W. B. Bates, author of "Merchant Marine," "Rules for the Construction and Classification of Vessels," formerly manager of Inland Lloyds Registry, and late United States Commissioner of Navigation. Capt. Bates made no comments upon the merit of the bill. He simply calculated the cost. The table is published in Dr. Robinson's circular, and estimates the total cost during the time the law would be in operation at $1,578,367,682. 1 ་ Dr. Robinson thus concludes his criticism: Please note that we used to favor American ships only on what they actually carried. This bill proposes to pay them not for what they carry, nor what they could carry, but for their gross tonnage, which includes all their coal, machinery, etc, the full measured capacity of the ships; in short, to pay them roundly for every mile they move themselves. How long would our people submit to the Government's selling bonds to pay these subsidies? But how could they help themselves when their Congressmen had mortgaged even the right of eminent domain to the corporations owning the ships and the mortgage was for thirty years? The genesis of this bill is greed, its mask enterprise and patriotism, and its purpose monopoly. No foreign built or foreign manned ship should be subsidized with American money. If ships must be subsidized, let them be American built and American manned, and let the law give all the citizens of the United States equal opportunity." ! S A 1 1 میا 1 } 警 ​+ -1 • 251 This formidable document may be found in Vol. 32, Part 2, of the 3d Ses- zion of the 55th Congress at page 2006. } The Hanna-Payne subsidy bill was introduced again in each House im- mediately upon the commencement of the 56th Congress in December, 1899. Mr. Frye introduced it in the Senate, and reported it with amendments on the 26th of February, 1900. Mr. Payne introduced it in the House of Represen- titaves and Mr. Grosvenor reported it with amendments from the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries on the 12th of January, 1900, Adverse.re-- ports were presented in the House,-one by Messrs. Chanler, Small and Rans- dell, and the other by Mr. Fitzgerald. (See Report No. 890 H. R., 1st Sess. 56th Con. in 3 parts.) Mr. Frye's report is Senate Report No. 473, 1st Session 56th Congress. The Tariff Reform Club of New York have contributed valuable documents against the bill. Among them is the statement of Hon. John De Witt Warner, made before the House Committee on January 30th, 1300, as a representative of that club. The following sentences from his statement are interesting: 1 SHIP SUBSIDY BILI "In proportion to American exports carried the subsidy is from six to ten times as high on passenger steamers as on freight.” "The object of this subsidy bill is not to encourage the building of ships which would not otherwise be built, but further to fill the pockets of pros- perous gentlemen who, without subsidy, had already found it profitable to build the very ships, to subsidize which this bill is framed." The documents named well cover the ground, and should be studied by those who desire to be informed on the subject. The report of Mr. Fitzgerald thus summarizes the obiect as made to the bill by Messrs. De Vries, Spight, Daly and himself. 1 ¿ Summary of Principal Objections to Bill. 1. The objects professed in the title are entirely forgotten in the body of the bill. -2. It is reasonably certain that the most of the subsidy would go to lines already established and prosperous. 3. Under this bill the ordinary freight steamers, which carry 80 ór 90 per cent. of our agricultural exports, will get but a fraction of the amount of subsidy which the passenger steamers would receive, although the latter cariy less than 10 per cèut. of our agricultural exports. 4. Under this bill a ship can run practically in ballast and draw subsidy. We believe that when fieight is not promptly offered it will pay a certain class of ships to run empty rather than to wait for cargo 5. This bill would tax all our citizens to provide extra profits for a favored few in this favored industry. 6. The professions of this bill are insincere and its principles are unsound. We believe that the best interests of this nation do not demand the passage of this or of any similar bill. All of which is respectfully submitted. } JOHN F. FITZGERALD, MARION DE VRIES, THOS. SPIGHT, WM. D. DALY, 1 • Lave ار I វ } 252 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, } ܀ CHAPTER XXXII. PART SIX.-The Money Question. The per TIONAL BIMETALLISM, * 30. PRESIDENT MCKINLEY'S BROKEN PLEDGE FOR INTERNA- T President McKinley always professed to be in favor of bimetallism until after he was nominated for President of the United States. He voted in the House of Representatives in 1877, for the Bland bill, which simply re-enacted the law for the unlimited coinage of gold and silver. After it had been hobbled in the Senate by the Allison amendment, dictated from Wall street, he voted for it (in 1879) again, and when the bill was vetoed by President Hayes he voted for its passage over the veto. In 1888, Mr. McKinley, then chairman of the platform committee of the Re- publican national convention, reported to the convention and procured to be adopted on the subject of bimetallism the following plank: The Republican party is in favor of both gold and silver as money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic Administration in its efforts to demonetize silver. Mr. McKinley, in a public speech at Toledo, Ohio, as late as February 12, 1891, said: d 1- During all of Grover Cleveland's rears at the head of the Government he was dis- honoring one of our precious metals, one of our products, discrediting silver and enhanc- ing the price of gold. He endeavored even before his inauguration to affice to stop the coinage of silver dollars, and afte: wards and to the end of his Administration per- sistently used his power to that end. He was determined to contract the circulating medium and to demonetize one of the coins of commerce, limit the volume of money among the people, make money scarce, and therefore dear. He would have increased the value of money and diminished the value of everything else--money the master, everything else the se vant. He was not thinking of "the poor" then. He had left "their side." He was not standing forth in their defense. Cheap coats, cheap labor, and dear money! The sponsor and promoter of these professing to stand guard over the welfare of the poor and lowly! Was there ever more inconsistency or reckless assumption! 1 น { F } 1 f ま ​INTERNATIONAL BIMETALLISM. 253 In 1892 the Republican party adopted this platform on the subject of bl- metallism: ↓ The American people, from tradition and interest, favor bimetallism, and the Republi- can party demand the use of both gold and silver as a standard money, with such restrictions and under such provisions, to be determined by legislation, as will secure the maintenance of the parity of values of the two metals so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of the dollar, whether silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times y equal. We commend the wise and patriotic steps by our Government to secure an International conference and adopt such measures as will insure a parity between gold and silver for use as money throughout the world. The National Republican Convention of 1896 at St. Louis adopted the fol- lowing resolution in favor of international bimetallism: The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused the enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie payments in 1879. Since then every, dollar has been as good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or Impair the credit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of silver except by international agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained the existing gold standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designed to maintain Inviolably the obligations of the United States and all our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth. J This was satisfactory to the gold standard banking interests, because it was an agreement not to restore silver coinage in the United States unless through an international agreement to which Great Britain should be a par- ty. The pledge to promote an international agreement for bimetallism was inserted because it would be a formal endorsement of the bimetallic policy, without, as many supposed, in the least endangering gold monometallism. It was an admission that the gold standard was an evil from which the Republican party would earnestly labor to relieve the people, and an as- sertion that this could only be done by British consent. Many Republican bimetallists were persuaded that under this resolution they could remain with the party, to which they were strongly attached, without abandoning the cause of bimetallism. It was the boast of Marcus A. Hanna, Chairman of the National Republican Committee, in an interview shortly after the presiden- tial election, that the party had secured large bodies of the farmer vote of the Northwest by this promise to promote international bimetallism. Stren- uous efforts were made, after McKinley's nomination, to induce him to clear- ly state his position concerning the gold standard, but he proved to be as Incapable of uttering the word "gold" as though he had been born dumb. He declared for "the best money in the world," accompanying it always with the declaration that there was no difference whatever in value between our gold, silver and paper dollars. 1 In his inaugural he made the following reference to this subject: + The question of international bimetallism will have early and carnest attention. It will be my constant endeavor to secure it by co-operation with the other great com- mercial powers of the world. Until that condition is realized when the parity between our gold and silver springs from and is supported by the relative value of the two K { 1 1 +✩ 1 254 metals, the value of the silver already coined and of that which may hereafter be coined must be kept constantig at par with gold by every resource at our command, The credit of the Government the integrity of its currency, and the inviolability of Its obligations must be preserved. This was the commanding' veidict of the people, and It will not be unheeded. In order to keep up an appearance of redeeming his and his party's pledge he sent to Europe. as representative of this government, Senator Wol- cott of Colorado, ex-Vice President Stevenson of Illinois, and Mr. Payne of Massachusetts, to omote an international bimetallic agreement, The French Government readily consented to become a party to such an agreement, and instructed its ambassador in London, Baron De Courcel, to co-operate with the United States Commission. "These instructions," says Mr. Wolcott, "stat- ed unequivocally the desire of France to secure the restoration of bimetallism by international agreement, at a ratio of fifteen and a half of silver to one of gold." Mr. Wolcott says: DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. • When we reached London and came to consider, jointly with the French Ambassador, the situation in England. there seemed at first but few difficulties in the way. Not only had the House of Commons declared unarmously by resolution on the 17th day of March, 1806, as follows: & "That this House is of opinion that the Instability of the relative value of go'd and silver since the action of the Laun Union in 1873 has proved injurious to the best inter- ests of this country, and urges upon the Government the advisability of doing all in their power to secure by international agreement a stable monetary par of exchange between gold and silver"- But on the same day both Mr. Balfour and Sir Michael Hicks-Beach clearly and une- quivocally stated the position of the English ministry; the same ministry ministry through whom we were to negotiate. Mr. Balfour said: The whole trend of civilized opinion is in the direction of a double standard. 10 "It appears to me that under this system we are pledged, and the House is pledged, after the speech of the Chancellor of the Exechequer, to do as auch or more for the bimetallic system, and for the rehabilitation of silver, as it is in the power of any for- eign country to do. With this resolution we go to foreign nations and tell them that, though you can hardly ask us to make this great change in our habits, we will do for you as much as you can do for yourselves: we will make this great contribution to a bimetallic system; ve will go back upon the deliberately arranged method of providing a currency for India; we will reopen the Indian mints; we will engage that they shall be kept open, and we shall, therefore, provide for a free coinage of silver within the Ilmits of the British Empire, for a population greater in number than the populations of Germany, France and America put together. (Cheers.) "I am glad, then, to think that the resolution will be carried by a large majority (cheers), and I hope it will be understood abroad-in Germany, in France and in Amer- ica-that this country is perfectly prepared to bear its fair share in any system which may, once and for all, put the international currency of the world upon a basis just both to the debtor and to the creditor, and a basis for less liable to change than either a monometallic gold basis or a monometallic silver basis can possibly be expected to be. (Cheers.)" Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, himself a gold monometalist, said in terms: "I therefore do believe that in the matters which I have alluded to there are, as this motion states, evils affecting this country and our Indian Empire in the present low value of silver, and we are perfectly ready, as we have always been, to join with for- eign countries in conference as to the best way in which those evils may be alleviated. 1 Į # I C INTERNATIONAL BIMETALLISM. "What is the policy which, as a Government, we intend to pursue? As I have said, we are willing, we are anxious, seeing that there are evils in the present low value of silver and in the fluctuations in the value of the two metals, to enter into a confer- cnc or into negotiations, which certainly I believe at the present stage would be much better than a conference, with other countries upon this subject, but we are not pre- pared to abandon the gold standard in the United Kingdom. 24 * "We cannot, therefore, alter the gold standard of the United Kingdom; but, with that reservation, we are prepared, in the words of the resolution, to do all in our power to secure, by international agreement, a stable monetary par of exchange between gold and silver. 255 3 виде "If it be possible for other nations to join in a bimetallic agreement which seemed good to themselves, I have little doubt but that the Indian Government would be pre- pared to assist by leopening the Indian mints to the free coinage of silver, and that we might endeavor, by other mino means, to promote the increase of silver in coinage and thus aid in an international agreement on this great question." Not only so, but our own Ambassador, in May, but a few weeks before our arrival, and while we were aheady in Paris negotiating with the French ministry, had, in an interview with Loid Salisbury, been told that the English Government still adhered to the policy outlined in the speeches of its ministers in the House of Commons. We were not, therefore, intruders. We could present ourselves with the certainty of that reception which must follow direct and open invitation. And the welcome we had the right to expect we received. From the day we reached England until we left it finally in October, our official treatment was everything that could be desired. The English ministry, in terms, asked the French Ambassador and ourselves to suggest wherein, in our opinion, England could materially contribute to a solution of the ques- tion, and at the same time retain for her own people the gold standard, and what are termed the "proposals" were not volunteered, and were made only by way of sugges- tion at the explicit request of the English ministry When they were received they were treated with full consideration, as were the lepresentatives of the two Governments conducting the negotiations. It does not appear from the above array of facts that the proposition for an international agreement was treated with discourtesy. On the contrary, it was agreed to by the French Government and by the British Ministry. Our own ambassador had previously been assured that the English Govern- ment still adhered to the policy outlined in the speeches of its Ministers in the House of Commons above quoted from. More than this, Mr. Wolcott tells us that at the request of the British Ministers, proposals were made by the French Ambassador and the United States Commissioners as to the contribution England should make to an in- ternational agreement. These proposals, he says, were treated with the full- est consideration. They were in fact in harmony with the propositions al- ready made by the British Ministers themselves. Says Mr. Wolcott: "The vital point in all our negotiations with Great Britain was of course India. Everything else was of comparatively slight importance." And Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, a gold monometallist, and Chancellor of the Exchequer, had said in the House of Commons: # "If it be possible for other nations to join in a bimetallic agreement which seemed good to themselves, I feel little doubt but that the India Government. would be prepared to assist by re-opening the Indian mirts to the free coinage of silver, and that we might endeavor, by other minor mcans, to promote the + 1 де فر 1 2 لہی 2 ← 7 1 1 7 } } I } $ 256 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Increase of silver in coinage, and thus aid an international agreement on this great question." + } f With all these favoring conditions, and with nothing wanting but the as- sent of the British Government in India to the recommendation of the Brit- ish Government in England, the consummation of the agreement was pre- vented only by the startling announcement in London that President Mc- Kinley was opposed to it. He made an announcement to Congress which took the ground from under the feet of the Wolcott Commission, and placed them in the attitude of being either impostors or the dupes of the President. Mr. Wolcott's devotion to the political fortunes of President McKinley so far exceeded bis devotion to the cause of bimetallism that he refrained from making any statement of this fact. The fatal blow which President Mc- Kinley delivered to the cause which he profess to have so much at heart at the very time when it would be otherwise have succeeded, was contained In the following message sent by him to Congress: To the Congress of the United States' In my message convening the Congress in extraordinary session I called attention to a single subject-that of providing revenue adequate to meet the reasonable and proper expenses of the Government. I believed that to be the most pressing subject for settle- ment then. A bill to provide the necessary revenues for the Government has already passed the House of Representatives and the Senate and awaits Executive action. Another question of very great importance is that of the establishment of our cur- rency and banking system on a better basis, which I commented upon in my inaugural address in the following words. "Our financial system needs some revision; our money is all good now, but its value must not further be hreatened. It should all be put upon an enduring basis, not sub- ject to easy attack, nor its stability to doubt or dispute. The several forms of our paper money offer, in my judgment, a constant embarrassment to the Government and Imperil a safe balance in the Treasury Nothing was settled more clearly at the late rational election than the determination apon the part of the peop'e to keep their currency stable in value and equal to that of the most advanced nations of the world. The soundness of our currency is nowhere questioned. No loss can occur to its hold- ers. It is the system which should be simplified and strengthened, keeping our money just as good as it is now with less expense to the Government and the people. The sentiment of the country is strongly in favor of early action by Congress in this direction, to revise our currency laws and remove them fiom partisan coutention. A notable assembly of business men with delegates from twenty-nine States and Terri- tories was held at Indianapolis in January of this yeni. The financial situation com- manded their earnest attention, and after a two days' session the convention recom- mended to Congress the appointment of a monetary commission. I commend this report to the consideration of Congress. The authors of the report recommend a commission "to make a thorough investigation of the monetary affairs and needs of this country in all relations and aspects, and to make propei suggestions as to any evils found to exist and the remedies therefor *J It ought This subject should receive the attention of Congress at its special session. not to be postponed until the regular session. I therefore urgently recommend that a special commission be created, nonpartisan in Its character, to be composed of well-informed citizens of different parties who will command the confidence of Congress and the country because of their special fitness for the work, whose duty it shall be to make recommendations of whatever changes in our present banking and currency laws may be found necessary and expedient, and to report their conclusions on or before the 1st day of November next, in order that 1 твоя парки порно вот / } * ! + } T { C • INTERNATIONAL BIMETALLISM. [ 1 氰 ​1 the same may be transmitted by me to Congress for its consideration at its first regular session. It is to be hoped that the report thus made will be so comprehensive and sound as } to receive the support of all parties and the favorable action of Congress. At all events, such a report cannot fail to be of value to the executive branch of the Government, as well as to those charged with public legislation, and to greatly assist in the establish- ment of an improved system of finance. 257 WILLIAM MCKINLEY. Executive Mansion, July 24, 1897. This "notable assembly of business men" held at Indianapolis was made up exclusively of the most virulent and bigoted of the gold ionometallists. It was in no popular sense a representative body. It was held in January, and its objects and expressed views were in as direct antagonism to the profes- sions made by the Republican party in the McKinley campaign as they were to those of the party which supported Mr. Bryan. Such of the delegates as did not appear in it by their own appointment came from the most hide- bound business associations, fanatically devoted to gold monometallism. It was such an assembly as this that excited the ardent interest and admir- ation of President McKinley. He said it was "notable" and contained "del- egates from twenty-nine States and Territories." The false inference might easily have been drawn from this expression that they came as representa- tives from the people of those States and territories, whereas they only rep- resented national banks and trade associations wholly dominated by them. The President assured Congress that the financial situation had commanded the earnest attention of these wonderful men, and that, as the result of a two days' session, the so-called convention had recommended to Congress the appointment of a monetary commission, meaning of course a gold standard commission. This report was sent to the President with orders to have it transmitted to Congress, which orders he promptly obeyed. The report stat- ed the objects of the proposed monetary commission, and so much was he in accord with them that he urged the attention of Congress at the special session, saying that "it ought not to be postponed until the regular session." This report, which demanded the instant attention of Congress, contained the declaration that "a consistent, straightforward and deliberately planned mon- etary system shall be inaugurated," and announced what they thought its fundamental basis should be. Its first and leading feature was that "the present gold standard shall be maintained." Following this was the gradual retirement of all United States notes, and the substitution of a "safe and elastic circulation." The familiar falsehood contained in the expression "the present gold stand- ard" was an echo of the falsehood in the St. Louis Republican platform con- tained in the expression the "existing gold standard." It was not intended to deceive the well-informed. The gold monometallic leaders were willing to brand themselves as falsifiers among those who could not be deceived, for the sake of the support they hoped to receive from others by the false pretense that they were maintaining something already in existence, instead of seeking (9) Las 1 } 1 3 ? } = } . 1 f J $ 1 f $ 258 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. a violent change in our monetary system. The stealthy demonetization of silver in 1873 temporarily established the gold standard, but the Bland-Allison Act of 1878 restored the bimetallic standard and reopened our mints to the coinage of silver to be purchased by the government. The double standard, thus restored in 1878, continued to be the standard of this country until the passage of the gold standard act of 1900. The repeal in 1893 of the Silver Pur- chase Act simply closed our mints to the coinage of any silver bullion ex- cept that already purchased by the government. It did not in the slightest degree affect the then existing double standard, nor did it profess to do so. Even the new law does not immediately destroy the "existing" double standard. It merely pronounces the sentence of death upon il at such fu- ture time as may result from the manipulations by the executive department which it authorizes. # The President's message supporting the Indianapolis manifesto was cabled, of course, to London for the obvious purpose of protecting the gold cause from the consummation of an international agreement, which, as above shown, had unexpectedly become imminent. It was not intended for any action in Congress at that time, although it professed to be so. It was sent in on the very last day of the extra session of that body. Three days before, the House had adopted a concurrent resolution for a final adjournment of Congress on the 24th of July at 9 o'clock p. m. The Senate had not yet acted upon it. Im- mediately upon receipt of the President's Indianapolis message a resolution was introduced for the creation and appointment of a monetary commission. Under the ironclad rules of the IIouse this was put through under the pre- vious question after a sixty-minute debate. Meanwhile the same message was lying upon the table of the Vice President of the Senate, but not jel an- nounced. A motion to take it up was resisted by the Republicans until they had first made its consideration impossible by securing the Senate's concur- rence in the House resolution to adjourn at 9 o'clock on the evening of that very day. The administration Republicans in the House had complied with. the President's recommendation to act upon the question at that session, but the administration Republicans in the Senate filibustered against taking it up. until final adjournment had been fixed for 9 o'clock that evening. The Scn- ators on the other side offered to remain whatever time might be necessary to act upon the President's message. To this Mr. Aldrich of Rhode Island, the Republicau leader on that side, and a staunch supporter of the President, boldly replied: • 5 } ใ So far as I know there is not a Scuator sitting on this side of that aisle who expects any action on this message, or any currency legislation at this session of Congress, or any consideration of the subject So far as a responsibility of that position is con- cerned. I think we are all ready to accept it fully I hope now that by unanimous consent a vote may be taken upon the question of final adjournment. + Nothing could more clearly have demonstrated the insincerity of the Pres- ident's professed desne to have action upon it at that time. Its sole object was · F 2 1 } } 事 ​' 4 INTERNATIONAL BIMETALLISM 259 that it might be used as a vehicle for immediately conveying to the British Ministry the fact that the President was not in earnest in seeking an inter- national agreement. It had the same effect as would a personal message from him in the following words: "Don't make fools of yourselves. I did not think you would be silly enough to really think that I desired an international agreement when you know the money it cost the gold syndicate to have me elected, expressly to prevent bimetallism in any form whatever. I sent the Wolcott Commis- sion merely to carry out the game I played upon the voters of this country. You can use my message of to-day as an excuse for stopping your India, Government from carrying out your recommendations for the reopening of the Indian mints to the free coinage of silver." 1 The effect of Mr. McKinley's message in London fulfilled the fondest ex- pectations of his managers at home. Of course it put an end to all negotia- tions on the subject. It was announced in London later on that the India Government had refused to reopen the Indian mints to the free coinage of silver. Of course the India Government did as it was ordered to do by the British Government, and the British Government could not well stand out against the combined attacks of the New York and London bankers, rein- forced, as they were, by President McKinley. Senátor Stewart, of Nevada, thus terribly arraigned the President the fol- lowing December, the latter having mentioned the Wolcott Commission in his annual message: F ľ 1 1 Why should the President speak kindly of the commission which he betrayed when he commended the single gold standard plan of the Indianapolis conference to Con- gress, at the critical point when a favorable answer was anticipated from Great Britain? What we object to on the part of the Administration is its persistent double dealing in giving the international bimetallists honeyed words, while the whole power of his Administration and all the aideis and abettors of the gold standard are deliberately engaged in promoting legislation to perpetuate the single gold standard in this country and to make international bimetallism impossible. If the Administration would boldly proclaim, that the pretense in the St. Louis platform in favor of international bimetal- lism was a fraud to deceive the American people and place the Republican party in power, to perpetuate the gold standard in this country, the President would be liberated from the necessity of living a transpaient subterfuge. 1 1 ر * The President's policy, after defeating international bimetallism, was to postpone until a more auspicious time the other part of his agreement with the gold power, namely, to fasten the gold standard upon this country, to de- stroy the money function of silver and to delegate to private banks the gov- ernment's prerogative of issuing paper currency and controlling its volume. That time had to wait for a change of political complexion in the Senate. This change came through the election of 1898, the results of which were in- fluenced mainly by the war with Spain and the necessary identification of the McKinley administration with that war. On the 14th day of March, 1900, the ironclad gold standard, anti-silver and anti-greenback bill was approved by the President. The passage of this bill ļ } ܕ ई A th 1 ! 1 ↓ ww { $ L 1 ¿ { t f 1 1 0 * L # t 1 ن Ja ** 260° was a gross violation of the pledges upon which the Republican party was given power by the election of 1896. If it had been advocated in the financial plank of the St. Louis platform that year, in place of the promise concerning international bimetallism, no intelligent person in the land will say that the Republicans could have made William McKinley Pres- ident. Every vote cast for him by an international bimetallist was by this bill neutralized and made to produce a result to which they were, opposed. The violation of the pledges on which a President is elected is equivalent in immorality to the stuffing of the ballot box with the number of votes equal to those cast by the men who are thus defrauded by his broken promises. [ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK (4) 1 ** 1 裘 ​} PA 1 } ET 41 1 } 2 ру 3 $ Ju نی 1 I L > } 3 ↓ # } ** My も ​7. 1 1 مه # • Ľ דיע, C → # !! 4 ว ** MCKINLEY'S FIFTY-CENT DOLLARS, 1 ¿ P 1 Į } + B 3 VENTUALI CORnet. I * t > ད ▸ T DOLLARS." MEINITISANOMALEHRANOUVO IRRIMI 7 CHAPTER XXXIII, MCKINLEY COINS FIFTY-THREE MILLIONS OF "FIFTY-CENT US-TIRISTIDIG BADEZIMA nikaGASOFT, TEFEK KAREN CURLERSES (TRADORA HOMHEDRUDGETEGEMEINBAUSTRA JC PANELENGAN PAN 1 B DALADALTODEK A 261 7 1 @KA M William McKinley declares that the standard silver dollar is worth only fifty cents, that it is a dishonest dollar and one which it is a crime to palm off on the people for 100 cents. He declares it to be nothing but a promise to pay a gold dollar. In short, that it is a promissory note printed on silver in- stead of on paper, and, therefore, a foolish expenditure when paper would an- swer the same purpose. And yet, while holding up his hands in horror at the thought of silver coinage, he has coined thirteen millions of them during the four months of this year ending June 30th. This is more than three mil hons a month-much more than was ever coined in the same length of time under the Bland-Allison act, which was on the statute-book from 1878 un- til 1890, and nearly as much as was ever coined within any four months dur- ing the time the Sherman Purchase Act was on the statute-book. When the Sherman Purchase provision of law was repealed in 1893 there was a vast amount of silver bullion in the Treasury which had been purchased un- der that law, but which, in defiance of law, the Secretary of the Treasury had refused to coin. When the treasury notes which had been issued for the pur- chase of that coin came into the treasury, they were cancelled and a like amount of silver dollars were coined, and silver certificates were issued and paid out, the silver dollars remaining in the Treasury, for their redemption. This process was very slow, but during all of Cleveland's second administra- tion these despised fifty-cent dollars were being coined as above prescribed. In 1898 Congress added to the Spanish war loan bill a clause providing that this silver bullion in the Treasury should be coined at a rate of not less than a million five hundred thousand dollars per month. This act was approved by President McKinley. He made no suggestion that the ratio should be changed so that there would be in every silver dollar silver bullion to the gold value`of a hundred cents. On the contrary he approved the sixteen to one ratio, and has caused fitfy-three millions of these "clipped" dollars to be issued. In his speech at Canton accepting the renomination for the presi- dency, he said: V } I 1 \ * } 1 } I 5 3 1 1 J + $ > t 2 र # { 1 $ k 262' March April May June July • March April May June Record of the McKinley Administration. The menace of 16 to 1, therefore, still hangs over us, with all its due consequences to credit and confidence, to business and industry. In commenting on this statement the Indianapolis Sentinel says: January February • March April May June · We presume there is not a person of ordinary intelligence in the country who does not know that 16 to 1 is the coinage rate of the country, and that it is the same now that it was before Mr McKinley went into office There is no "instead of 16 to 1," as Mr. McKinley falsely states. It is here as it has been for years, and Mr. McKinley has shown no hostility to it On the contrary he has coined millions of silver dollars a that ratio The official statement of the standard silver dollars coined at the ratio of 16 to 1 during his Administration is as follows: 1897., January February • • • 2 January February March · · ·· { • ·· · DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. • ·· · • ·· • • · · • 1,400,250 August 1,400,000 1,400,000 October 1,475,101 September 1,250,000 1,032,225 1,100,075 684,000 1,296,000 816,100 1898. November December July August September October November December 1890 July August September October • 1,530,000 1,512,000 1,900,301 1,631,000 2,214,000 November 1,210,073 December 1900. 1,550,000 April 1,940,000 May June 4,100,377 • · } * ? .. 1 1 • > 100,050 620,000 .*1,500,000 1,604,330 $10,000 1,698,000 830,075 2,002,000 1,402,000 2,006,260 406,000 830,000 870,145 1,000,000 950,000 1,120,327 2,022,000 3,162,496 3,120,076 Here is a total of over $53,000,000, all in standard silver dollars, and all coined at the ratio of 16 to 1. There have been only two months in his Administration when he did not have silver coined at that ratio, and yet he tells us that the "menace of 16 to 1 bangs over us " It is the most babyish, false pretense that was ever made for Mr. McKinley to claim that there has been any change in the ratio or any attempt to change it during his Administration. And what is more, this silver that he has coined was all bought, below its coinage value, and he has cairied the "seignoriage" on it to the credit of the Government, and paraded it as "revenue" secured by his style of legislation. While he is pretending to be borior sticken at the "repudiation" involved In 16 to 1 dollars, he has added over $500,000,000 to the stock of them and has credited over $10,000,000 of this as profits on the books of the Treasury Certainly Mr. McKin- ley's mind must be failing if he expects anyone to believe that he has any objection to a 16 to 1 coinage ratio When a panic was threatened in Wall street last March the mints were put at work coining more money so a panic could be averted. Even last month over $3,000,000 were coined. And so it appears that this rabid gold standard administration is in debt to the fifty-cent silver dollars and grinds them out faster than was done un- der the reckless administrations of Hayes, Garfield, Arthur and Cleveland, I 1 y 1 4 } ช 1 } 'MCKINLEY'S FIFTY-CENT DOLLARS. 263 and nearly as fast as during the more liberal administration of Harrison, when four millions of ounces per month were purchased for coinage and added to the circulation in the form of treasury notes. If there had been any honesty in the outcry against silver dollars, the silver bullion in the treasury would have been coined into dollars weighing about seven to the pound. President McKinley, however, is probably the most accomplished rider in a two-horse act of any politician in the world. He is impartially on both sides of all questions. Most performers can only ride two horses going in the same direction; but Mr. McKinley, as in the above case, can ride two horses going in opposite directions, and, as they separate from each other, the spectator beholds the illusion of seeing him on each one of them shouting loudly that he is on the other. The New York Evening Post explains that the President in coining these dollars was only obeying the law, a remark worthy of Jack Bunsby, who used to say on similar occasions: "If so be as is, why then so be." The thing for the Post to explain is why it has remained the law under a Republican President and Congress? If this bullion had to be coined into dollars, why not put a gold dollar's worth of silver bullion in every silver dollar, which Repub- licans tell us is the only honest dollar? { Į Hon. John W. Kern, the Democratic Candidate for Governor of Indiana, on 16 to 1. The Democrats of Indiana have a candidate for governor who is asking troublesome questions on this subject as follows: Our Republican brethren seem to be greatly disturbed about 16 to 1, and they' should be disturbed. Sixteen to one is the ratio fixed by statute for the coinage of gold and silver. The Republicans have both Houses of Congress and the President. Why don't they repeal the statute? They have it in their power to get rid of 16 to 1, and while they are denouncing is as idiotic they allow the statute to remain, and McKinley, is going on coining millions of dollars every month-every dollar at the ratio of 16 to 1. There seems to be no difference between the parties on the question of ratio. They differ as to free coinage, as to trusts and imperialism, but on 16 to 1 they stand together. If the McKinley party wanted to make 16 to 1 an issue they ought to have repealed the 16 to 1 statute and should quit coining money at the ratio of 16 to 1. Until they do so their noise about 16 to 1 will be about the most ridiculous thing in politics. I } 1 } 3 } I £ { : 1 } f > 1 } J } 261 F DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. The amount invested was $50,000 in gola Upon this the investor received the following annual returns. 6 per cent. interest in gold on the $100,000 in bonds. This converted into greenbacks would be.... 6 per cent interest on the bank issue of $90,000. 6 per cent. on $50,000 of the deposits... CHAPTER XXXIV. CONGRESS CERTAINLY WAS GOOD TO THE BANKS, } The financial bill of March 14, 1900, was kind indeed to the National Banks. These philanthropic institutions would like to be understood as having been run for the public benefit, only, for many years. They had to pay so much premium on bonds and received so much less of circulating notes than the par value of the bonds deposited by them that their circulation fell consid- erably short of being a free gift to them, which of course it ought to be under any wise financial system. When national banks were first organized greenbacks were worth fifty cents on the dollar, and were exchangeable for bonds at par. Therefore, the investment of $50,000 in gold would bring $100,- 000 in greenbacks, and this $100,000 in greenbacks would buy $100,000 in bonds, bearing interest then at six per cent. These bonds could then be de- posited with the Secretary of the Treasury, and he would endorse the notes of the bank up to the amount of $90,000. The interest on the bonds continued on, and was regularly paid to the depositor. The confidence of the community in every national bank established under the law insured deposits equal to the amount of the capital invested, which would be, in this case, $100,000. The transaction resulted as follows: • • } • 1 "But evil things in robes of sorrow→ 'Assailed this monarch's high estate." I 1 .$6,000 .12,000 ... 5,400 : 3,000 Total .20,400 Out of this amount he paid an inconsiderable tax; but the net earnings were not less than 18 per cent. on the original investment of $100,000 in green- backs. In the course of time specie payment was resumed, and the bonds which had been bought for 50 per cent. in gold mounted to a premium above par V #- 1 J 1 Cand 1 1 1 * #1 ! 265 in gold. Successive refunding acts reduced the interest, but never brought the bonds down to par except on the day of sale. Immediately afterwards they went up again. The new 4 per cent. issue under Mr. Cleveland are now quoted at 133. It was very distressing to the bankers to have to pay a premium on bonds to deposit as security for bank issues, and then to receive in circulat- ing notes only 90 per cent of the par value of the bonds. If the bank bought 3 per cent. bonds at 109, they could only deposit them as security for 90 per cent. of that amount. Of course it was very nice for the banker to get 3 per cent. interest on his $100, and 6 per cent, on his $90 and 6 per cent. on a like amount of deposits. But yet it was not as good a thing as to give $100 for a bond and immediately receive as a gift the full amount of $100 in crisp new national bank notes endorsed by the government, and retain the owner- ship of the bond besides. The beatific state has now been reached by the bankers. They have buncoed "Uncle Sam" into putting out just as many 2- per cent. bonds as they may call for; and whatever banker will buy one- of these 100 bonds at the Treasury, can get every cent of the money-back again immediately by leaving the bond with the Secretary of the Treasury for safe keeping; and he walks out with $100 in new national bank notes. For this privilege he pays a tax of fifty cents on the $100 of the notes in circulation. This would be $500 a year on $100,000. ! The machine is now running on well-oiled wheels. Holders of bonds of all classes, threes, fours and fives,-can take them to the Treasury and receive a like amount of 2 per cent. bonds, besides cash for the difference in value between the high interest bonds and the new 2's. This is calculated to the last penny. Nobody would give 100 cents on the dollar for a 2 per cent. bond as an investment, but as a device for keeping down to par value a bond that can be used as a basis for circulation of banks the 2 per cent. bond is just the trick. It is a sort of premium on the destruction of greenbacks. Every greenback that goes over the counter of a bank from a depositor will go to the Treasury for redemption, and will there be placed in a vault never again to see the light. Its sentence of death has been commuted to life imprison- ment. It is redeemable in gold. Gold is exchangeable for gold certificates for convenience of carriage by its owner. The 2 per cent. bonds are going off like hot cakes, for the purpose of producing new and crisp national banknotes to supply the vacuum occasioned by the withdrawal of the greenbacks from circulation. When the greenbacks shall all have been incarcerated in the dark dungeons of the Treasury, then will come the assault upon the silver certificates. These too must all be destroyed to make room for the national bank circulation so profitable under the new system of depositing only 2 per cent. bonds. The Secretary of the Treasury long since denied the silver dol- lar and the certificate of its deposit the function of money in the settlement of bank balances at the New York Clearing House, or rather he allowed the Clearing House, in which the government was a representative, to do this. At the slightest suggestion from him, silver dollars might be quoted at á 1 + 3f } GOOD TO NATIONAL BANKS. GOO # } }; } } I } 1 [ M t + 1 } 1 1 L 3 # } 5 Y } 266 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, discount-say of a quarter of one per cent. and, under the law, he could immediately announce his readiness to "maintain the parity" by substituting gold coin for the silver dollars or silver certificates to all who might present them at any sub-treasury. These would soon go the way of the greenbacks, and for every silver certificate or silver dollar thus converted into gold coin, nafional bank notes would rush in to fill the vacuum. Silver dollars thus discredited would, if the Republican party continued in power, soon be de- nied by law their present partial legal tender quality, and thrown into the Treasury vaults. It is the avowed aim of the great national bank trust to have no legal tender money in the United States except gold coin, and no paper circulating medium except the national bank notes, which would not be a legal tender. Then the business man would borrow shinplasters and pay gold, according to true "business principles." His ability to get the gold with which to pay a debt would depend upon the amount of his property the gold trust might want in exchange for it. In other words, he would be indebted to the forbearance of the dealers in gold for any properly he might have left af- ter selling enough to pay his debts in gọld. The whole system of banks of issue is I _$ 1 • A Gigantic Steal From the People. This is not because there is any danger that the government will ever have to redeem any of the banknotes at any loss to itself, because, if forced to re- deem them it would obtain the money for that purpose by selling the 2 per cent. bonds deposited as security for it. The steal consists in allowing a thousand millions of the promissory notes of private banks, which will in time be kept in circulation, to be endorsed by the government, which en- dorsement alone makes them valuable and keeps them in circulation. If a man can keep his own notes perpetually in circulation for $100,000, he has added that much to his wealth. A loan which it is agreed shall never be paid is equivalent to a gift. A bank circulation which is always to remain at the same volume,-new notes to take the place of any that may be redeemed,--is, in like manner, a gift outright to the banks. If the government were to abol- ish the national bank issues, and to issue a like amount of its own notes, these would remain in perpetual circulation, and would, therefore, like any loan which is never to be paid, be a gift to the government-that is a gift to the people of the United States. It would be so many millions of wealth owned by the people of the United States, instead of being owned by pri vate corporations upon the guarantec or endorsement of the United States. Every national banknote in circulation derives its sole value from "Uncle Sam's" endorsement. Why should he endorse another's paper instead of cir- 1 culating his own? The bunco steerers who invented and who maintain the } system say they do it to save the United States the reproach of being “in the banking business." They do not save him from being the endorser of their bank notes. He is very actively engaged in the banking business of endorsing 41 $ T * J r 4 X } } +32 1 最 ​} The Į 1 bank notes, in which neither he nor the people have the slightest interest. Even this catch word, that the issuing of Treasury notes is "the banking business,” is a falsehood. It is no more the legitimate business of a bank to issue circu- lating notes than it is for them to coin money or to issue Government bonds If the people would think this over and understand it, the national banking system in this country would speedily be crushed by their might as easily as though it were an eggshell. Whenever they can be brought to realize that paper money costs nothing and rests solely upon the credit of its maker or indorser, and when they realize that no national bank note rests upon the credit of the maker, but solely upon the credit of the.Government of the United States as its indorser, they will see that for "Uncle Sam" to indorse the bank notes of other people, instead of circulating his own, costs the people of the United States exactly the amount of which he thus deprives the Government, and, which, by his indorsement, he makes good in the hands of private corporations, fo 1 1 t & 1 Y i } GOOD TO NATIONAL BANKS,~ R Jy ' 17 1 M } B $ < { ↓ 267 J 2 4 { ¿ A Whe } 1 G 毒 ​* ↓ 首 ​* & I > ť 1 1 I * 268 7 2 [ 1 + } I - } 串 ​X A * DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. # Q $ 3 A } } CHAPTER XXXV. MAIN FEATURES OF THE GOLD STANDARD, NATIONAL BANK, ANTI-GREENBACK FINANCIAL BILL. SA Extracts from the Speech of Honorable Henry M. Teller,, Delivered in the United States Senate, July 14, 1900— It Authorizes the Unlimited Sale of Bonds. My. Teller said: M "Mr. President:-I wish to discuss very briefly this final act, of the Senate in connection with the 'financial bill. I am not going into any academic dis- cussion or any extended consideration of it. I desire, however, to look a lit- tle into each provision of the conference report, which, with some changes, is the bill we passed through the Senate. By section 1 It is made the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to maintain the parity between all forms of money issued or coined by the United States. and it leaves it to the dis- cretion of the Secretary to determine what is necessary to accomplish that. purpose. It is to be maintained at a parity of value with this standard; that is, with the gold standard. 4 "That puts into the hands of the Secretary a power which I think is very dangerous to give to any one man. It is not simply a power to exchange a sil- -ver dollar for a gold dollar or a gold dollar for a silver dollar or paper for gold. It is to maintain the parity in any way in which in his judgment it shall be necessary to maintain it. If he thinks it is necessary to issue bonds, he can issue them. If it is necessary to buy gold, he can buy gold. The power is lodged with him, under this provision, to employ any method that he sees fit to maintain the parity # "I only need to say that such a power ought never to be given to the Exe- cutive." I 1 I 1 * Za Jor +1 ส It Contemplates a Perpetual and Increasing Public Debt. "Now, when the Secretary has failed to get, gold under these methods, no matter how little effort he has made, then comes the question of the issue of bonds, which is, after all, the most vicious feature of this part of the bill. Having established the gold standard, it was thought necessary that Ay 蕈 ​+ ↓ I 1 S 1 } -"} f TELLER ON THE CURRENCY BILL. 1 1J the Treasury should have power to borrow money at all times without lim itation in order to maintain it. t ¿ "Mr. President, I have said before that I believe that the power to issue bonds must be exercised. I do not believe the gold standard is of sufficient value to justify the extension of the public debt; but I do not believe it can be maintained without it. As I said the other day, every nation that has at- tempted to maintain the gold standard has had to resort to extra measures and efforts to maintain it. Great Britain, as we know, ruined the best part of her population in the effort. She had 170,000 men who lived in their own homes, who owned their own land, who educated their sons at English col- leges, who fitted them for the discharge of the very highest duties of citi zenship either at home or abroad. When she had got through with that effort, inside of twenty-five years, she had reduced her 170,000 independent land- holders and yeomanry to 30,000. She paid a price for the gold standard infin- itely greater than ought to have been paid; and but for the fact that a great- ly Increased output of gold came in 1848-and subsequently, a still greater sacı rifice would have been necessary. If the production of gold after 1848 had been no greater than it was from 1809 to 1848, in my judgment the British Government would not have been the power it is to-day. } "Under this bill I predict that we shall continue the national debt, in- creasing it gradually year by year, and that no man now living will see it paid. I do not suppose the people who favor this bill ever want to see the national debt paid. It was the policy of the Republican party for many years to pay it. We have paid a thousand eight hundred million dollars in' less time than any government in the world had ever paid a fourth part of that sum. This payment was made under Republican administration, with a steady determination at that time to get rid of the entire debt. But there has been no effort made in the last twelve years by any political organiza- tion to discharge the public debt. There will be no more such effort, in my opinion, under a Republican administration. If the Republican party is again successful in 1900, you will see the public debt increased and not decreased, and this bill is ex industria for that particular purpose. There is no limit to the possible extension of the debt, and it is intended there shall be no limit to it. ** , 1 SH } ܨ ܐ 1. • ! I It Makes a Free Gift of Six Per Cent. to Every Bondholder Who Exchanges Bonds Under its Provisions. t 269 "The bonds that are provided for in this bill are being sold now at 6 per cent. premium before they are issued. We are to issue them at par, and they are being sold on the markets of New York and the world to-day for 6 per cent. more than the Government is going to exchange them for I meant to speak about this fact later, but I will speak of it right now." Mr. ALLISON. "Of course that is speculative entirely. 6b ↑ ** .: MPAA ## I :. f 5 1 t / W 1 ì * 3 } 1 ་ } 1 + t 1 ! < 譬 ​3 } 270 f Mr. TELLER. "Speculative! Then it shows that we ought to have made some other arrangement about the exchange. We can sell these bonds for 6 per cent. premium. Why should we exchange them? That is what I want to know. I am a little out of order in coming to speak of the bonds, but as we have struck that point we might just as well consider it now.” Mr. ALLISON. "I do not know whether these bonds are being sold at 6 per cent. premium. I cannot conceive of any great reason why a 2 per cent. bond would sell at a 6 per cent. premium unless in small parcels for some special purpose. They have not yet been issued, and they must be exchanged on a less basis than that." * * Mr. TELLER. "The public press tells us that men sold them in New York for 6 per cent. Some of them said they would not sell any under 7. Night before last a distinguished business man of New York, with large enterprises and a great deal of wealth and a great deal of energy and industry, with whom I have been acquainted for many years, called at my rooms and told me that the bonds were selling freely in New York at 6 per cent. now, the men who will get the bonds and are going to exchange them making con- tracts to deliver them. It is only the man who owns the bonds and is going to exchange them for new bonds who can sell them for future delivery." ** # * * DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, 14 I 1 "There was no propriety and no reason in the world why this rc-exchange of bonds should be provided for at this time and in this bill. These bonds will not be due for some seven or eight years. Nobody has wanted his money for them. There is not a man living who does not know that when the bonds are due it will be the greatest affliction that could possibly happen to their holders to have them paid in cash. So if it should occur that the bonds become due at a time when we are not prepared.to pay them, there would be no trouble in exchanging them for other bonds. If we want to do so, we can pay existing bonds off with new bonds when they are due or sell new bonds and pay the old ones. "I repeat what I said before, that the holders of these bonds are already ex- pecting to get new bonds for the old ones and their cash premium of $88,000,- 000, and then sell the new bonds, if they want to get cash for them, at a premļum of 6 per cent. Prophecies go for almost nothing in these days, but I venture to say the bonds will be at a higher premium than 6 per cent. all the time. Why should the bonds bring a premium of 6 per cent.? * ! 2 It Allows the Banks to Alternately Contract and Expand their Currency. "Mr. President, there is another provision in the bill to which I desire to call attention. As the present statute is and has been for many years, it was found necessary in dealing with the banks that when a bank decreased its circulation and brought its notes to the Treasury and took out bonds or 4b } 15 * E and # страни I 1 ¿ 7 } } TELLER ON THE CURRENCY BILL 271 $ left them, as it might, it could not increase its circulation again for six months. That was for the purpose of preventing the banks of this country from putting their notes into the Treasury, contracting the currency, and then,. 'perhaps in a month from that time, reissuing an equal amount, and thus keeping the currency in fluctuation. That law is repealed, and the banks here- after will be allowed to simply turn in just so much money as they choose to do; and when they wish to create a fall in prices or when they wish to co- erce the Senate and the House of Representatives, as they have done-I have a very distinct recollection of their coercing this body or trying to do so- when they want to do that, they will simply go to the Treasury with their notes, leave them there, and when the condition which they want to create has been created, they will withdraw their notes again, and thus we shall have contraction and expansión, and that, I suppose, is upon the theory that we are to have an elastic currency." * 朝 ​National Banks Given Absolute Control of Every Kind of Business. ↓ "If the banks do what the Senators here who are advocating this bill say they will do, if they accept eight hundred or nine hundred millions of bonds and issue eight hundred or nine hundred millions of currency on them, one of two things will happen: You must retire your silver certificates, your silver dollars, and your greenbacks, or your superabundance of paper money will drive your gold out of the country, for you will have an excess of paper circulation. # "Senators talk about being for sound money. There is nothing sound in this project of favoring the banks. There is not an idea in it that is founded upon a sound financial proposition. Under this bill they can, with their issue of bank notes, control the financial condition of the country. When they want low prices, they can, as they recently did, make their loans to secure low prices; and when their interests demand rising prices, their loans will be made to that end. * ↓ エ ​"So, Mr. President, we not only turn over to these banks the circulation of money, but we turn over to them practically the control of the business of this great country of ours by this bill. The banks, who can make money dear-and they can make it cheap without returning it to the Treasury- can make it dear when they say they will not make loans. In New York, not recently, the banks said, 'No loans will be made,' and before the day closed they announced that they had $10,000,000 in a single bauk which they were willing to put out, but which they had declined to put out in the morn- ing. In the first hours of banking they said to the men who went to them for accommodations, 'We can make you none.' When the condition which they wanted to create had been created, then they said, 'Now we will stop it,' and they began to loan." t ؟ } E 2 1 تک ↓ f 1 + } 272 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Milk for Babes-A Silly and Weak Declaration-An Inten- tional Piece of Nonsense-An Unnecessary Slap in the Face of Bimetallism. “Mr. President, party lines have been strong enough to hold together bi- metallists and gold-standard men and to carry them along in the silly, weak declaration here that this bill is not intended-let me read the exact lan- guage of the bill: 1 1 + + Sec. 14 That the provisions of this act are not intended to preclude the accomplish- ment of international bimetallism. PAG "This was the declaration of the bill as it passed the Senate: * That the provisions of this act are not intended to place any obstacles in the way of the accomplishment of international bimetallism. “The representatives of the House said, if the public prints can be re- lied upon, that the whole thing was a piece of nonsense. I agree with them for once. They said it did not mean anything; and, if it did mean anything, it was inconsistent with the gold standard. I agree with them there. - They said it was too strong anyhow, but they would agree to make the declara- tion, if the Senate conferees would consent, that these words should be put in: That the provisions of this act are not intended to preclude the accomplishment of International bimetallism. "If it was so intended, they could not preclude it. “Mr. President, I had the opportunity to offer this amendment in the place of the provision in the Senate bill: " 1 > The people of the United States are in favor of bimetallism and desirous of an inter- national agreement with the great commercial nations of the world that will admit of the use of both gold and silver at such an established ratio as will maintain the parity between gold and silver coin, and the efforts of the Government are hereby pledged to endeavor to secure such international agreement as speedily as possible. "That is a live proposition; that is an affirmative proposition; that means something, while the other meaus nothing; and yet every Republican in this Chamber except one voted against it. Then Senators stand up and say they are bimetallisis. There is not a man who voted for that bill as it passed the Senate or who will vote for the report who has the right to call himself a bimetallist. No man who understood the theory of bimetallism and believed In it would have voted for that bill, unless, believing in it as he did, he aban- doned his principles because the caucus demanded that he should do so. No mau can be a gold-standard advocate and supporter and be a bimetallist. "Mr. President, the worst feature of the bill is the establishment of the gold standard. But we expected that. I believed just as much when I walked out of the St. Louis convention that legislation of this kind would be adopt- ed if McKinley was elected as I do now, but we had no reason to expect this new scheme of banking, not now fully carried out, but foreshadowed." * S } 1 241 { The Lesser Boss Hanna-The Factotum of the Banks-His Order Issued to Congress-The Music to Which Con- gress Stepped so Briskly. "Mr. President, the Senator from Nebraska (Mr. Allen) hands me a letter which has escaped my observation. It seems to be a circular letter of Mr. Hanna, the man who practically dictated this bill. He ought to be an author- ity here; } } ( TELLER ON THE CURRENCY BILL Executive Committee of the Indianapolis Monetary Convention, Indianapolis, November 22, 1899. Lincoln, Nebr. 1 Dear Sir: The present session of Congress is a cutical point with our movement. The House will deal with the gold-standaid bill immediately. The tremendous import- ance of the successful outcome of this effort on the part of the cauçus committee of the Republicans of the House can hardly be told. The great opportunity will be offered. The Republican party is pledged to legislate for the gold standard and the parity of all' our moneys. The caucus bill covers it well. 278 If the business men now take up the subject with their Representatives in Congress and unceasingly demand the fulfillment of their party's pledge, the bill will pass the House. # "He is a prophet. If the House acts courageously, the Senate will be greatly innaenced thereby. The sound-money members of the Senate Finance Committee will picsent a plan to the Republican Senators and it will be as comprehensive as the House bill. If you press the subject unrelentingly from now on, the first great step in the right direction in sound-money legislation will be taken early in the session. Please give us your vigorous support. } Faithfully, yours, * H. H. HANNA, Chairman, "The Senator from Nebraska tells me the letter had a general circulation through the country. Mr. Hanna did not honor me with one of those." Evil Consequences of the Law Predicted. "Mr. President, in the culmination of this long contest there are some recol- lections that come to us with force. In that part of the country that I have had the honor for so many years in part to represent we were disas- trously affected by the action of 1893 in the repeal of the Sherman Act. I stated on this floor then, knowing well what its effect would be upon us and upon the people I represent, that we would recover from its evil influences quicker than would any other portion of the United States. Mr. President, that prophecy, if prophecy it may be called, has come true." "Mr. President, it is not because the people of Colorado are to suffer evils that the rest of the country will not suffer that I protest against this legis- lation. It is because I believe, and I think time will so demonstrate, that this is the greatest calamity that has been inflicted upon the American people, greater by far than the great war that took so much of our wealth and so much of our precious blood. If the great output of gold continues for few years 43 } t • + 1 ور ! + t ? ! t I pol # 1 1 1 7 } 1 1 1 { ( $ the 274 J 1 是 ​I > ܕ ܚ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. the evil day will be deferred, but when that shall cease, as it will cease--be- cause in the history of the world it always has ceased-after a time, and when the people shall have arranged their business upon the basis of gold alone and gold shall cease to be produced in the quantities that it has been produced, heretofore, there will be discovered in the business of the world a sliding scale toward lower prices; and then the height of this disaster will be upon the people. I ، 'Mr. President, I leave this question. I leave it, believing that ultimately the good sense and the patriotism of the. American people will reverse a system that on its face has been adopted to the end that the few may have the great advantage and that the many shall be at a disadvantage." " 1 " th ** ... 4. t T } 6 靠 ​{ ¡ ( ! A I ! 1 1 U topher SENATOR CHANDLER'S PROTEST. * ** 1 f * { / CHAPTER XXXVI. SENATOR CHANDLER'S PROTEST AGAINST THE BILL IN THE SENATE FEBRUARY 10, 1900. Mr. CHANDLER. "Mr. President, I ask the Secretary to read the first ten lines of the Senate committee's subsutute." { The Secretary read the first section of the substitute reported by the Com- mittec on Finance, as follows: That the dollar consisting of 25 8 grains of gold nine-tenths fine shall, as established by section 3511 of the Revised Statutes of the United States, continue to be the stand- ard of value, and all forms of money issued or coined by the United States shall be maintained at a parity of value with this standard; and United States notes, and Treas- ury notes issued under the act of July 14, 1890, when presented to the Treasury for redemption, shall be redeemed in gold coin of such standard. $ t 275 { Mr. CHANDLER. "Mr. President. in his work on the Law of Civiliza- tion and Decay, Mr. Brooks Adams makes the following impressive state- ment: निर्भ It appears to be a natural law that when social development has reached a certain stage, and capital has accumulated sufficiently, the class which has had the capacity to absorb it shall try to enhance the value of their property by legislation. This is done most easily by reducing the quantity of the currency which is a legal tender for the payment of debts. • "Whether or not Mr. Adams's assertion is true historically, it correctly de- scribes the present situation. Those who have absorbed the gold of the world are trying to make it more valuable by legislation. That is the națural meaning of the first ten lines of the Senate bill. There is no need of the law for any other object. Absolutely no other purpose is to be subserved by those lines. The passage of this bill without adequate recognition of the de- sire and the determination of the American people that silver shall be remone- tized is a defiance of the Republican platform of 1896, and without such rec- ognition in the bill I cannot give to it my vote. It would be unqualified gold monometallism, and to advocate or submit to this is an abandonment of Re- publican principles. 1 "Why undertake by the first ten lines of this bill to strike one more blow at remonetization and falsify all the pledges which the Republican party and # } 1 T ; ༣ 276 ร t S ! DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. *** 1 A } 70% 27 0 its leaders have been making in all these past years? None of the promises do 1 intend to recite during these remarks. They are well known to every person in this chamber. The Senator from Iowa, the Senator. from Rhode Is land, and all the Republican Senators remember them too well. If those ten Iines, without adequate qualification, become the law of the land, Senators will be sufficiently reminded of their pledges before the next Presidential-can- vass closes. Is it possible that we were all mistaken when these pledges were made? Were we blunderers, so ignorant of the principles of financial science that we loudly shouted over and over again for, the remonetization of silver when gold monometallism was the true financial system? Is it not quite possible that we were right then and that we are wrong now if it-is proposed to forever discard any idea of the remonetization of silver and to complete the work of establishing gold monometallism as the final money system for the United States and the world? ! 1 "The Senator from Rhode Island says that it is not intended by this bill to reject the idea of international bimetallism if it eyer becomes attainable. Then why not say so, in this bill in unequivocal language? There exists the declaration of 1893, placed upon the statute book when the silver-purchasing clause of the Sherman Act of 1890 was repealed. Why not insert it in this bill if the Senator from Rhode Island means what he says? Are all the pledges of the Republican party, piled mountain high during the last twenty- five years, to be now reduced by Congress to a grudging minimum at a time when the President of the United States does not even mention the subject of the remonetization of silver in his annual message to Congress? ~ - t M > · "It seems plain to me that the declaration for gold, in this bill is unwise, both in a business and political sense. There is no need of its enactment, no public demand for it, no business or financial condition which is to be helped by it. In 1873 the mints of the United States were closed to the coinage of silver dollars, and no power on earth can open them to further coinage ex- cept the President and the two Houses of Congress, or the two Houses of Congress by a two-thirds majority without the President. The first ten lines of the bill are a work of supererogation, gratifying only to the gold class, who are bent upon increasing the value of their gold by legislation. Senators contend that the bill does not change existing law, but only reiterates ex- isting law. If that be so I say there is no necessity for the reiteration. And if I am wrong and there is such a necessity and the Senator from Rhode Island is sincere in saying that he does not intend to pronounce against bi- metallism by international agreement, why not insert in this bill the declara- tion of the act of 1893. Here it is: ↓ -A * Act of Congress of November 1, 1893 (28 Stats., 4)-the repeal of the section of the act of July 14, 1890, providing for the purchase of silver bullion, with this addition: - And it is hereby declared to be the policy of the United States to continue the use of both gold and silver as standard money, and to coin both gold and silver into money of equal intrinsic and exchangeable value, such equality to be secured through inter- national agreement, or by such safeguards of legislation as will insure the maintenance } } ** + が ​* thy th Tokyo As SENATOR CHANDLER'S PROTEST. } 977 * of the parity in value of the coins of the two metals, and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the markets and in the payment of debts; and it is hereby further declared that the efforts of the Government should be steadfastly directed to the estab- lishment of such a safe system of bimetallism as will maintain at all times the equal power of every dollar coined or issued by the United States in the markets and in the payment of debts. 1 1! 4 For the passage of this act of 1893 through the Senate on October 30, 1893, the following Senators voted: Messrs. Aldrich, Cullom, Davis, Frye, Gallinger, Hale, Hawley, Hoar, Lodge, McMillan, Platt, and Proctor; and there were paired in its favor Senators Allison, Chandler, and Hansborough. That is as much existing law as what the Senator proposes to re-enact. The one thing is to be reiterated. Let the other also be reiterated. Can any fair refusal be given to this request? Does any Republican venture to say that the remonetization of silver is not desirable, even if it is attainable, which is the sum and substance of the program of the Indianapolis convention? } + "As a party movement the enactment of gold monometallism would surely be a blunder. To what extent injury might result to the Republican party no one can now safely predict. That party is overwhelmingly strong, saved and strengthened by the war against Spain and the accelerated movement of the nation caused by that war and its incidents, with which the nineteenth century is to close. But no one has any right after the declaration pledging the Republican party to the promotion of the remonetization of silver, made in the national convention of 1896, to now change that position of the party. Only the national convention to be held in June next has the right to commit the party to gold monometallism. There being no need of a gold declaration in this bill, its adoption ought certainly to be deferred until that convention has declared the attitude of the party toward this question, in which it is willing to enter the canvass to end in November next. If that convention chooses to repudiate the whole past record of the party and declare for gold monomtallism, discarding the possibility and desirability of the remonetization of silver, let it do so, but let the Republicans of Congress refrain from fore- stalling its action. I .“Gold monometallism is not our existing platform. It is contrary to every platform. The Senator from Rhode Island has just as much right to in- troduce a constitutional amendment striking the word silver out of the Con- stitution of the United States and further providing that the Government shall never issue legal-tender notes either in war or peace, and claim that the Republican party is committed to its adoption, as to introduce this bill, re- fuse to allow a declaration for bimetallism, and press it to its passage, asking in its favor, on party grounds, the votes of Republican Senators Make a Stronger Declaration for International Bimetallism. "Mr. President, since the remarks I am now making were written the Senate Committee on Finance has somewhat changed its apparent position of hostility to bimetallism in any form or under any circumstances. This bill } 1 { This 1 } { * [ **** * A } * that } 1 1 } * } 278H DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. { passed the House of Representatives on December 8, 1899, and on the next day was referred to the Senate committee, which immediately, on the same day, reported it to the Senate with the House provisions stricken out and a new Senale bill substituted. After forty-six days the committee, on February, 6, reported the following, as a new section: 1 • ? ** 2 นี That the provisions of this act are not intended to place any obstacles in the way of the accomplishment of international bimetallism, provided the same be secured by con- cuirent action of the leading commercial nations of the world and at a ratio which shall insure permanence of relative value between gold and silver. # "This concession of the Senate committee is gratifying, so far as it goes, to International bimetallists, but a more adequate recognition ought to be given by Congress of the national intention to remonetize silver. This does not even contain the six saving words of the platform of 1896 as to bimetallism: "Which we pledge ourselves to promote.' Negatively only it states that the bill is not intended to place obstacles in the way of international bimetallism. What it should affirmatively state in conformity to previous declarations, pledges, and laws is this: That the United States, from tradition and in- terest, desire the remonetization of silver, the free coinage of both metals for use as standard money of the nations of the world, and demand continued efforts for the accomplishment of bimetallism until the double standard is once more the, rule of all the commercial nations. Such a strong declara- tion might be satisfactory even to ardent bimetallists; but it would be much better to strike out the first ten lines of the bill, and then there will be nohing to explain to the American people." * 4 - ($ } "Mr: President, it is with sincere regret that I differ so radically from so many of my political associates in this body. But my convictions of duty will not allow me to do otherwise. I have not abandoned the faith of the fathers. I stand upon the ancient ways. 'I want the double standard.' So do thirteen hundred millions of the people of this world of ours, while only 200,- 000,000 want the single gold standard. We want the real money of the world to be $8,000,000,000 in coin. They want it to be only $4,000,000,000. Th difference means injustice, injury, suffering, and distress to millions of God's poor people the world over, while the gold class is to wax fat at the cost of their helpless victims. J I en- "The Republican party ought not to do any such grievous wrong. treat its leaders not to burden us with gold monometallism, but to renew in unmistakable language our oft-repeated pledges to remonetize silyer. Let us not justify the aspersion lately cast upon us by Mr. Bryan when he said he did not believe that the Republicans would hold out international bi- metallism in their platform of 1900, and that he expected to see their plat- form declare unequivocally for the gold standard. "He further said: < A + # SENATOR CHANDLER'S PROTEST, 879 Thousands of votes went to the Republican candidates in 1896 on their promise to do everything possible to bring about bimetallism by international agreement. The falsity of that pretense was demonstrated early in the present Administration. I do not think they will try the same trick again, but if they do they will not succeed in fooling very many people by it. "Let us repel this charge as unjust and untrue by reaffirming the oft- proclaimed principles of our party and the ever-present desire of our peo- ple, that both gold and silver shall be the standard money of the nation. If we are thus true to our traditions and to the wishes of our constituents, we shall re-elect our gracious and patriotic President by popular and electoral ma- jorities greater than any President has ever received. Can we afford, by the passage of the needless first ten lines of this bill, without sufficint qualifica- tion, to add to the chances of his defeat? Gold and Glory. "The gifted Senator from New York (Mr. Depew) is said to have designed for the Republican party a new campaign motto for 1900: 'Gold and Glory.' The alliteration is pleasing. It will look fine on gilded banners, and will doubtless lead to victory. But if the word 'gold' means gold monometallism, it will be necessary for the golden-tongued orators of the party to expatiate with marvelous eloquence over the glory to the flag coming from the war with Spain, in order to overcome the many evil effects at the polls in Novem- ber of the deep damnation of the destruction by legislation of half the me- tallic money of the nations of the earth, "Mr. President, thou canst not say I did it!" Mr. Chandler voted against the bill he so eloquently denounced, ہم 1 V 1 F 1 MA 1 1 } E i } C £ # # # الم F Ý $ I f 忄 ​2 7 > } ? { 280 > 番 ​e DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, A } 1 # f ↓ CHAPTER XXXVII. GEMS FROM DEBATE ON FINANCIAL BILL. ANNABI DOLLAR GENER MAGING DUMARES: Senator Jones Reads Senator Frye's Complaint that Secretary Gage Showed His Hand Too Plainly. Au I have a newspaper clipping which I took out of a Boston newspaper, an interview attributed to the present presiding officer of this body (Mr. Frye in the chair). It was directly after the Senator from Colorado had brought up the Stanley Matthews resolution and reoffered it in the Senate when we had a vote. I will read the interview: - "If the amendment of Senator Nelson to the Teller resolution had not been voted down, the effect of the adoption of the resolution would have been nothing. The effect of the resolution will be to square the silver men for their fight in 1900. That is what it is for. They were spurred on to their present activity by the attitude of Gage in urging the acceptance of the single gold standard. Į . I "If Gage had been a politician as well as a banker, he probably would not have insisted on a declaration in favor of a single gold standard. It was all right for him to submit his scheme of finance, but hardly politic to be so spe- cific about the single gold standard." (Speech of Hon. James K. Jones of Arkansas, delivered in the United States Senate February 14th, 1900.) Senator Cockrell Quotes Senator Allison as Authority for the Proposition that Gold and Silver Derive their Value from Coinage Legislation. Now, then, it is law that gives to gold and silver their commercial value. I read from the speech of the Senator from Iowa, delivered on the 15th day of February, 1878, in which he says: What is it that fixes or establishes the commercial value of money? Gold and silver are commodities, and, like other commodities, their value is regulated by supply and demand. use. The annual supply of the precious metals exerts very little influence over their value, because the annual supply is very small compared with the total quantity actually in It cannot be truthfully said that the insignificant increase in the production of the The mines of the Comstock lode exerts any material effect upon the value of silver. annual production of silver or gold, or both, amounts to little or nothing compared with the great sum of gold and silver already in existence. * F } 1 1 } K GEMS FROM FINANCIAL DEBATEL L Therefore the annual supply of the precious metals has little or nothing to do with their value. What is it, then, that affects their value chiefly? It is the demand. The commercial value is controlled by the demand. What constitutes the demand? می "What constitutes the demand?" I see the Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Spooner) is about to be led into a blunder, but the Senator from Iowa shakes his finger and leads him away from it. (Laughter.) 1281 What constitutes the demand? Why is it that we have silver quoted every day in the London market? Is it sold to be worked up into plate by the silversmith? Not at all. Its present demand in the London market is for shipment to India or China. What is it that constitutes the demand for gold? Is it for use in the arts? Very little of it can be so used. Therefore it is its use as money by so many civilized states that creates a demand for it and gives it its value. If all the European states and our country were today simultaneously to demonetize gold and remonetize silver, would not these two metals immediately change places, and would not gold depreciate vastly- "Vastly!"- below the fall of silver in 1875? Silver is used by six or seven hundred millions of people living in Oriental countries, while gold is not used by them at all, or scarcely at all. Therefore, if gold were demonetized, if the laws of legal tender- "If the laws of legal tender!"- P were taken away from it, it would be the melal to depreciate instead of silver. Now, if that be true, what is it that creates- "Creales"" 1 the commercial value of the precious metals? It is legislation. Legislation gives value to the precious metals, and the commercial value s.mply records the condition of legis- lation ith refcience to the precious metals. 1 (Speech of Senator Francis M. Cockrell, delivered in the Senate of the United States February 14th, 1900) Senator Cockrell Calls Down Senator Aldridge-Tells Him' that Nearly Seven-eighths of the World's Silver Money Is Now a Legal Tender at Par With Gold. The silver of the world is in money to-day, nearly all of it in full legal- tender money, and yet the Senator from Rhode Island asked me if the four and one-half billions of dollars of silver money in the world, worth only 50 cents on the dollar, would not all come here to our mints. He knows that all of that except six hundred millions is full legal tender and equal to gold in the countries where it is to-day. You know that. The records show it; your gold-standard records show it. I bave it here directly from the mints, and you cannot dispute it. It is so in Germany, with a ratio of 15½ to 1, with 3 cents less silver in it than we have in our coin, and it is equal to gold aud full legal-tender money. The silver in London, in England, is a limited legal tender for $10-40 shillings. It is the equal of gold there. So it is the world over. It is so in France, with a ratio of 15%½ to 1. And yet the Senator talks as if we were idiots, and says the silver of Germany and of France, full legal-tender money equal to gold, would be sold at 50 cents on the dollar in order to be brought to our mints and coined here if we had free coinage-in other words. those people } 1 蔡 ​1 » 肾 ​# J * I $ 1 1 ; 4 } 髮 ​282 } 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. I q V 1 would sell it for 50 cents on the dollar when it is the equal of gold and is full legal tender with gold. I ! } Ought not the Senator from Rhode Island to feel a little ashamed of him self for putting such a proposition as that in this intelligent Senate? I sub- mit that is not the way to meet great questions. Let us meet them upon facts, upon principles, and upon the truth as it is recorded in the annals of all the nations. (Speech of Scnator Francis M. Cockrell, delivered in the United States Senate February 14th, 1900), 1 14 { National Banks and Bankers. Mr. Chairman-I desire at the outset of my remarks to read the caption of this bill introduced by Mr. Overstreet. The language is as follows: { A bill to define and fix the standard of value, to maintain the parity of all forms of money issued or coined by the United States, and for other purposes. And now, my colleagues, let me put special emphasis on these last four words; for they contain the real purpose for which this bill was introduced. I refer to the words "and for other purposes." Here again we see the wis- dom of an old saying of a French diplomat, who declared that "language was invented to conceal thought." Much of the time has been consumed throughout the past week in talking about the gold standard, bimetallism, and about prosperity, and still more time has been consumed by tedious and poor excuses for changes of faith and mind on the money question by those who three years ago promised the people to secure for them international bimtal- lism. Of course we have seen enough since the inauguration of this admin- istration to know that pledges and promises by the Republican party were made for campaign purposes only, as, for instance, their pledges to assist Cuba in securing independence and their pledges in behalf of civil service. & This bill before the House to-day is for the benefit of the 3,000 national banks, who constitute a secret society that has more power than the million Masons, the million Odd Fellows, and the half million Knights of Pythias com- bined. No secret society on the face of the earth ever wielded such influence and such power: The National Bankers' Association undoubtedly prepared this bill, and that is why the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hill) said in his remarks that the President recommended this bill and that it is the same Of bill recommended by the National Bankers' Association last summer. course it is the same bill. Their attorneys and agents prepared it, and you would scarcely expect a father to repudiate his own child. We of the one espouse the cause of the farmer, the merchant, the small manufacturer, the miner, the wage-earner, and all other producers and crea- tors of wealth. You champion the cause of the speculators, whose greed for dollars has made them as blind as misers to the just rights of man, the rea- sonable comforts of the homes, and the education of the children of the plain people, the honest and industrious millions. The aims and schemes of your party as now constituted all tend to intrench in castles and palaces the lords and barons of trusts, whose power is already so gigantic that when com- =****** 1 1 + វ 5 '283 pared with the power of the feudal lords of the dark ages the latter sink to the stature of pigmies. The aim of the reform forces is to destroy not only the money trust, but all the trusts that fatten in this land of liberty, and your united vote as you walk up and register the same on Monday next, like dumb driven cattle under the lash of the National Bankers' Association, will in itself be such an object lesson that it will be easy for the people to understand and interpret your complete subserviency to the money power and your complete idolatry and worship of the golden calf. I take the liberty, unauthorized though I be, to challenge you now to release your imperial President from his vine-clad porch in Canton, Ohio,” in the next campaign, and let him meet if he dare in debate on any rostrum our standard-bearer, William Jennings Bryan. I challenge you now to pre- pare your Chief Executive, if you dare, to come before the people and defend his policy in placing the entire money volume of the land within the control of the National Bankers' Association. And I challenge you now to prepare him to explain this repudiation and destruction of the greenback, which was good enough and honest enough to pay Abraham Lincoln's hundreds of thousands who sacrificed their lives and their health that the Union might live. ཏྭཱ 1 2 GEMS FROM FINANCIAL DEBATE. 1 You have talked about prosperity. If war and foreign complications cause prosperity, then let us, like the Romans, carry our spears and battle-axes in- to every clime and every nation. If commercial greed and trade justify our course in the Orient, why not look after additional trade in Europe also? Why not offer England $20,000,000 for Ireland, telling her we need the island as a coaling station in order to extend our commerce, and to carry our flag across Great Britain and the Continent? If England refuses to accept the $20,000,- 000, let us shoot benevolent assimilation into her and all the while increase our prosperity. What has your party done for prosperity? What legislation has made prosperity? (Speech of J. J. Lentz of Ohio in House of Representatives, December 16, 1899.) 7 * 1 > 1 } 1 " 1 1 1 T { } 1 4 # } "3 } { 284 } $ " Q : DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK FILAMENTI ! } - } S 11 I. * WAY ! CHAPTER XXXVIII. ** 317 A RECORD OF ADVERSITY. TERAPI MENGELU MUSKAT QISTASMA L } 1 i bell orð Lon' down, JA I է METTERLINIEKOTSIOON LATES 1 1 2 4 I Коро J • [ +4 20 1 C • .. J 7 1. A. 564 ܝܬ * ** 3 } • # 1) T ܙ JL F } 3 奉 ​* J & M - 1 .. Im }} J The administration, newspaper organs are constantly buzzing about the prosperity which has been generously provided for the people by the McKinley administration. This prosperity is scattered about in-spots and those mainly affected by it are in the counting houses of the great trusts. The larger number of the people who meet with adversity are not mentioned, in the organs. And yet this adversity is just as clearly to be charged to. the, ad ministration as prosperity is to be credited to it. If the administration causes prosperity it must also cause adversity where it withholds prosperity. If it is the author of all the weather, it is answerable for the bad weather as well as for the good. If the factories and mills, "hum" whenever, Mc- Kinley bids them do so, then the silent ones do not hum because, he bids them not to do so. The chirpy writers up of prosperity for campaign pur- poses are invited to comment on the following record of adversity which they will find in R. G. Dun & Company's weekly review of trade for July: . ļ "New York, July 13.-R. G. Dun & Company's weekly review of trade to- morrow will say: t 751 t * "If the great increase in failures to $100,570,134 in the first half of 1900, against $49,664,661 last year, and especially to $43,893,079 in the second quar- ter, against $21,695,635 last year, gave no occasion for diligent search, failure returns would be worth nothing. But to-day it is shown that thirty banking- failures for $25,822,682, against thirty-one last year for $7,601,728, accounted for much of the difference; that 265 brokerage and real estate failures for $22,- 122,346, against 145 last year for only $2,328,215, accounted for another part, and that in building and lumber working and trade, other large failures, dis- tinctly connected with those in real estate, explain much more of the differ- ence between manufacturing and trading failures last year and this. In these and much less important changes in a few other lines are seen substantially all the commercial disasters as yet resulting from an amazing rise in prices last year, followed by weary but largely successful efforts during the past few months to get back to a normal state of business. When this is seen and the remarkable steadiness in number and size of the great majority of failures, not for exceptional amounts, there appears ground for especial sat- 1 .7- 1 } } J 1 1 285 isfaction that business has been, on the whole, so soundly conducted under conditions of unusual danger." A r ܼܿܝ 1 L If they can do no better in an attempt to explain away this remarkable record of failures than R. G. Dun & Company have done, then they will not go far towards explaining. All we are told is that more of the disasters recorded have occurred to bankers, brokers, real estate dealers and building and lumber interests than have overtaken manufacturers and trade inter- ests. Dun & Company derive "great satisfaction" from the "remarkable stead- iness in number and size of the great majority of the failures," and regard this as evidence that business" has been on the whole soundly conducted un- der conditions of unusual danger." ་ こ ​Will the campaign prosperity howlers kindly infom us what these "con- ditions of unusual danger" are? This is the first we have heard of them from so authoritative a source as R. G. Dun & Company's weekly review. The credulous Republicans have been rushing along on Hanna's political express train believing the track to be clear and all the bridges strong and sound; and now comes the appalling announcement that the failures during the past six months have been more than double those of the same period last year, and that the only wonder is that there have not been more on account of the “unusual. danger" by which business has been surrounded. R. G. Dun & Company could of course explain exactly what they mean when they tell us of the unusual danger by which the country has been and is still menaced. How can we afford to invite a continuation of the McKinley brand of prosperity, which, after all, keeps us in constant danger, and overwhelms business with adversity and failures "of remarkable steadiness in number and size?" No one doubts the prosperity of the trusts. If that is the pros- perity desired, it must be continued by the draining of the people's pockets. The people paid a dollar a ton more for their coal last winter than they have paid for many years, not because the coal trust or the transportation 'com- panies combined with them were getting poor, but because they wanted to add to their prosperity to the extent of a dollar a ton on every man's coal sup- ply. The Sugar Trust compelled Congress to declare that the territories re- cently acquired from Spain were no part of the United States. This saved them from competition with sugar from Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands, and they forthwith added to their prosperity by an increase in the price of sugar. The stock of this trust went up twelve dollars a share, and the peo- ple are now paying a proportionately increased price for their daily supply of that article. The consumers do not share in this prosperity. > MCKINLEY ADVERSITY. And so the trusts prosper while others fail. The bankers, brokers, real estate dealers, lumber dealers, contractors and builders and others who fail do not enjoy such prosperity as President McKinley has brought to the trusta. 1 # 1 £ ► 2 } r + عبر $ } ❤ K * # $ } < 1 C 1 = > 1 ۲ * 1 286 CATA 1 KATA 1 L 178231*** 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK AND ITS CHAPTER XXXIX. THE STANDARD OIL NATIONAL CITY BANK OF NEW YORK, KAUNE TA 499-1920 gabekNETRATIVASTLY "Los mamka ne RELATIONS WITH THE TREASURY #late VOILA MA DEPARTMENT. NOKIA PRIDERS Moding TORREKTE SPREEKUTEVARENIN } 1 KESTIS } 7 } → The Sub-Treasury Act of 1846 was the successful culmination of a long struggle inaugurated by President Jackson, and continued by President Van Buren, against the re-chartering of the United States Bank, and against any bank control of the public money of the United States. It provided for the appointment by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, of Assistant Treasurers of the United States at Boston and New York, to re- ceive, safely keep, transier and disburse the public moneys. The number of these officers was increased from time to time until there were ten located in the leading cities of the country. (See Section 2595 of the U. S. Revised Stat- utes.) The National Bank of the United States had struggled in vain for thir- teen years for a new 'charter, and Jackson lived to see the accomplishment of his great desire-a complete divorce between the Government and the banks. The excellence of the sub-treasury system was vindicated by its successful operation and its continuance to the present day. * In 1864 the Republican party, made up of various elements, enacted a na- tional banking act, in section 45 of which it fastened upon our financial sys- tem, not a single national bank, but a swarm of banks, and authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to select such of them as he pleased as depositaries of públic moneys and financial agents of the Government. By this excresence the system of favoritism was restored through which private institutions were enabled to derive large pecuniary benefits by being allowed the custody of the public moneys. Each bank designated as a depositary of public moneys was required to give security by the deposit of United States bonds for the safe- keeping of the money deposited with it. The national depositaries were not required to pay any interest on the funds deposited with them, but the Government continued to pay interest to them on the bonds deposited by them as security. The section thus described is now section-5153 of the Revised } Statutes of the United States, and reads as follows: Į F # 1 ' -}- A + I 1 "All national banking associations, designated for that purpose by the Sec- retary of the Treasury, shall be depositaries of public money, except receipts H 2 # 1 } 1 $ /* ( th } THE STANDARD OIL BANK. 287 p from customs, under such regulations as may be prescribed by the Secretary; and they may also be employed as financial agents of the Government; and they shall perform all such reasonable duties, as depositaries of public moneys and financial agents of the Government, as may be required of them. The Secretary of the Treasury shall require the associations thus designated to give satisfactory security, by the deposit of United States bonds and other- wise, for the safe-keeping and prompt payment of the public money de- posited with them, and for the faithful performance of their duties as financial agents of the Government. And every association so designated as receiver or depositary of the public money shall take and receive at par all of the national currency bills, by whatever association issued, which have been paid into the Government for internal revenue, or for loans or stocks." Under this section an average of a hundred millions of dollars bas, during the past year, been freely used by the favored national banks without in- terest, instead of being used for the payment of United States bonds on which the goverument is paying interest. What would any of our great business corporations do f its manager, with equal authority to use money on hand for the payment of an interest-bearing debt, or loaning the money to his friends without interest, should decide upon the latter course. He would be prosecuted for a breach of trust and promptly removed from his agency. H President McKinley is responsible for the great breach of trust above de scribed. His Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Gage, with his approval is giving the use now (August 7, 1900) of more than eighty-nine millions of the people's money to favored banks without interest, instead of paying that amount of the government's interest-bearing bonds. Including this eighty-nine millions of dollars there was on the 7th day of August of this year, more than two hundred and ninety-five millions of dollars in the Treasury. One hundred and fifty millions of this is shut up in the Ticasury vaults as a re- serve fund for the redemption of United States notes or greenbacks. Of course there is no necessity for any such amount of reserve, but under the new law, whenever a greenback is redeemed, it is imprisoned for life in another cell in the Treasury, never again to see the light. This one hundred and fifty millions of dollars cannot under the law be used for any other pur- pose than this destruction of the greenbacks. Whenever it is reduced, gold coin is taken out of the general fund in the Treasury to make it good; and the Secretary can always sell bonds for gold whenever he finds it necessary to keep up this reserve. In addition to this one hundred and fifty millious as a grecnback redemption fund, gold and silver coin, silver bullion and United States notes are held to the amount of $735,062,179 for the redemption of outstanding gold and silver currency certificates and Treasury uotes. Next comes the "general fund" of over two hundred and thirty millions of dollars against which there are liabilities of over eighty-hve millious,-leaving "an available cash balance" of a little over a hundred and forty-five millions, Among these habilities we find fifty-one millions charged to disbursing officers', 1 под тел 1 } 1 f $ $ $ I tru } | A រ } { * } 1 }} La 288 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. balances. That is to say that disbursing officers throughout the country hold fifty-one millions to meet current obligations. From the above it will be seen thrat nearly three hundred millions of dol- lars have been taken away from the circulation and kept on hand in the treasury. Hitherto a hundred millions was considered the maximum amount necessary to be kept on hand for redemption purposes. Now we have on hand a redemption fund of one hundred and fifty millions instead of one hundred millions, of which about ninety millions, as above shown, is loaned without interest to the national banks which they loan to their customers at whatever interest can be extorted from their necessities. } In order to give the reader a clear and distinct idea of what an outrage it is thus to loan the government money to private banks without interest, we will quote what William McKinley said about it on the 29th of Feb- ruary, 1888, when he was only a member of Congress from Ohio. A bill was pending to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to use surplus funds for redemption of United States bonds. Mr. McKinley's remarks on this occasion will be found in Part 2, Vol. 19, of the Congressional Record at Page 1595. He commenced by quoting the then cxisting laws which had been on the statute books for seven years. It is in these words: A "That the Secretary of the Treasury may at any time apply the surplus money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, or so much thereof as may be considered proper to the purchase or redemption of United States bonds." Notwithstanding this complete authority, a bill was introduced in the following words: "That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to apply the sur- plus money now in the Treasury, and such surplus money as may hereafter be in the Treasury and not otherwise appropriated, or so much thereof as he may consider proper, to the purchase or redemption of United States bonds." Mr. McKinley compared the pending bill, with the existing law and said: The bill under consideration neither increases nor diminishes nor qual- ifies the authority of the Secretary of the Treasury under existing law." { He censured the administration and its Secretary for not having redeemed bonds with a portion of the surplus in the Treasury. He declared that "when Congress, on the 4th day of March, 1887-when the 49th Congress expired by limitation-that Congress had done nothing by way of reducing taxation, or diminishing or increasing the revenues. Everybody knew that there would The be a surplus of revenue in the Treasury. Everybody understood it. President understood it, and he had the right to convene Congress in extra session and put the responsibility of dealing with this surplus upon the legislative branch of the government. But he failed to do it, he declined to do it, and he thereby assumed the responsibility, and declared his ability to so manage the surplus in the Treasury as to do no harm to the country and without disturbance to business interests." He said: 善 ​"Does any man within the sound of my voice doubt that he had a perfect right, from the 4th day of March, 1887, ay, from the date of his inauguration 1 t រ P THE STANDARD OIL BANK. 289 down to this very hour, to have applied every dollar of the fifty-five or sixty millions in the Treasury to the purchase of outstanding bonds, He had that power fixed by a law passed in a constitutional way, which passed by the unanimous vote of both Houses, which stood unassailed and unassailable, and declining to avail himself of it he lectures Congress because it did not pro- vide for paying out the surplus. "When we adjourned we left him full power to pay it out, and I wish some friend of the administration would explain why he didn't do it in that only straight and logical business-like way; that is, by paying the debts of the Government and saving the interest charge, which rests so heavily on the people. Instead of doing that the administration prefers another way. It pre- fers to use the banks as the means of putting it in circulation; and so it says to the banks, 'If you will get bonds enough and bring them to the Treasury we will issue you on the 4 per cents. 110 cents for every dollar deposited, and 100 cents on every dollar of 42 per cents. you deposit, and thus put the money in circulation.' And they did it > "Nearly $59,000,000, as I understand, of the surplus money that ought to be in the Treasury to-day, the Secretary having refused to pay it out to Gov ernment creditors, is now out among the banks, held by them, they giving to the Government bonds as security for the deposit; and they are getting without interest. They have got the surplus money in the Treasury in their own hands, and they collect the accruing interest on the Government bonds which they have deposited as security, when if the administration had used the $59,000,000 and bought a corresponding amount of bonds with that sum those bonds would have been cance, and the interest on that sum would have been stopped. C "And I charge here to-day that the President of the United States and his administration are solely responsible for whatever congested condition we had in the Treasury and whatever alarm prevails about the finances of the country. (Applause.) Every dollar of it would have paid a dollar of the Government debts if the Secretary had exercised wisely the discretion given him by law. His way might have been justifiable if there had been no other of putting the surplus money in circulation. "He may lecture that side of the House as much as he will. Doubtless they deserve it. (Laughter) But he cannot avoid or evade the responsibility that rests on him. What does a man do who has got a surplus balance in the banks and has outstanding debts bearing interest? He calls in the evidences of those debts and pays them off with his surplus deposit. That is what a business man would have done. That is what a business administration would have done, and we would have had fifty millions less of interest-bear- ing bonds in circulation to-day if the President had followed the way blazed for him by the Republican party." Will the President now accept from the people at the polls the scourging he then gave to an administration in whose footsteps he is successfully tak- ing the utmost pains to keep? Is he justified in lending without interest to (10) } 0 L } 11 J. ધ 1 } $ 1 290 } DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK favored banks eighty-nine millions of dollars when we have his own testimony of '88 that such conduct is a breach of trust and a misuse of the public - funds? 1 f The Standard Oil Bank Receives the Fattest Portion. On the 4th of January, 1900, the Senate adopted a resolution calling upon the Secretary of the Treasury for information concerning the relations of the Treasury Department with the National City Bank and the Hanover National Bank of New York City. In his reply the Secretary of the Treasury cited sec- tion 5153 of the Revised Statutes authorizing the designation of national banks as depositaries of public moneys, as already quoted herein. After giving the history of what his predecessors had done under this section, he explained what he had done himself. When he took office the national bank deposi- taries were holding sixteen millions of public funds. During 1897 over fifty- eight millions of dollars came into the Treasury from the Union Pacific set- tlement. A large portion of this went to the banks, and at the end of 1897 they held over forty-nine millions of the public money. Of course the Sec- retary did nothing to favor the banks. It was all to help the public. "The reasons for this action," he says, "were to avoid the injurious effect upon trade and industry of a too sudden withdrawal from public uses into the vaults of the Treasury of so large a sum as fifty-eight millions of dollars. Of course if he had redeemed bonds with the money he loaned to the banks, the money thus paid out by him would have gone into circulation just as certainly as when he loaned it to his banking friends. He tells us that by the end of May, 1898, the deposits in the banks had been reduced to a little more than twenty- eight millions. "At this time," he says, "the breaking out of war occurred between the United States and Spain," Here he is a little behind time, as the war, commenced early in April, 1898. Fifty millions were appropriated on the 9th of March in a lump sum, to be used by the President in preparing for the war then inevitable. In June, 1898, Congress authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to issue bonds to the extent of four hundred millions of dollars, but he only called for two hundred millions. The Secretary expressed his pride over the results of this loan. He gave the first opportunity to the people and as low a sum as twenty dollars could be invested. "Yet," he says, "in passing, it may not be amiss to say that one of the elements of the success of the war loan was the fact that it was supported by great financial institu- tions. On the day that the books were opened the National City Bank of New York and its associates, the Central Trust Company of New York, and, Ver- milye & Company, offered to take at par and accrued interest any portion of the bonds offered that might not be subscribed for by the public, "On the same day, also, as appears from the record of the Department, J. P. Morgan & Company, and their associates, numbering fifteen of the great- est financial houses of the country, subscribed for the entire issue of two hun- dred million dollars, or such parts thereof as might not be subscribed for by She general public," S I новок крут dongle "When fra " } $ THE STAÑUARD UIL BANK, | 291 A goodly amount of the money received for the sale of these bonds was placed in the national bank depositaries. The Secretary casually rėmarks that "in the course of affairs just reviewed, the depositary banks in the city of New York were able to buy more bonds and thus qualify themselves in a much larger proportion than the interior cities and smaller towns throughout the country." } The deposits in all the banks had reached ninety-four millions on the 1st of January, 1899. The war taxes brought in a largely increased revenue which, of course, Secretary Gage attributes to the influence of "the revival of commerce and the industries," "wider activities," etc., etc. As no revenues came from any other source than the war taxes we see at once that pros- perity is measured by the amount of laxes collected. The rush of these taxes into the treasury "where it could serve no present useful purpose", caused much anxiety. "The movement of crops" crippled the banks when their cus- tomers wanted their notes discounted. The Secretary offered to "shave" Gov- ernment coupons not yet due, but the holders did not accept his terms. He of- fered to buy twenty millions of certain government bonds at the market rate, but only nineteen millions were presented for sale. This was because the bonds advanced in the market above his limit. } Prosperity Checked. Secretary Gage makes the remarkable statement that in the midst of the prosperity in which the country was rolling and rollicking "an unsettling financial panic occurred in New York," on the 18th of December, 1899. "Prices of investment securities of every grade and kind, except Government bonds, fell ruinously, interest rose to fabulous rates, and a general constric- tion of the money market was apparent. While this state of affairs found its most violent expression in the security market, it excited a state of anxiety and alarm throughout our industrial and commercial communities wherever located." Thus we see that prosperity was granted a temporary leave of ab- sence, and the spread of this panic had to be arrested. As Secretary Gage expresses it, "the situation was believed to be so grave as to justify the utmost interference." Accordingly the Secretary announced through the pub- lic press that he would increase the funds in depositary banks then exist- ‚ing, and would designate new depositary banks, and that he would distribute among them about a million a day of internal revenue receipts. He stated that the government could deposit thirty or forly millions in this manner, The letter of the Secretary of the Treasury from which all these references have been taken is Senate Document No. 70 of the 1st Session of the 56th Con- gress. It does not appear from the Secretary's report that he troubled him- self at any time to look after the business interests of any other class of our citizens than the banks and those who wanted notes discounted at those banks. The holders of bonds could borrow no money upon them at the Treasury unless they were bankers. Of course section 5153 of the Revised Statutes. enacted by a Republican Congress, was enacted especially for the ← { B * 1 1. t $ } i ? } балала { } Changes in Average Prices 1890 to 1896-7. Great Britain 'Germany fall 15 per cent. .fall 23 per cent. .fall 23 per cent. .rise 31 per cent, United States Japan... 1 } " C 1 1 L $! 1 T T I } 1 { + AI I 5 F ป J } 1 + 1 298` } 1890 Comparing these two periods, we have the following diagram: # ( Germany - U.S. / DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.' Tapan 1890 1896.7· England RISE 31% 1896.7 FALL' 15% FALL 23% 1896-7 1896-7 · Englaña United States Germany Japan 2 } [899-1900 Rise 26%%% 1899-1900 Japan, during the first period, was on a silver basis, and was, therefore, protected from the depression in gold-standard countries During the second period Japan was on a gold basis and so shared in the prosperity of the gold-standard countries. 7 1 Rise 17% Rise, 23% Rise 22% What, now, were the causes of the fall in prices of 15 per cent. to 23 per cent. from 1890-1836 and again the se in prices of 17 per cent. to 26 per cent. from 1896 to 1899-1900? The causes are found in the world's gold production and the adoption of the gold standard by India, Russia and Austria. Among the weightiest influences affecting the world's finances during the past decade have been the currency and banking operations of Europe. The effect of these operations can be seen by dividing the period since the year 1887 into three parts: First, the four years ending with 1890, second, the four years following 1890; third, the four years ending 1898. During the four 5f • I 1- } } } 1 1 + 1 ** { 299* years ending with 1890 the gold product of the world averaged $115,000,000 per year. (See Table 1.) Of this amount, Russia, Austria-Hungary, France, and Germany absorbed, through home production and net imports (deducting ex- ports), $25,000,000 per year, leaving $00,000,000 per year, or $360,000,000 for four years, for the arts and other countries. During the four years following 1890 (1891-1894) the world's average product of gold had increased to $154,000,- 000 per year, but these four countries increased their net absorption more than seven-fold, reaching the average of $180,000,000 per year, thus taking, not only the entire product of the period, but $26,000,000 per year in addition. This not only left nothing for the arts, which, therefore, had to draw from the world's stock, but also drained $104,000,000 in four years from other countries. MONEY AND PRICES. World's Produce.' European Absorption Surplus World's Product European Absorption Defrit COLD PRODUCT, EUROPEAN ABSORPTION AND SURPLUS. AVERACES FOR FOUR-YEAR PERIODS. World's Product European Absorption Surplus $ I m 1 1 OUR 1887 to 1890 1891 tig 1824 This exaordinary absorption of gold by these continental countries ex- plains the loss of gold by the United States, which was offered as an excuse for repealing the Sherman Act. Whereas, in the first period, 1887-1890, above mentioned, the United States Imported $80,000,000 net (after deducting ex- ports) and produced $130,000,000, making a net absorption of $210,000,000, yet in the period 1891-1894 the United States exported $160,000,00 net, and pro- 1895 .to 1898 + 1 1 { t " 1 H $ } 1 1 Į 300 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK,,' As duced $140,000,000, suffering a net loss of $20,000,000. Had this gold, when it went abroad, gone into circulation, it would have increased the money supply of Europe, and have kept up gold prices, just as was done by Amer- ican gold in 1861-65 when driven to Europe by paper money at home. soon as prices had risen, this would have checked the export of gold from this country. But, instead, the gold went out of circulation, being absorbed and for the time locked up by the three leading European powers, and gold prices fell 15 per cent. and 23 per cent. in six years. There was a scarcity of gold, because these four countries took not only the entire gold product, but also a large part of that exported from the United States, and locked it up in war chests and treasuries, while preparing to substitute it for paper money. Russia alone, in ten years ending 1897, took $500,000,000 in gold and de- stroyed $500,000,000 of her paper money. Austria also displaced paper with gold, and France, Germany, and England, in order to protect themselves, in- creased the gold reserves in their slate banks far beyond what had been known before. From December, 1889, to December, 1897, the gold held by the five State banks of the leading countries increased from $830,000,000 to $1,- 382,000,000, an increase of $550,000,000. At the same time notes and deposits increased only from $2,312,300,000 to $2,548,900,000, an increase of only $236,600,000 (Table II). In other words, while in 1889 the gold reserves of the five state banks amounted to 36 per cent. of the notes and deposits, in 1897 the gold reserves had been increased to 54 per cent. of the notes and de- posits. The greater part of these increased gold reserves was therefore just so much extracted from commercial use, and represented in effect a con- traction of the world's currency to that amount. Beginning in 1897 exactly the opposite movement occurred. In that year Russia finally adopted the gold standard, and began paying out gold for paper, and destroying the latter. She continued her heavy importations into the coun- try, but the gold in her Treasury fell off $300,000,000 from December, 1897, to September, 1899. This amount went into circulation. Altogether the gold held by the five principal banks decreased $164,000,000 in the 21 months from December, 1897, to September, 1899. This alone was equivalent to an increase in the world's available gold supply at the rate of $95,000,000 per year. During this year the notes and deposits remained practically station- ary, and the ratio of gold reserves fell from 54 per cent. to 44 per cent. At the same time a new factor appeared and began to augment still fur- ther the gold supply. This was the enormous increase in the world's produc- tion of gold. The product of 1897 was double that of 1890; the product of 1898 increased $50,000,000 above that of 1897; and the product of 1899 amounted to about $315,000,000, which was an increase of $200,000,000 per year above the average product of 1887 to 1890. This astonishing production of gold, coupled with lessened absorption by the four continental countries, left a large surplus for other countries. The surplus of 1895 was $125,000,000, whereas there had been an average deficit of $26,000,000 for the four years preceding. The average surplus of these four years (1895-1898) was $124,000,000 per year, 1 -- · I C $ 1 ? 1 J • * L + { MONEY AND PRICES. 301 against an average deficit of $26,000,000 per year for the preceding, four years. (Table I and diagram.) } ** 1 75 This explains the absorption of gold by the United States, which in 1897 was $102,000,000, and in 1898 $169,000,000, against a loss of $26,000,000 In 1896, and a loss of $160,000,000 in the four years from 1891 to 1894. The world's increase in gold since 1897 can be compared only with thế world's increase in 1850 to 1860, and the effect on prices is similar. The an- nual product of gold is now 2½ times the annual product of the ten years 1860-50, but its proportion to the existing stock of metal money is about the same. For 18418 the total stock of gold and silver is variously estimated at $2,- 000,000,000 to $2,500,000,000. The annual product was about $133,000,-* 000. This was 6 per cent. of the existing stock of gold and silver, and, since both metals were tied together at that time by bimetallism, this gold product, coupled with inflation of credit, was enough to send both gold and silver prices in England upward 31 per cent. in the two years 1852-1854. Prices rose to a still higher point in 1837. (Sauerbeck) Then followed a panic, but a still higher level was reached, which in 1860 was 27 per cent. above the level of 1849 to 1852. 7 In 1896, on the other hand, the existing stock of gold was about $4,300,- 000,000. As silver is now no longer linked with gold, the annual product of gold affects gold prices alone. The annual product was 5 per cent. of the ex- isting stock in 1897, 6 per cent. 'in 1898, and 6.3 per cent. in 1899. The rise of prices in England in the two years '97 to '99 has not yet quite reached the same figures as in 1852, being only 17 per cent., according to Sauerbeck. But it is 23 per cent. in the United States and 22 per cent. in Germany. f The conclusion to be drawn from the foregoing facts is plainly that it has not been owing to Republican policy that the rise of prices has occurred since 1896. The rise and the preceding fall have both been owing to the single gold standard-a standard which shows its instability by bringing on a four-years' depression and then a one-year boom. Neither gold alone nor ver alone is a stable standard. Japan's prices on a single silver standard, as shown above, rose 31 per cent. while gold prices were falling 15 per cent. to 23. per cent. Had there existed at that time the bimetallic standard, then the compensatory action of both metals would have prevented both a fall in Europe and America and a rise in Japan and India. but would have kept a stable level throughout the world. At the same time, with such a large base as is afforded by both metals, being twice as large as the single gold basis, the new gold output of the past five years would have exercised only one-half its recent influence on the price level. In other words, a bimetallic price level would have maintained stability, and the level of prices in 1900 would have been as high as it was in 1890 without the intervening terrible depression. Saty #& } { 1. 1 } } 1 ¿ { C 1 # J } Į } 302 1887 1888 1889 1890 (4) Av 4 yrs DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.; The statistical tables given below are for verification of the foregoing statements by those who wish to examine the question more carefully.) TABLE I. World's gold product and absorption by Continental Europe. 1891 1492 1813 1891 Year. Gold Product (4). Av. 4 yrs. F - 1 1395 1896 1897 1898- (4)…….. . Av. 4 yrs. - I $105,774,900 110,196,900 123,489,200 118,848,700 458,309,700 114,577,675 130 650,000 146,815 100 157,287,600 181,567,800 616,320,500 151,080,125 198,763 600 202,682,300 237,50-1,800 287,428,600 926,379,300 231,596,825 } Absorption by Russian Aus Hun.* $10 283 464 17.727.595 20,462,335 43,261,775 91,735,169 22,933,792 1 $101,865,690 143,209.912 93 339,781 81,722,681 427,629,064 106,907,266 66,212,661 104,267,698 116,495,32 81,790,2×1 328,765,97! 92,191,493 Absorption hy France and Germany.* $21,132 429 8 354,669 + 43,884,231 Pag P - 9 970,459 - 4,426,674 - 1,106,663 50 558,707 62 343 481 49,219,832 131,272,396 293,391,416 73,318,604 9 Į 7,548,644 8,315,103 41,253,022 3,019,109 60,135 938 15,033,994 } Total absorption by Foreign Powers * -$10,848,965 9 372,926 61.316,566 33,291,316 96,161,843 24,040,460 151,924 397 205,544 393 147,559,613 115,995,077 721,023,480 180,255,870 73,761,308 112,582,861 157,748,351 81,809,390 428,901,910 107,225,477 L Į { Surplus for Arts and other Countries.t M $116,623,865 100,823 974 59.142,634 85,557 384 362,148,057 90,537,014 * The figures for "absorption" are obtained by adding the domestic product (if any) to the im ports and deducting the exports, consequently the minus sign denotes net exports. + Figures for "sup us" are obtained by deducting "total absorption" from" gold product," con- sequently minus sign denotes absorption greater than the product. Includes $17,296,517 imports into Roumania. 21,274,397 58.729,293 + 9,727,987 - 54,427,277 101,702,980 - 26,175,745 125,002,292 90,099,439 79,756,449 202,619,210 497,577,490 124,394,372 T } C 1 1 F December, 1889- Gold Notes...... Deposits... 1 **** ……………aap *baiDO AN ………………………▲ms……and { ……………………………………… December, 1897- Gold Notes Deposits TABLE II. Golà reserves, notes and deposits of five principal government banks of Europe.' (00,000's omitted.) V …………… LN TRAKOOKOUTDO alba……………… KADOURIOU SOODUSTO November, 1899- Gold. Deposits 1 Sokakuumuta Smadavina Notes..........«k««Th…? * www (obwanawaUda **** Total notes and deposits....... ... • *** • Ratio of gold to notos and deposics..... 总​书 ​*** 1 + 1 MONEY AND PRICES,' England. France. Germany Russia. LEADE $162,8 118,5 138,9 COLLANT*usu yaouua keÒR Total notes and deposits....... Ratio of gold to notes and deposits.. $247,4 583,7 142,4 157,5 230,8 287,2 147.7 379,6 219,7 740,7 241,0 161,8 .... Andelseie ***** Total notes and deposits. Ratio of gold to notes and deposits....... 367,4 761,1 107,4 sy budowa F } sa **** $123,9 239,6 83,6 W ………………… 143,8 275,0 110,3 Suede 114,7 298,9 142,8 ****CIE STATE .... $270,0 756,0 43,0 ……………aku Mod Le ……………… O 563,8 450,5 78,2 434,0 285.7 174,0 Austria- Hungary. Iwo sadun *******NOUGA kunnat U MONO UN $26,2 207,5 MOTO... …………… 147,7 271,7 Total. $830,3 1,905,3 4 7,0 JIAN 10. per cont.. adneho ráðni …………… ««mper cent... A 1,382,1 1,957,6 591,3 149.2 1,222,8 298,4 1,878,9 662,3 ………………AND EN -------boumaN ………………………………..per cent... } 1 11 3037 $2,312,3 35.9 $2,548.9 51.2 $2,546,2 44.1 Kid { 1 1 1 > I 1 - {+ 27 J 7 qu head and [ 3 t + 304. { " ! DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK r { PART SEVEN. Labor. CHAPTER XLI. 1 S 11 B + * THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW. It is not needed or fitting here that a general argument should be made in favor of popular institutions, but there is one point with its connection not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital, that nobody labors unless some- body else owning capital somehow, by the use of it, induces him to labor. Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fiuit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital and deserves much the higher consideration. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toll up from poverty; none less inclined to take or touch aught which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to close the doors of advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be lost. (President's Lincoln's Message, 1861) + Labor creates capital. Until wealth is produced by the application of brain and muscle to the resources of this country there is nothing to divide among the non-pro- ducing classes of society. Since the producers of wealth create the nation's prosperity in time of peace, and defend the nation's flag in time of peril, their interests ought at all times to be considered by those who stand in official positions. The Democratic party has ever found its voting strength among those who are proud to be known`az the common people, and it pledges itself to propose and enact such legislation as is necessary to protect the masses in the fice exercise of every political right and in the enjoyment of then just share of the rewards of their labor.-(Bryan's Letter of Accept- ance, September, 1896) Among all agencies which, for the past few years, have been at work improving the condition and protecting the rights of the wage-earners, I believe that labor organiza- tions stand first. They have brought the laboring men together where they could com- pare their views, unite their strength, and combine their influence, and we have these organizations to thank for many of the blessings which have been secured for those who toil. Some have criticised and condemned labor organizations. Some believe that banks should join associations, that railroad managers should join associations, that all, the large corporations should join associations, but that laboring men should not organ- ize. Yet labor organizations have been the means by which workingmen have pro- tected themselves in their contests.-(Biyan's Speech on Labor Day at Chicago in 1896.) } The Eight-Hour Law. Although the Republican party was organized in 1856 for the protection of free white labor in the territories against the introduction of slave labor, and prevailed in 1860 on that issue, many of its leaders soon forgot the ladder on + * THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW] 305 which they had mounted, and a large and constantly increasing section of the Republican party became especially engrossed in looking out for the interests of the Government contractors and bond syndicates. Great fortunes were made in the war, and those who had made them made their influence felt in further schemes for the accumulation of wealth. The workmen of the country looked for friendship to the party of Lincoln, and well they might, for he was their friend, and was supposed by them to be all-powerful. During the year after the war an agitation was commenced among them for an eight-hour work day for laborers and mechanics employed on Government work. During that year and the two succeeding ones several bills were intro- duced making eight hours a working day for all such work. In 1866 Mr. Rog- ers, a Democratic Representative from New Jersey, introduced an eight-hour bill, which was referred to the Republican Committee on the Judiciary, where it died. Mr. Niblack, a Democratic Representative from Indiana, introduced a joint resolution declaring eight hours a legal day's work for Government labor- ers. This met with the same fate. In the Senate, in 1867, Senator Brown, of Missouri, a Republican, introduced an eight-hour bill, which was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs. It was reported back by Senalor Grimes, Republican of Iowa, who moved that the committee be discharged from its further consideration. The' motion was agreed to, and the bill thereby de feated. The House and Senate at that time were largely Republican. March 14, 1867, Mr. Julian, a Republican Representative from Indiana, introduced an cight-hour bill. It was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, where it died. Later in the month Representative Banks, a Republican from Massa- chusetts, introduced an eight-hour bill, which was passed by the House. The bill was sent to the Senate, and after considerable debate was referred to the Committee on Finance, of which Senator John Sherman, a Republican, from Ohio, was chairman. It died a lingering death in his committee. General Banks introduced a similar bill at the next session in January, 1868. The bill passed on the same day. It went to the Senate at once, where it was laid on the table. On the 3d of June, 1868, Senator Hendricks, of Indiana, moved to take it up for consideration, and made an earnest speech in favor of his mo tion. The Senate refused to take the bill up at that time. On the 24th of June, 1868, about ten days before the meeting of the National Democratic Convention, the bill was taken up by the Senate and passed by a vote of 26 to 11. The nays consisted of ten Republicaus and ouc Democrat. It was approved on the fol- lowing day by President Johnson. The fact that a Democratic National Con- vention was near at hand doubtless had very much to do with its passage at that particular time. Senator Hendricks, in the debate on the bill, referred to the large number of workingmen of the country who had petitioned Congress for it. ។ SAL Notwithstanding the clear and concise wording of the law, and the evident intent and purpose of Congress, as shown by the debates, to limit all Govern I ک 2 } " 1 { k t 7 1 1 4 >> Į 1 30€ DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, ment work to eight hours per day, it soon became apparent that many execu- tive and military and naval officers were bitterly opposed to the principle em- bodied in the law, and were determined to construe its provisions to suit them- selves, and by open or secret intimidation compel or permit workmen to labor ten or more hours per day or secure a reduction of wages if they worked only the number of hours fixed by the law. The language of the law was as fol- lows: } A "Eight hours shall constitute a day's work for laborers, workmen and me- chanics now employed or who may hereafter be employed by or on behalf of the. Government of the United States." I For the greater part of twenty-four years, from 1868 to 1892, the working- men of the country urged the enforcement of this law in accordance with its spirit and intent, but no penalty having been provided for its violation, their appeals were generally treated with indifference, often with contempt, and officers of the Government evaded and violated the law with impunity. So fla- grant, indeed, and so frequent were the early violations of the law that Presi- dent Grant was appealed to, and on May 19, 1869, he issued a proclamation directing that from and after that date no reduction should be made in the wages paid by the Government, by the day, to laborers, workmen and mechan- ics on account of the reduction of the hours to eight per day. So hostile were a large number of Government officials, and so persistent were their violations of the eight-hour law, that President Grant was again appealed to, and on May 11, 1872, he issued a second proclamation directing Government officials to obey the law. The object of the eight-hour law of June 25, 1868, was to limit the hours of labor on Government work to eight per day, so that a larger number of work- men might be employed; and it was violated whenever laborers, workmen and mechanics were required or permitted to work more than eight hours per day, with or without additional compensation. It was a generous policy that actuated the workmen in foregoing their right to work more than eight hours a day for extra compensation, in order that- every forty hours of labor for the Government might be a day's work for five men instead of four. The only relief that can come to the unemployed is by making more days' work. Capital may well question whether eight hours of contented labor, with the result of increasing by 25 per cent. the number of men employed would not be a wise and, in the long run, a profitable invest- ment. After more than twenty years of failure to secure the enforcement of the law of 1868 in accordance with its true spirit and intent through the executive branch of the Government, the workingmen of the country petitioned Con- gress for the passage of an eight-hour law with a penalty clause to compel its observance. In response to this demand the House of Representatives, on the * t 1 W 307 I 28th of August, 1890, passed an unsatisfactory bill, and the Senate refused to make the amendments recommended by organized labor as necessary to make it effective. In 1892, the House being Democratic and the Senate Republican, Mr. Tarsney, a Democratic Representative from Missouri, Chairman of the Committee on Labor, reported to the House an eight-hour bill which met the approval of organized labor, and, after an extended debate and many efforts to render the bill useless by unfriendly amendments, the House passed the bill by a vote of 166 to 30. William Jennings Bryan, then a member of the House, warmly supported this bill. The bill passed the Senate July 28, 1892, and was signed by President IIarri- son August 1. Again-the workmen had been favored by the liberalizing influ- ence upon the Republican leaders of a Presidential campaign. It was believed that Government officers would find it impossible to evade or misconstrue this law. The intention of the workingmen of the country had been to secure a law that would in plain language require all work done di- rectly by the Government or by private individuals or corporations for the Gov- ernment by contract to be executed under the eight-hour system. But a dif ferent construction has been placed upon it by the executive departments of the Government, and a considerable amount of work performed under contract, including a number of vessels for the Navy, has been excepted from the opera- tion of this eight-hour law. To meet this defect in or misconstruction of the law of August 1, 1892, the workingmen of the country petitioned Congress for the passage of an eight-hour law which would admit of but one meaning. To say that workingmen on Government work shall be paid a day's wages for eight hours' labor, and then to say that this does not apply to labor on a Lattleship built under contract for the Government is "keeping the word of promise to the ear to break it to the hope." It puts the Republican party in the altitude of pettifogging with the workingmen of the country. When- ever the Republican party puts on an appearance of doing something for the workingmen, it will be observed that it has a string tied to it. If eight hours is a fair day's work for the Government, why is it not a fair day's work for a contractor engaged in constructing a ship for the Government? And if it is, why is it not a proper condition to attach to a Government contract? If the eight-hour law is good legislation, it should extend to all the work the Government has done, whether by contract or otherwise. If it is a fraud and false pretense, then it is a disgrace to the Republican party to con- tinue it on the statute book. THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW. T ? A New Eight-Hour Bill. The Legislative Committee of the American Federation of Labor, appoint- ed to carry out the instructions of its latest convention, made a very able and interesting report, which appeared in the July number of the American Federationist. It is signed by Andrew Furuseth, George Chance and T. F Tracy. Among other things the Committee gave its experience in the efforts 3 J 返 ​$ } * 2 1 + 308 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.. made to secure the passage of a new eight-hour House bill. From that re- port the following statement is prepared: } + & "A bill limiting the hours of daily service of laborers and méchanics em²;₺ ployed upon public works of, or work done for the United States, or any Territory, or the District of Columbia," was introduced by Representativė…? Gardiner of New Jersey in tn 55th ´ongress, and passed the House. It failed´· to pass the Senate. It was again introduced by Mr Gardiner In the 56th Con- - } gress and passed the House May 21, 1900, after nine hearings before the House Committee. Eight of these hearings were given to the representatives€™s of the Carnegie Steel Works, the Bethlehem Steel Works (both in the Steel Trust and both manufacturers of armor plate), the Midvale Steel Works, the Newport News Shipbuilding Company, the New York Shipbuilding Company, the Bath Shipbuilding Company in Maine, and the Union Iron Works in Cal- ifornia, and other firms who contract with the United States Government. The Committee of Federation at once proceeded to labor for the passage of the bill through the Senate. They state, with great particularity, the trickery, treachery and broken pledges they encountered on all sides from Republican Senators. The situation was desperate and was so reported to President Gompers, and that official summoned to Washington, in support of the bill, John Mitchell, President of the United Mine Workers of America, Harry ! White, Secretary of the United Garment Workers, Daniel J. Keefe, President of the International Longshoreman's Association, and M. M. Garland, ex- President of the Iron and Steel Workers. The two latter are prominent Republicans, and it was perhaps thought that for that reason their presence in Washington in favor of this bill would do much to overcome opposition, thereto among the Republican Senators. But, oh, how fultile! And indeed why should anyone think that any Republican labor leader would be able to change the currents of the Republican party, and for a single moment cause it to forget its 'source of supplies' during an approaching campaign? They had carried the election in 1896 through the wholesale use of a corrup- tion fund, intimidation and fraud. They believe that, regardless of their con- duct towards organized låbor, they can succeed again by the use of the same methods. It is true that these Republican bosses are willing to smile upon a labor leader belonging to their political faith, or occasionally to give one an office, if by so doing they can continue to befuddle and deceive the masses. But such acts are always performed with mercenary intent. 1 t 鹦 ​Speaking of the efforts made by Messrs. Mitchell, White, Keefe and Gar- land, the Legislative Committee says: "They had interviews with Senators Cullom of Illinois; Hanna and Fora- ker of Ohio; Elkins of West Virginia, and Platt of New York, seeking to eng list their sympathy, and succeeded to the extent of obtaining the promise from them that when the bills came before the Senate, they would vote for them. As to what they did, see the vote taken. 101 } │ 1 * + > } -- } T *! 1 1 4 牛 ​| THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW. 809 "On Thursday afternoon, in an interview with Senator Kyle, we were again promised by him that he would call the committee together so that the bills could be acted upon. We had in the meantime seen members of the 'steering committee' about our bill; we had urged the justice of, and the neces-. sity for, the adoption of especially the eight-hour bill, using as an argument that if it is not enacted during this session of Congress, the appropriations made for the increase of the Navy would be contracted for, and hence all the warships and the armor, for the same would be made under such conditions as to hours of labor as the contractors might decide, or be able to compel their employes to accept. We received assurance that they 'favored an eight- hour workday,' and the other statements were such as to justify our hope that the bill would be considered and passed during this session. Friday came and went; no committee meeting; no action taken. Saturday came and went; no committee meeting; no action taken. So far as your committee was able to ascertain, there was no intention on the part of the majority in the Senate to pass this bill during this session of Congress. On Monday, June 4,- after consultation, it was decided to ask Senator Allen of Nebraska to of- fer a motion to discharge the Committee on Education and Labor from further consideration of the eight-hour bill, and to put it on its passage, which he promised to do. * > 1 "During an interview with Senator Pettigrew we were informed by him that during that day the Senate had taken the following action with ref- erence to bills H. R. 5450, H. R. 6882 and H. R. 10539: Mr. PETTIGREW. Here is a bill, House bill 5450, that ought to engage the atten- tion of the Senate. It is a bill "to limit the effect of the regulation of interstate com- merce between the several States in goods, wares and merchandise, wholly or in part I have received manufactured by convict labor, or in any prison or reformatory." many letters from all over the country with regard to the evil proposed to be corrected by this legislation. This bill ought to be passed before we adjourn, and I am going to insist in placing it in aniagonism to any other unanimous consent that may be asked until we act upon it. There is another bill, House bill 6882, "limiting the hours of daily services of laborers and mechanics employed upon work done for the United States, or any Territory, or the District of Columbia, thereby securing better products, and for other purposes." This is a bill with regard to labor and it ought also to be considered. There is still another bill, Mr. President, and that is the proposed anti-trust law which was passed by the House of Representatives. The Senate ought to take up that bill and dispose of it at this session of Congress; and there is no special reason why we should adjourn until we do it. As far as I am concerned, I am going to antagonize and oppose every request for unanimous consent that less important subjects may be considered which leaves out these important measures. (Page 7015, Cong. Record.) "On page 7037, Congressional Record, we find the following record of an en- deavor on the part of Senator Allen of Nebraska to have the Committee on Ed- ucation and Labor discharged from further consideration of H. R. 6882 and This colloquy between Senators Allen of Ne- to place it on the calendar. braska, Platt of Connecticut, and Aldrich, of Rhode Island, is very inter- esting. Mr. ALLEN. I desire to enter a motion to discharge the committee having in charge- the consideration of House bill 6882, and to place it on the calendar, • 1 { t 1 310 1 & 1 } } $ 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Į Mr.. HALE. What bill is that? Mr. ALLEN. It is what is known as the eight-hour bill. Mr. PLATT of Connecticut. That is not in accordance with the unanimous consent agreement. Mr. ALLEN. I desire to enter that motion at this time. Mr. ALDRICH. You cannot do that. Mr. PLATT of Connecticut. I object to that. } } Mr. ALLEN. Does the Senator from Rhode Island object to it? 1 Mr. ALDRICH, It is in violation of the unanimous consent agreement, Mr. ALLEN Does the Senator from Rhode Island object to it? Mr ALDRICH. I do object. I object to anything which is contrary to the unani- mous consent agreement. Mr. ALLEN. Let it be noted, then, that the Senator from Rhode Island objects. Mr. ALDRICH. Of course it will be noted. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolution will be read. The Secretary Lead as follows: "On page 7039 we find the following: Mr. PETTIGREW. I ask unanimous consent to have the resolution laid on the table and printed without reading. Mr., ALDRICH. What is it about? The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Is there any objection? Mr. ALDRICH. I should like to have the resolution read for information "Resolved, that the Committee on Education and Labor"- Mr. ALDRICH. I object to it, anyhow. It is out of the unanimous consent agreement. I object to its reception. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Objection is made. This was the resolution to discharge the committee from further considera- tion of H, R. 6882 and H. R. 5450, and to place these bills on the calendar. As will be seen, it was objected to by Senator Aldrich of Rhode Island. On the next day, the 5th, it was regularly introduced, and would therefore become the regular order under morning business on the 6th. As this bill was to be called up the following day, Mr. Samuel Gompers wrote a very able letter addressed to all the Senators. Following is the concluding portion of the letter: Even a casual examination of the bill will demonstrate its eminent practicability, and its freedom from any provision against the interests of the people, or the policy and interests of the Government. That the principle involved in this bill for a shorter workday is economically and socially right and just, is not even questioned by its opponents; that the demand for the eight-hour day is universal among the toilers of the United States cannot be questioned. In the language of one of the most prominent citizens of our country, "the eight-hour day is as great a shibboleth and principle with the working people of the United States as is the Gospel to the devout Christian and the Declaration of Independence to the patriotic American." What is true of the eight-hour bill is equally true of the bill to regulate prison labor. It is said that there is now not sufficient time to pass this bill at the present session of Congress. It is not out of place to say that there is a grave suspicion in the minds of many working people that unless the bill does pass before this session of Congress adjourns, that their interests have been trifled with and their credulity imposed upon. There can be no question but if there is a real disposition to pass this bill it can be enacted, ample hearings and arguments having been had thereon. The wage-workers of America who are expecting relief will be unable to understand why it is not grauted when the Congress has power to do so. There can be no ques- tion but that the failure to grant this relief at this session of Congress will contribute largely to destroy. the belief held by earnest, thinking, conservative workers that when } I 1 } } I Im $ 811 their grievances are intelligently presented to Congress they will be remedied by legisla- tive, action. $ ! > THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW. If this subject-matter and the bill itself had not received ample discussion, I should hesitate to make the suggestion I now do, that is, to favor the proposition now pending in the Senate, and which will be before that body for consideration tomo11ów, Wednes- day, June 6, 1900, to discharge the Senate Committee on Education and Labor from further consideration of the eight-hour bill and the prison labor bill, and put them on their passage. For the above reasqus, and in the name of the workers of our country, both organ- ized and unorganized, I cainestly beseech you to work and vote to secure the passage of these bills. Very respectfully yours, This earnest appeal was from the chosen head of a labor organization embracing at least a million and a half of skilled wage-earners. The United States Senate, to the members of which it was addressed, treated it with as little consideration as though it had come from the subjects of a foreign nation instead of being a petition on behalf of a vast body of American cit- izens to whom the right of petition is guaranteed by the Constitution. Of course this right by no means includes the right to have a petition granted, but the laboring men of this country and all who respect them and value their worth will not fail to remember that this same Senate, on the same day that it turned a deat ear to the American Federation of Labor, abdicated its power to limit the price that should be paid for armor plate and authorized a single executive officer to pay as high a price as the Steel Trust could per- suade him to agree to. On the 6th Mr. Pettigrew moved to proceed to the consideration of his resolution. Mr. Hawley, a Republican, moved to lay the resolution on the table. Mr. Chandler of New Hampshire called the attention of the presiding officer to the fact that it was not in order to move to lay on the table a motion to consider a measure. The chair ruled Mr. Hawley's motion out of order. After a considerable opposition on the part of Mr. Hawley, sup- ported by Mr. Lodge, Mr. Pettigrew's resolution was laid before the Sen- ate. It was as follows: Resolved, That the Committee on Education and Labor be discharged from further consideration of H. R 6882, an act limiting the hours of daily service of laborers and mechanics employed upon work done for the United States or any Teritory or the Dis- trict of Columbia, thereby securing better products, and for other purposes, and that said committce be also discharged from the further consideration of H. R. 5150, an act to limit the effect of the 1egulation of interstate commerce between the several States in goods, wares and merchandise wholly or in pait manufactured by convict labor or In any puson or reformatory, and that both of said bills be placed upon the calendar. SAML GOMPERS President, A F of 1. "Mr. Hawley then moved to lay the resolution on the table. "Following are the proceedings of the Senate on thus motion: Mr. PETTIGREW and Mi TELLER called for the yeas and ways, and they were ordeted. The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll Mr. BUTLER (when his name was called) I have a general pair with the Senator fiom Maryland (Mr. Wellington), but I transfer it to the Senator from Nebraska (Mr. Allen), and will vote. I vote "nay." 1 Ради 售 ​* } p 1 Allison, R. Baker, R. Beveridge, R. Chandler, R. 'Deboe, R. Fairbanks, R. Foraker, R. Foster, R. Gallinger, R. F Bacon, D. Bard, R. Bate, D. Beiry, D. Butler, P. Carter, R. Clark, R. "" } IIale, R. Hanna, R. Ilansbrough, R. Hawley, R. Kean, R. Kyle, R Lodge, R. McComas, R. McMillan, R. Culberson, D. Cullom, R, Daniel, D. Harris. D. J M DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK.) Heitfeld, P. Jones, Nev., R. Kenney, D. 3 1 I 312 him plays pri Mr DAVIS (when his name was called) I have a general pair with the Senator from Texas (Mr. Chilton) Mr. JONES of Arkansas (when his name was called) I am paired with the Senator! from Rhode Island (Mr. Aldrich). I should vote "nay" if he were present. Mr. LODGE (when his name was called). I have a general pair with the junior Senator from Georgia (M1. Clay) Not seeing him in the Chamber, I withhold my vote. If he were present, I should vote "yea " Mr. MORGAN (when his name was called). I am paired with the junior Senator from Iowa (Mr. Gear). I } { Mr. PETTUS (when his name was called). I have a general pair with the senior Senator from Massachusetts (Mr Hoar) Mr. BATE (when Mi Turley's name was called). My colleague is absent He is paired, however, with the Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Spooner). If my colleague were here, he would vote "nay " The roll call was concluded. Mr. LODGE I announced my pair with the Senator from Georgia (Mr. Clay). I transfer that pair to the Senator from North Dakotá (Mr. McCumber), and will vote. I vote "yea Mr. BURROWS. I am paired with the senior Senator from Louisiana (Mr. Caffery). I willhold my vote. Mr. BACON My colleague (Mr. Clay) has been unavoidably called to attend to some urgent business in one of the Departments He left under an ariangement to pair with the junior Senator from Massachusetts (Mi Lodge) If my colleague wele present, he would vote "nay " The result was announced-yeas, 33; nays, 28, as follows: YEAS-33. Platt, Conn, R. Platt, N Y., R. Proctor, R. Quarles, R. Ross, R. Scott, R. Sewell, R. *Shoup, R. Simon, R. NAYS-28. Lindsay, D. McBride. R. McEnery, D. Mallory, D. Mason, R. Money, D. Nelson, R. NOT YOTING-25. Aldrich, R. Allen, P. Burrows. R. Caffery, D. Chilton. D. Clay, D. Cockrell, D. Davis, R. Depew, R. Elkins, P. Frye, R. Goar, R. Hoar, R. Jones, Ark., D. "So the resolution was laid on the table. 緊 ​McCumber, R. McLaurin, D. Just "y""" Martin, D. Morgan, D. Perkins, R. Pettus, D. Pritchard, R. 11 # ܪ ܐ ܢ ܕ ܃ I Stewart, R. Thurston, R. Vest, D Warren, R. Wetmore. R. Wolcot, R. #! Penrose, R. Pettigrew P. Sullivan, D. Taliaferro, D. Teller, R Tillman, D. Tulner, D. Rawling, D. Spooner, R. Turley D Wellington, R. 1 } f 1 4 In this report Senator Teller of Colorado and Senator Jones of Nevada are incorrectly classed as Republicans. They are Silver Republicans and supporters of Bryan. After making these corrections, the analysis of the vote is as follows: Those voting yea voted to smother the Eight-Hour Bill in the Committee. Those who voted nay voted in favor of the consideration of the bill, and were known to be in favor of the bill itself. Of the 25 not voting there were eight Democrats and eight Republicans who were paired, and are } } } $ 1 1 wife Į ' THE EIGHT-HOUR LAW♪ therefore counted as having voted. Four Democrats and five Republicans were absent without pairs. For the Eight-Hour Bill 28 Democrats and eight Re- públicans. Against the Eight-Hour Bill 40 Republicans and one Democrat. If we add to these the absentees, counting the Democrats for the bill and the Republicans against it, the vote would stand, for the bill 32 Democrats and eight Republicans, and against the bill 45 Republicans and one Democrat." + { 1 B } } I Į r_ + 13 F { $ : 1 3 * 15 813 1 + h 1 ་ + 01 E } ~ 11 3 { + 1 8141 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, b * ! ! ¿ CHAPTER XLII. STEVENSON AND ORGANIZED LABOR. } 皇 ​1 2 General Stevenson and Organized Labor. In 1892 Republican newspapers misrepresented the relations existing between General Stevenson, then President of the McLean Coal Company, and the United Mine Workers of America. Mr. John McBride, the President of the United Mine Workers of America, being asked for a plain statement of the facts, addressed the following letter to Frank K. Foster, the editor of the "Bos- ton Labor Leader:" L 1 'Columbus, O., Sept. 1, 1892. "Frank K. Foster, Esq.: "Dear Sir-Yours to hand, inquiring as to the truth or falsity of the assertion that Gen. A. E. Stevenson, candidate for Vice-President on the Democratic ticket, is an enemy to organized labor. "The miners of Illinois are practically disorganized. Out of 30,000 miners and mine laborers not more than 500 are members of the organization, and this not because of opposition by their employers, but by the apathy and careless- ness of themselves. Under these circumstances, comparison of treatment of employees determines whether a man is opposed to organized labor or not. You may not be aware of the fact, but the evils of which miners in all coal- producing States in the country chiefly complain are: First, the 'pluck me' store; second, the length of time between pay days; third, the weighing of coal after screening instead of before. "During the last session of the Illinois Legislature laws were enacted giving the miners relief from the evils complained of. The operators declared the laws unconstitutional, and either sought to have their miners sign an agree ment waiving their right to the benefit of the laws named, or had action taken and then appealed to the Supreme Court, where test cases now are. "The company of which Mr. Stevenson is president is the only honorable ex- ception that I am aware of that refused to adopt this high-handed policy. In- deed, to their credit be it said, a 'pluck me' never disgraced their works. They always paid their men in cash. Having for years voluntarily carried out the provisions of two laws, it did not require a great sacrifice to carry out the $ ን $ 靠 ​+ заказать 1 de que * STEVENSON AND LABOR. 315 # third, and this they cheerfully did. They pay their men in cash weekly. They have no store, and the miners' coal is weighed before screening. Thus they carry out every law demanded by our organization. At nearly all large col- lieries the companies erect houses for their workmen, charging them in many cases an exorbitant rent. Mr. Stevenson erected about 200 houses, each hav ing a garden plot of from half to an acre of ground. Instead of charging a high rental like others, he sold the houses and lots to the miners, taking a fair rental in payment. The result is that 90 per cent. of his miners own their own homes. *k "Mr. Stevenson delivered the Labor Day address at Bloomington one year ago, his subject being the 'Rise and Progress of Labor Organizations,' and his workmen in one body visited him after his nomination to tender congratula- tions. On all evidence obtainable I would say that Mr. Stevenson is not an enemy of organized labor. "Respectfully yours, "JOHN MCBRIDE." This testimony from the representative of the coal miners, with whom Gen. Stevenson was alleged to be on bad terms, is emphasized by the cordial recep- tion extended him shortly after his nomination for Vice-President, of which the following account is taken from the news columns of the Chicago Herald: A Cordial Greeting. "On the evening of July 11, 1892, 300 employees of the mine operated by General Stevenson and his associates formed in line at the coal shaft, and, headed by a drum corps, marched through the streets to General Stevenson's residence. Crowds of workingmen and citizens joined the column. The miners were invited in, and after handshaking had been concluded Miner William Radford stepped forward, and on behalf of his fellow-workmen addressed General Stevenson as follows: # "Mr. Stevenson-We have called upon you this evening to extend our most hearty congratulations for the honor so recently bestowed upon you. To be nominated to the office of Vice-President, the second highest position in the gift of the people, is an honor of which one may well feel proud, and as citi- zens of the town in which you live we are proud of the great distinction, and especially are we proud of the fact that this honor bas been bestowed upon one with whom we have been so closely allied in a business way for so many years. "It is with much gratification that we can look back over the past years that we have been in the employ of the McLean County Coal Company, for in all these years no pay day has ever passed that we have not been paid our wages in full, but few disagreenients have ever arisen, and these were quickly and amicably settled, and we can remember no instance where you have ever treated us either unfairly or unkindly, and many a happy home has been erect- ed in the village of Stevensonville that never would have been there except for 譬 ​" } 1 ד י } + f 7 * * } 66 SI5 DEMUURATIU CAMPAIGN BUƠK"] the kindness and consideration shown many of us both by yourself and brothers. SAP 30.6. ""These things we have not forgotten, and we are here this evening to extend in the warmest terms our hearty congratulations, feeling assured that in you ; we have a friend, one that will stand for right and one that has a laboring man's interest at heart. A } 11 | | 1 S "I have been asked by my fellow-laborers to make this acknowledgment. to you, and we have come this evening for that purpose, not as a political or ganization, for we represent both of the great political parties, but as your friends and co-laborers, to extend our hands and best wishes for your success always.' "The miners frequently applauded the sentiments expressed by their spokes- man. "General Stevenson replied to this address in the following words: "Mr. Radford and Gentlemen-It has been my good fortune on more than one occasion to witness manifestations of the kindly feelings entertained to- ward me by my neighbors and fellow townsmen, but I can say to you in per- fect candor that your visit to-night and your words of kindness have touched me more deeply than I have ever been touched before. "It is, indeed, gratifying to know that the most cordial relations exist be tween the officers of our company and all of those who are employed in its service. As has truly been said by your chairman, but few disagreements havo ever occurred between yourselves and the company, and these have been ami- cably adjusted. During the time I have been president of the company no dis- agreement or misunderstanding of any kind has arisen. I was more than gratified at the remark of Mr. Radford that I had not only treated you with justice, but always with kindness. I have certainly aimed to do so. "I will say now, and those of you who have been in our employ since the sinking of the shaft more than twenty years ago know the statement to be cor- rect, that during all these years no pay day has ever passed without each miner and other employee being paid his wages in full. You will pardon me for saying in this connection that on many occasions during these years Mr. Scott, Mr. Graham, my brothers and myself have borrowed the money out of the bank that each of you might promptly receive your wages. "Mr. Radford has referred to the fact that many of you have homes of your own in the village of Stevensonville, paid for out of your earnings at the mine. It has been a source of great pleasure to my brothers and myself that our efforts to enable each of you to procure a comfortable home have met with much gratifying success. "The most kindly and cordial feelings should ever exist between the em- ployer and employees. All disagreements should be settled either by confer ence or by arbitration. I desire to repeat what I have often said before: It 1 ' } } ? I STARTSEITE Be the 10 + fox v 'STEVENSON AND LABOR 317 has been my firm conviction for years that organization, looking solely to the bettering of their condition and the protection of their rights, is a necessity to the wage earners. I will detain you, gentlemen, with but an additional sugges- tion. It is this: By appropriate legislation when needed, but especially by the management of all the industrial enterprises in this country, the hours of toil should be lessened. This would give to the wage earner more time for rest, for self-improvement, and for the enjoyment of his home and the society of his family. Again, gentlemen, I thank you for this visit, and I take pleasure now in tendering you the hospitality of my home.'" Stevenson as the Labor-Day Orator. The final and most convincing proof of Mr. Stevenson's popularity amongst his employees and the workmen of his native city is the fact that he was unanimously chosen by the different organized bodies of Bloomington to be the orator of the day at their first celebration of "Labor Day" in 1891. His speech was replete with wise suggestions and approval of labor organizations and their methods. } ++ { 1/ ! L རྣ 1 { 1 * 7 $ } 1 辈 ​1 ↓ + + + [ M 318 #! J < 1 1 3 3 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. : + { CHAPTER XLIIL· CHINESE IMMIGRATION. abuti atticoslancheskae } GTON NËN 1 1 } ↑ 7 In 1868 a treaty was negotiated between the United States and China in which it was agreed that the subjects of China might visit and reside in the United States as freely as the subjects of the most favored nations. We received no équivalent for it, American citizens being prevented from visiting or residing in any portions of China except certain designated places, known as "treaty ports." Chinese immigration rapidly set in. It was a formidable invasion of California, amounting in two or three years to about sixty thousand. Eight large blocks in the heart of the city of San Francisco were soon ex- clusively occupied by the Chinese. The people of the Pacific Coast, were alarmed, for it seemed that the Golden Gate might be entered by hundreds of thousands of these people unless immigration could be restricted. The Chinese came principally from the British colony of Hongkong. They be- came the subject of importation by capital.. Mr. C. P. Huntington of the Central Pacific Railroad, in a letter to the Honorable Philetus Sawyer of Wis- consin, then Chairman of the Committee on Railroads in the House of Rep- resentatives, said that company had "imported 10,000 Chinese laborers" to complete the railway. 1 The commercial firm of Koopmanschap Brothers of San Francisco engaged in the importation of Chinese laborers. A Mr. Palmer advertised himself in Pemberton Square in Boston as the agent of these enterprising gentlemen with whom contracts could be made for Chinese labor in quantities to suit. At about the same time, Mr Palmer contributed a philanthropic article to one of the magazines in which he piously affirmed his belief in the "universal Fatherhood of God, and the universal brotherhood of man.” Then commenced an agitation against Chinese immigration. Various bills were introduced in both Houses of Congress, mainly by Representatives from the Pacific Coast. These were buffeted about with varying fortunes for more than a dozen years. The Pacific Coast Representatives of both parties sup- ported these measures, but they were denounced in the Eastern Republican press as demagogues and caterers to the mob spirit. Louder became the de- mand from the Pacific Coast. In some cases mob violence was done to the Chinese. These immigration measures had the support very generally of the Democrats, and very scantily of a few Republicans. It was only by the un- ترسو 1 / 1 } } Į 1 1 # 1 1 $ ***... 1 {" ار 2 C H ܚܝܢܐ 1 " 819 tiring perseverance of the Democratic party and a few Republicans that Chinese immigration was suspended in 1882 for ten years. Treaty stipula- tions have since been entered into which have resulted in limiting Chinese immigration to merchants, travelers, etc., and excluding laborers. Many, however, are still smuggled into the country through the lack of vigilance on the part of Republican officials. At every stage of the work against the threatening tide of Chinese immigration, the most influential portions of the Republican party have given their influence in favor of an influx of Chinese laborers. Whatever they have consented to in the contrary direction has been extorted from them. i and 青 ​} } { - } } Y 7 CHINESE IMMIGRATION. 12 +- } 1 W 1 1 ง + This I + 1 +4 } * + [ Z цов канал { } 7 { 3 : * { 320 } 1 -1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK KAN } J } GALA MITAD } PARARASHTRIYEONGRAT 1 ---ང་ Va گھر ศรุ 1 1 FREE TRADE IN FOREIGN LABOR. Albert MADLE 1 CHAPTER XLIV. PROTECTIVE TARIFF FOR MANUFACTURING CAPITAL, BUT BENUTZERA BATEZANANART KLANMANZANITARIA aika maREDRAGHAN พ. t I /> } } "A ! The Republican party has always professed a great desire to "protect Amer- ican labor" by imposing high duties on foreign products. But the American laborer has never been given any share in the benefits of this protection, The American manufacturing capitalist has been enabled to sell his goods at a higher price than he could if compelled to compete with foreign products. 'But the wages of laborers in our manufacturing establishments have never been increased by a fraction of a cent a day in consequence of this protec- tion. On the contrary, these protected manufacturers have always employed whoever would work the cheapest. They have themselves formed combina- tions with each other to extort the highest prices from the public, and pay the least prices for labor. When the laborers have organized labor unions for their own protection, and have endeavored to compel living wages for their hard work, they have been antagonized by capitalists, and their right to adopt usual business methods in their own behalf has been denied by the trusts and monopolies. Hence the infamous war made upon the union laborers at Home- stead, Pennsylvania, in 1892, by the private army of desperate characters im- ported into that State from Illinois by the Carnegie Steel Company. For that outrage the aroused hosts of American laborers punished Mr Carnegie's Re- publican backers by defeating their candidate for the Presidency. The well-fed monopolies, nourished into existence by the Republican policy of protective, or, more correctly speaking, largely prohibitive duties on for- eign products, have been allowed to indulge themselves in the free importa-. tion of foreign laborers. Free trade in foreign labor 'has been as well es- tablished a Republican policy as protection for American capital. A Republican Foreign Labor Contract Law. In 1864 when nearly a million and a half of soldiers were withdrawn from the labor fields of the North to fight the battles of the Union, Congress passed a law containing the following provision: J Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That all contracts that shall be made by emi- grants to the United States in foreign countries, in conformity to regulations that may be established by the said commissioner, whereby emigrants shall pledge the wages of } } } } } 3 4 ( I · ་ 1 L $ ~ 1 # [ 1 321 their labor for a term not exceeding twelve months, to repay the expenses of their eml gration, shall be held to be valid in law, and may be enforced in the courts of the United States or of the several States and Territories; and such advances, if so stipu- lated in the contract, and the contract be recorded in the recorder's office in the county where the emigrant shall settle, shall operate as a lien upon any land thereafter acquired by the emigrant, whether under the homestead law when the title is consum- mated, or on property otherwise acquired until liquidated by the emigrant; but nothing herein contained shall be deemed to authorize any contract contravening the Constitu- tion of the United States, or creating in any way the relation of slavery or servitude. (U. S. Stats. at Large, Vol. 15, 1863-'65.) J FREE TRADE IN LABOR A This came so near providing for "involuntary servitude," which was the polite name for slavery, that the last clause was inserted by way of seeming дерек to guard against it. But it will be seen that it provided for foreign labor to be brought here under contract, and to mortgage in advance whatever prop erty the immigrant might acquire, to pay the expenses of his being brought to this country. $ ↑↓ The excuse for this law was that the absence of so many laborers in the army made labor very scarce and wages unreasonably high. If this had been a truthful explanation the act would have been repealed when the armies were disbanded in 1865, and a million of soldiers returned to their homes needing work for the support of themselves and their families. But this in- fernal contrivance for taking the bread from the mouths of American labor- ers, and feeding it to the foreign pauper laborers, continued on the statute book for twenty years after our great armies had been disbanded! It was not until February, 1885, that it was repealed. The bill for its repeal was passed by a Democratic House of Representatives on the 19th of June, 1884. It took the Republican Senate nine months to finally allow it to pass that body: 1 $ But the laborers of the United States have not only had to contend against the Republican statute of 1864, which for over twenty years authorized con- tract labor of foreigners, and against Chinese laborers smuggled into the country in violation of law, but it has been the Republican policy to allow free trade in the pauper and criminal labor of Europe. The vilest scum of European capitals has been dumped upon our shores by tramp steamers at the rate of $10 or $15 per head for passage money, which has been furnished by capitalists in this country, in order that they might displace our native and naturalized citizens who could not exist if they submitted to a further reduction of wages. It has been abundantly proven before investigating com- mittees of Congress that runners have been employed to visit the worst lo calities in European cities to enlist these dregs of society as recruits to the already overcrowded army of laborers in the United States. } The Democratic party is the only one that has always advocated an open door to the oppressed of all white nations, and welcomed them to citizen- ship under liberal naturalization laws. But it has never included in this policy the importation of contract laborers from the prisons, hospitals and almshouses of foreign cities. The toleration of that class of importation has (11 } # 1 F C } · ! L } # E } I } C 1 + KI 3 } } J { } 辈 ​* 322 been monopolized by the party which inscribes on its banner: "Protection to American Labor." DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. เ The party of money, trusts, syndicates and monopolies, and of distrust of the plain people of the United States, has never been ready to yield to any reasonable demand of the men who support their wives and children by hard work. That party stands in fear of hard taskmasters who never abate a jot of their wishes, for the fulfillment of which they pay great sums of money in the form of campaign contributions. It took twenty years, be- cause of Republican opposition, to repeal the infamous foreign labor contract law. It took fourteen years, because of Republican opposition, to secure any check on Chinese immigration. It took twenty-four years to secure partial obedience to the eight-hour law, because of Republican opposition, and all attempts have thus far failed since 1892 to honestly enforce the act of that year. The bill for that purpose now pending in Congress is awaiting the result of the election next November. If the Republicans carry the country, everybody knows that the bill will not pass. If the Democrats prevail, even the Republican Senate will fear longer to defy the will and refuse the rights of the workingmen. The Black List. By "blacklist," as applied to wage-earners, is meant a system whereby men are refused employment in their vocation unless they have a "clearance" from' their last employer. 氍 ​The following statement is by Mr. W. J. Strong, of Chicago, counsellor-at- law, who was attorney for blacklisted railway men and secured a verdict against the railroads. The evidence which secured the verdict is set forth by¸' Mr. Strong in his testimony before the Industrial Commission. A brief state- ment is set forth in the proceedings of the National Anti-Trust Conference, held at Chicago in February, 1900, from which is quoted the following: It (the blacklist) denies the toiler the right to work when he can find an opportunity. The system has become thoroughly established among the steam railioads of the coun- try, and its efficiency as a means to subjugate labor and to destroy the power of labor unions has been so thoroughly demonstrated by the 1ailroads that it is now being adopted by many other branches of corporate industry, such as strect railroads, which have formed a national organization; the great packing establishments, clothing manu- facturers, telegraph companies, coal mines, iron and steel mills, and even the retail dry- goods and department stores; and it now toreatens the liberties and the independence of all classes of labor; yea, it threatens the very existence of republican institutions. The blacklist is especially dangerous by reason of the fact that the means whereby organized capital effects its objects, while more far-reaching in their efforts for evil than the weapons of organized labor, work for the most part silently, and do not create the local disorders which follow strikes and the boycotts of laborers. And it is vadoubtedly for this reason that courts find it possible to give definite redress against boycotts and strikes, while generally similar combinations of capital escape, and the public knows nothing of them. It has been my fortune to be employed in the prosecution of the cases against the railroads for blacklisting the men who quit work during the strike of 1894, commonly 'known as the A. R. U. strike, and while engaged in these cases I have learned the fol- lowing facts, which I propose to detail to you tonight so that you may know upon what I base my charges. This question has passed beyond the stage of platform agita- I 1 1 L * £ " t →X 3 + کر 1 2 • 1 H t 13 $7 4 {K+ 1 1 3 # } *. one of those men applied for employment that he had quit during the strike, he was denied employment unless he produced from his last employer its consent that he might be employed; this consent being commonly called among railroad men "a clearance.” When ray 11ght to leave my employer and get work elsewhere depends upon his con- sent, he becomes my master and I his slave. 327* Y tion, and rhetorical protest, ás the facts have been, proved in courts of Justice under the strict legal rules of evidence. The charge in these cases is that the railroads in the United States entered into a conspiracy to prevent every man who quit work during that strike from getting employment from any other road, without he first had consent of the railroad he last worked for prior to that strike, and that in pursuance of that conspiracy they agreed to give, and did give, to each other information concerning all their men who 'quit during that strike; and when it was learned by any road to which + 1 FREE TRADE IN LABUR. Ž ་ * A 147 #Y } { # 1 } f • 筑 ​324 # Bar 1 ! 1% DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. CHAPTER XLV. THE OPEN DOOR. we } 1 سلم C } 1 1 A Menace to Western Civilization-China May Be the World's Workshop Instead of Its Market. 1 If China should escape dismen berment in the fierce struggle between the European powers for advantages, it would be because of their dread of each other. It is such a dread that has long prevented the dismemberment of Tur- key, and made it the "sick man of Europe," at whose bedside Great Britain and Russia alternately play the nurse. China may long live as the "sick man of Asia." The powers would still have their "spheres of influence," or "spheres of interest," as the later phrase goes in British diplomacy. In that case the United States might reasonably hope that the powers would observe at least the externals of courtesy and fair play toward us. Then what? Imagine the Chinese Empire open to friendly intercourse with all the world through all her ports. Imagine invested capital to be as safe there as in Europe or America. Would China then be a great market for the products of the United States, or would she become the great workshop to fill the markets in the United States? If the Chinaman is to wear modern clothing and patent leather shoes and silk hats will he buy them of us or make them at home, with surplus enough to supply the United States? If his daughters are to play the piano, will hė buy Steinways or Knabes in the United States, or will there be Chinese piano-makers who will supply both China and the United Stat's with these instruments at 40 per cent. less than the present cost? If they overcome their hostility to railroads, will they make rails from their own iron, using their own coal, or will they come to us for it? In brief, with labor unlimited in a country of four hundred millions of people unexcelled in skill and energy, and unequaled in patience and industry, and glad to work for whatever will ward off starvation, will the Chinese come either to Europe or America for manufactured fabrics, or will they manufacture them at home? A still more important question is: Will American capital continue to employ American labor to manufacture fabrics for the American market, or will capi- tal establish great plants in China, and with Chinese labor in its own country manufacture the fabrics now being manufactured in America and Europe by We h 做 ​I { } A $ вот # N 325 American and European labor? The labor of fifty millions of people can be had in China at whatever price will enable the manufacturers there to under- sell American and European fabrics. No tariff wall can be built high enough to keep out the work of these ingenious, patient and industrious people. There is nothing they cannot learn to do, and quickly, too. They cannot only weave our fabrics, but they can soon learn to manufacture the machinery with which they are woven. They will learn to make locomotives, watches and Maxim guns. Their imports from the United States would consist mainly of gold coin and such raw material as they cannot produce or buy cheaper in other countries. They are good traders. They will never pay more for anything than it would cost them to make it. If all the bars are let down between us and them, of laws, traditions and treaty limitations, they will never allow Americans or Europeans to make anything for themselves which can be made cheaper in China and delivered in the ports of the western countries. i There is vast wealth in China, and as many native shrewd business men as are needed to exploit it under an open-door policy. Add to this the business ability and the financial daring of the men trained in the atmosphere of our trusts, and the capital they could command for use in China, and that ancient empire would lead the industrial procession of the world. It would be the world's workshop, and the western nations now so anxious for "the open door,”. and so confident of being able to make China subordinate, would see western civilization crippled and set back indefinitely by the destruction of a vast ele- ment of its middle class for the mere waht of work. American energy, enterprise, ambition and thrift can do all things that are possible, but it is not possible to conceive of any combination that would save the industrial systems of Europe or America when brought into competition with a combination of the capital of the world and the cheap labor of Chinése on Chinese ground. 7 1 } 1 CHINA AS A WORKSHOP.' Omaine § + 1 Ay B ! 1 { k $ مع -1 > } } → • P - C t 1 } * + T + $ 4 J 1 J 326 7 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. f PART EIGHT.-Miscellaneous. CHAPTER XLVI > Y 1 TRUST PRODUCTS AND OTHER PRODUCTS COMPARED. { The apologists for the trusts claim that these excrescences upon our in- dustrial system have reduced prices. It is not so. From 1879-89 to 1896-97 the average fall in all leading products was 27 per cent. The fall in trust profit's during the same period was 28 per cent. Up to that time the trusts had not been powerful enough to maintain better prices for their products than the average prices for other products. But since 1896-97 the rise in prices of all products has been 23 per cent., while during the same period the rise in the prices of trust products has been 40 per cent. The prices of trust products have risen to the average of 1879-89, while the farm products are 14 per cent. below that level. 1 And so it is that while the products of the trusts will purchase in exchange as much of all other products as they would from 1879 to 1889, farm products will only purchase five-sixths as much as they would during those years. The following statement is going the rounds of the press unchallenged. It compares the purchasing value of agricultural products with the selling value of trust products: The } It requires 50 per cent, more wheat to buy a slove than it did in 1896. It requires twenty bushels more corn to buy a wagon than it did in 1896, It requires twenty bushels more corn to buy a copper kettle than in 1896, It requires twice as much corn to buy a coil of rope as it did in 1896. It requires 40 per cent. more grain to buy a plow than in 1896 It requires 75 per cent more grain to buy a hoe, a rake, or a shovel than in 1896 A set of common wheels that cost $7 in 1896 now cost $12. The price of cultivators and other farm implements has gone up proportionately. Galvanized barbed wire costs from $4 to $4.50 per bundied more than in 1896. It requires 40 per cent. more corn or cotton to buy a pound of sugar than in 1896. You have to pay 40 per cent more for glass than in 1896. Freight rates have climbed back to the exorbitant prices which caused a popular revolt in legislation a few years ago. The price of oil, coal, lumber, tools and hardware has gone up from 40 to 100 per cent. And all these things have been done by the trusts. ¿ $ ! 1 F The plain lesson to be drawn from this is that prices rise healthily when the rise is caused by an increase in the volume of money. When that is the t } } F * you X 50 1 1 1 Ł ! $ $ $ $ I I TRUST VS. OTHER PRODUCTS. 327 rase, the average of prices will increase just as much for the farmer as for the manipulators of large capital; but when prices increase because com- modities have come under the control of trust monopolists, which can extort whatever price the people will pay rather than go without the products, then it will be found that honest business interests in which the competi- tion is still preserved are at the mercy of trusts which deal in whatever the former must buy. To illustrate, if all prices would rise because of an increase in the volume of money, American capital would not be invested in United States 2 per cent. bonds, or in British 3 per cent. bonds, even at the recent discount of 2 per cent. On the contrary, it would seek investment in nu- merous enterprises much more profitable than present money-lending, and which would not only give fair returns on the capital invested, but would furnish labor for those who are now unemployed during a large portion of the year. This would increase the manufacturers' gains, would increase the army of laborers, and would increase the laborer's pay. Consumption of 'products would be increased with the increase of the army of labor, because the wants of millions that are now unsatisfied could then be supplied. There would neither be over-production nor under-consumption. But this cannot be while the trusts continue to monopolize every avenue of trade, stifling all competition and driving four-fifths of our business men out of business. During the administration of William McKinley more trusts have been or- ganized than had been organized during the entire century preceding. With his re-election these monstrous aggregations of wealth would complete the conquest of this country. We have seen a Congress as well as a President absolutely controlled by them. They are plunging the country into a caicos of imperialism and of foreign conquest which is only made possible by the accompanying instrumentality of militarism. 7 11 1 38 f 1 暑 ​} 1 Z 善 ​郭 ​? t } * - 1 t } i + $ 12 you : ་ I was 1 * 328 X F I * L DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. 串 ​{ 1 CHAPTER XLVII. MILITARISM. 2 } # + R завот дека * 1 There is much windy talk about making the United States a "world power." The Republican leaders encourage Republican writers. and speak- ers to endeavor to create a national appetite for conquest. We are invited to place ourselves under the tutelage of Great Britain and commence the prac- tice of the seizure of small countries and their people, and the erection therein of colonial governments where our trust magnates can possess them- selves of more wealth and where their proteges may thrive upon colonial offices. All this, of course, involves the construction of a navy which can, if need be, cope with any or all the combined navics of the world. There used to be a slang proverb which said: "There is no use being a fellow at all, if you cannot be a h-1 of a fellow." This is now the spirit of Republican teach- ings. If we cannot have a navy stronger than Great Britain, she may take away from us whatever we may capture from others. It is therefore of no use to be a "world power" unless we can be the strongest "world power." * But a great army is more to be dreaded than a great navy Both have to be supported by those who work with their hands. Labor finally pays all bills. Whatever is paid for by the others is finally extorted from the workingmen. But a navy cannot go into our cities and shoot down working- men at the bidding of trusts and monopolists. The Republican leaders are earnestly determined to increase our standing army. Despite the frequent re- ports of fighting in the Philippines we are told that peace has there been re- stored, and that we only require an army to preserve that peace. Although there are now less than 70,000 soldiers there, no one doubts the desire of the administration to increase it to 100,000. Each soldier costs $1,000 a year. The Philippines are therefore now costing us in money $70,000,000 a year, and are expected to cost $100,000,000 a year. The troubles in China have 1cquired a diversion of some of the army to that country for the protection of our people, and we read in the papers that the President has decided that our troops now there shall remain. How many more will be sent is a matter of conjecture, and, indeed, must largely depend upon circumstances. What- ever the exigency may require must of course be done; but the great question in which the American people are interested is whether future necessities for the military service shall be met by an increase of the regular army, or the call- 1 46 I 1 * 1 Y { 3 ł Y ( + # S ↓ ¡ 靠 ​ľ 1 1 1 { # { I $34 · DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, The total number of cases terminated during the year was 17,541, and of this large number but 109 were for offenses against the pension laws. And the fact must be borne in mind that the majority of these offenders were persons instrumental in the prosecution of claims, imposters representing themeslves as Government officials, notaries public who illegally executed pen- sion papers, justices of the peace who were guilty of post-dating vouchers, and impersonators of soldiers and their widows, together with guardians who embezzled funds entrusted to their keeping. 0 1 But very, very few of them were either soldiers or widows of soldiers. It is remarkable, considering the magnitude of the expenditures for pensions, that there are so few cheats and scoundrels preying upon the bounty of the Gov ernment. Those who violate the law should be relentlessly hunted down and rigorously punished, as was the custom of Democratic officials without much “blowing of horns," but let it be said to the credit of our common humanity that the men who saved this Nation have not engaged in a vile conspiracy to pollute its pension roll. Small wonder that the Civil War veterans have become rebellious against the "powers that be," and small wonder is it that they have become restive under unjust suspicion So incensed were the members of the G. A. R. at the rejection of worthy - claims by the failure of the Pension Office to aggregate existing disabilities in establishing the rates and determining a soldier's right to pension undér the act of June 27, 1890, that a special committee of its most distinguished mem- bers secured the passage of an act of Congress on the 9th of May, 1900, which they thought would compel that office to "consider each and every infirmity" in adjudicating claims. Though the act provided that "the aggregate of the disabilities" should be rated, to comply with the demands of the Grand Army, the members of that organization now find that the law seems to have no binding force, and that after all their labors with Congressional committees they are the victims of that disreputable game known as "bunco." 11 When the G. A. R. committee of five, consisting of R. B. Brown, of Ohio,' Chairman; John W. Burst, of Illinois; John Palmer, of New York; C. C. Adams, of Massachusetts, and H. B. Case, of Tennessee, waited upon Prési-- dent McKinley on the morning of September 4, 1899, they represented to him the injustice under which their comrades were suffering, and told him that they feared that the tide of condemnation had set in so strongly against the Commissioner of Pensions that it could not be stemmed at the Philadelphia Encampment. In his reply the President gave the committee to understand that he would sustain the Commissioner, no matter how strongly the encamp- ment might condemn him, and he followed this with this astounding declara-· tion: “There is no use denying the fac', gentlemen, that the money power of the country is against any further expansion of the pension roll.” The amaze ment and discomfiture of the committee was so complete that they quickly 雷 ​! } 1 { 1 } Į f ← [835 withdrew from the Presidential presence. That same evening the New York member of the delegation, in his indignation, quoted the President's remark to several friends in Washington, and to a number of others at the Continental Hotel in Philadelphia on the following day, when the encampment was in session. 1 | PENSIONS V The story was related by the editor of a Washington paper devoted to the interests of the Civil War veterans, a soldier of distinction, a Republican in politics and a man of undoubted reliability. In a letter recently received in Washington from a Republican ex-soldier, a former resident of Washington, but now living in the State of Pennsylvania, the same story was repeated, and the writer states that he received his in- formation from the same member of the delegation. "The money power." How does it strike the men who left homes and fire sides and staked their all for the perpetuity of the Government? How does the President's declaration sound to the American citizen who loves his coun- try and respects its laws? What will be thought of the statement by the young man just coming into manhood and the privileges of American citizen- ship? Let us turn to the statutes and see what the Democratic party has done since the Civil War to show its gratitude to the Nation's defenders. Here are some Democratic contributions to the pension system, which were either approved by a Democratic President or passed by a Democratic House of Representatives. The act of August 15, 1876, providing for the issuance of artificial limbs or commutation therefor, and for the transportation of those who arè compelled to travel to the place where the limbs can be properly fitted. The act of February 28, 1877, increasing the pensions of soldiers who lost both an arm and a leg. The act of March 9, 1878, granting pensions on account of the War of 1812. The act of June 17, 1878, increasing to $72 per month the pension of those who lost both hands, both feet, or the sight of both eyes in the service. The act of June 16, 1880, giving $72 per month to all those who became totally helpless from any cause incident to the service. The act of June 31, 1879, increasing to $37.50 all pensions on account of am- putation at the hip-joint. The acts of January 5 and March 3, 1879, granting arrears of pensions from the date of discharge to over 225.000 pensioners. The act of February 26, 1881, for the protection of inmates of soldiers' homes, The act of April 18, 1884, making it a felony for any person to falsely and fraudulently represent himself to be an officer of the United States. đả The act of March 19, 1886, increasing from $8 to $12 per month the pensions of nearly 80,000 dependent relatives as well as thousands since pensioned. The act of May 17, 1886, amending the War Department records and grant- ing certificates of honorable discharge in many cases. } I 1 1 ↓ } " } Į } BEVE 1 ↓ 1 ↑ } $ 1 I } } Ꭸ > ¡ Tag 1. 1 386' The act of August 4, 1886, which increased the pensions of over 10,000 crip- pled, armless and legless veterans. The act of January 29, 1887, benefiting about 30,000 survivors and widows of the Mexican War. The act of January 3, 1887, for the relief of the survivors of the exploring steamer Jeannette and the widows and children of those who perished in the retreat from the wreck of that vessel in the Arctic Seas. 1 1 } A 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK? 1 + } f The act of January 29, 1887, for the relief of the sufferers by the wreck of the United States steamer Ashuelot. P The act of June 7, 1888, granting arrears of pensions to widows from the date of husband's death. ' } ** The act of August 27, 1888, increasing pensions to $30 per month in cases of total deafness and a proportionate rate for lesser degrees of that affliction. ман The act of February 12, 1889, increasing the pension of those who lost both hands in the service and line of duty from $72 to $100 per month. The act of July 14, 1892, establishing the rate of $50 for those who require frequent and periodical, though not constant, aid and attendance. The act of August 5, 1892, granting pensions to army nurses. The act of December 21, 1893, which made a pension a vested right to the extent that it should not be withheld or suspended unless after due notice´and proper hearing. 'The act of Iarch 2, 1895, which abolished the rates of $2 and $4 and fixed the lowest rate of pension at $6 per month. I Here is the Democratic record on the pension question, and in the light of its revelation hat becomes of the pretension that the interests of the Union soldier require the continuance of the Republican party in power? The Demo- cratic party is entirely willing to submit this record, to the American soldier and to the American people. It has been mindful of the heroic men who fought for the preservation of the Union and the honor of the flag. It has dealt fairly and justly by them and by their dependents. It has administered the pension laws honestly, construed them liberally, and it has sought to main. tain the pension list as a "roll of honor." را 1 > пресовановной лестни } 真 ​t { 1 * $ bp you ' 1 } 1 In 1 } ↓ } { 31 + $ 1 > { * " 1 & } ** I མ " } RECIPROCITY TREATIES. RECIPROCITY TREATIES NEGOTIATED AND THEN DEFEATED BY THE PRESIDENT. CHAPTER XLIX. ' The Republican platform of 1896 contained the following declaration con- cerning reciprocity: "We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated by the last Republican Administration was a national calamity, and we demand their renewal and extcusion on such terms as will equalize our trade with foreign nations, remove the restrictions which now obstruct the sale of American products in the ports of other countries, and secure enlarged markets for the products of our farms, forests and factories. 337 "Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican policy, and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck down both, and both must be re-established. Protection for what we produce; free admission for the necessaries of life which we do not produce; reciprocal agreements of mu- tual interests which gain open markets for us in return for our open markets to others. Protection builds up domestic industry and trade, and secures our own market for ourselves; reciprocity builds up foreign trade, and finds an outlet for our surplus." Following this, Mr. McKinley said in his letter of acceptance: "Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of a true American policy, and should again command the earnest encouragement of the Government at Washington." In his inaugural address he said on this subject: "In the revision of the tariff especial attention should be given to the re- enactment and extension of the reciprocity principle of the law of 1890, under which so great a stimulus was given to our foreign trade in new and advan- tageous markets for our surplus agricultural and manufactured products. The brief trial given this legislation amply justifies a further experiment and addi- tional discretionary power in the making of commercial treaties, the end in view always to be the opening up of new markets for the products of our coun- try, by granting concessions to the products of other lands that we need and " £ * 1 1 3 1 } k } ་ + + by $ } 19 by } 2 1 $ 1 & f + 338 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. cannot produce ourselves, and which do not involve any loss of labor to our own people, but tend to increase their employment." The Dingley Tariff Act, passed at that session, and approved by him July 24, 1897, contained provisions for reciprocity agreements and treaties with foreign nations. ㄱ ​Pursuant to this act several unimportant commercial reciprocity agreements not requiring ratification by the Senate were entered into under section three. Later on and pursuant to section four reciprocity treaties were negotiated by the President, through the State Department, with France, the Argentine Re- public, and with Great Britain as to the British West Indies. These negotia, tions were conducted by Hon. John A. Kasson, Special Commissioner ap pointed for the purpose in the State Department. It soon became evident that the enthusiasm of the Republican leaders for reciprocity and the opening of foreign markets for the surplus products of the United States had for the most part passed away when it had accomplished its purpose of securing votes for the Republican candidates. It was now seen that the general benefit clashed with a few small protected interests. In one State the manufacturers of mock jewelry succeeded in enlisting the Senators against the treaty. In another State some insignificant element used in the manufacture of hats had stirred up the few hatters who induced the Senators to hold back on the treaty. In New York the glove-makers made their opposition felt. It was clearly demonstrated from figures drawn from the statistics of our own im- ports and exports that the treaty with France would open the markets of that country to numerous commodities now excluded by the high rates of tariff. The tariff law of France provides a maximum and a minimum duty on nearly all imports, and the Executive Department is authorized to apply either of these rates. The treaty with that nation placed all but a very few articles, of American production permanently at the minimum rate of duty. The conces- sions made upon duties on French goods imported into this country were small compared with those obtained upon United States goods imported into France. Mr. Kasson, at the request of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, made elaborate explanations of what he had accomplished. The State Depart- ment appeared to manifest a strong desire to see the treaty ratified. Delega- tions from different parts of the country representing manufacturing interests appeared in Washington, and in some cases were heard before the committee. They visited the President and complimented him upon the wisdom and tact shown in the negotiations of this treaty. He assured them of his earnest wish to see it ratified. The Committee on Foreign Relations reported favorably upon it. 素 ​है। r k { { 1 Later developments showed that the President was not sufficiently in favor of his own treaty to render the slightest aid in favor of its ratification. An carnest word or look from him to those who were so ready to respond to his → ↓ 1 t 1 ↓ 1 I h J } ई • $ 美 ​Y + 4 V } * **** + 1 ¿ } M Là một t $ } RECIPROCITY TREATIES, 339 slightest wish, as shown by their support of other measures, would have given the treaty the requisite two-thirds vote. The Democratic Senators were known The pledges of the President and his fi to be substantially a unit in favor of it. J party for reciprocity were ruthlessly broken. F r 1 } t 27 और ) } my - C ર 1 £ И I 17 1 [ 1 { $ * A + I } " 2 1 T $ 1 + } де F y ། } 戰 ​+ ** * * 卢 ​+ - M + ww + # Pre 移 ​+ 1 ཨཀྐཱནཾ } # I ↓ } } } { 1 矍 ​T { DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. SalamiselPrenes 1 THAT } CHAPTER L. THE CONCENTRATION OF WEALTH. BISWASANGAN 1 15 1 1 1 + 1 ↑ # * $ I 1 # } ༈ 1 7 By Charles B. Spahr, Ph. D., Author of "Distribution of Wealth "] - Our Republic began its career with the ownership of property widely and well distributed. In fact, the chief reason why we became a Republic was because the economic independence of the mass of the citizens gave them poli- tical independence and enabled them to demand a Government in which the masses were consulted, instead of accepting one conducted only by the wealthy classes. Benjamin Franklin, in contrasting American with British conditions just before the Revolution, wrote: "I have lately made a tour through Ireland and Scotland. In those countries a small part of the colony are landlords, great noblemen and gentlemen, extremely opulent, living in the highest af- fluence and magnificence. The bulk of the people are tenants, extremely poor, living in the most sordid wretchedness, in dirty hovels of mud and straw, and clothed only in rags. I thought often of the happiness of New England, where every man is a freeholder, has a vote in public affairs, lives in a tidy, warm house, has plenty of good food and fuel, with whole clothes from head to foot, the manufacture perhaps of his own family." → } # ► Such were the economic conditions with which our Republic started. They did not exist throughout the South, but even there the concentration of wealth, which came later through the institution of slavery, was not at first so glar- ingly marked. The people of the South, as Fiske points out, almost as much as the people of New England, came not from the Courtier but from the Puri- tan elements of English society. These Puritan elements were composed als most entirely of small farmers and tradesmen and the better class of mechan- ics. There were almost no rich men among them, and relatively few depend- ent poor. When they went to the South a large part of them-especially in Western Virginia, the Western Carolinas and the frontiers beyond-became small farmers, and knew nothing of slave labor. Even where slave labor was employed it was not to any great degree profitable during the colonial period. The great Virginians, Jefferson, Washington and Mason, hoped for the early abolition of slavery, and had it not been for the invention of the cotton gin, ´slavery, because unprofitable, might have been abolished in the South just aș it was in the North. It was not until the invention of the cotton gin and the A } } Į A J Phy 1 } * * f 3 3 1 I # AT THE ❤ 3 By } I Counties in- C Free states...... Slave states....... 341 subsequent development of the cotton industry doubled and quadrupled the value of slaves that the concentration of wealth at the South became marked. In that section, however, the concentration increased until the Civil War, for the presence of slaves put such a stigma upon labor and the presence of riches gave such an impetus to luxury that it became difficult for the poor to rise. In the North no such influences were at work, and the wide and relatively even distribution of wealth continued until the Civil War. In 1850 the National Census investigated the ownership real estate in certain counties in seven different States. The counties selected in the slave States had 60,000 families; those selected in the free States had but 20,000 families. Yet in the free States there were more property owners than in the slave States. Almost three-fourths of the families in the northern counties owned real estate, while in the counties in the south barely one-fourth owned any. In the North, how, ↓ ever, only two property owners out of 12,000 owned more than $50,000 worth of real estate.. In the South, among a smaller number of property owners were a hundred times as many great estates. The aristocracy of this country was practically confined to the South. If we except a few large cities in the North, where a certain degree of concentration of wealth existed, it may be said that only where slavery existed was wealth concentrated. CONCENTRATED WEALTH. …………………. ... t Families. { 19,707 59,989 M Owuing realty. 11,911 11,404 Owning under $5,000 2 11,274 8,642 Owning $5,000 to $50,000. 645 2,560 Owning $50,000 and over. J 2 2 202 The war overthrew slavery, and in the visions of the men who fought against that institution the country seemed assured of the permanence everywhere of that republican equality upon which our institutions were founded. In the South the overthrow, of slavery did bring about the result anticipated. The people of the South who had formed the aristocracy and had cultivated thou- sands of acres by means of the labor of their slaves were forced either to labor themselves or to sell their great estates to others. In the course of a genera- tion the great estates have been broken up, and among the white people of the South the distribution of wealth is as wide and as even as it is in the rural districts of the North. The section which before the Civil War represented the aristocracy of the nation is now dominated by hard-working farmers whose sympathies instinctively are with the middle classes which formerly ruled the North. } { # While this change for the better has taken place in the South, and the sec- tion which represented aristocracy now represents democracy, a change for the worse has taken place in the North. The slaves emancipated by the Civil War were worth in round numbers $2,000,000,000. The bonds issued to eman- 1 7 + J k # } L } 1 > } ረ 2 342 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. [2 паровы cipate them aggregated nearly $3,000,000,000. The wealth of the Southern plutocracy which was destroyed was less than the wealth of the Northern plutocracy which was created. The bonds were not at first worth $3,000,000,- 000, for they had as a rule been paid for in depreciated paper, and were pay-. able in the same currency. The influence of the bondholders, however, secured first the passage of credit-strengthening acts, by which the bonds should be paid in coin, and the same influences a little later secured the demonetization of silver, so that the bonds which before had been payable in coin now had to be paid in gold. As all of this legislation affected private debts as well as public, the new plutocracy of bondholders in the North became far richer than the old plutocracy of slave-holders had ever been. } 3 Similar influences are at work in other lines. During the Civil War, while the mass of the people were patriotically submitting to any and every tax in order that the Union might be preserved, the wealthy classes influenced tariff legislation and internal-revenue taxes, so that they, instead of being burdened by taxation, were enriched by it. A tax was placed upon whisky, most justly, and was raised from time to time as the needs of the country for increased revenue became greater. But the financiers who framed these taxes never made the increased rate apply to the whisky already distilled, and often gave the distillers weeks and months in which to accumulate larger stocks on which no tax need be paid, but which afterwards could be sold to the public at the same rate as taxed whisky. In the shaping of the tariff acts similar pressure was yielded to, and the pressure always came from the richest and most influ- ential classes. Those best able to pay taxes, not only were exempted from any, share in their payment, but became the recipients of taxes levied upon the necessities and comforts of the common people. When the war ended, appeals to the passions and prejudices which it had created were for years used as an answer to the representatives of the farmers or workingmen, who protetsed against these actions; for by this time the wealthy classes at the North-who- until after the election of Lincoln stood with the wealthy classes of the South în defense of slavery and in opposition to Fremont and Lincoln-now joined the party which they had fought, and rapidly advanced to a controlling poși- tion in shaping its policies. the myton THE { за раст и ра ۲۲ 1 A third influence has operated in the same direction of concentrating wealth. This is the influence of the railroads. Prior to the Civil War the railroads. had been relatively unimportant. By 1870 they had assumed almost a domi- nant position in our industrial economy. As population grew denser and transportation upon them increased, railroads which at first had earned put modest dividends upon capital actually invested came to earn dividends so excessive that to shield themselves from reductions of rates which the public. would have demanded they had recourse to the issuance of watered stocks ánd bonds until to-day, by 'the admission of Poor's Railway Manual and other representatives of railway interests, one-half of the capitalization of American Y J 1 } B } + 1 1 I ધ ป + 1 1 I $ + } I * } 343 railways represents nothing but capitalized extortion, better known as "wa ter." The owners of these railways, like the owners of the protected manu- factories, and the owners of the bonds, lived in the cities, and the railway policy pursued not only gave unjust enrichment to a small class in the cities at the expense of all the rest of the country, but particularly injured the rural districts. Transportation rates were fixed, not according to the cost of the serv. ice rendered, as it is in every competitive business, but on the principle of "charging all that the traffic will bear." As a result the farming districts and the small towns, which are served by only one railroad, have been made to pay far more than the cities which are served by two or more roads which fear each other's competition, no matter what secret agreement may exist between the managers. By reason of the heavier charges imposed on these rural dis- tricts and small towns, business and population have been forced into the cities, where from the first wealth has been unevenly distributed. Thus through a third factor, the cities have become the seats of a new plutocracy more powerful than that which the Civil War overthrew. 1 In 1870, despite the fact that some of these adverse forces had been at work for several years, the farms of this country, containing but little more than 40 per cent. of the people, contained exactly 40 per cent. of the tangible wealth. In the census of 1890 the farms of the country, containing exactly 40 per cent. of the population, contained only 25 per cent. of the tangible wealth. In both cases the real wealth on the farm was less than the tangible wealth, for even in 1870 a great many of the farmers were burdened by mortgages, whose owners, with few exceptions, lived in the towns and cities. In 1890, however, the amount of these mortgages was far greater, not only actually, but relatively. We have no census of mortgages for 1870, but during the de- ¦ cade from 1880 to 1890 while the estimated value of farms increased but 21 per cent., the value of the mortgages annually recorded increased over 70 per cent. At the present time the farmers of this country own much less than 25 per cent. of this real' wealth. In fact, when the census of 1890 was taken, the people on the farms and in the farming villages and in the towns with less than 4,000 people, taken together, held only one-half of the real estate, by the official returns, and barely one-fourth of the personal property, by estimates which are practically official.* * The estimated aggregate wealth of the one-third of the people who live in cities of over 4,000 is $38,000,000,000. The estimated aggregate wealth of the two-thirds of the people who live in the rural districts is but $27,000,000,000. In the rural districts property is as widely and as well distributed as it ever was. Three-fourths of the families there own their own land; and if they are not subject to a heavy mortgage, arc able to assert their political independence. But the average wealth of the people in the rural districts is only about $3,000 per family, while the average wealth of the families in the cities exceeds $9,000. *See Census Bulletins 378 and 379 respecting the various forms of personal property. } J 1 r CONCENTRATED WEALTH. A \ 1 Į ! L { 3 ન 1 * ✓ 1 ། ܐ, 3 1 J • t r * + T F farm Aly ** 344 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN, BOOK 素 ​$ $ 1 Were this great average wealth of the cities a wealth in which the average citizen shares, then the loss which has come to the rural districts would in large measure be compensated by the gain which has come to the people in the cities. But the average wealth of the cities is not held by the average citi- zen and its magnitude merely makes his poverty the more striking. Though the cities have three times as much wealth as the rural districts, they have also nearly three times as many people who are absolutely propertyless. The claim is sometimes made that this is not true, because savings banks statistics in the great cities seem to show the contrary. In the city of New York, for example, there are few more savings bank accounts than there are families, and partisan statisticians have assumed that each of these deposits represents each different depositor. But the facts are entirely different. Everyone who is personally familiar with conditions on the east side of New York believes that Dr. W. S. Rainsford was well within the truth when he said that a majority of the families are within a fortnight's wages of the pawnshop. For awhile this belief rested merely on the personal observation of those familiar with tenement house conditions, but now the truth of these observations is proved by records which partisans cannot dispute. The present law in New York requires a public record to be kept of every estate, no matter how small, which passes through the Probate Court. No property, except household goods, be- longing to a deceased person can be transferred to his or her heirs without going through the Probate Court. The action of this court is necessary to give a valid title to the heir, and savings banks require the certificate of the surro- gate before they will transfer accounts. An examination of the records kept in the surrogate's office for two entire years shows that out of 24,000 men over. 25 years of age who died during this period only 6,000 owned any property whatever beyond their household effects.* N n In other words, while the wide distribution of property in the rural dis- tricts makes it still true that less than half of the families in America are *The fallacy that savings bank accounts represent the wealth of the working classes cannot too frequently be exploded. As the Massachusetts and Connecticut reports have time and again shown, the larger part of these deposits belongs to the well-to-do classes. The Massachusetts Labor Bureau report for 1873 shows that although there were over 160,000 deposits of less than $50 at a time-deposits which doubtless belonged to wage- earners the aggregate of these small deposits was but $3,300,000. There were during the same year 16,000 deposits of upwards of $300 at a time, and these deposits aggre- gated $12,000,000. Certain men of wealth, says the report, held deposits in nearly every savings bank in the State, while others held a large number of deposits in a single bank, placing as large a sum as they could to their credit and as much more to the 'credit of themselves, as trustees, for each member of their family and for A, B, C, D, E, F,* and as many other letters of the alphabet as they needed. Of the men who possessed property, two-thirds possessed less than $5,000 and only one-twentieth possessed upwards of $50,000. But the few great estates contained twenty times as much property as the many small estates. Similar investigations by the writer were made of the Probate Court records for the entne State of New York, and have been made by official investi- gations for the city of Baltimore and for the entire State of Massachusetts. The re- # } My "I 1 } T Y h J A "f 10 2 5 44 } } * ✰ } T } THẮC MẮC ✓ by * CONCENTRATED WEALTH.' propertyless, nevertheless, one-eighth of our families own seven times as much wealth as the remaining seven-eighths, and one per cent. of our families own more than the remaining 95 per cent. + ? + Family Estates. The wealthy classes, $50,000 and over……………. The well-to-do classes, $50,000 to $5,000. The middle classes, $5,000 to $500... The poorer classes, under $500...... + During the past generation, in spite of the Civil War, the wealth of this pation has quadrupled, while its population has doubled. During the next generation the same process is likely to continue. The supremely important public question is to determine whether the new wealth which comes to this nation shall go to increase the wealth of those already rich, or shall go to give independence, comfort and culture to the mass of the people. The answer t this question, upon which the well-being of the nation depends, is to be deter- mined by the policy pursued by the nation in the regulation of its taxation, its finances and its monopolies. sults of all these investigations agree in showing that in 1890 the distribution of wealth in the United States stood approximately as follows: **4 1 by } + } 事 ​=% } Number. 125,000 1,375,000 5,500,000 5,500,000 12,500,000 1345 Aggregate Wealth. $33,000,000,000 23,000,000,000 8,200,000,000 800,000,000 $65,000,000,000 ¿ 唾 ​22 Average Wealth. $264,000 16,000 1,500 150 $5,200 費 ​1 + ↑ ( → { T I } > 346 } H * DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK } 11 CHAPTER LL : MISCELLANY. A 1 f A * F f 4 } Execute Existing Anti-Trust Laws. { From the address of General F'. S. Monnett of Ohio, at the National Anti- Trust Conference: "An Attorney-General of your State, using the high and important writ of ouster or of quo warranto, in the highest court in your State, and in behalf of the people in the State, can accomplish more in the way of electrocuting monopolies and trusts than all the resolutions of trades unions, municipal reform leagues, tax reform disciples, industrial commis- sions, Wednesday morning clubs and long-winded investigations and party platforms, prepared by high-salaried trust magnates, will do in the next decade. Trusts, combines, monopolies and criminals, tax dodgers and express robbers, are not solicitous, so long as they can satisfy public clamor with in- dustrial commissions, reform clubs and magazine articles, or so long as they can keep a successful lobby between the people and the legislative halls-so long as they can keep the executive officers from dragging them into the presence of the court. 1 * "Allow me to repeat and impress that the State is sovereign in the legis- lative halls, imperial in the executive and omnipotent in the judicial, if it will only exercise such powers to protect the common man in the general welfare of the people, and to right these wrongs and preserve unto all equal opportuni- ties. The weakness of our government has been that we have not asserted this sovereignty until oppression became overpowering. "It needs no new government; it needs no political platform; this evil neither requires free silver nor gold standard, double tax nor single tax. It needs men to execute the laws that we have. It needs the courts to weigh out exact justice against the rich, powerful and mighty with the same even hand that it should to the poor man.” ル ​} P Democracy Opposed to Exemption from Taxation. The failure to tax incomes is an exemption from taxation. The Democratic party has ever opposed exemptions from taxation. The last national Dem- ocratic administration repealed the Republican law exempting from taxation the circulating notes of National Banks and United States legal tender notes, + ኣ } A 5 + 4 * है st [ ว 嘿 ​I wa 1 # } ܀ A *1* } عر - } + 1 347 and rendered this vast fund amounting to hundreds of millions of dollars sub- fect to taxation under State laws. The following is a copy of the act referred to, which was passed on August 13th, 1894: "Be It enacted, etc., That circulating notes of national banking associations and United States legal tender notes and other notes and certificates of the United States payable on demand and circulating or intended to circulate as currency and gold, silver or other coin shall be subject to taxation as money on hand or on deposit under the laws of any State or Territory: “Provided, That any such taxation shall be exercised in the same manner and at the same rate that any such State or Territory shall tax money or currency circulating as money within its jurisdiction, "Sec. 2. That the provisions of this Act shall not be deemed or held to change existing laws in respect of the taxation of national banking asso- ciations."´. } 11 ! > > MISCELLANEOUS, 1 To the Farmers of America. ** You are a majority of the people of this country, and can guide its destiny. At the time of the Revolution, nearly all the people were farmers. Farmers gave us independence and liberty. Their noble leader, Washington, was a farmer, and proud of the fact. Agriculture is of great pursuits the one of plain life and most conducive to virtue. Ours is a government by majority. You have always been a majority of the people, and should always control the Government. In our early days, you did control it, and then we had faithful administration of it. The m'a- jority is responsible for Government. Of late, you have allowed the Government to be controlled by monopolists. Their concern is for boundless wealth to themselves, and their mode of se- curing it is robbery of the people by abuses of legislation and administration. You can correct this, and make the Government again, as your fathers made It, of equal rights to all. Monopoly is grasping The business of our country, and driving from employ- ment large numbers of worthy citizens dependent on the business for bread. It is rapidly increasing its possessions, and, if not checked, will ultimately possess all our more desirable lands, like in monarchies, where a few persons own all land, and the dwellers upon it are serfs cbliged to work hard and give the fruits of their labor to the landlords, while they get but a scant living. Shall such a prospect be for your children? Already we have monōp- olies of so much wealth that a few of them can buy whole States of this Union. 1 Monopoly should not be tolerated in a Republic. It is an iniquity that belongs to monarchy, to whom it is a main support. Monopolists in a mon- archy are the aristocracy, pampered by the Government, and given special privileges, favors, honors, offices; and the monopolists always uphold the monarch, be he ever so bad. Monopoly is the first step to aristocracy, and aristocracy is the step to monarchy. 1 T - Any * * { + J វ +4 018 · DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Monopoly in our country is from abuse in the Government since the Rebellion, and the political party mostly in power since then is responsible for it. It has flourished here to such an extent during the present administrá- tion, as to amaze even monarchies where it naturally belongs; but they hail it as a foe to liberty. " K Having established in our country an aristocracy of wealth, the monopo- lists are now preparing for the next step, an Emperor in all but the name. Empires have large standing armies to keep the people from liberty, and our monopolists have already forced upon us a large standing army, which they are using, at first, to force an imperial yoke upon unfortunate islanders who have fallen into our hands, in order to familiarize us with imperialism, so as easily to slip the yoke, after a while, upon our own necks. Thus have républics ever fallen. ↑ * کرد McKinley is less our President than are the monopolists at his back. They secured his election, knowing he was weak in character and would do their bidding. Now, with plausible pretenses, they ask you to prolong his power- their power. Your decision involves the welfare of your country, yourselves, your children. } John Sherman on the Philippine War. In his speech to the old soldiers at Mansfield in August, 1899, Ex-Senator John Sherman declared the Philippine War to be "unjust," "uncalled for," and "innecessary." A Question of Voracity-Otis vs. McKinley. On the 19th of April, 1899, a telegram came from General Otis in Manila to the War Department, saying: "The volunteers will not re-enlist. Völun- teers will render willing service until return transports available." During the fall of that year applications for the discharge of volunteers whose terms had 'expired were constantly made to the War Department, and they were as constantly refused. Assistant Adjutant General Simpson said in one case of retusal, dated September 14th: ""The Department is flooded with re- quests of this character and all are treated alike." Assistant Adjutant Gen- cral Thomas Ward, in a similar refusal, dated October 6th, closed with iden- tically the same language: "The Department is flooded with applications of this character and all are treated alike." * And yet the President, in his annual message of December, 1899, used the following language, quite at variance with the statements of General Otis and the War Department officials above quoted: "The noble self-sacrifice with which our soldiers and sailors, whose terms of service had expired, re- fused to avail themselves of their right to return home as long as they were needed at the frout, forms one of the brightest pages of our annals." General - Ous said the volunteers would render willing service until transport ships could be had on which they could return home. Surely the President was not authorized by this dispatch to say that they refused to avail themselves - ↓ { 7 į * ING I 1 # < 1 * C pamper $ поведени * } 뙣 ​ܫ܀ 1 { } مکه } 4 1 For r } * F { + " ** $ .C $ 豐 ​کو waiting for transport ships on which they could return home. No comment is necessary. 14 * T of their right to return home. They simply did not refuse service while 和 ​1 72. Make Vanda A Trust Overreaches Itself. Notwithstanding the immense production of iron and steel in the United States, and the exportation of steel rails abroad on a great scale, "guard rails” and "special work required for street railway curves and switches” have been... put at such a high price that some street railway companies of the United. States have imported them from Scotland and Germany. There are only three- companies in this country which manufacture this peculiar kind of steel work. These three companies formed a pool and have placed their prices so high that: they are prohibitive. As a consequence large contracts have been given to foreign companies. The foreign mills supply the steel rails at less than fifty dollars per ton, including the heavy import duty of about seven dollars a ton. The rail pool in this country demands about seventy-five dollars a ton. it is * { estimated that at this price they are demanding a profit of over a hundred } per cent. They will not make a profit on the rails which they do not sell, but which are purchased from foreign mills by the American railroad companies. Thus greed overreaches Vf. $ ➤ JEE ? P P t --MISCELLANEOUS. $ I 3 A $ } 1 349 1 पर ነ * ? > ť + A you + # - 1 ** 2 A + + = + طوط > J ' ولا 1 * } + + } If Th ++ } 1 f I } * # 3 舞 ​} ť J [ बनेक t $ } 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS, ነ 지 ​< 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER 2.-Bryan's Notification Speech. CHAPTER 3.-Stevenson's Notification Speech... CHAPTER 4.-Representative Richardson's Convention Speech... For PART II.-The Republican Platform and Its Exponent. PART I.-Democratic Candidates and Platform, CHAPTER 1.-Democratic Platform of 1900, with platform of 1896 added ... PATTAUS DURIN CHAPTER 5.-The Republican Platform..... CHAPTER 6.—Senator Lodge's Convention Speech Reviewed... • • PART III.-The War With Spain. * CHAPTER 7.-The Spanish War.... CHAPTER 8.-Administration of the War Department during the War with Spain • t PART IV.-The Republic or the Empire. CHAPTER 9.-The President's Philippine War... CHAPTER 10.-Five Malay States a Possibility. CHAPTER 11.-Chattel Slavery and Polygamy upheld in U. S. territory by President McKinley. 1 } f CHAPTER 12.-Who Will Haul Down the Flag? (A Poem). CHAPTER 13.-The Liberty Congress of the Anti-Imperialists. CHAPTER 14.-Henry Cabot Lodge at the Court of the Empire.... CHAPTER 15.-Decisions of the Supreme Court on the Constitution in the Territories $ CHAPTER 16.-Justice Brewer's Protest Against Imperialism.. CHAPTER 17.-The British Alliance-Some of Its Work.... CHAPTER 18.—Cuba-Hale Fears She Will Be Denied Independence.. CHAPTER 19.-Stealings of U. S. Republican Officials in Cuba.... CHAPTER 20.-Porto Rico-Nullification of the Constitution-Imperial- ism Applied ..... CHAPTER 21.-Visible Control of Congress by the Sugar Trust.... CHAPTER 22.-What Self-Respecting Newspapers and Public Men Said of Imperialism in Porto Rico...... CHAPTER 23.—The Lost Porto Rico Plank in the Republican Platform 6ரி 851 } 3 15 33 42 48 53 61 65 79 101 100 110 112 118 122 155' 130 153 155 162 169 175 203 7 1 росли K * Į स् 我 ​ރނ > 1 3 X ! 童 ​勋 ​Ĭ 352 5 CHAPTER 24.-The British Colonial System Adopted by Congress for Porto Rico CHAPTER 25.-The Cost of Imperialism. PART V.-The Trusts. CHAPTER 26.-The Trusts-Proposed Remedies-The Republican Prop- asition-Mr. Bryan's Bill..... CHAPTER 27.—A List of the Trusts and Combines in the United States CHAPTER 28.-The Armor Plate Trust-Ils Victory in Congress... CHAPTER 29.-Carnegie's Enormous Income-$68,000 a Day-$24,000,- 000 a Year CHAPTER 30.-The Railroad Question-Discrimination in Favor of 15 Trusts CHAPTER 31.—The Ship Subsidy Bill for Shipbuilding Trusts. DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK ' { 1 4 PART VI.-The Money Question. CHAPTER 32.-President McKinley's Broken Pledge for International Bimetallism ! • CHAPTER 33.-McKinley Coms Fifty-Three Millions of "Fifty-Cent Clipped Dollars" } CHAPTER 34.-Congress Certainly Was Good to the Banks. CHAPTER 35.-Main Features of the Gold Standard, National Bank, Anti-Greenback Financial Bill...... } CHAPTER 36.-Senator Chandler's Protest Against the Same.. CHAPTER 37.-Gems From Debate on the Financial Bill... CHAPTER 38.-A Record of Adversity.... CHAPTER 39.-The Standard Oil, National City Bank of New York, and Its Relations with the Treasury Department.. CHAPTER 40.-Money, Prices and Prosperity.. PART VII.-Labor. • • • 4 • · CILAFTER 41.-The Eight-Hour Law. CHAPTER 42.-Gen, Stevenson and Organized Labor.. CHAPTER 43.-Chinese Immigration CHAPTER 44.-Protective Tariff for Manufacturers, but Free Trade for Foreign Contract Labor. CHAPTER 45.—The Open Door... • • PART VIII-Miscellaneous. CHAPTER 46.-Tiust Products and Other Products Compared. CHAPTER 47.-Militarism CHAPTER 48.-Pensions CHAPTER 49-Reciprocity Treaties CHAPTER 50.-The Concentration of Wealth... CHAPTER 51.-Miscellany 5f 1 • • ... · • • • • * • • ✓ t • 3 辔 ​} • • • • • L } # ▸ 1 } N 205 208. 214 218 231 239 24.1 218 252 261 264 263 275 280 28-1 236 296 301 314 318 320 321 I 326 228 331 337 310 346 1 > 1 1 > } t 5+ I 1 154 } } # 1 悲 ​1 " премина торбляють + ". J # C 1 } Anti-Imperialists- 3b را } Appeal to the people.... Alger, Secretary of War-His rebuke to Roosevelt. Aguinaldo- Bryan, William J.- ALPHABETICAL INDEX. 'Arid Lands, Democratic Platform favors system of improving. Appropriations, Extravagance in denounced ALPHABETICAL INDEX. BELLI KESKSET KUTIK KELAMESEMA JEDREZIERENARZTA FREKURE MENGE Response to President's declaration of war. Proclamation of a Republic by. + ( The Convention of.. Address of..... Chairman Boutwell's speech to. Letter of Bourke Cochran to....... Speech of Acceptance. Į } Alliance, British, Evidences of the existence of a. Aldrich, Senator, Political trick.. Allen, Senator, Effort for Cight-Hour Law.. Adversity, Under McKinley's administration. Anti-Trust Laws, Execute existing... A · • • " { info Republican inconsistencies stated by Republican evasion deprecated by. mg s ► Reasons for favoring ratification of Spanish Treaty. How Philippine War might have been averted. On effect of imperial issue at home. On sympathy with Boers.. Expar, icns, contraste with perialism.. Climate a bar to colonies in tropics.. On Militarism On analogy between McKinley and George III. Filipinos undesirable as citizens... Filipinos inadmissible as subjects. Maintains Constitution in force in all the territories. B · 4 · 4. 10 - T • 4 重 ​• O • • · · · • + ६ 353 ** 'Pago. & 1 f 69 !. ! 94 99 11 112 114 116 .139-143 185 .309 284 346 →→ 15 16 17 • 17 18 19 19 20 *.20 2 2 * * * * } 22 23 #1 * """"" $ L }{ 7 F + " 看 ​} ** ! 2 - 354 1 " + -} *** 1 On labor } Bimetallism, Republican betrayal of denounced. Banks- • ! · DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, گرام } Holds that Filipinos were our allies.... Their right to freedom... Quotes Henry Clay against imperialism.. Deals with Republican argument in defense of imperialism. The principle of self-government the glory of the republic.. Religious argument against imperialism. Declares the retention of Philippines to be unnecessary. His Anti-Trust bill of 1892. Declares Filipino independence the true solution. • • Scandal în connection with... National, secure all desired legislation... National, system of analyzed.... National City of New York, relations with Treasury Department... National City of New York, political claims asserted by Vice President of...... • J I wa partment ..... Lithograph of such document. British, Colonial System, Adopted for Porto Rico.. Bimetallism- McKinley's broken pledge for international. Opinion of the British Ministers. слово прене • الحمد National City, political claims allowed.. National City, buys old New York Custom House, pays itself over 293 $3,000,000 as an annex to the Treasury Department.. National City, escapes New York taxes by leaving title in U. S. / until final small payment.. National depositaries, a Republican substitute for old U. S. Bank.. National depositaries now using $96,000,000 Treasury funds with- out interest .. National, loans to same without interest denounced by McKinley in 1888 Beef, Scandals in connection with contracts for. Boutwell, Hon. Geo. S., Speech of at Indianapolis. Brewer, Justice, Protest against imperialism... British alliance – Facts illustrative of a silent agreement. Evidence of.... Work of, Nicaragua Canal..... Hauling down the flag in Alaska. Great Britain and the Boers. British official violation of U. S. mails. British Anti-Boer documents issued from U. S. Government De- } 1 E * 23 1 F 24 25 27 27 30 30 215 31 30-1 43 ↓ 45 264 266 290 292 293 293 286 287 288 45 114 135 :.. 140 140 141 115 -148 118 1 150 151 205 252 254 f +4th * 3 * 1 I * [ & • 11 Y F Są $ 1 专 ​4 J } J / [ ~ λ J 4/1 $ Cuba- Bimetallic Commission, referred to. { : 1* Chinese- { Bimetallism, McKinley's message to Congress recommending Indianapo- lis gold standard platform. 1 Į Pledges to.. Postoffice, Scandals in connection with.... Senator Hale's remarks relative thereto. Exposé of corruption by U. S. officials. Currency Law--- • same ? 1 ALPHABETICAL INDEX. Act of February, 1900, reference to. Condemned Chandler, Senator- Immigration favored by Republican party.. Exclusion Law, enforcement of favored. Immigration favored by Republican party.. Constitution- In force in the territories. کر • 1 C Its force in territories asserted in Republican platforms of 1856 and 1860...... President's disregard of. Filipino Republic proclaims. Climate, A bar to colonies in the tropics. Clay, Henry, Quoted against imperialism. Civil Service, Violations of by McKinley.. Commissary Department, Beef contracts with. Commission, Report of Joint Peace.... Cockran, W. Bourke, Letter of to Anti-Imperialist Congress. Canal, Nicaragua, Surrender of U. S. rights.... Campaign contributions, Administration's deals with Sugar Trust for • Debate on armor plate trust.... Protests against financial bill.... ·· Carnegie, Andrew, His enormous income. Cockrell, Senator, Remarks on financial bill. China- ; 1 • . The Open Door a menace to Western civilization. The world's workshop instead of its market. European and American capital in..... Cheap labor on Chinese ground in competition with American and European labor.... i qi $ F 355 254 256 4 45 153 155 ឃ 46 319 8 318 33 2. £* 82 58 84. 20 25- 44 70 97 116 144 -173 233 275 239 280 324 324 325 { 325 ↓ } # 1 I 善 ​J ' { > Į J } } < *** 356/ Dewey, Admiral, U. S. N.- 1 1 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK 4 A E Elections, Of Senators by direct vote of people. England, Alliance with.... Expansion- 1 Statement relative to Aguinaldo... Advises against seizure of Iloilo..... Advises recall of expedition to Iloilo.. DeVries, Hon. 'Marion, Minority report on Ship Subsidy bill. 'Daly, Hon. Wm. D., Minority report on Ship Subsidy bill. Dun & Co., R. G., Their record of adversity.... Contrasted with imperialism. Jeffersonian not imperialism.. Eagan, Gen., U. S. A.- Statement of. Court-martialed Sentence modified by President... ** • Financial, American system endorsed.. Fillpinos- + Undesirable as citizens. Inadmissible as subjects. Financial, Bill— Our allies.. Rights to freedom.... Extract from report of Commission... Refuse to surrender at Iloilo.. lism to England. D } • · F Efforts for peace by them: Request for independence under U. S. protection... War against commenced before ratification of treaty. Killed for crossing the line........ War against commenced by above killing.. Flag- Who Will Haul Down the Flag? (poem). { [ Approved by McKinley March 14, 1900. Analyzed by Senator Teller. • · f • • 5 * Hauling down in Alaska……. Fitzgerald, Hon. John F., Minority report on Ship Subsidy bill. French Ambassador, Joins U. S. Commissioners in pròposing bimetal- Protest of Senator Chandler. Extracts from debate, Senator Jones of Arkausas. #{ > 孕 ​+ T et 3 ·· MATE OF THE 1 00 00:00 ↑ 80 87 89 251 251 * 284 f 7 $100 8 20 38 76 76 77 7 227*885 23 +24 80 90 } 97. 98 100 101 101 110 145 251 255 259 208 275 280 > 1 } £x 71 • } ny wy Ahah My { K (* underst ↓ * La → + fo A > Legi S * st of S 1 +1. + + Gold Standard- товаров ко Extracts from debate, Senator Cockrell. Extract from debate, Representative Lentz. Financial Plank, Republican platform 1896 a fraud.. Farmers, Of America, to the. трива I La Currency law of 1900 denounced……….. "Existing" a false phrase. "The present" also a false phrase. .បុរ # ALPHABETICAL INDEX. M • G 4 Gage, Secretary of the Treasury- DE SIS Response to Senate resolution on National City Bank. PKY Reference to $200,000,000 loan... Lauds' the 'great financial institutions. Receipts from war taxes treated by him as evidences of great pros- perity Compers, Samuel, President, Letter to Senators. Cost of.... 1 Appropriations for... House debate our..... + • {" H Hale, Senator Eugene, Fears Cuba will not be given her freedom..... TIanna, Senator M. A.,- I Imperialism- Bars administration sympathy with Boers. Contrasted with expansion... Effect at home of... Religious argument against.. Deplored ... As inaugurated by McKinley's administration. Defined Supreme Court decisions against. Protest against by Justice Brewer. Applied to Porto Rico.... Newspapers and public men against it. · Introduced Ship Subsidy bill.. Boasts of influence of international bimetallic promises on McKin- icy's election. Zeal in behalf of Armor Plate Trust. Henderson, Hon. John B., Letter relative to Porto Rico. Hepburn, A. B., Vice President National City Bank, Asserts political claims of the bank.... • • • • fa है • порно ролики про } " J VYTA ¿ 1 • J y MA 3579 -- 280 282 260 347 7 257 257 290 290 + 290 291 310 W 153 248 253 237 199 292 19 20 19 30 37 120 120 .122-134 135 162 175 208 208 208 my 1 7 ร + > F ญ ~ # 4 358 The paramount issue... Interstate Commerce Law, Insufficiency of. Injunction, Government by. Indianapolis- Iloilo, City of— Petition of business men for American protection. 1 President's order to send troops to..... Iowa, Resolution of Lower House of Legislature condemning, Porto Rico bill K Lodge, Senator- # DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. } Labor- Jones, Hon. Jas. K., Remarks on financial bill.... - K Keene, James R., On dangerous power of money. Kitchin, Hon. W. W., Minority report on armor plate.... Správa 20 Report of convention, 1897.... Report of convention; 1897, endorsed by McKinley... Convention, President's message on sent in for effect on London, defeating international bimetallic agreement. ❤ J سم • Convention speech reviewed.. Misstatement of Republican party history. Extract of speech of notification.. Speech of notification, review of. J Speech on trusts, extracts from... Remarks on financial bill. L Advocacy of imperialism... Littlefield, Hon. Chas. E., Extracts from speech on Porto Rico... Lentz, Hon. John J.- f K า · { 17 • • 5 Department of.. Eight-Hour Law, history of.... Eight-Hour Law of 1868, ignored by Republican officials. Eight-Hour Law 1892, unfavorably construed.. Eight-Hour bill of 1900 defeated by Republican Senators. Eight-Hour bill, Ayes and uoes on. American Federation of.... !. American Federation of, report of legislative committee of. Samuel Gompers, President of, letter appealing to Senators...... Free trade in favored by Republicans. Foreign contract law.... DO } 1 241 ¿ 7 3 *87** +87 201 J 256. 280 257 257 1 217 238 164-168 the 53 58 65-118- 119 119 216 282 304 306 307 312 312 307 308 310 320 320 1 B $ 7 мару * 黏 ​* + 1 W شهرمی 故 ​TE -45 #x1 Jay • A 1 1 * 1 楽 ​p K ****** ahm be STARTSEITE S KEL x 气 ​F Y {'page m < A * Militarism Monroe Doctrine- Referred to... Referred to. Referred to... ¦ Foreign contract law enacted and maintained for twenty years by Republicans The blacklist system... Laws, Anti-Trust, execute existing. 7 sarvade McKinley- S be 1 Bryan's warning against. Opposition to .... Maine, Destruction of the battleship. Miller, Gen., U. S. A., Publishes President's order Dec. 21st. Mails, Violations of U. S. mails by British authority... Money- 'ALPHABETICAL INDEX. Question, the..... Prices and prosperity... ? $ • M • And George III, Analogy between. Record of his broken promises Usurpation of power as shown by Senator Lodge. Opposes recognition of Cuban belligerency. Favored equal hostilities against Spain and Cuba. Influenced by Spanish bondholders. • • ·· • A • TO/INSTAL TAY Order modifying Eagan's sentence.. Order of Dec. 21st, 1898, declared war on Filipinos. Violation of protocol with Spain... Extension of military rule over entire group. Appreciates his own benevolent purposes. Refuses to reply to Filipino desire for independence. Upholds slavery and polygamy in Philippines.... Recommends free trade with Porto Rico... Urges Porto Rican tariff bill His broken pledges for international bimetallism. Message recommending Indianapolis gold standard report.. lusincerity demonstrated Effect in London of message. Rebuked by Senator Stewart for double dealing. Approves financial bill of 1900……….. · •• • · .. • ❤ __ 1 Coins fifty-three million standaid silver dollars. Coined over four million silver dollars in March, 1900. Coined over three million a month in standard silver dollars in April, May and June, 1900... t • • } + V } 359 320 322 346 1 39 43 328 21 5 63 91 148° 1 B 251 296 22 53 56 62 B的​丹 ​1 8 8 90 8 18 1 63 162 # 81 83 + 83 98 164 167 252 256 258 259. 259 * 259 261 262 262 * } 7 Į } } 1 1 360 > K i > McArthur, Gen., U. S. A.- } Eng DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK, -KHỞ Letter to Filipino colonel... Report to Gen. Oris of first shot of Philippine war. N Porto Rico- Adversity credited to his administration. Denounces loans of Treasury funds to national banks. without in terest Acnits influence of money power against pensions. Vs. Otis, a question of veracity. Q Nicaragua canal- Democratic party favors immediate U. S. construction of... Republican pledges repudiated. Newspapers, Comments on Porto Rico bill. . + Otis, Gen E. S., U. S. A.- ! Report August 31, 1899... Eagerness to extenu military rule. Hobnobs with Spaniards..... Considers instructions from Washington unnecessary. Jnstructions to Gen. Miller. • Porto Rican law denounced...... The law condenined by Stevens... Nullification of Consutution. Refuses to recall expedition from Iloilo. Conflicting order by. Countermands order to use force at Iloilo. Changes President's order December 21... Amended proclamation published at Manila, January 4. Report proceedings Joint Peace Commission. Transmits Filipino request for independence... on Treatment of by Republicans denounced. Lost plank in Republican platform. British colonial system adopted for. + 7 · * Refuses Aguinaldo's request for truce. Vs. McKinley, a question of veracity.. Offices, astounding increase in number and salary of offices. P • • So SHIN Talk * कोक Report says insurgent leaders not responsible for commencement of hostilities. al. d T .......... ·· 1 $1 Republican perfidy towards. Evidence of control of legislation by Sugar Trust. Imperialism; extracts from newspapers and sayings of public men • Į J 書 ​Austury I کرد · 1 пораду посту 284 288 334 348 100 101 + * fo 8 44 175 102 102 348 212-214 -86 / 86 86 87 88 89- 90 90 92 92 97 98 3 37 162 166 - 169 175 44 203 205 مر $ 11 Į < ey # t => I 1 } + $ goo } Philippines- ↓ Platform- नवीकर ! ร 1 Denunciation of Republican policy. Retention unnecessary Independence true solution of question... Policy of Administration indefinite. The President's war with....... A Filipino Colonel's letter to MacArthur. War with War; Hon. Jno. Sherman on. Summary of undisputed facts. Five Malay States a possibility in: بیشتری Richardson, Hon. Jas. D.- • S ALPHABETICAL INDEX. * f Pledge of Democratic party to maintain.... Referred to Age War Tangerang Democratic (Kansas City), 1900..... Democratic (Chicago), 1896. Republican, 1900 ་ Proclamation, published by Otis January 4, 1899. Protocol, President's violation of Spanish... Polygamy, in Philippines maintained by McKinley. Public Men, comment on Porto Rico Bill…… "Post," Washington, review of Postmaster-General Smith's newspaper. Prosperity, money, prices and.... Pensions • · h Office under Republican Administration reviewed. President admits influence of money power against. Record of Democratic parly on..... Petugrew, Senator, efforts for Eight-Hour Law. Jakks mad • • • · • Convention speech at Kansas City. Republic vs. Empire Trusts 1 R · • A Civil service, violations of by McKinley. Territories, a menace to Porto Rico, treatment of denounced. Philippine policy incompetent... Banks, scandal in connection with. • • A • 1 1 Q ย ' • • Currency law condemned. Republican betrayal of bimetallism denounced... Monroe doctrine, effort of Administration to nullify. Nicaraugua Canal, pledges repudiated. 1 1 1 • H · ! ها L C 2 £1 Scandal in connection with contracts for beef, purchase of trans- ports, Cuban postal affairs, etc.... ← ... I 1 A 361 30 31 45 79 101 100 348 101 104 } .3 10 48 92 83 106. 175 183 296 4 $ 331 7830 JOU 334 + 335 300 A 00 42 42 42 43 43 43 44. 44 4-1 44 45 45 45 * I 1 ! - A VA? ! we ha 兼 ​4 1 + 1 1 1 * 362 .. Republicans— War taxes, reckoning the cost. Roosevelt, Gov. Theodore DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN BOOK. Denunciation of Administration for failure to sympathize with the Boers Self-government the glory of Republic vs. Empire. $ | ۱۹۲۶ ۱۷ Protest to War, Department. Insuits State troops "Round Robin," in Cuba.. Rios, General- Rebuked for sanie by Secretary Alger.. Stevenson, Adlai A.- Inconsistencies stated Evasions deprecated Argument in defense of imperialism... 3 Platforms, 1856 and 1860, contradict Republican imperialism of 1900 · Republic- ► شر Discrimination in favor of trusts Breeders of trusts Versus water transportation. Total capital of . Oppression of small shippers by. Extortion by, no existing remedy for... Rixey, Hon. Jno. F., minority report on arinor plate. Republican party, its persistent hostility to Eight-Hour Law. Republican Senators, all but one opposed Eight-Hour Bill. Reciprocity, treaties defeated by President. S Speech of acceptance. Sympathy with South African republics. Tariff monopolies Trusts Constitution follows the flag. Imperialism deplored... Porto Rico law condemned. The Spanish Governor General in Philippines.. Rives, General. on Aguinaldo's request for truce and Otis's refusal. Root, Secretary of War, recommendation relative to Porto Rico. Railroads- } • • في ་ • ff pand • Jeffersonian expansion not imperialism.. Monroe doctrine Friend of organized labor. Speech to laborers State, Secretary of, President's letter of January 20, 1899, to. J. • ·· pest 1 VL .. } 跳 ​• Y 40 16 17 27 58 27 42 08 70 Π то 69. 88 102 104 241 213 211 214 2-16 247- 238 305 313 337 1 *03 83 23 13 33 33 31 35 36 37 37 38 39 314 A 316 84 L $ MA 144 ** + 毒 ​** • **** $ 3 Lully ਆ आई पुलक Sugar Trust- Tư 2 1 Senate, U. S., must ratify every treaty to give them effect. South African Republics, referred to.... Spain- } War with Negotiations for peace. Slavery, maintained by the President in Philippines... Springer, Hon. W. M., compilation of Supreme Court decisions. Sulu Islands, agreement with Sultan of..... Supreme Court, decisions against imperialism. t (** S } 1 ALPHABETICAL INDEX. Controlled Porto Rican legislation... A Trusts- Arraignment of ... Richardson on Administration deals with for campaign contributions. Spight, Hon. Thomas, minority report on Ship Subsidy Bill. Ship Subsidy Bill- Introduced by Senator Hanna. *In the interest of shipbuilding trusts. Dr. Robinson's circular against. Minority report against... Silver, coinage under McKinley's Administration.... Standard Oil Co., its vast extension in control of financial institutions. Stewart, Senator, arraigns President for double dealing in international bimetallism Spahr, Chas. B., Ph. D., concentration of wealth on. Sherman, Hon. Juo., on Philippine War.... T Proposed remedy for Republican proposition for same... Mr. Bryan's Anti-Trust Bill of 1892..... Republican proposition for constitutional amendment. Hon. Jno. J. Lentz on..... List of in United States. Armor plate, its victory in Congress. Armor plate, debate on... Armor plate, rote on and surrender to in Senate.. Minority report against in H. of R. Struggle for trusts conducted by Hanna. Prices higher than other prices. Overreaches itself • Treaty Of peace, conditions as to ratification... Ratification of President's disregard of terms of. SIL! ** 8 aa .. !- J 863 86 9 61 79 106 .122-134 106 .122-134 169 173 231 248 248 1 249 251 261 294 250 340 3-18 42 214 214 215 215 216 218-230 231 233-235 236 237 237 326 319 80 84, 100, 84 Blog 1