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TOGETHER WITH A FULL ACCOUNT OF THE CELEBRATED
SIEGE OF DETROIT.
*****.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*…,
By EDWARD s. ELLIS,
acthor or Lives of “crockett,” “Boone,” “RIT cansos,” Erc,
*******.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*.*…,
…: Olú01:
B E A D L E AND COMPANY.,
44, PATERNOSTER Row
º







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ºg9|LI ‘qÐSIIS GEL ĐNIH0CI

ſ NTRODUCTORY.
Nor quite a hundred years since, Detroit was held in a state
of siege by the Indians for a period of fifteen months. Con-
nected with this remarkable event were thrilling conflicts be-
tween the hostile parties, disastrous defeats and successful
victories, all of which I have sought to give in the following
pages. * §
Few histories of this epoch in our history have been pre-
Herved. The mere facts is known to every one, but the partic-
ulars have been rarely recorded. These I have here collected,
together with other events of less importance, but of surpass-
ing interest, and of clear relation to the history of Pontiac.
) In the preparation of this little volume, numerous documents
have been examined; but the authority in all cases has been the
“History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac,” by Francis Parkman,
Jr. This gentleman collected his materials from the State
r offices of London and Paris, the archives of New York,
sylvania and other States; from the statements of men
had seen and known Pontiac when living; he has exam-
the journals kept by men during the siege of Detroit;
besides visiting the scene of all the incidents he describes,
wed for a time among the Indians of the Far West. Mr.
man is still engaged in collecting information in regard to
ac's career and the old Indian Wars. From a mass of
ial numbering thousands of pages, Mr. Parkman has spent
al years in elaborating a work which is one of the most
mable contributions to early American history.
ENTON. N. J., 1861.









brief Account of the prin erly occupied
*: Territory East of t - - - - 9
he #sº of the French—
pbell—The Sulphurous Storm—Pontiac and
: William Johnson—Fort Miami—Treaty of
p. aris, - - - - - - - - - - - - 23
- - C H A P T E R II.
Pontiac holds a Council—Visits the Garrison with his Spies—The
Plan of the Conspiracy agreed upon-Suspicious Proceedings
noted—Gladwyn warned by M. Gouin–Is not alarmed—The Plot ,
revealed by an Ojibwa Girl—Preparations for the Attack, - - 29
C H A P T E R III.
Pontiac baffled – Hostilities—The War-Dance—Death of Captain
Robertson and Sir Robert Davers—Pontiac joined by the Ojibwas
Defenses of Detroit—The Attack—Betrayal of Major Campbell and
Lieutenant M’Dougal—Pontiac compels the Wyandots to join him
Attack renewed, - & * & * & * # * - 8
C H A P T E R IV.
Want of Provisions—Pontiac's Promissory Notes—The Relief Expa-
dition — Its sad Fate-Pontiac's Schemes against Western For-
tresses successful—Fall of Fort Sandusky, of Fort St. Joseph, of
Fort Mackinaw, of Fort Miami, of Fort Presqu'Isle —Monstrous
Perfidy of the Savages, - - - º º
• CHA PTER v.
Second Attempt to relieve the Garrison—The Schooner's Voyage—
Its Assault by the Savages—Their Repulse—Safe Arrival at Detroit
—Fury of Pontiac-Ingenious Attempt to destroy the Vessels—The
Fire Raft — Peace asked by the Wyandots and Pottawatomies –
Siege continued, - - - - - - - - - - 55
C H A P T E R W I. -
Another Reinforcement from Niagara—Captain Dalzell's Arrival—His
Night Expedition — Its disastrous Result—Fury sf the Indians—
\ third Wessel of Relief—Its Assault and remarkable Preserva-
on, - - - - - - - - - - - - - 62
: CH A P T E R W II.
Fall of Mackinaw and Adventures of an English Trader, - 70
. C. H. A. PTE R W III. §
dians Ask for Peace—Pontiac Leaves Detroit for the Maumee—
ish Armies ordered into the Country—Bradstreet’s and Bou-
*
* * % * %
Expedition—A Peace conquered, - - - - 84
- C H APTER IX. -
spirator foiled—He buries the Hatchet—His subsequent Life
***** ***rºm rººt his Ch racte -























THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
. PR E LIMIN A R Y C H A PTE R.
A brief Account of THE PRINCIPAL INDIAN TRIBES THAT ForMERLY
OCCUPIED THE TERRITORY EAST OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
The numerous tribes of North American Indians which, a century
since, held possession of the greater part of the territory east of the
Mississippi, may be divided into three great tribes or families:—
Irºquois, the Algonquin, and the Mobilian. Each of these divisi
wds characterized by distinct peculiarities in dress, customs
Tanguage. The most important were the Iroquois, who, for a ti
re absolute monarchs over that vast area inclosed by Quebe
prests of Maine on the north, and the Carolinas and we
x. s on the south and west.” In the north, they conquere
Wyandots; in the east, the Indians of New England; in the
they uprooted forever the Eries and Andastes; in the south,
“made Women” of the Delawares. The confederation as it
existed, included five nations, viz.:-the Mohawks, Oneidas,
ugas, Onondagas and Senecas. At a later date, the Tusca
of the south were added, and, from this circumstance, the 1
| Sir Nations is derived.} The home of the Iroquois was in ce
** *The different names by which this division is known occasion en
etnfusion to the student of Indian *:::::, The different English, Fr
and German authorities styled them the Iroquois, Five, and subsequ
Six Nations, Confederates, Hodenosaunee, º Onge Ho
Maquas, Mengwe, Mahaquase º , Palenachendchieskta.
The name of Mingoes is applie only to a small branch of the Iro
which settled near the Ohio. The name Massawomees has been giv
several different tribes. . . - .
+ As a literary curiosity, we subjoin the different names by whic
º Five Nations have been known : 3. º
| Mohawks, Anies. Agniers, Agnierrhonons, Sankhicans, Canu
| Mauguawogs, Caneagaonoh. %. 2 § … à .
| ONEIDAs, Oneotas, Onoyats, Anoyints, Onneiouts, Oneyyatecar
|
Onoiochrhonons.
ONoNDAGAs, §ººl. Onondagaonohs. §:. ... 3
| SENEcAs, Sinnikes, Chennessies, Genesees, Chenandoanes, Tson
tomans, Jenontowanos, Nundawaronoh. - .























10 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
New York, where, by means of the vast network of rivers, and the
numerous lakes, they were offered the readiest means of penetratinº
the surrounding wilderness. Add to this their inherent energy,
their admirable government, and the true cause of their power is
apparent. At the Great Council House in the Onondaga Valley,
the embassadors from the different nations were received, and all
subjects of importance were there discussed and regulated with tº
greatest harmony. The system of totemship was perfect, and prº
vented those discords which otherwise would have arisen among the
individual tribes. The Iroquois nation, independent of their divisi * * *
into tribes, were separated into cight totemic clans, which wd
bound together by an affection as great as that of the family, alº
which is preserved among the remnants of these tribes to this day.
members of these clans were not allowed to intermarry, whº
sult to an individual was an insult to the whole clan, whi
warrior considered it his duty to avenge, as much as if it hº
this own particular quarrel. |
nother singular custom has been rigidly adhered to by these
e—that of descent in the female line. The right of furn -
chem being conceded to some particular totemic clan, it
the descent of the Sachemship must be the same as tha
m. Thus, if a warrior of the Turtle clan married a sq.
Hawk clan, their children were Hawks and not Turtles
warrior were a sachem, the office passed not to his son bu
rother's or sister's son. #
in the days of their greatest triumphs, the numerical len
confederation was about four thousand warriors; - ly
iful tyrannized over one-half of America; their nar.g.
Bat a terror upon the banks of the far-off Mississippi as
e of the Atlantic. While the other tribes were distr
nal discords, and resolutely abstained from uniting e
se or defense, their dreaded enemies maintained a perfe
y among themselves, and kept up a confederation t
er been equaled for influence and strength, by any t
sted among the aborigines of this continent.
The Hurons or Wyandots occupied the southwestern po
that peninsula formed by Lakes Huron, St. Clair, Erie and
It is from them that the former lake has derived its nam
spoke a dialect of the Iroquois tongue, and resembled




























PRELIMINARY CHAPTER, 11
Nations in many respects. Their number has been estimated at
ten thousand; and, although their government resembled that of
the Iroquois in many respects, it was not so perfect. Their weak-
ness proved their ruin, for the ferocious Iroquois waged war against
ther n, and in 1649, in the midst of winter, attacked and burnt their
largest villages, slaughtered thousands, and scattered the nation
forever.
Along the northern shores of Lake Erie dwelt the Neutral Nation,
so called from its neutrality in the war between the Wyandots and
the Flive Nations. These were similar to the former in many respects,
yet entirely distinct. Their number was about the same and their
as complete. Soon after the Huron war, the Senecas managed
ick a quarrel with them, and in a short time they were assailed
by the entire confederation, and scattered like chaff before the
wind. º:
This war had scarcely ended, when the Five Nations turned
against the Erigas or Eries, dwelling along the southern shore of
Lake Erie. In 1655 they were attacked with the greatest fury, and
nearly the entire tribe massacred. The remaining members were
incorporated with their conquerors or with other tribes, and their
name at this day is scarcely mentioned upon the page of history.
The Andastes' villages, dotting the valleys of Upper Ohio and the
Alleghany, were next attacked. They were a brave tribe, and
maintained the unequal struggle for over twenty years with the
most det mined courage; but, their doom was sealed. In 1672.
they wer otted from the face of the earth by their bloodthirsty
conquerors. . º
Thus,”ithin the space of twenty-five years, four powerful tribes
were exerminated by the Iroquois; but, unsatisfied with these
achievements, they continued in incessant war upon all tribes not
members of the confederacy. They drove the Ottawas from the
river of that name, in the north, west and south, conquered every
tribe that adjoined them, and, at the commencement of the eight-
eenth century, sounded their war-whoop under the very walls of
Quebec. 3.3 ×
The Tuscaroras had acted as their allies in their wars upon the
southern tribes, and, having suffered a disastrous defeat from the
hands of the whites, now applied for admission into the confederacy.
They were gladly received, given a seat in the council-house, and,
%

13 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
from 1715, the name of “Six Nations” becomes applicable to | 3:23
Tuscaroras. 1
The members of the great ALgonquin division extended from ,
Hudson Bay on the north, to the Carolinas on the south, and fr. ºn
Atlantic on the east, to the Mississippi and Lake Winnepeg on
west, inclosing the Iroquois, like an island, in their center. W) ºn
Jacques Cartier ascended the St. Lawrence, he found the Algonqu
along its banks, while Pocahontas, who saved the life of Capt
John Smith in Virginia, was the daughter of an Algonquin ch
The savages who made the treaty with William Penn, and nº
Pequots (or Pequods) who, under Philip and Sassacus, waged
against the New England Puritans, also were members of |
Algonquin family.
The Delawares are conceded the first position in this divisiºn,
as they claim to be the root from which all other Algonquins h
sprung, and the claim is allowed by the other tribes. It was ºn
their sachems that William Penn formed his celebrated treaty,
period when they were in the most abject submission to the rol
quois. So complete, indeed, was their subjection, that they ad
ubmitted to the name of W. and given up the use of pe
al encroachments of civi º
e Old French War, tº
side of the French. Aſ º
und, at the commencem
ormer masters, who s or
but brave and gene as
gºº, r Women,
to the Lenape are the Shawnees
known. They originally had tº
g, it is believed, Georgia and
lelighting in wars,” a
it the Cherokees, Creeks
..º
t'The Lenape, on their part, call the other Algonquin tribes Children
Grandchildren, §§. or Younger. Brothers; but they confess
superiority ºf the Wyandots, and the Five Nations, by yielding them
title ºf Jºcles...Thgy, in return, call the Lenape, Nephews, or, more
itle
quently, cousins. See Parkman's History.


























PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. -- 18
ºf the Wyandots, who gladly welcomed them. Here they became
* powerful nation, resembling the Iroquois in their demon-like
erocity and hatred of the whites. ar
Along the shores of Lake Michigan, Superior and Huron dwelt
the Ojibwas, Ottawas and Pottawatomies; west of Lake Michigan
were the Sacs, Foxes and Menemones, and further northward the
wandering bands of Knisteneaux. - i
The Ojibwas, Ottawas and Pottawatomies formed a sort of con-
f deration, and were the first to offer an effectual check to the ambi-
t on of the Six Nations. At the mouth of Lake Superior, it is
sºlated, a war-party of the latter were completely routed and almost
entirely slaughtered. The fugitive Wyandots and many others
found a safe refuge and protection among them.
The MobiLIAN family comprehended the Creeks, Choctaws and
Chickesaws of the south. They resembled the Iroquois in many
respects; but, as they were far removed from the scene of events
described in these pages, and took no part in them, they will not
be referred to again in the course of our narration. |

THE FRENCEI AND ENGLISH COLONIES IN AMERICA. &
A careful study of the acts of England and France in America
is necessary, to understand not only Pontiac's conspiracy, but the
causes of the numerous wars which, a century since, raged along
the frontier, and opened the way for the Revolution of the colonies.
Each nation pursued a different policy. The French settlements in
Canada were nursed by the Church and State, and their strength
matured under the most favorable auspices; still, they languished
and declined, year after year. The outcast colonies of England,
forsaken by Government, grew and strengthened like young giants,
and soon proved themselves possessed of power and resources that
made the mother country glad to claim them as her own. The
world can not afford stronger contrasts than that shown in the sub-
missive, priest-ridden Canadians, and the stern, vigorous, unyielding
Puritans of New England. Champlain, the founder of Quebec,
brought four Franciscan Monks from France to assist in the conver-
*sion of Canada, Indeed, the sole object of settling the country
seemed to be that of gaining proselytes. The priest and soldier,
the cross and fleur de lis, went together, and the French mission-
Maries, fired by a holy zeal, braved death and torture among the


E of Pont'IAC.
many others were t
and Gabriel Lallemant suffered the mot
s of the Iroquois. Isaac Jaques an ºn
ahawked, and everywhere the faithful emmis
. Numerous Indians were baptized, and the ºr
but their labors were thrown away upon th
* Clercq remarks, an Indian would be baptiz
t of whisky; and, with all the gaudy triº º
person, he was probably a greater heath ºn
ges. Jean de l
rrible death at
saries were persecul
conversions reporte
stolid savages. As Lt
ten times a day for a pi
ets of religion upon his pe
at heart than ever.
Meanwhile, the French
In 1679, Robert Cavalie
secuted their explorations in Amerit
ºrrºr Salle passed through Lake Erie iſ
vessel, through Detroit River, across Lake Huron, and, in bi ,
canoes, coasted along the shores of Lake Michigan, reaching
southern extremity in the month of October. Crossing overland ,
St. Joseph, he established a fort, and pushed on toward the Illir
wilderness. Here dangers began to thicken, his men mutinied, nº
the vessel, sent back to Canada for supplies, foundered in one of
lakes. Nothing daunted, he left his men in charge of the for
Illinois River, and turned his face toward Canada. He journe
over a thousand miles on foot through the “frozen forest, crosſ tº
rivers, toiling through snow-drifts, wading ice-encumbered swar nº
sustaining life by the fruits of the chase, and threatened day ºn
night by lurking enemies.” Reaching Canada, he found a great cry
had been raised against him by his enemies, who had seized upon
his property and given out that he was dead. He had a wºrm
friend, however, in Count Frontenac, the Governor, and, with
another supply of men and provisions, again set out for Illinois.
The fort he found empty, the men having fled to escape the menace.
dangers.
The second time the brave man returned to Canada, and, assistes
by the Governor, collected means to prosecute his cherished journey."
With a small flotilla of canoes, he left the fort at the outlet of I.
Ontario and made his tedious way over the surface of the vast inlazº
seas, and finally crossed the portage at the waters of the Illin
His memorable descent of the mighty Mississippi was made, and, on
the 9th of April, 1682, he took formal possession of the great vallºy
in the name of Louis, King of France and Navarre.
La Salle now visited France, where he was well received at cºurt,
and furnished with a squadron of vessels and every means f































PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. - 15
establishing a colony. But the expedition made a miserable failure.
Tºe squadron missed the mouth of the Mississippi, the naval com-
mander deserted, and La Salle, with a few wretched followers,
landed on the Texan coast. Here, while devoting all his energies
to the well-being of his men, a conspiracy was formed and he was
basely murdered.
France, fully sensible of the great advantage of establishing her
dominion over this territory, dispatched Lemoine d'Iberville in
1699, who planted the colony of Louisiana. This settlement steadily
increased in strength and prosperity, in spite of the wretched man-
ner in which it was governed, and the bursting of the memorable
“Mississippi bubble.” It was not long before it took rank as one
of the most important settlements of France.
Canada and Louisiana, being in the possession of the French, they
held, as it were, the two ends of the country east of the Mississippi.
It only remained for her to connect these two extremities. This
was determined upon, and at the opening of the eighteenth century
the commencement was made. Her plan was to establish a series
of forts and settlements through the wilderness between the valleys
of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, and thus gain a firm foot-
hold west of the Alleganies, before the tide of English civilization
had reached its eastern slope. This policy was effectually carried
out. The fort at the strait of Niagara controlled the entrance to
the interior, another at Detroit commanded the passage from Lake
Erie, and a third at St. Mary guarded the access to Lake Superior.
The post at Mackinaw held the entrance to Lake Michigan,
and those at Green Bay and St. Joseph the two routes to the Miss
sissippi. There were others at Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and at long
intervals the stockade forts peeped forth from the abundant vege-
tation along the banks of the Mississippi, as far down as Natchez,
where the cabins of the Louisiana settlers began to show themselves.
. In 1748, Count Galissonniere proposed to France that ten thou.
sand peasants be planted in the Ohio valley, and along the borders
of the different lakes. But, while this and similar schemes were
debating, England was moving forward slowly but surely in the
western forests. Already the crashing of her woodmen's axes were
heard in the Mohawk valley, while scores of cabins dotted the
eastern slope of the Alleganies. The two great powers that had
been rivals for centuries were gradually closing in upon each other,

16 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
and the hour of collision was rapidly approaching. In ono respect
France had much the advantage of England. Her widely-separat,
posts gave her an extended acquaintance with the Indian tri'ſ
and the fur trade of Canada made multitudes of the savages depdad
ent upon her. The St. Lawrence, and the chain of Great Lakes
offered the most extraordinary means of intercourse with the intº
rior, and she neglected no means to propitiate her heathen breth a
Nature had done all in her power, but, south of Lake Ontario dº
the Iroquois, her implacable enemies. These savages kept up a
most incessant war upon her trading companies, soldiers and his
sionaries, and spread woe in many of her settlements. As early as
1609, Champlain was attacked by a large party upon the fiver
which bears his name. One of the most bloody and merciless wars
was thus commenced. The routes between Quebec and Montreal were
watched with a lynx-eyed vigilance, and the wretched inhabitants
were driven again and again within the palisades and forced to see
their harvest fields swept by fire. The fur trade was broken up
and barbarities, too revolting to be described, were perpetrate
upon the Canadians. It was not until 1696 that the wisdom of
Count Frontenac checked this dreadful butchery. -
In 1726, a permanent military post was erected at the pass of
Niagara, within the territory of the Iroquois confederacy, and the
fur trade resumed with greater vigor than ever. The rapid increase
of the French colonies convinced the Five Nations that all opposi.
tion was useless. They, therefore, sullenly submitted, for the time,
to the encroachments upon their hunting-grounds.
In 1738, La Verandrye established a trading post upon late
Assinniboine, which was connected by a regular line with those
further east, and, with the exception of the Iroquois, was on the
best of terms with the surrounding savages.
With the English, the case was different. They now resembled a
peninsula, encompassed on the north, west and south by the French:
The Iroquois befriended and assisted them in their efforts to estab
lish the fur trade. Many years before (1669) the Hudson Bay
Company had been formed, and a fort established at the head ºf
James's Bay. This company prospered greatly; but the scene of
their labors was so far to the northward that it is hardly included ºn
the account of the English settlements in America. In 1687, Mºjo,
McGregory made his way, with a boat-load of goods, to Lake Haron,
º

















PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. 17

where he was immediately seized and imprisoned by a party of
French. This checked the English fur trade in this direction until
1725, when a post was established at the mouth of the Oswego, on
Lake Ontario, where a brisk trade was at once opened with the
surrounding tribes. A few years later the Alleganies were crossed
by the English traders, to the great disgust of the Governor of
Canada, who imprisoned several that were found near the Ohio.
| Had the English colonies pursued a policy toward the Indians
% that common sense dictated, the historian would not be compelled
º record the numerous disasters which fell to their lot. In the
province of New York they found the powerful Iroquois who bore a
deadly hatred to the French, and were naturally friendly to the
English. It was solely the fault of the latter that this friendship, a
few years later, was forever lost. At the critical period, the Assem-
bly of New York was found to be composed of little-minded men,
who considered their own personal interest of more value than the
welfare of the province. They quarreled among themselves con-
tinually, and the annual present sent by England to the Iroquois
was often stolen by corrupt Governors or their favorites.” The
negotiations were conducted through the fur and whisky traders,
who were literally abominated by the savages. The sagacious chiefs
were not long in seeing how lightly they were held, and how differ.
ently they were treated by the French.
Not New York alone, but all the English colonies treated the
Indians more or less in the same manner. A fatal short-sightedness
seemed to have taken possession of them all. Even when threaten-
ings of discontent reached their ears, they failed to take warning; but
continued their reckless policy, estranging the Indians more and
more, and placing the match to the powder-mine which lay beneath
their feet.
France, on the contrary, neglected no means of conciliating her
enemies. She treated the chiefs with the greatest consideration,
had her agents in every village, flattering them and instilling their
minds with prejudice against the English, and carefully abstained
from doing any thing that could offend them in the least. Numer-
ous and costly presents were made, and a visit by their sachems
announced by the firing of cannon and beating of drums. It is
even stated, with good authority, that Count Frontenac, Governor
| * Smith's History, New York.

18 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
of Canada, plumed and painted himself and danced the war-dance
with the pleased savages. Further than this did the French go t!.
please their Indian allies. In 1695, the French commandant a
Mackinaw most brutally tortured an Iroquois embassador to death!.
and one of the darkest stains upon the history of France is th.
inhuman abandonment by Montcalm of the defenders of Osweg),
and William Henry to an infuriated band of Indians. Hundreds and
thousands of the French amalgamated with the savages, and the
coureurs des bois were in reality as much Indians as though born
and nourished in their wigwams. In this manner it may be said
that the French became identified with the tribes and the two almoſt
one people.
No such mingling of races occurred upon the part of the Englisl.
Their traders and voyageurs became savages enough in disposition s
but an uncontrollable disgust prevented them from uniting ther
blood with the dusky denizens of the forest. They looked upon
them much as we would upon a race of monkeys — a sort of
necessary evil which we ever desire to keep at a respectable di.
tance. The remonstrances of the Indians, at the encroachments of
the settlers, were met by curses and kicks or a contemptuous silence,
Their friendship was not esteemed worth seeking, nor their enmity
worth avoiding. --- º:
One great exception to this manner of settling a country is well
known—the founding of the Pennsylvania colony by William Penn,
but, as remarked by Mr. Parkman, our admiration of the alleged re.
sults of this treaty is much diminished by closely viewing the circum-
stances of the case. The treaty was made with the Delawares, who, at
that time, bore the name of Women, and were debarred the use of fire.
arms. They were far removed from the warlike Iroquois and the
tribes of New England, and the very principles of the Quaker faith
necessitated a kind of conciliating course toward the Indians,
When war at length burst forth along the frontier, this philanthrop y
became a fiery fanaticism. The Quakers refused to believe the
Indians could ever do any thing wrong; and, even when the Ger
man and Irish settlers were massacred by hundreds, and droves of
terror-stricken inhabitants were flying across the Susquehanna, the
Philadelphia Quakers bitterly opposed an offensive war against the
savages.” #. -
* In 1764, a number of party tracts were published by these men, *
which they denounced all the whites, who engaged in the war against tº
º


PRELIMINARY CHAPTER. 10.
Among the other acts of the English colonies that hastened on
the outbreak of the Indians, was the celebrated walking purchase—
one of the most infamous swindles of the time. In 1737, an old,
musty, dingy, worm-eaten deed was brought forth, bearing date far
back-in the previous century. Its force, if any, had long been
destroyed; nevertheless, on the strength of it, the proprietors laid
claim to a large tract of land lying on the Delaware. Its western
boundary was given by a line drawn from a certain point on
Neshaminey creek, in a north-westerly direction, as far as a man
could walk in a day and a half. From the extremity of this walk,
the northern boundary was defined by a line drawn eastward to the
Delaware river. The proprietors put the most active of the settlers
into a vigorous training, cleared a long way for them, and, by this
means, made the north-western boundary of an extraordinary length.
Then, instead of running eastward in a direct line to the Delaware
(as the deed clearly specified), they inclined far to the northward,
thus securing an immense and valuable tract of land by the most
barefaced cheatery. This walking purchase was in the Forks of the
Delaware above Easton, and was occupied by a powerful branch of
the Delawares, who were ordered to abandon the land at once.
Their indignation was so great that they refused to move, when the
Quaker Legislature found that force was necessary. This, of course,
they themselves could not exercise. Accordingly they summoned
the Iroquois, the masters of the Lenni Lenape. These tyrants soon
humbled the down-trodden Delawares. ... ::... . . .';
Encouraged by this submission, the English made bolder advances
than ever. Numerous families of Germans and Irish crossed the
Susquehanna and built their cabins in the valley of the Juniata.
The Delawares remonstrated again and again, and finally the Iro-
quois themselves became enraged and demanded redress for these
audacious intrusions. A feeble attempt was made to satisfy them,
but it amounted to nothing. The Shawnees and a portion of the
Velawares moved westward on the waters of the Allegany and the
Wuskingum. * • * : & 3 .
| Such treatment as this could but alienate the different tribes from
e English. The crafty French at this time were penetrating the
valley, and they found the savages well prepared to receive
s, in the bitterest terms, while we gladly yield these men all
for their Christian belie i and actions, we can but deplore the bl
dice displayed in taking th w . º.º.º. º
e course mentioned.




20 - THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
their insinuations against the English. The friendship of the Irc.
quois, also, had become colder and colder. In the war of 1745,
their indifferent aid gave the English colonies good reason to fear
their final estrangement. The French, using every measure to gain!
and retain the good-will of the different tribes, pressed further and
further into the wilderness, until (1753) Governor Dinwiddie, of Vir-
ginia, was startled to hear that a body of their troops had crossed
Lake Erie and were then on the northern branches of the Ohio. A
message was sent requiring their removal. The bearer of that
order was George Washington, then but twenty-one years of age.
The results of this mission are well known. The French refused
compliance, and the Old French and Indian War was shortly com-
menced. In 1754, delegates from the different provinces met at
Albany, when it was that the plan of uniting their different prov-
inces for mutual protection was first broached. Curiously enough,
this policy was rejected by the Crown, as giving too much power to
the people, and by the people themselves as giving too much power
to the Crown. A treaty, however, was made with the Iroquois, who
coldly entered into an alliance of friendship.”
In 1755, the capture of the two French ships, the Lys and
Alcide, off the banks of Newfoundland, by the English Adm
Boscawen, closed the doors of peace. The French withdrew
embassador from the court of London, and the war was ol
It is not our purpose to refer at length to this war. W ve
only endeavored to show the reasons why the Indians in such num-
bers were found arrayed upon the side of the French, and why, a
few years later, the former friends of the English proved their most
implacable enemies. On the 9th of July, 1755, occurred the disas-
trous defeat of General Braddock. The shameful behavior of the
British upon the occasion inspired the Indians with such contempt
for them that all wavering and neutral tribes immediately joined the
French. In this memorable battle the subject of these pages,
Pontiac, led the Ottawas. It is said he then displayed an ability
that gave evidence of the subsequent greatness of his life. This is
il,
ir
the first mention made of him by history. - &
Events now follow each other in rapid succession. The battle of
... • During this council, an Iroquois chief upbraided ºś
invasion ºf their lands, and ºś of the º adding significantly
that the French had treated them like men and warriots.







PRELIMINARY CHAPTER.
fake George; the siege and capture of Louisburg; the successful
assault of Fort du Quesne; the route of Lord Abercrombie's magnifi-
cent army; the massacre of the defenders of Fort William Henry;
and finally the brilliant taking of Quebec—all are comprehended in
the space of a few years. The well-tried valor of old England again
humbled the pride of France. On the 10th of February, 1763, a
treaty was signed at Paris, by which the Government of the latter
surrendered to Great Britain all her possessions in North America,
eastward of the Mississippi river, from its source to the river Iber-
ville, and thence, through Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to
the Gulf of Mexico.”
It now only remained to take possession of the western outposts
where the flag of France still floated in the breeze. The cross of
St. George was raised over the walls of Quebec, and the plains
around Montreal were covered with her conquerors; but the French
still remained at Detroit, Mackinaw, and several important stations.
In September, 1760, Major Robert Rogers, leader of the celebrated
“Roger Rangers,” received orders from Sir Jeffrey Amherst to take
possession of the two forts mentioned, in the name of his Britannic
Majesty. This, it will be observed, was several years previous to
the signing of the treaty in Paris; but Canada had already surren-
dered, and these forts were included in the capitulation. -
At the head of two hundred rangers, Rogers left Montreal, on the
18th of September, in fifteen whale-boats. Passing through Lake
Ontario, and carrying their boats over the portage of Fort Niagara,
they encamped, on the 7th of November, at the mouth of Cuyahoga
river, where Cleveland now stands. The weather was cold and
rainy, and Rogers resolved to rest his men before proceeding
further. Shortly after he had encamped, he was visited by several
chiefs, who announced themselves as embassadors from Pontiac.
They claimed that country, and, in the name of their great chief,
forbade the British to proceed any further without his permission.
Hn the afternoon, Pontiac himself made his appearance, and de-
manded of Rogers the reason why he had dared to enter his
country. The ranger replied that Canada had surrendered, and he
was on his way to take possession of Detroit, and restore peace to
* Iberville is an outlet of the Mississippi, fourteen miles below Baton
Rouge, and connects with the Amite river ºñich flows into Lake Maurepas,
It now receives water from the Mississippi only at high flood.





IE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
|tiac listened to his words with attention, and, for.
m to move any further until they had conversed again,
Irew to his own camp and spent the night with his chiefs. In
morning, he replied to Rogers that he was willing to live at
uce with the English so long as they were treated with considera-
tion and respect. The officers and chiefs smoked the calumet of
peace together, and good-will seemed established upon both sides.
It may seem strange that Pontiac, who, up to this time, had been
the firm friend of the French, should form such a treaty with the
English; but the far-seeing mind of the chieftain himself affords the
true solution of the singular act. The events that had been going
on around him for the last few years, showed him that the French
power was on the decline, and that self-interest demanded he should
make allies of the most powerful. He vainly believed, too, that the
English would treat him with great deference, and aid him in his
ambitious projects of subduing the surrounding tribes.
Reaching the western extremity of Lake Erie, Rogers received
intelligence that a band of four hundred Detroit Indians were lying
in ambush at the mouth of the river to cut them off. Pontiac
immediately went forward, and by means of that remarkable influ-
ence he ever exercised over his ferocious kinsmen, persuaded the
Indians to abandon their intention.
When Rogers entered the Detroit river, he sent one of his men
forward to Captain Beletree, with a copy of the capitulation, requir-
ing that the place should be given up in accordance with its pro-
visions. The French commander stormed and raved, and, at first,
refused submission. He did all he could to incite the Indians to
attack the English; but his efforts proved useless, and he was com-
pelled to surrender with the best grace possible. On the 29th of
November, 1760, about one century ago, Major Rogers took formal
possession of Detroit. The lily of France was lowered, and the
cross of St. George run up in its place. The garrison were sent as
prisoners down the lake; and the surrounding Canadian settlers,
swearing allegiance to Great Britain, were allowed to retain their
farms and houses. The thousands of Indians who beheld a great
number of French surrender to a handful of English, viewed the
proceeding with the most wondering amazement. They believed
the latter to be the bravest nation of the world, and hailed their
advent with the most frenzied yells of admiration, ; : :"...: '… .3; & 3 :::::::::::::::::::::... :::... ::







THE INDIANs provokID TO HOSTILITY. 98
C H A P T E R 1.
IMPRUDENT CONDUCT OF THE ENGLISH-INSTIGATIONs op THE FRENCH-
ALARM OF CAPTAIN CAMPBELL-THE SULPHUROUS STORM-PONTIAC AND
HIS EMBASSADORS-SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON-FORT MIAMI-TREATY AT
PARIS, &
Now that Canada was in possession of the English, and she
had thrown feeble garrisons into all of the extreme western
posts, it might well be supposed that every thing would be
done to retain the good-will of the Indians. This was an
easy task, as the savages had welcomed their coming with the
most boisterous manifestations of joy; but, with an unaccount-
able blindness, the new masters of the country failed to see
their own interests. Hitherto the Indians had been treated
with indifference, now they were scorned and insulted. Their
annual presents were either withheld or were meted out with
a niggardly hand. In many cases Government agents first ap-
propriated these presents to themselves, and then sold them at
infamous prices to their allies and dependents. The French,
entering a new country, always presented their red friends with
guns, ammunition and blankets. Thus the savages became, in
a measure, dependent upon them. The sudden stoppage of
these presents by the English occasioned much suffering and
discontent; while, to aggravate growing dislike, the English
Government licensed, as fur-traders, a set of unscrupulous men,
who took every advantage of the Indians, who received their
remonstrances with blows and curses, and left nothing undone
which could inflame their hatred. Ere long the English found
inveterate enemies in all the tribes by which they were sur-
rounded.
The French, smarting under their humiliation, witnessed
this growing discontent with the greatest pleasure. Knowing
that Canada was irrecoverably gone, they found consolation in
the thought of Indian revenge upon their rivals and enemies.
Accordingly they fed these murmurings, never neglected to
slander the English, assuring the savages that the determina-
tion of the conquerors was to uproot the Indian race, and that
eir only hope lay in a firm opposition to their schemes. &


24 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
The French explained their seeming weakness in yielding up
the country, by saying that the King of France had been
asleep; but he was now awakened, and was sending his
armies up the St. Lawrence and Mississippi to drive their
enemies from the country. - -
About this time, a prophet appeared among the Delawares,
who incited the Indians to rebellion. He besought them to
ay aside all the weapons received, from the whites, to return
o their original state, when power would be given them to
drive every invader from the country. These mutterings of
discontent it must not be imagined were confined merely to
the vicinity of Detroit. The encroachments of the settlers in
other parts of the country were continued. The Delawares
- and Shawnees especially were in a state of absolute frenzy,
only waiting for the proper moment to burst npon the de-
fenseless settlers. “From the head of the Potomac to Lake
Superior, and from the Alleganies to the Mississippi, in every
wigwam and hamlet of the forest, a deep-rooted hatred of the
English increased with rapid growth.” A guiding spirit only
was wanted—that guiding spirit was destined to be PontiAc,
CHIEF OF THE OTTAWAs. -
In the summer of 1761, Captain Campbell, then commander
of Detroit, was told that a deputation of Senecas had visited
the neighboring Wyandots, inciting them to destroy the gar-
rison. Campbell's suspicions had been aroused, for some
time, and he immediately investigated the report, to find that
there was a general plot by which Forts Pitt, Niagara and
others were to share the same fate as Detroit. He quickly dis-
patched runners to the different posts, and took such precau-
tions that this, the first conspiracy, was crushed out before it
had fairly ripened.* The succeeding summer, a precisely
DETRort, June 17th, 1761, "
* * SIR:- - 3 o'clock in the morning.
------ “I had the favor of yours, with General Amherst's Dispatches.
“I have sent you an Express with a very Important piece of Intelli-
gence, I have had the good Fortune to Discover...I have been Lately
alarmed with Reports of the bad Designs of the Indian Nations against
this place and the English in General; I can now Inform You for certain
it comes from the Six Nations; and that they have Sent Belts of Wampum
& §: to all their Nations, from Nova Scotia to the Illinois, to take.
Hatchet against the tº: ºployed the Messengers to
§ Belts of Wampum to the N -------> ś -- º żº º º-º-º: -º-º::::::::::::::: 3:...º:*
s Their ..º. follows: the Six Nations—at least the Seneca
to Assemble at the head of French Creek, within five and twenty League
#





PORTENTS OF THE COMING STORM. 25
similar plot was discovered, and, in the same manner, frus-
trated.
But these were only the faint mutterings of the thunder in
the far-off horizon. Unseen but subtle elements were rapidly
uniting in every part of the sky, and the whole heavens were
soon to burst forth in one blaze of destroying fire. A storm,
such as the North American continent had never before wit-
nessed was marshaling its forces, and its awful gloom was
already darkening the land. -
It is stated that a few days before Philip of Mount Hope
rushed forth at the head of his Narragansett warriors, the
New England Puritans saw the figure of an Indian bow in
the sky, and the shadow of a human scalp upon the moon's
disk. In the autumn of 1762, clouds of midnight blackness
settled over the settlement and fort of Detroit. Rain of a
sulphurous odor, and of such dark color fell, that it is reported
to have been gathered and used for writing purposes!" A
phenomenon that philosophers have attempted to explain upon
some principle of meteorologic science, was a dire portent to
the simple-minded Canadian. All through the following win-
ter, around their hearth-stones, they conversed about it in
subdued voices, and all agreed that a gloomy future awaited
them.
The fort and settlement of Detroit, at this time, numbered
about twenty-five hundred souls. They stood on the western
side of Detroit river. The fort, or fortified part of the town,
was directly in the center of the settlement, and contained
about one hundred houses placed compactly together, and sur-
rounded by a palisade. Above and below, for six or eight
miles, the stream was lined with the cabins of the Canadians.
These latter, it must be borne in mind, are not included in
that part of the town which was besieged, as their inhabit-
ants, being French, remained on good terms with the Indians.
of Presqu'Isle, part of the Six Nations, the Delawars and Shanese, are to
Assemble on the Ohio, and all at the same time, about the latter º of
the Month, to surprise Niagara and Fort Pitt, and Cut off the Communica-
tion Everywhere; I hope this will Come Time enough to put You on Your
Guard and to send to Oswego, and all the Posts on that communication,
; w .." to be Joined by the Nations that are Come from the North
jºnº commanuruburview captainmalur, command,
"* Gentleman's Magazine XXXIV, 408. Carver's Travels, 158.





26 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
The fort and palisaded center of the settlement were the
portions occupied by the English, and against them the fury
of the savages was directed.
It has never been known which tribe opened hostilities;
but it is generally believed that Kiashuta, chief of the Senecas
and one of the leading men of the Six Nations, took the initia-
tory step, by attacking Fort Pitt. Pontiac, however, had
opened the way, and he alone, on the side of the Indians, is
responsible for the war. Without the guidance of his masterly
mind, it would have ended with the first demonstration.
Pontiac, by the force of his own genius, had risen to be the
supreme head of the Ottawas, Ojibwas and Pottawatomies,
who occupied both sides of the river around Detroit. No
chief dared to oppose him. Even tribes in Illinois, to the
furthest limits of the Algonquin race, reverenced his name
and obeyed his will. In gifts, genius, influence and vaulting
ambition, he only finds a parallel in the renowned Shawnee.
chief, Tecumseh. At the moment of hostilities at Detroit he
was about fifty years of age, of a strong, well-developed frame,
a finely poised head, and an eye as keen as the eagle's. All
were moved by a mind of exhaustless resource, and a will as
firm as the unyielding oak of his native forests. &
His dignity, determination, courage, address, surpassing elo-
quence and extraordinary aims had given him boundless power
over the wild denizens of the forest. He seemed to imperson-
ate the spirit of Wengeance, and inspired in his followers the
reverence which only a master-soul can compel. So lasting
was that influence, that, to this day, the name PONTIAC is
reverently pronounced by Algonquin lips.
Everything being in readiness for the long-meditated scheme
of deliverance, the chieftain no longer hesitated. In the win-
ter of 1762, while the inky storm was the subject of every
tongue, he sent his embassadors to the tribes on the Ohio, to
the upper lakes, and as far south as the mouth of the Missis-
sippi. They bore with them an enormous war-belt of wam-
pum, so important was the occasion, and a blood-red tomahawk
(the sign of war) which was flung on the ground, while, with
excited gestures the leading embassador addressed the assem-
bled chiefs and warriors, in the words which Pontiac had
instructed him. Everywhere the belt was welcomed, the

GATHERING OF THE TRIBES FOR WAR. 27
hatchet caught up, and the chiefs pledged themselves for war.
Not a tribe demurred. All were anxious to sirike the blow.
It was therefore finally determined that the uprising should
occur in the following May.
The Indians thus pledged, comprised, with the exception of
one or two small tribes, the entire Algonquin family, includ-
ing also the Wyandots and Senecas. The remaining members
of the Six Nations were kept from joining in the Conspiracy
by the influence of the excellent Sir William Johnson.*
Not the least wonderful fact of this gigantic uprising, was
the skill and secrecy with which it was matured. While the
thousands of savages that surrounded the whites were con-
cocting their schemes of destruction, the latter, save in a few
exceptional cases, had no intimation of the threatened danger.
The lazy Indians still lounged around the fort, begging for
“tobac,” whisky or ammunition, their faces, so far as discerni-
ble beneath their coat of grease and dirt, wearing the same
stolid expression of brutish indifference. Now and then, per-
haps, when some imprudent soldier kicked the savage in his
way, the snakish eyes of the “son of the forest” would glit-
ter with a malignant blackness, and menacing his insulter's
back, he would mutter something about “kill,—burn,-scalps.”
Perchance some intoxicated half-breed let out a dark hint
about adorning his hunting-frock with English hair, or some
brooding Frenchman checked the boasting Englishman with
the meaning remark that Detroit might change masters ere,
long. This was all, however, that the English could after-
ward recall of warning of the meditated massacre of their
race. § .
In March, 1763, a friendly Indian told Ensign Holmes, at
Fort Miami, that a war-belt had just been received by the
* This man was an Irishman who emigrated to America in 1734, and
when but nineteen years of age, took charge of an extensive tract of land
in New York Province, belonging to a relative. He accumulated wealth
rapidly, and built two large mansions, one of which (Johnson Hall) is still
ständing in Johnstown. He settled in Mohawk valley, and became a great
favorite with the surrounding Indians. In the war of 1755, he was made a
Major-General and commanded the colonial troops at the battle of Lake
George. For his brilliant victory he was made a baronet, and given five
thousand Pº. by his king. He was, shortl *:::: appointed Superin-

tendent of Indian Affairs; and in 1759, when General Prideaux was killed
before Niagara, he took his ſº and routed the French for the second
time. After the treaty of 1763 he remained at Jºhnson Hall, surrounded
iy numerous tenantry, who greatly loved him. He died 1774.
28 | THE LIFE of Pontiac.
savages of a neighboring village and they had been urged to
destroy the garrison. He added, also, that the Indians were
making preparations to do it. Holmes instantly called them
together and charged them with the treachery. They confessed
to having been instigated to commit the deed, but expressed
great sorrow and pledged eternal good-will in future. Holmes
sent the tidings to Major Gladwyn, who, in turn, carefully
considered the circumstances, and, while Pontiac, the life
and being of the Conspiracy, was scarcely a mile above him,
he sent a letter to Sir Jeffrey Amherst, stating the particulars,
adding that, in all probability, the affair would soon blow over,
and that it was hardly worth while to give any further con-
cern regarding it.
The winter passed without any thing further occurring to
spread direct alarm in the fort. Numerous reports, gloomy,
fearful and vagre, reached the garrison, but the Indians around
Detroit and the other forts manifested no noticeable change in
their conduct. As spring approached, they gathered in small
parties around the different posts, usually encamping in the
woods at night. More definite rumors finally came from the
settlements. Perhaps some wounded trader tottered into a
fort with the tidings that his party had been attacked and all
slain but himself; or some returning hunter reported the
woods full of warlike bands of Indians. Then came the
dreadful tidings that every post had fallen and all the inhabit-
ants massacred 1 Although this proved false, the hardly less
startling fact was made known that the bloody work had
already been commenced, further south. -
In February, 1763, the treaty at Paris was signed. By this,
France, as before stated, yielded all claims to the territory east
of the Mississippi, while England commanded her subjects to
leave the Ohio valley and adjacent regions as an Indian do-
main, issuing a proclamation to that effect, on the 7th of Oc-
tober, Had this been done a year sooner, the great Conspiracy
in all probability would have never been entered into. But
the remedy came too late. While negotiations were pending
in the courts of Europe, thousands of infuriated Indians in
the wilds of North America were chanting their war-song,
preparing their weapons for a
d
dancing their war-dance, and
conflict which should
still at its recital.
cause the hearts of strong men tº sta









30
THE DELAwari's DREAM:
C H A F T E R II.
pox.TIAC Hot,Ds A CotſNCIL–vis ITS THE GARRISON WITH HIs Sprºs---ºring
PLAN OF THE CONSPIRACY AGREED upon—suspicious proceedings NOTEp
-qLAnwYN WARNED BY M. GOUIN-IS NOT ALARMED-THE PLOT RE-
WEALED BY AN. O.JIBWA GIRL-PREPARATIONS FOR THE ATTACK.
ON the 27th of April, Pontiac called a council of the differ.
ent tribes to meet on the river Ecorces, a short distance from
Detroit. At the appointed time, the wild and almost naked
Ojibwas, the Ottawas with their picturesque blankets drawn
closely around them, and the Wyandots in their painted shirts,
and feathered hair, seated themselves upon the ground in dif.
ferent circles and gravely awaited the commencement of
ceremonies.
First, the pipes with ornamented stems were lighted, and
passed from mouth to mouth; then Pontiac walked deliberately
forward into the midst of the council. Though ordinarily
dressed in the simple attire of his followers, he was now
plumed and painted in a manner becoming his high station.
Looking around upon the faces of his different auditors, his
black eye shone with unwonted fierceness. He commenced
speaking in an impassioned voice, pouring forth his indigna-
tion upon the English for their arrogance and insults. He
compared their severe conduct with the kind treatment of the
French, and asserted that unless they were driven from the
country the Indians would soon be utterly exterminated.
Then, holding up the broad belt of wampum, he stated that
it had been received from the King of France, whose sleep was
now ended, and who, at that moment, was on his way with
his big war-canoes to drive the intruders from the country.
Having wrought his listeners up to the highest pitch of
excitement, he changed his voice, and if a low, deep and
thrilling tone related the following story:—
, “A Delaware Indian conceived an eager desire to learn wis.
dom from the Master of Life; but, being ignorant where to find
him, he had recourse to fasting, dreaming, and magical incan.
tations. By these means it was reve iſed to him, that, by
moving forward in a straight, undeviating course, he would






..TITE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
reach the abode of the Great Spirit. He told his purpose to no
one, and having provided the equipments of a hunter-gun,
powder-horn, ammunition, and a kettle for preparing his food,
—he set forth on his errand. For some days he journeyed on
in high hope and confidence. On the evening of the eighth day
he stopped by the side of a brook at the edge of a small prairie,
where he began to make ready his evening meal, when, looking
up, he saw three large openings in the woods on the opposite
side of the meadow, and three well-beaten paths which entered
them. He was much surprised; but his wonder increased when,
after it had grown dark, the three paths were more clearly
visible than ever. Remembering the important object of his
visit, he could neither sleep nor rest; and, leaving his fire, he
crossed the meadow, and entered the largest of the three open-
ings. He had advanced but a short distance into the forest,
when a bright flame sprung out of the ground before him, and
arrested his steps. In great amazement, he turned back, and
entered the second path, where the same wonderful phenomenon
again encountered him; and now, in terror and bewilderment,
yet still resolved to persevere, he pursued the last of the three
paths. On this he journeyed a whole day without interruption,
when, at length, emerging from the forest, he saw before him a
vast mountain of dazzling whiteness. So precipitous was the
ascent, that the Indian thought it hopeless to go further, and
looked around him in despair: at that moment, he saw, seated
at some distance above, the figure of a beautiful woman arrayed
in white, who arose as he looked upon her, and thus accosted
him: ‘How can you hope, encumbered as you are, to succeed in
your design? Go down to the foot of the mountain, throw
away your gun, your ammunition, your provisions, and your
clothing; wash yourself in the stream which flows there, and
#. will then be prepared to stand before the Master of Life.”
The Indian obeyed, and again began to ascend among the rocks,
while the woman, seeing him still discouraged, laughed at his
faintness of heart, and told him that, if he wished for success, .
he must climb by the aid of one foot and one hand only. After
great toil and suffering, he at length found himself at the sum-
mit. The woman had disappeared, and he was left alone. A
rich and beautiful plain lay before him, and at a little distance,
he saw three great villages, far superior to the squalid dwellings
of the Delawares. As he approached the largest, and stood
hesitating whether he should enter, a man gorgeously attired
stepped forth, and taking him by the hand, welcomed him to
the celestial abode. He then conducted him into the presence
of the Great Spirit, where the Indian stood confounded at the
unspeakable splendor which surrounded him. The Great Spirit
bade him be seated, and thus addressed him:— .
“I am the Maker of heaven and earth, the trees, lakes, rivers,
and all things else; I am the maker of mankind; and because 1


AN ARTIFICE—THE CALUMET DANCE 31
love you, you must do my will. The land on which you lived
was made for you, and not for others. Why do you suffer the
white men to dwell among you? My children, you have for-
gotten the customs and traditions of your forefathers. Why do
you not clothe yourself in skins, as they did, and use the bows
and arrows, and the stone-pointed lances, which they used ?
You have bought guns, knives, kettles, and blankets from the
white men, until you can no longer do without them; and what
is worse, you have drunk the poison fire-water, which turns you
into fools. Fling all these things away; live as your wise fore-
fathers lived before you. And as for these English,_these dogs
dressed in red, who have come to rob you of your hunting
grounds, and drive away the game, you must lift the hatchet
against them. Wipe them from the face of the earth, and then
you will win my favor back again, and once more be º and
prosperous. The children of your great father, the King of
France, are not like the English. Never forget that they are
your brethren. They are very dear to me, for they love the red
men, and understand the true mode of worshiping me.”
“The Great Spirit next instructed his hearer in various pre-
cepts of morality and religion, such as the prohibition to marry
more than one wife, and a Yºkº. the practice of magic,
which is worshiping the devil. prayer, embodying the sub-
stance of all that he had heard, was then presented to the
Delaware. It was cut in hieroglyphics upon a wooden stick,
after the custom of his people, and he was directed to send
copies of it to all the Indian villages,
“The adventurer now departed, and returning to the earth;
reported all the wonders he had seen in the celestial regions.”
The Indian is naturally superstitious, and this dream or
offspring of Pontiac's heated imagination, in all probability
was as implicitly believed to be a direct revelation from the
Great Spirit by himself as by his followers. It will be noticed
that one of the peculiar ideas it is intended to enforce is that
of inducing the Indians to return to their primitive condition
—to reject every thing received from the English and use only
the weapons they had possessed before they ever saw a white
man. This is in perfect keeping with the Indian character.
It was afterward one of the favorite ideas with Tecumseh and
many other distinguished chiefs, . §§
At the conclusion, as Pontiac expected, he found the Indians
eager to attack the British garrison. He told them that on
the second of May, under pretense of performing the calumet
dance before the fort, they would gain admittance for a large
:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: * Parkman. .





m. LIFE of PoWTIAC.
party, note carefully the strength and preparations of the fort,
when another council would be held and the mode of assault
settled upon. .
The council now broke up. In the morning, in accordance
with a long-observed custom, the Indians moved up the river
and took up their encampment within a short distance of
Detroit. A few days after (the first of May) Pontiac, at the
head of forty Ottawas, made his appearance before the gate
and asked permission to enter and perform the calumet dance
before the officers. There was some debate and hesitation
before admitting him; but, as no just cause could be given for
refusing, the gate was thrown open and the warriors stalked
into the village. Walking to the front of Major Gladwyn's
house, Pontiac, with thirty of the Ottawas, instantly com-
menced the noisy dance, while the ten others wandered into
the fort, as if by accident. Their listless manner failed to
attract the attention of a single soldier, whose minds seemed
wholly absorbed in witnessing the grotesque performance of
the others at the corner of the street. But not an object
escaped these spies. Behind the black, horse-like hair that
dangled in their faces, their glowing eyes were constantly
flitting hither and thither, resting upon even the smallest
preparation, and taking in with an unerring accuracy the
strength of the little garrison. Their object being accom-
plished they withdrew and gradually mixed in with their
yelling confederates in the street. Soon after the whole body
passed out of the fort, without awakening in the minds of
cither officers or men, a single suspicion of the true cause of
So soon as all the Indians could be notified, a council of
the principal chiefs was called in the Pottawatomie village.
In the dimly lighted council-house were seated over a hundred
sachems. The sacred pipe passed from mouth to mouth until
all had smoked. Sentinels were stationed on the outside to
prevent interruption. When the proper moment arrived,
Pontiac arose and unfolded his treacherous scheme. He
roposed that a council should be demanded of Major Gladwyn
ters of the utmost importance. By this means, he
and the principal chiefs would gain admittance
; : led beneath their blankets. Pontiac













suspicions ARous|D AND warnings grwen. 88
would address the commandant, and, at the close of his speech,
present him with a belt of wampum. This was to be the
signal for all the chiefs to rush upon the officers present and
strike them down. A large body of Indians would be loiter-
ing upon the outside, who, upon hearing the discharge of
guns, would rush in and assail the soldiers, and thus, it was
believed, Detroit would be a certain and easy prey.
The chiefs received the proposal with hoarse grunts of ap-
proval, and, gathering their blankets around them departed to
prepare for the execution of the deep-laid plan. -
An unaccountable sense of security pervaded the garrison.
The dark, ominous storm of the winter before was forgotten,
or failed of its first effect upon their minds. The Indians still
lounged around the fort in large numbers, as persistently beg-
ging for whisky, tobacco and ammunition; the soldiers treated
them in the same reckless, insulting manner. On the fifth of
May a Canadian woman (Mrs. Aubun) visited the Ottawa vil-
lage for the purpose of procuring some maple sugar. She was
struck at noticing that most of the Indians were engaged
filing off their gun-barrels, so as to shorten them nearly
half. - &
Returning home she mentioned the fact to sev
her neighbors, when one of them, a blacksmith, remarked
there had been large numbers at his shop for a day or two,
asking for files and saws for some purpose which they refused
to reveal.” This circumstance aroused the suspicions of
several of the Canadians that something was going wrong, and
they proceeded to notify Major Gladwyn. Some of the lower
classes of the Canadians must have been aware of the plot, and
could have revealed it, if they chose; but it is generally be.
lieved that the better class knew nothing of the conspiracy
until it was upon them, or they would have disclosed it. M.
Gouin, one of the wealthiest settlers, hearing the blacksmith's
story, went to Major Gladwyn and told him to be upon his
guard, as there was every reason to believe that a deep plot
al, General Cass, wishing to write an account of the siege of De
ied numerous inquiries to be made among the aged Canadians
hom distinctly remembered the incidents. Lieutenant.
the woman mentioned, was fifteen years old at th
related with great minuteness many of the events. He recollected the
isit of his mother, and remembered often seeing Pontiac at his head.
quarters at the house of Meloche, - ---> ------------------------------------------ “. .



















84 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
was brewing among the Ottawas.” Gladwyn thanked his
informer, but laughed at his fears and regarded the suspicions
as without the slightest foundation. §
His disbelief, however, was soon removed by a direct revela-
tion of the whole plot. In the Pottawatomic village lived an
Ojibwa girl who was the mistress of Major Gladwyn, and who
loved him with the whole warmth of her generous soul. On
the afternoon of the day, following the warning of M. Gouin,
she came into the fort with a pair of elk-skin moccasins as a
present to the commander. He noticed the pensive and sad-
dened look she wore, but said nothing about it, and she
withdrew. Still she lingered on the street, as if loth to depart
until she had relieved her mind of some burden that was
oppressing it. The sentinel, noticing her singular conduct,
mentioned it to Gladwyn, who, recalling the girl, pressed her
to reveal the cause of her trouble. She refused for a time to
make any reply ; but, after much urging and many promises
not to betray her, she disclosed the whole murderous scheme.
She said that on the morrow Pontiac, accompanied by sixty
chiefs, would come to the fort. Each of these would have a
short musket concealed under his blanket. Pontiac would
make a speech as before mentioned, and, at its close, offer a
peace-belt of wampum, holding it in a reversed position. This
would be the signal for the chiefs to shoot down the officers,
and for the Indians upon the outside to commence the bloody
work. The French were to be spared, but every Englishman
was to be massacred. :
This was certainly enough to alarm any one, and Major
Gladwyn concluded it was time for his preparations to be
made. He thanked the faithful, loving girl, promising that
she should be rewarded, but advised her to return to the vil-
lage to prevent any suspicions being excited in regard to her.
Calling in his subordinates he related what had transpired,
He knew the defenses were too weak to repel a general assault,
and was fearful the Indians might attack them during the
_*. M. Gouin, another of General Cass's informants, was the son of this
Canadian settler. Although but eleven years old at the time, he remen-
bered the siege with great distinctness. He often saw Pontiac, and spoke
of him, as possessing the most º,Aºi over his followers.


The father of M. Gouin was one of the most influential traders in the set-
tlements, and more than once acted the part of mediator between the
English and Indians.
THE warriors ADMITTED To THE FORT. 35
r
night. Every possible preparation was made. Half the gar-
rison were put under arms, and the other half spent the night
upon the ramparts. The sentinels knew not why their strength
was doubled, nor had the men any idea of the true danger
that threatened them. At intervals through the night, Major
Gladwyn mounted the ramparts, and spent many long, anxious
minutes in endeavoring to pierce the surrounding gloom.
Nothing disturbed the quiet appearance of the forest; but, now
and then, the soft night-wind brought faintly to his ears the
sounds of yells and drums in the distance—sure evidence of
the truth of what the Ojibwa maiden had told him.
Note.—A curious document, supposed to be a diary kept by a French
priest, during this memorable siege, and known as the “Pontjac Manu-
script,” was preserved by a Canadian family at Detroit, and is now in
possession of the Historical Society in Michigan. Contrary to all other
accounts, it states that Pontiac's Conspiracy was disclosed io Major Glad-
win by a man of the Ottawa tribe; but, in regard to the girl mentioned, it
says that she was seized upon suspicion, by Pontiac's orders—failing,
however, to add whether she was punished or not. An old Indian, who,
for many years, was United States interpreter at Detroit, stated that Pon-
tiac himself gave her a severe beating, but that she lived many years
afterward and, getting into bad habits, in her old age, she oue day fell
C. H. A. P T E R III.
PONTIAC BAFFLED-HOSTILITIES-THE wan-Dance—Death or CAPTAIN
Ropertson AND SIR Robert DAVERs—pon TIAC Jorn Ed BY THE orth-
WAS-DEFENSES OF DETROIT-THE ATTACK–BETRAYAL or MAJOR CAMP-
BELL AND LIEUTENANT M’DougAL–poxTIAC compels The wyANdots
To JOIN HIM-ATTACK RENEWED. .
THE sun had hardly risen when the common behind the
fort was filled with warriors, squaws and children. They
were excited and restless, and appeared to be making prepa-
rations for a general game of ball. Several applied for
admission, and Gladwyn did not refuse, it being his wish to
let the Indians know their plot was detected and their inten-
tions held in contempt. Shortly after, Pontiac was seen
approaching, at the head of sixty warriors, all marching in

36 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
Indian file. Just previous to this, a Canadian named Beau.
fait had started homeward. He met these savages at the
bridge leading over Bloody Creek, and stepped aside to allow
them to pass. As the last one in the file came up to him, the
white recognized him as an old friend. The Savage saluted
him, then carefully lifting the fold of his blanket, revealed
the concealed gun, intimating, at the same time, by a meaning
gesture toward the fort, what their intentions were in regard
to it.* -
Near the middle of the forenoon these warriors appeared
before the gate, and Pontiac demanded admission. The gate was
opened and they filed in. Pontiac instinctively looked about
him as he entered, and the start he made when he saw the
evidences of preparation upon every hand, was noticed by all.
His habitual stoicism could not conceal the chagrin he felt
when made aware that his treachery was discovered. On
either side were drawn up ranks of armed soldiers, the fierce-
looking fur-traders armed to the teeth, while the meaning tap
of the drum was heard in the streets. Smothering his indig-
nation by a great effort, he strode through the town to the
door of the council-house, standing on the margin of the
river, where he was allowed to enter, followed by his chiefs.
Within the building Pontiac found Major Gladwyn and his
officers seated ready to receive him. It did not escape the
eyes of the chief that every man's belt held a pair of pistols,
and every sword was in its place. §
“Why do I see so many of my father's men standing with
their guns in the street 2" demanded Pontiac.
“They are ordered under arms for the purpose of disci-
pline,” replied Major Gladwyn through-his interpreter. -
Pontiac said nothing further, but it was plainly evident
that he was dissatisfied with this explanation, and was
in a dilemma at the attitude of things. Soon, however, the
chiefs seated themselves upon the mats, and, after the usual
pause, Pontiac arose to speak, holding in his hand the belt of
What an exciting moment! On the floor, in several circles,
sat the sixty warriors, their blankets drawn closely around
their throats, each shielding a weapon charged with death.
“This incident is given in Cass's Discourse before the Michigan. His
torical Society. It was related to the General by the sor of Beauſait.


PoWTIAC BAFFLED. 37
Some wore plumes made from the hawk, raven or eagle's
wings; others had nothing but the long scalp-lock dangling
from their crown. Their cheeks were daubed with vermil-
ion, ocher and soot, while their orbs gleamed and scintillated
like those of the rattlesnake. In the center, and a little in
advance, stood Pontiac-their leader—holding the all-import-
ant wanpum-belt in one hand, while the other was raised to
give force to his words. A few feet distant were seated Ma-
jor Gladwyn and his officers, their eyes immovably fixed upon
the Ottawa chief, while his speech was scarcely heard. A
single movement of that upraised arm, they knew would be
the signal for an instant and deadly conflict between those who
were now so calmly confronting each other. Once, it is said,
Pontiac raised the belt, but a sudden rattle of arms, and the
din of the rolling drum, made him lower it again. How the
hearts of officers and men must have throbbed How the
chests of those red tigers must have heaved, as the torch was
thus dallied within a few inches of the powder-mine! ºx. .” ---
Pontiac, completely perplexed and outwitted, sat down with
the wanpum-belt in his hand, and Major Gladwyn arose to
reply. His words were brief, but to the point. He said that,
as long as the Indians deserved the friendship of the English
they should have it; but, the first treacherous act would be
followed by a prompt retaliation. The council then broke up.
The doors were flung open, and, as the chiefs were about to
pass out, Pontiac told Gladwyn that he should visit the fort
again in a few days, accompanied by his squaws and children,
that they might shake hands with the English. Gladwyn
made no reply, and the savages were soon again outside the
fort. * . . . . . .
The next morning, Pontiac reappeared at the fort with
three of his chiefs, carrying the calumet of peace. Offering
iſºto Gladwyn, he said:— . gº ... . . .
“My father, evil birds have sung lies in your ears. We
who stand before you are friends of the English. We love
you as our brothers, and have now come to smoke the pipe
of peace with you.”
When all had smoked he presented it to Major Camp
as a further pledge of friendship. In the afternoon of the
same day, Pontiac called all the young mento a game of ball,
el






38 THE LIFE of PonºrIAC.
which took place near the fort. At its close, the victorious
party set up loud yells which so alarmed the officers that the
drums were beat to quarters; but the alarm shortly passed off
when the true cause was made known.
On Monday, the ninth of May, the common behind the fort
was once more thronged with Indians from the four different
tribes. Pontiac advanced from the midst and demanded
admittance at the gate.
“You may enter yourself, if you choose,” said Gladwyn,
“but no one else can come in.” - ~
“I wish all my warriors to enjoy the friendly calumet,” said
the chief. :
“All your warriors shall not do it, and no one besides you
shall enter as long as we can keep them out,” rejoined
Gladwyn. -z
Pontiac saw that it was useless to undertake to conceal his
designs any longer. With an expression of the deadliest hate,
he turned and strode toward his warriors, who, at his approach
sprung up and ran off “yelping like so many devils.”
The Indians were seen running rapidly toward a house
where an English woman and her two sons lived. They beat
down the door and poured in like a swarm of bees. A mo-
ment after, the dismal scalp-yell announced the fate of the
inmates. . A number of them then started on a rapid run
down the river-bank. Springing into their canoes they pad-
dled rapidly toward the Isle au Cochon. Here lived an
Englishman, formerly a Sergeant of the regulars, named Fisher.
He was immediately seized, murdered and scalped, and with
many yells of exultation, the savages left the island.
The next day, several Canadians crossed over to the island
and buried the body, But upon visiting the spot the next day
they saw the hands of the murdered man protruding from the
ground, as if in an attitude of entreaty. They buried him
more effectually, but upon returning a second time, to their
horror, they saw the hands again. They repaired to a priest,
who visited the island and performed the neglected rites, after
which the corpse reposed in peace.* .
Pontiac, when repulsed by Gladwyn, turned to the shore.
* This circumstance is well supported by tradition. Lieutenant Aubun
asserted to General Cass that it was true in every particular. Such an oc-
currence, it can be seen, could take place without any supernatural agency,


THE waR-DANCE. 39
None dared to approach him, so awful was his rage. Stepping
into a canoe, he impelled it up stream toward the Ottawa vil-
lage. As he drew near he shouted to the inhabitants. They
all rushed forth, old men, women and children. He ordered
them to move their camp to the western shore, that the river
should no longer be between them and the English. They
set to work at once so assiduously, that by night-fall every
thing, even the bark-covering to their lodges, was ready for
transportation. By this time the Indians had returned from
their murders, and as they gathered around, Pontiac, covered
with his war-paint, bounded into the open space in the center
of the assembly. Swinging his tomahawk over his head, and
stamping the ground, he commenced a wild and loud harangue
—relating his various services and exploits, and ended by
vowing vengeance upon the hated English foe. The others
caught his wild enthusiasm, and shortly all were circling
around and around, giving vent to yells that went down over
the waters like the notes of vengeance to the garrison.
The war-dance finished, the work of removal commenced.
Before daybreak the Ottawa village stood on the western side
of Detroit, just above the mouth of Parent's creek, and about
a mile and a half above the garrison. (This creek is now
known as Bloody Run. It is indicated on the accompanying
map as the scene of Dalzell's fight.)
In the evening, a Canadian coming down the river landed
at the fort, bringing the sad tidings that two English officers,
Captain Robertson and Sir Robert Davers, had been murdered
by the Indians above Lake St. Clair. He stated, also, that
the Ojibwas of Saginaw Bay, a most bloodthiºsty set, had
united with Pontiac. .
Major Gladwyn now began to entertain an adequate idea of
the danger which threatened his little garrison. Hitherto he
had believed it to be only a temporary outbreak which must
soon be quieted, but it now was plain that the disaffection
was general and that a most dreadful fate menaced all the
Western forts. 2 : . . . . . . . . . . º
Major Gladwyn took a careful survey of the defenses of
the place. The center of the town, it will be recollected, was
inclosed by pickets, nearly in the form of a square. At t le
corners and over the gates ware block-houses, while an open



40 THE IIFE OF PONTIAC.
space intervened between the houses and pickets. The forti.
fications did not reach to the river, but a gate opened in the
direction of the stream, where, at this time, most fortunately
indeed, two armed vessels lay at anchor. The ordnance of
the fort consisted of two six-pounders, one three-pounder and
three mortars, all of which were of an indifferent quality.
The garrison numbered one hundred and thirty, including the
officers. Besides these, were some thirty or forty traders in
the place; but the inadequateness of this entire force will ba
seen, when it is known that the stockade which surrounded
the town was over a thousand feet in length. º
Not a man lay down to sleep during the night, and Glad-
wyn himself walked the ramparts until morning. Just as the
light of day was breaking over the scene, the dreadful war-
whoop was sounded, and the whole host of Ottawas, Ojibwas
Wyandots and Pottawatomies, came bounding from the wood
like so many wolves. Their bullets rattled like hail against
the palisades, and the soldiers expected a rush against their
defenses. But, peering through the loop-holes, it was discov-
ered that their assailants were not so excited as to forget to
use caution in exposing their persons. Each had his mouth
full of bullets and all were firing—every fence, barn, bush,
tree and hollow was a flame. The incessant crashing of their
rifles was hardly more deafening than their demoniac yells.
Behind an adjoining hill, a multitude of tufted heads were
constantly appearing and vanishing, while the reports of their
guns were incessant. Still nearer was a barn which seemed
packed with the inhuman scoundrels, judging from the fire
that came from it. To dislodge these, several handfuls of red-
hot spikes were thrown down a cannon and fired at the barn.
The combustible material caught instantly, and in a moment
the building was wrapped in flames. The Indians, in the
greatest terror went leaping, yelling and dodging for other
shelter, making such grotesque figures that the whole garrison
broke out into hearty laughter.
For six hours the firing was kept up, when the Indians
withdrew, having suffered but a trifling loss, while the garrison
had only five wounded. Gladwyn at this time had but three
weeks' provision in the fort. Desirous of obtaining more, he
2ncluded to open negotiations with Pontiac, under cover of





BETRAYAL of MAJOR CAMPBELL. - 41
which he hoped to obtain the needed supplies. Accordingly
La Butte, the interpreter, (who being a Frenchman may be
said to have held a neutral position between the English and
Indians) was sent to Pontiac to demand reasons for the attack.
Chapeton and Godfroy, two old Canadians, volunteered to
accompany him in order to assist in the negotiation. x - - -
Pontiac received them kindly, and listened respectfully to
the message of La Butte. At its conclusion, Chapeton and
Godfroy made an earnest remonstrance with the chief, doing
their utmost to persuade him from continuing the hostilities.
Pontiac, with the courtesy that always distinguished him, uttered
assent to all that was said, and La Butte believing perfect suc-
cess would crown their efforts, withdrew for a time, that his
presence might be no restraint to the two Canadians. He
was deeply mortified, however, upon returning, to find that
their arguments had produced no effect. Pontiac could not
be prevailed upon to make any definite reply. He stated that
he wished to hold a council with the English fathers them-
selves, expressing a desire that Major Campbell, second in com-
mand, should visit the camp. This old and faithful officer
was greatly venerated by the Indians, and the proposal seemed
perfectly natural. The embassadors, therefore, returned and
reported to the commandant. Gladwyn believed it was only
another of Pontiac's treacherous schemes; but Major Campbell
could not suspect those with whom he had so long been
friendly. He urged permission very strongly, and Gladwyn
at length yielded his reluctant consent. % - . . ...
Lieutenant McDougal, was also granted permission to
attend Campbell, and the two, accompanied by La Butte
and several other Canadians, left the fort. Before this, how-
ever, M. Gouin (heretofore referred to) had moved through
the Indian camp, and heard enough to satisfy him that the
officers were about to enter a trap laid for them. He accord-
ingly dispatched two men to warn them from coming, but it
was too late. They had already left the gate, and the mes-
sengers could not induce them to return.
Going up the river-bank, they crossed the bridge over
Bloody Run, and, a little further on, came in sight of the
Ottawa encampment. The instant the red uniforms of the
Englishmen were seen, the Indians set up a loud outcry, and,



the LIFE of PoWTIAC.
armed with sticks and stones, rushed toward them. Pontiac
quelled the tumult, and shaking the officers by the hand, led
the way through the camp to a large lodge where he
seated them upon mats and waited to hear what they had to
communicate. Major Campbell arose, made a short speech
and then sat down. Pontiac deigned no reply, and for full
an hour Campbell and his friends sat in the most embarrassing
silence. Unable to bear the suspense longer, he arose and sig-
nified his intention to return. Pontiac instantly signed for
him to reseat himself. Campbell did so, and saw at once that
they had been betrayed.
Still the gray-haired officer would not believe that anything
more than their mere retention was intended. Such, indeed,
seemed the case with Pontiac. Many of his followers were
eager to slay the Englishmen; but the chief would not con-
sent. He took them as prisoners to the house of M. Meloche,
near Bloody Run,” where as much liberty as prudent was
allowed them. A good reason for Campbell believing that
Pontiac would do no more than this, was that two Ojibwas
at that moment were in the power of Major Gladwyn.
La Butte, the interpreter, did not return to the fort until late
in the evening. His gloomy intelligence was immediately
read in his face. Two or three of the officers were unjust
enough to express their suspicion that he was a party to the
treachery. The interpreter, deeply mortified, left the fort, and
sullen and thoughtful wandered around the streets, refusing
communication with any one.
The next day Pontiac crossed the river to the Wyandot
village, where a portion of the tribe had been so influenced
by a Jesuit priest, that, thus far, they refused to take part in
the hostility. Pontiac told them they should all be toma-
hawked if they remained neutral any longer. They soon
joined him, and, it is said, proved the best warriors under his
command.
Having now a truly formidable force at his disposal, the
chief made his disposition of them. A number of Pottawat-
omies were concealed along the river-bank, where they
remained ready to cut off the approach of any supplies or
reinforcements and to prevent any one leaving the fort.
* Previous to Dalzell's fight this stream was known as Parent's creek,



IIOSTILITIES OPENED,
Another force was ordered to keep concealed near the
place, when no attack was going on, and pick off every trader,
or Englishman who showed himself for an instant. .
These preparations were completed on the twelfth of May.
On that morning, the Indians opened a hot fire upon the fort,
kept it up almost without intermission until dusk, when their
firing ceased. Major Gladwyn now called a council of his
officers to decide what course to pursue. An interchange
of views proved that nearly all were in favor of embarking
for Niagara, in the vessels that lay in the river. This con-
clusion seemed reasonable, as their provisions, by the most
rigid economy, would barely hold out but three weeks, and
there was no room for believing that succor would be sent
them. What troubled the officers most was the fear that the
Indians would make a united onset upon the pickets. In
such a case, nothing could prevent the massacre of the whole
garrison. An old Canadian, who had spent many years
among the savages, assured the council that there were not
the least grounds for such an apprehension. Pontiac would
never make or allow such an assault to be made by his
warriors, as their principles of warfare were opposed to it.
The old Pennsylvania Gazette stated that Gladwyn was the
only one who opposed the plan of embarking for Niagara,
and that when his wishes were known, and their fears relieved
by the Canadian, the officers agreed to a man to defend the
fort to the last extremity. Whatever may have induced the
change of mind, it did take place, and Gladwyn resolved to
hold the place to the last. :: ; ; ,
Numbers of the soldiers sallied out from time to time and
cut down the orchards and bushes, so that no shelter in the
immediate proximity of the fort was afforded their assailants.
In spite of their precautions, the snake-like warriors would
crawl through the grass to the palisade, and there shoot arrows
tipped with blazing tow upon the roofs of the houses; but,
each building was provided with a tank of water as a special
guard against this danger, and the twists of fire were instantly
extinguished. The church was most exposed, and Pontiac
would have fired it, had not the French priest threatened
guch sacrilege with the vengeance of God.
Determined that the garrison should fall into his hands at

44 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
all hazards, he eagerly asked the French to teach him their
method of approaching a fortified place; but such as pose
sessed this knowledge prudently affected ignorance.
The immediate fear of the commandant was now in regard
to provisions. Every thing that could answer for food was
collected and placed in the public store-house. The men
were served in close rations. Not a particle was allowed to
go to waste; but, in spite of these precautions, hunger would
have compelled the evacuation of the fort, had it not been for
the timely assistance of a few friendly Canadians. One of
these named Baby, who lived across the river, transported,
under cover of night, numbers of hogs and cattle to the garri-
son. By this means the soldiers maintained hope and confi-
dence, and openly defied the Indians to do their utmost.
º C H A P T E R I W.
wANT or Provisions—PontiAc's ProMissoRY NotEs—THE RELIEF Expº.
DITION – ITS SAD FATE– PontiAc's scIIEMEs Against westERN won-
TRESSEs successFUL–FALL of Fort SANDUSKY, of Font St. Joseph, of
Fort MACKINAw, of Fort MIAM1, of Fort PRESQU'Isle — Monstrous
PERFIDY OF THE SAVAGES.
THE Indians, believing the garrison could not hold out for .
any length of time, had neglected to provide themselves with
provisions, and now began to experience the same privations
that the English did. In meeting these wants, Pontiac dis-
played an ingenuity perfectly wonderful in an Indian. The
Canadian settlers had complained of the Indians stealing their
provisions and destroying their crops. The chief checked
this annoyance at once, and then visited each house, inspected
its contents, and told the proprietor what amount he must
furnish for the sustenance of his warriors, establishing a store-
house at the same time, and appointing a director. Having
no means at hand to compensate the settlers, he issued pro-
missory notes, drawn upon bark and signed with the figure of
an otter—the totem to which he belonged. It is worthy of
record that every one of these notes was afterward faithfully
redeemed by the remarkable debtor. -

THE ExPECTED RELIEF. 45
Time wore on, and the flag of Briton still floated above
petroit. The savages did not for an instant relax their watch-
fulness. If the head or limb of a soldier was exposed, several
rifles were sure to be discharged at it, and, as has already
been said, hardly a man lay-down to rest at night for weeks
together. The streets were deserted and quiet. Now and
then some indolent Canadian, or a gaudily-dressed Indian girl
mistress of a trader or officer, would saunter along, making
the gloom and desolation only the more gloomy and desolate.
Soon Gladwyn heard that a convoy was on its way to
Detroit to relieve him. Impatient and anxious for its arrival,
Gladwyn dispatched one of his schooners to hasten it forward.
The vessel moved slowly down the river, the men fearful and
almost certain of an attack from the savages before they should
reach their destination. The next day, while in the very
mouth of Lake Erie, the wind fell to a dead calm, and she
became motionless, “as a painted ship upon a painted sea.”
As she lay here, the sails now and then flapping uselessly, a
multitude of canoes suddenly started out from the opposite
shores and made toward her. In the prow of the foremost
the Indians had stationed Major Campbell, their prisoner,
believing he would be a screen of safety to themselves. The
gallant old officer cried out to his friends to do their duty
without minding him. Fortunate indeed had it been for him
had such been the case, and he had fallen by a bullet from his
own countrymen; but, before the canoes could reach the
schooner, her sails suddenly swelled to the wind, and she was
carried safely out into the lake beyond their reach.
Long and anxiously did the garrison look for the expected
convoy; the weary sentinel, pacing the ramparts, turned his
eager eyes again and again to catch a glimpse of her as she
rounded the bend in the river. And, as day after day, the
sun disappeared without bringing any tidings, the heart sick-
ened at the dreadful apprehensions that arose in the minds of
all. But on the morning of the thirtieth of May, the sentinel
shouted that the convoy had appeared The news ran like
an electric shock through the garrison. The whole place was
aroused. Officers, soldiers and traders, their faces illuminated
by joy, and hope gratified, crowded together, as, with •
ing hearts, they watched the boats as they slowly came up


46 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
the river. A perfect fleet of them was rounding Montreal
Point, their ashen oars flashing in the sunlight, and the blood-
red cross of England gayly streaming above them. The
siege, they believed, was now at an end. Men, arms and
provisions were at hand, and the treacherous savages were
baffled of their prey.
Nearer and nearer comes the welcome vessel, while the
garrison breaks forth into three hearty cheers. Again and
again they are repeated, and the soldiers become frenzied
with joy. The cannons belch forth their loud welcome of
friends and their defiance of enemies. The ramparts are
crowded, hats are seen frantically swinging in the air, and the
joyous hurrahs are echoed back for miles.
But look 1 The shouts cease. Hands drop suddenly and
listlessly, while an expression of terror flashes across every
face. Every heart seems to have stopped pulsating. The
eyes of every officer, soldier and trader are riveted upon the
canoes. Dark, dusky figures are seen to rise in them, and,
with wild gestures and the chilling war-whoop, to return the
salute. The dreadful truth is known at once. The convoy
is in the hands of Pontiac and his murderous followers |
While the garrison stand paralyzed by this overwhelming
misfortune, an incident occurs that, for the time, rouses them
from their apathy by its thrilling interest. There were about
a score of canoes, in each of which were two or more soldiers,
deprived of their arms, and compelled to row by their armed
captors. In the foremost of these chanced to be four soldiers
and only three Indians. One of the former was acting as
steersman, and, as the boat came opposite the schooner, which
was still at anchor near the fort, he formed a plan of escape.
One of the Indians was sitting directly in front of another
soldier, and the steersman called to him in English to pitch
the savage overboard. The man replied that he was not
strong exºugh. The other then told him to change places
with him, as though fatigued with rowing. The steersman
stepped forward as if to take the oar, when he stooped,
caught the Indian's hair in his left hand and his girdle in his
right, and, by main strength, flung him overboard. The agile
savage, as he felt himself lifted from his seat, twisted around
with the quickness of lightning and caught the steersman by


cArtuitº OF THE CONvoy. . 47
he cºbos, Holding fast by one hand, and trailing along-
ide, he drew his knife with the other, pulled himself up out
the water, and stabbed the soldier again and again. In their
struggles the boat tipped to its gunwale, and the poor fellow
went overboard. The contest continued in the water, the
forms rising and sinking, in deadly strife, until both finally
disappeared.*
The other two Indians, at the very commencement of the
Contest—which, indeed, was scarce a minute in length—sprung
overboard, and the soldiers rowed for the fort with all their
strength, shouting aloud for help. The other canoes were
|but a short distance behind and started instantly in pursuit,
while the Indians upon shore opened a fire upon them. The
light, birchen vessels of the pursuers gained with incredible
rapidity. When about to give up in despair, a cannon from
the vessel sent its ball plowing through the water within a
few feet of the most advanced of the pursuers, while another
one scattered the savages upon the bank. The soldiers were
soon with the excited garrison. These men gave the dismal
account of their misfortune. Licutenant Cuyler had left Fort
Niagara, on the thirteenth of May, with over ninety men and an
abundance of provision and ammunition. He had coasted
along the northern shore of Lake Erie without seeing a human
being besides his own men, until the twenty-eighth of the month,
when he put ashore near the mouth of Detroit river. The boats
the convoy consisted only of comparatively small boats) were
trawn upon the shore and preparations made for encampment.
While a man and a boy were a short distance away cutting
ºre-wood, several Indians sprung upon them, and killed the
boy, when the man ran into camp with the alarm. Lieuten-
ant Cuyler instantly formed his men into line, and had
searcely done so when a destructive fire was opened upon
them. Both parties stood their ground for a while, when a
multitude of Wyandots poured out of the wood and attacked
them with the greatest fury. The men became panic-struck,
the line was thrown into the most disgraceful confusion, and
all, in a blind terror, rushed for the boats, throwing their guns
from them as they ran. Five were pushed into the water
*M. Gouin, who was a boy at this time, says the Indian freed himself
from the soldier, and he saw him swim ashore. . .


THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
and piled full of the soldiers, while the Indians, setting two
others afloat, started in pursuit. Three of the former allowed
the Indians to recapture them without the least resistance,
Lieutenant Cuyler, seeing his men all captured or routed,
waded into the water, was taken in by one of the other two
boats, which eventually made their escape to Niagara, where
their disaster was reported to the commanding officer.
The fate of the sixty prisoners was even more appalling
than their hopeless friends expected. When night set in
several Canadians came into the garrison, bringing vague and
horrible rumors of their massacre by their inhuman captors.
“Naked corpses, gashed with knives and scorched with fire,
floated down on the pure waters of the Detroit, whose fish
came up to nibble at the clotted blood that clung to their
ghastly faces.” The “Pontiac Manuscript” before referred
to, in regard to this awful affair, has the following account:
“The Indians, fearing that the other barges might escape as
the first had done, changed their plan of going to the camp,
* landed their prisoners, tied them, and conducted them by
reached the shore, the barbarians landed their prisoners, one
after the other, on the beach. They made them strip themselveſ,
and then sent arrows into different parts of their bodies. These
unfortunate men wished sometimes to throw themselves on the
ground to avoid the arrows; but they were beaten with sticks
ind forced to stand up until they were dead; after which those
who had not fired fell upon their bodies, cut them to pieces,
cooked and ate them. On others they exercised different modes
of torment by cutting their flesh with flints, and piercing them
with lances. They would then cut their feet and hands off,
and leave them weltering in their blood till they were dead.
Others were fastened to stakes, and children employed in
burning them with a slow fire. No kind of torment was left
untried by these Indians. Some of the bodies were left on
shore; others were thrown into the river. Even the women
assisted their husbands in torturing their victims. They slitted
º
them with their knives, and mangled them in various ways.
There were, however, a few whose lives were saved, being
adopted to serve as slaves.”
This is sumcient to give a faint idea of the death of these
is the sad truth became known to the besieged of
" * Parkman,
i to the Ottawa village, and then crossed them to Pontiac's
camp, where they were all butchered. As soon as the canoes







ATTACK UPON FORT ST. JoSEPH. 49
petroit, a deep gloom settled upon the spirits of all. None
knew how soon they might share the fate of Lieutenant
Cuyler's men. Enemies watchful, malignant, vindictive and
jerciless environed them on every side, and none but the
irm of Omnipotence was strong enough to deliver them.
Fortune seemed to have abandoned the little garrison to its
mpending fate. Shortly after this, the dismal “death-halloo”
was again heard among the Indians; and, upon looking out,
, long line of naked savages was seen emerging from the
wood, and walking across the open space near the fort. All
were painted black, and each bore a scalp upon the top of a
pole. It was plain that some new disaster had occurred, and
he hearts of the almost hopeless soldiers sickened at the
thought. Indeed, the disgusting ceremony of the savages was
hardly finished, when a Canadian arrived at the fort with the
intelligence that Fort Sandusky had been taken by the
Wyandots, and all of the garrison slain or captured. Soon
after, Major Gladwyn received a letter from the commandant,
Ensign Paully, giving a whole account of the manner in which
the post had fallen. Like nearly every other victory of the
tºº. it was gained through the most consummate treachery.
Paully himself had been given the choice of death at the
Ftake or that of adoption by the tribe. Naturally enough he
chose the latter, and at the time the letter was written was
enrolled as an Ottawa warrior.
The fall of Sandusky was on the sixteenth of May. A few
. later, Gladwyn learned that two powerful bands of
Ojibwas had connected themselves with Pontiac. The force
in the immediate vicinity of Detroit was, in consequence
nearly nine hundred.
At the mouth of St. Joseph's river, near the head of Lake
Michigan, stood Fort St. Joseph, garrisoned only by fourteen
|soldiers under the command of Ensign Schlosser. On the
(twenty-fifth of May this was attacked by a large band of
Pottawatomies, who obtained admittance in the same manner
ºhe Ottawas had done at Fort Sandusky. Eleven of the men
were killed, and the remaining three, together with Schlosser,
were brought before Detroit, on the fifteenth of June, by a
and of Pottawatomies, who offered them, in exchange for
oners held by Gladwyn. With considerable






50 . THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
difficulty this exchange was effected, and from these prison...:
the particulars above given were obtained by the commandan.
Four days later, Father Jonois, a Roman Catholic priest,
appeared before the fort, and delivered into the hands of
Gladwyn a letter from Captain Etherington, commandant at
Mackinaw. A copy of this letter, preserved in the State
Paper Office of London, reads as follows: .
& “MICHILLIMACRINAC, 12 June, 1763.
“SIR:—Notwithstanding what I wrote you in my last, that a
the savages were arrived, and that every thing seemed in perfec
tranquillity, yet on the fourth instant, the Chippewas, who liv
in a plain near this fort, assembled to play ball, as they had don,
almost every day since their arrival. They played from morning
until noon; then throwing their ball close to the gate, and
observing Lieutenant Lesley and me a few paces out of it, they
came behind us, seized and carried us into the woods.
“In the mean time, the rest rushed into the fort, where they
found their squaws, whom they had previously planted there,
with their hatchets hid under their blankets, which they took,
and in an instant killed Lieutenant Jamet, fifteen rank and file,
and a trader named Tracy. They wounded two, and took thé
i. º the garrison prisoners, five of whom they have since
Kllieſ!.
“They made prisoners all the English traders, and robbed
them of every thing they had; but they offered no violence to
the persons or property of any of the Frenchmen.
“When the massacre was over, Messrs. Langdale and Farli,
the interpreters, came down to the place where Lieutenant;
Lesley and me were prisoners, and on their giving themselves,
as security to return us when demanded, they obtained leave foil.
us to go the fort, under a guard of Savages, which gave time, by
the assistance of the gentleman above mentioned, to send ;
the Ottawas, who came down on the first notice, and were ver,
much displeased at what the Chippewas had done. •.
“Since the arrival of the Ottawas they have done everything .
in their power to serve us, and with what prisoners the Chippé
was had given them, and what they have bought, I have now
with me Lieutenant Lesley and eleven privates, and the other
four of the garrison who are yet living remain in the hands of
the Chippewas.
“The Chippewas, who are superior in number to the Ottawas,
have declared in council to them that if they do not remove uſ
out of the fort, they will cut off all communication to this post
by which means all the convoys of merchants from Montrea.
La Baye, St. Joseph, and the tipper posts would perish. Brº
if the news of your posts being attacked (which they say w
the reason why they took up the hatchet) be false --

FALL OF FORTS OUATANON AND MIAMI. 51
set... ny, a strol ºf reinforcement, with provisions, etc., accom-
pauleå by Gone ºf your Savages, I believe the post might be
re-established again. .
“Since this affair happened, two canoes arrived from Mon-
treal, which put it in may power to make a present to the Ot-
tawa nation, who very well deserve any thing that can be done
for them.
“I have been very much obliged to Messrs. Langdale and
Farli, the interpreter, as likewise to the Jesuit, for the many
good offices they have done us on this occasion. The priest
seems inclinable to go down to your post for a day or two,
which I am very glad of, as he is a very good man, and had a
great deal to say with the savages, hereabout, who will believe
every thing he tells them, on his return, which I hope will be
soon. The Ottawas say they will take Lieutenant Lesley, me,
and the eleven men which I mentioned before were in their
hands, up to their village and there keep us, till they hear what
is doing at your post. They have sent this canoe for that
purpose.” -
This letter, it will be noticed was written a few days after
the massacre at Mackinaw, and before the writer was aware
of the desperate strait in which Detroit itself was placed.
Of course Gladwyn was unable to do any thing for his unfor-
tunate friend, and Father Jonois set out on his return with
such tidings. 3.
The next letter received by Major Gladwyn was from
Lieutenant Edward Jenkins, commandant at Fort Ouatanon,
which stood on the Wabash, near or upon the present site of
Lafayette. This letter stated that, on the first of June, this
place had fallen into the hands of the Indians, the latter first
securing the persons of the commandant and several of his
men, whom they had invited into their cabins under pretense
of speaking with them. …
Hardly had the news of this disaster reached Detroit when
intelligence of the fate of Fort Miami was received. An Indian
maiden Sayed Gladwyn's garrison, it will be recollected, but,
in this case, one betrayed a fort. The commandant, Ensign
Holmes, who had been suspicious for some time, was told by
an Indian girl, in whom he had confidence, that a squaw lay
dangerously ill a short distance away, and he was requested
to go to her. While in the act of entering the cabin pointed
out to him, he was shot dead by two Indians. The report
of the guns was heard at the fort, and the Sergeant, with a

52 :- THE LIFE of PONTIAC.
sac. want of discretion, instantly hurried out to ascertain the
meaning of it. He walked directly into the trap, and was
taken prisoner, with much whooping and exultation. Shortly
after, the terrified soldiers were summoned to surrender by a
Canadian and two white companions, who promised their
lives and good treatment in case they submitted, but complete
massacre if they refused. The frightened soldiers yielded at
once, and were made prisoners.
The fall of Fort Miami took place on the twenty-seventh
of May. On the fifteenth of the following month Fort
Presqu'Isle was attacked. This fort was on the southeyn
shore of Lake Erie, where the town of Erie now stands. The
fort was of two stories, the upper projecting over the lower
so that the defenders could fire down upon their assailants.
The roof was steeply shelving and covered with dry shingles,
so combustible that its danger had often been remarked by
Ensign Christie. As a safeguard, there was an opening in
the roof, protected by bullet-proof planks, through which
water could be dashed upon the roof, in case it took fire.
The block-house stood in the very worst situation possible.
It was upon a projecting point of land, inclosed upon one
side by the lake and upon the other by a brook, whose bank
swelled into a ridge so steep that it afforded the best shelter
for an enemy at only forty yards distant, while the bank of
the lake possessed the same disadvantage upon the opposite
side. § . .
The garrison was but a handful in numbers, but they were
men of tried courage, and Ensign Christie was worthy of
being their leader. Rumors of the fall of other forts along
the frontier had reached him, and he was not a man to be
taken off his guard. At daybreak on the fifteenth of June,
his little garrison saw themselves surrounded by over two
hundred Indians, who had come from the vicinity of Detroit
with the determination that the fort should be taken. As
soon as the Indians were discovered, the soldiers hurried into
the block-house, and made hasty preparations for the attack.
Sheltering themselves behind the natural embankments men,
tioned, the savages poured an unremitting fire at the loop.
holes and crevices, and shot arrows tipped with burning tow
upon the roof. The dry shingles instantly caught the blaze,








GALLANT DEFENSE of ForT PREsqu'IsI.E.
but were as instantly extinguished by the water prepared for
such a contingency. Again and again was the attempt made,
and again and again was it foiled, until the roof became
charred, steamy and smoking. The assailants next rolled
logs to the top of the embankments, where they constructed
several strong breast-works from which they could fire with
still more deadly effect. Balls of blazing pitch were cast
upon the roof, but as soon as they struck, they were sub-
merged in a torrent of water and rolled harmlessly to the
ground. - ...
Numbers of Indians attempted to run across and drop into
the ditch which surrounded the fort, but every one was shot
or badly wounded by the determined soldiers. At this point,
the garrison saw dirt and stones cast tip behind the breast-
works, and they divined the truth at once. The Indians
were undermining the fort, and the beleaguered possessed no
power to prevent thcir sure approach. §
By this time, too, the water was nearly exhausted, and the
attempts to fire the building were still continued. Threatened
thus by two perils which would have discouraged almost any
man, Ensign Christie did not despair. It was certain death
to attempt reaching the well in the parade-ground, so the
only hope was to sink one in the block-house itself. The
boards were torn up and the work commenced. They had
progressed but a few feet, when the building was found to be
again on fire. The last cupful of water was cast upon it
and it was extinguished. The men plied themselves with
desperate energy, throwing the dirt constantly above, and fast
disappearing down in the earth. Again the cry of fire is
raised, and no signs of water have been reached. The dig-
gers work like madmen, but it is useless: the precious element
is still far below them, and they stop, panting and despairing.
At this critical moment, a soldier springs out upon the roof,
and, not heeding the bullets that rattle like hail around him,
tears off the burning shingles, and with a defiant shout leaps
back again unharmed. The men ply themselves again with
renewed hope, and, ere the dreaded cry is raised, th
struck water.
Darkness now settles over the place, but the weary sold
are given no rest. All night, the flashes of the guns encircle











54 TITE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
the block-house by fire, while every loop-hole is spouting
flame and death. As morning once more dawns upon the
scene, it is discovered that the breast-works have been ad-
vanced to the house of Christie, which is immediately fired.
This stands so close to the block-house that the men are
nearly stifled by the heat. The outer walls of the block-
house itself smoke and peel and finally burst into flame. But
the ever watchful soldiers soon extinguish it, and are still
resolute to defend the place to its last extremity. All through
the forenoon—the afternoon—the evening—until midnight the
firing scarcely abates upon either side. The air within the
block-house is sulphurous, clogged and heated almost to suf-
focation, while the men, with begrimed faces, move about in
the dark room, silent and resolute. At midnight some one
calls out to the garrison in French to surrender. Christie
asks for a man who speaks English, when a soldier, who,
having been made prisoner during the French war, and who
has since spent his life among the Indians, steps forward
from the breast-work. -
This man told Ensign Christie, that the preparations had
been completed in such a manner, that the fort would be fired
at the top and bottom at the same moment. He advised
them to surrender, and he would guarantee their lives, while,
if they undertook to hold out longer they would all be burnt
to death within the fort. Christie replied that he would give
his final answer in the morning, and the assailants consent-
ing, the hostilities were suspended until that time.
Ensign Christie was still resolved to defend the place as
long as a shadow of hope remained. He felt that if the white
man had stated truth, nothing remained but to surrender or
to be burnt with the fort. In the morning, he instructed two
of his men to go out, as if to treat with their enemies, but in
reality to observe whether they had made such preparations
against them. If they had not they were to return an evasive
answer and make their way back to the fort, when the defense
would be resumed; but, if it were otherwise, they were to
notify him by means of a private signal. The soldiers
advanced to the breast-work, when they signaled to Christie
that every thing was as reported; and, as he had instructed
them, demanded that two of the principal chiefs should

SECOND ATTEMPT AT RELIEF. & 55
advance half-way to the block-house where the commandant
would receive them. 3.
This was done, and Christie negotiated with them for the
surrender of the fort. Hopeless as was his case, he would not
consent to deliver it up, unless the chiefs agreed that they
might be allowed to march undisturbed to the next post.
These were the capitulations and the men defiled out of the
fort which they had defended with such bravery. The
Indians instantly made them all prisoners and sent them to
Detroit; but the indomitable Christie effected his escape,
although most of his companions were put to death.
The other posts soon followed the fate of Presqu'Isle, so
that Detroit was the only one that held out. Pontiac daily
grew more and more enraged at its obstinate resistance, and
endeavored to intimidate the commandant, by saying that
hundreds of other Indians would soon join him, when it
would be impossible to prevent the massacre of all his men.
To such threats Gladwyn uniformly returned an answer con-
temptuous and insulting, and Pontiac renewed his efforts, with
a resolve more resolute than ever to make the haughty com-
mandant sue for mercy. x
C. H. A. P. T. E. R. W.
second ATTEMPT to RELIEVE THE GARRIson—THE Schooxen's voyagº. -
ITS ASSAULT BY THE SAVAGES-THEIR REPULSE—SAFE ARRIVAL Air
DETROIT-FURY OF PONTIAC–INGENIOUS ATTEMPT TO DESTROY THI:
YESSELS-THE FIRE RAFT-PEACE ASKED BY THE WYANDOTS AND
PortAwatomies—siege CONTINUED.
THE garrison now began to feel some alarm in regard to
the schooner which, it will be remembered, Major Gladwyn
had dispatched to Fort Niagara to hasten the convoy. This
vessel had met Lieutenant Cuyler and gone on to Niagara,
where she remained until that officer and a portion of his
men returned to tell their tragic story. An instant order was
given to fit out the schooner to return. The Lieutenant
and his remaining men together with such as could be spared
from Niagara were placed on board and ordered to the relief.

THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
of Detroit with all dispatch, and with a command to enter
the fort at all hazards.
The vessel made her way slowly up the river, but, when in
the narrowest portion, near Turkey Island, the wind failed
her, and, knowing that hundreds of demon-like eyes were
watching his movements, the captain dropped down into the
broader portion below to wait for the breeze. Here she lay
several days partially becalmed ; but, on the afternoon of the
twenty-third, again commenced ascending the stream. The
garrison noticed a great commotion among the Indians, but
were unable to tell what was the cause of it, until M. Baby
came into the fort, and stated that they were preparing to
attack the schooner which had got under weigh. At this,
Major Gladwyn fired two cannon to let his friends know they
still held out, and then the garrison waited with the most
intense anxiety for the appearance of its friends and the long
looked-for relief.
In the mean time the schooner was moving through the
channel between Fighting Island and the eastern shore. At
the very narrowest part, the wind again died out, and anchor
was dropped. Some sixty men were on board, all eager for
a regular battle with the Indians, who they knew were hover.
ing along the shore in vast numbers. To invite an attack by
the apparent weakness of the crew, the greater portion of these
remained below during the day, not more than a dozen being
visible upon the deck at the same time. Confident that an
attack would be made before morning, the sentinels were
stationed, and the men waited below ready to come up at an
instant's warning. . a - - -
* As night slowly settled over stream and wood, nothing out
of the usual order of things could be detected along the shore,
though a most formidable breast-work had been erected by the
Indians, a little further up, while they were only waiting for
the proper moment to arrive, when they hoped to gain posses.
sion of the vessel. The latter lay quiet and motionless, a
dusky figure now and then flitting across the deck, and the
most death-like silence reigning over stream and shore.
Hour after hour wore away, and all remained the same.
The watchful sentinels pierced the gloom on every side and
listan the slightest sound of danger. Nothing but the





SAFE ARRIVAL OF THE SCHOONER.
soft rippling of the current around the prow was heard, or
the almost inaudible gurgling against the taut cable. The
shores were invisible, but one of the sentinels suddenly de-
tected dark, moving bodies upon the surface of the water. He
gave the signal, and instantly the deck was filled with men,
who took their stations as noiselessly as shadows. Numbers
of birchen canoes, were seen cautiously approaching. Not a
trigger was pulled until they were within a few yards when
a hammer was struck upon the mast. Immediately the whole
side of the black hull, burst forth in one blaze of living fire,
with a crash like that of an earthquake. Musket and can-
non-shot went hurtling among the canoes, sinking several,
killing fourteen Indians, wounding still more and scattering
the others like chaff. The panic-struck Indians hastened to
the shore to open fire from their breast-work; but, the schooner
dropped down stream out of their reach, and a few days
afterward passed safely through the channel, sending a broad-
side into the Wyandot village as she passed. Without a single
man killed or wounded, they closed in beside the other
schooner, under the walls of Detroit fort.
Her appearance was most timely, for she brought an abun-
dance of men, provisions and ammunition. She brought also
the welcome intelligence of the conclusion of peace between
England and France. This placed the Canadians around
Detroit in a different position. “Hitherto they had been, as
it were, prisoners on capitulation, neutral spectators of the
quarrel between their British conquerors and the Indians; but
now their allegiance was transferred from the crown of
France to that of Britain, and they were subjects of the
English king.”* .
The majority of these Canadians hated the English as much
as did the Indians, and they positively refused to submit to the
treaty. They even declared to Pontiac that the whole story
was a fabrication of Major Gladwyn's—that the King
France would never desert, thus his children, but that he h
sent an army which was that moment ascending the St. L
rence for the purpose of driving the English from the country.
Pontiac and his chiefs believed this story, and awaited t
arrival; but, as day after day passed, he became impati
. * Parkman. &: . .” “ ...... : ::::::::::::: ;... . . . ...:








58 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
and anxious to gain the tardy Canadians as allies. To ac-
complish this he sent out messengers inviting the principal
settlers to meet him in council. At the appointed time they
assembled in the Ottawa camp. Surrounding these, were
numerous haif breeds, and voyageurs as repulsive as the
savages themselves, and as much interested in the proceedings.
After several pipes had passed around, Pontiac arose, flung a
War-belt at the feet of the Canadians and said :
“My brothers, how long will you suffer this bad flesh to
remain upon your lands 2 I have told you before, and now
I tell you again, that when I took up the hatchet, it was for
your good. This year the English must all perish throughout
Canada. The Master of Life commands it, and you, who
know Him better than we, wish to oppose His will. Until
now I have said nothing on this matter. I have not urged
you to take part with us in the war. It would have been
enough had you been content to sit quiet on your mats, look-
ing on while we were fighting for you. But you have not
done so. You call yourselves our friends and yet you assist
the English with provision, and go about as spies among our
villages. This must not continue. You must be either
wholly French or wholly English. If you are French, take
up that war-belt and lift the hatchet with us; but, if you are
English, then we declare war upon you. We are all, alike,
children of our great father, the King of France, and it is hard
to fight among brethren for the sake of dogs. But, there
is no choice. Look upon the belt, and let us hear your
answer.” -
This peremptory command for the Canadians to transfer
their power either to one side or the other, was most ingeni-
ously evaded by the “Canuck” who replied. Producing a
paper, he stated that it was from their father, the King of
France, and commanded all his children to remain quiet, as
he was coming with a large army to exterminate the English
himself. If these orders were disobeyed the poor Canadians
would be punished, while, if Pontiac made war upon them for
refusing to side with him, the King would t him as an
enemy, and thus the unfortunate fellow wou We both the
French and English to contend against. -
Pontiac, it is said, sat silent and mortified at
this reply ;




ATTEMPTs to DESTRoy Trre vFSSELS. 50
but, most unexpectedly to himself one of the bourgeois stand-
ing on the outside of the circle, took up the war-belt, and
declared that he and his companions were ready to fight for
him. The chief's face was illuminated with joy and ho
greeted each of his new-made friends with many expressions
of pleasure. The better-minded Canadians were horrified at
the act of their countrymen, and the latter deemed it the best
to spend the following night in the camp of their chosen
comrades.
On the same evening, a party of these infamous renegades,
together with a number of Indians, intrenched themselves
within a short distance of the fort, for the purpose of picking
off the soldiers. They were discovered as soon as it was
light, and Lieutenant Hey made a charge upon them, routing
all and killing two Indians. One of the latter was a nephew
of the Ojibwa chief who, learning of the loss, became so
enraged, that, with a party of his warriors, he ran to the
house of Meloche—where Major Campbell was confined—
brought the venerable and excellent man forth, tied him to the
fence and shot him through and through with arrows. The
body, brutally mangled, was cast into the river, and, floating
ashore, was buried by the Canadians. Lieutenant M’Dougal.
had effected his escape, previous to this atrocious act."
In the afternoon, a man was seen running rapidly toward
the fort, pursued by a number of Indians. He came up pant-
ing and exhausted. He proved to be Ensign Paully, lately
commandant at Sandusky who had taken the opportunity to
escape from the embraces of the disgusting Squaw who had
“adopted” him. &
Pontiac felt that the two schooners lying opposite the fort
were a great obstacle to his success; and as his followers had
tasted their mettle more than once, he now turned all his
attention toward getting rid of them. It was impossible to
approach them, without being discovered. His ingenuity
came to the aid of his desires, and he soon devised a plan for
their extermination without loss to his own warriors. It was
a plan worthy of the intelligence of the chief conspirator. On
the morning of the tenth of July, two boats, filled with burn-
ing pitch-pine, bark and dry wood, were fastened together
and sent down the stream; but, most fortunately, the current

THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
carried them by the vessel without injury. Nothing further
was attempted.
But, about two o'clock on the morning of the twelfth, the
sentinel saw above him a small flame, as of a candle resting upon
the surface of the stream. It grew larger and more intense
every moment and soon shot forth several waving forks of
fire. Then it burst forth and spread into a broad, roaring
blaze that lit up the shores as if at noonday. A large mass
of combustible material was burning like a furnace, sending
the sparks high in air, and floating directly toward the schooner.
As it passed down stream, it revealed a multitude of naked
savages along the shore who watched the course of the fire-
raft with the most breathless interest. The masts, spars and
every rope on the vessel were outlined as if drawn with ink
in the luminous air, while one side was thrown into the full
blaze of light, and the other shrouded in impenetrable dark-
ness. The settlers' cabins, the palisades, the ramparts crowded
with officers and men, all as silent as death, stood out in relief
against the dark forest behind. The whole singular scene
was awful in its sublimity.
The raft passed down between the fort and the schoº
without harming any thing. Thus a second time were the
Indians baffled. Still hopeful, they made preparations to
repeat the experiment. They commenced building a raft
much larger than the others, and which from its great width,
could be but successful. While they were employed upon
this, Gladwyn was busy in erecting defenses above the two
vessels, which were so formidable that the Indians, after four
days' labor abandoned their scheme. -
It was now the middle of summer, and Detroit had been
besieged for nearly three months. Its persistent defense began
to tire some of the assailing wretches. The Wyandots and
Pottawatomies especially viewed the end as hardly worth the
ans. The former sent a deputation to Major Gladwyn,
king for peace, which was at once granted. Shortly after
Pottawatomies did the same, demanding, also, that such
eir numbers as were prisoners with the English should be
en up. Gladwyn replied that several of his countrymon.
're in their hands, and must be exchanged. At this, the
tº rºw








sIEGE CONTINUED, 61
commandant rebuked them severely, as he knew they had a
number besides these. . The deputies withdrew in a rage, but
returned the next day with six prisoners. Major Gladwyn,
accompanied by an officer, met the savages in the council-
room. As he was on the point of giving up the Pottawato.
mie prisoners and concluding a treaty, one of the English
prisoners called out that there were several of his companion?
still in the village. This broke the conference up at once
Enraged at their duplicity, Major Gladwyn ordered the
deputies to depart without standing on ceremony. Observing
at that instant an Ottawa warrior among them (the Ottawas
were still at war), he signaled for the guard to approach and
seize him. This movement saved the commandant's life; for
the deputies had made the resolve that, if repulsed a second
time, they would murder him and trust to fortune to make
their escape from the council-house. The entrance of the
soldiers prevented them from carrying out this intention, and
they withdrew, sullen and furious. A few days afterward,
howeyer, they brought in all their prisoners, when peace was
concluded with them. w .
The time wore on and little change occurred in the for-
tunes of the beleaguered garrison. The rattle of the tireless
assailants' guns continued incessant, and the vigilance of the
soldiers was not allowed to abate. The story of those days
of labor and nights of pain is thus told by one of the men of
the garrison, in a letter dated July 6, 1763:
“We have been besieged here two months by six hundred
Indians. We have been upon the watch night and day, from
the commanding officer to the lowest soldier, from the eighth of
May, and have not had our clothes off, nor slept all night since
it began; and shall continue so until we have a reinforcement
#. We then hope to give a good account of the savages.
their camp lies about a mile and a half from the fort, and that's
the nearest they choose to come now. For the first two or
three days we were attacked by three or four hundred of them,
but we gave them so warm a reception that they don't care for
.# to see us, though they now and then get behind a house
or garden and fire at us about three or four hundred yards dis-
tant. The day before yesterday we killed a chief and three
others and wounded some more; yesterday went up in our
sloop and battered their cabins in such a manner that they aro
glad to keep further off.” j

62 .. THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
Another letter dated July 9th :
“You have long ago heard of our gloomy situation; but the
storm is blown over. Was it not very agreeable to hear every
day of their cutting, carving, boiling and eating our compan-
ions ? to see, every day, dead bodies floating down the river,
mangled and iº? But Britons, you know, never shrink;
we always appeared gay to spite the rascals. They boiled and
eat Sir Robert Davers; and we are informed by Mr. Paully,
who escaped the other day from one of the stations surprised
at the breaking out of the war, and commanded by himself,
that he had seen an Indian have the skin of Captain Robertson's
arm for a tobacco-pouch ! .
“Three days ago a party of us went to demolish a breast-
work they had made. We finished our work, and were return-
ing home; but the fort, espying a party of Indians coming up,
as if they intended to fight, we were ordered back, made our
dispositions and advanced briskly. Our front was fired upon
warmly, and returned the fire for about five minutes. In the
mean time, Captain Hopkins, with about twenty men, filed off
to the left, and about twenty French volunteers filed off to the
right and got between them and their fires. The villains imme-
diately ſled, and we returned, as was prudent; for a sentry,
whom I had placed, informed me he saw a body of them coming
down from the woods, and our party, being but about eighty,
was not able to cope with their united bands. In short, we
beat them handsomely, and yet did not much hurt to them, for
they run extremely well. We only killed their leader and
wounded two others. One of them fired at me, at the distance
of fifteen or twenty_paces, but I suppose my terrible visage
made him tremble. I think I shot him.”

C H A P T E R W I.
ANother REINFORCEMENT FROM NIAGARA-CAPTAIN DALzELL’s ARRIVAL-
IIIs NIGHT EXPEDITION.—ITS DISASTROUS RESULT-FURY OF THE INDIANS
-A THIRD VESSEL of RELIEF—ITS ASSAULT AND REMARKABLE PRESER-
VATION. . x - # *
WHILE affairs remained thus at Detroit, a large reinforce-
ment, unknown to Gladwyn, had been dispatched to his
relief Captain Dalzell, with twenty-two barges, containing
two hundred and eighty men, several small cannon, and a
good supply of provisions and ammunition, started from


CAPTAIN DALZELL’s NIGHT ExPEDITION. 63
Niagara. Making his way along the southern shore of Lake
Erie, he halted and viewed the blackened remains of the
block-house of Fort Presqu'Isle, so well defended by Ensign
Christie and his men. Embarking again, he reached Fort
Sandusky in the latter part of July, from which he marched
to the Wyandot village, burning it and destroying their corn-
fields. w
On the twenty-ninth of July the convoy reached Detroit.
When nearly opposite the fort, the Wyandots and Pottawato-
mies—who had just concluded a treaty of peace with Major
Gladwyn — fired upon them, killing and wounding fifteen
before the contest was over. The treachery of the Indians
was second only to their ferocity. Gladwyn might as well
have treated with hyenas. - .
The detachment was so large that the men had to be
quartered upon the inhabitants. Among them were twenty
rangers, commanded by Major Rogers, regular bush-fighters,
ever ready for an affray. Their arrival, it may well be sup-
posed, occasioned a season of rejoicing with the garrison,
saddened, however, by the death of several under their
own eyes, from the hands of the faithless Wyandots and
Pottawatomies.
Major Gladwyn and Captain Dalzell immediately held a
conference. Dalzell stated that, in his opinion, the time had
arrived to strike a death-blow at the ambition of Pontiac, and
he asked permission to march out upon the following night
and attack the Indians in their camp. Gladwyn, who was
so well acquainted with the strength and resources of the
chief, at first was unwilling; but the lion-hearted Captain
would hear no refusal, and was so urgent and strenuous that
the commandant at length yielded.*
On the thirtieth of July orders were issued and prepara-
tions made for the attack. With an unpardonable want of
discretion, some of the officers allowed several Canadians to
know their intentions, one of whom betrayed it all to Pontiac,
who, as may be expected, made every thing ready to receive
the assailants. At two o'clock in the morning, two hundred
and fifty soldiers, two deep, passed noiselessly through the
* This is the same Dalzell who was a joint hero with Israel Putnam in
many of his most memorable adventures. ... º.º.º.º.º.

64 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
gates and marched up the left river-bank. Two large batteaua,
each containing a swivel, kept abreast of them in the river.
The advanced guard of twenty-five was led by Lieutenant
Brown, the center by Captain Gray, and the rear by Captain
Grant. “The night was still, close and sultry, and the men
marched in light undress. On their right was the dark,
gleaming surface of the river, with a margin of sand inter
vening; on their left a succession of Canadian houses, with
barns, orchards and corn-fields, from whence the clamorous
barking of watch-dogs saluted them as they passed. The
inhabitants, roused from sleep, looked from the windows in
astonishment and alarm. An old man has told the writer
how, when a child, he climbed on the roof of his father's
house, to look down on the glimmering bayonets, and how,
long after the troops had passed, their heavy and measured
tramp sounded from afar through the still night. Thus the
English moved forward to the attack, little thinking that,
behind houses and inclosures, Indian scouts watched every
yard of their progress—little suspecting that Pontiac, apprised
by the Canadians of their plan, had broken up his camp, and
was coming against them with all his warriors, armed and
decorated for battle.” ×
* Referring to the map, the reader will notice a small stream
which puts in from the northern shore, a short distance above
Detroit. At the point where the bridge is marked, the stream
descends through a deep and wild-looking hollow, while upon
the opposite side the river-bank rises in several ridges. Here
Pontiac had erected several intrenchments, besides throwing
together several piles of cord-wood further on. Behind these
were crouching hundreds of Indians, who, with guns ready-
cocked, listened to the dull tramp of the approaching soldiers,
The advanced guard had crossed the bridge, and the main
body was just entering, when loud yells burst forth, and a
sheet of fire flamed along the whole ridge, like the broadside
of a frigate. One-half the advanced guard fell dead, and the
others recoiled in terror; but Dalzell, in his clear, stirring
voice, inspired his men with his own courage. Advancing to
the front he led them to the attack. A second volley was
poured in Wo them, when, furious with rage, he led the men on
* Parkman, Life of Pontiac. . . . . . . . . . . . .






THE DISASTROUS RESULT. 65
a rapid run across the bridge and up the ridge; but not an
Indian was visible. Half frantic with fear and fury the soldiers
charged behind the fence and the intrenchments, but the agile
Savages were gone. The night had now become of inky
darkness, and the men were soon scattered and lost among the
houses and inclosures. The only resource left was to retreat
and wait for daylight. Accordingly, Captain Grant led his
men across the bridge where the others soon followed, with
the exception of a small party which remained to check the
rapid pursuit of the enemy. Amid a hot firing upon both
sides, the dead and wounded were placed in the two batteaux.
Immediately after, the rapid report of musketry was heard in
the rear, where Captain Grant was stationed. The shots had
come from the house of Meloche and the surrounding orchards,
where large numbers of Savages had intrenched themselves.
Captain Grant charged right at them, driving them at the
point of the bayonet from the orchard and from the house
where they found two Canadians, who stated that the Indians
had gone in great numbers to occupy the houses below, from
which they intended to cut off their retreat. 3.
This being the case, the only hope was in instant retreat.
The men were collected in marching order and the march
commenced, Captain Grant leading and Dalzell bringing up
the rear. Numbers of Indians dogged them, and when their
fire became too galling, the soldiers wheeled and returned it.
In this manner they proceeded for over a half-mile, when they
came abreast of a number of barns protected by strong pickets,
These were safely passed by the advance party; but, when the
center and rear came opposite, loud yells greeted them, and a
most murderous volley was poured into their ranks. . The
men shrunk, hesitated and recoiled, and had it not been for
Dalzell would have broke and fled. Though severely wounded
himself, he commanded, threatened, and, it is said, smote
several timid ones with the flat of his sword. His persistent
efforts partially restored the men, when the fire was returned
with considerable effect.
It was now near daybreak, and the incessant rattle of ri
together with the horrid yells of the Indian, so drowned
voices of the leaders that their commands could not be heard.
The soldiers read their orders only in the excited faces and




66, THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
frenzied gestures. One of the houses had been filled by the
savages and from its windows scores of rifles were continually
flashing. Major Rogers at the head of his rangers split open
the door with an axe and burst h among them like a thun-
derbolt. They fled in every direction, as the rangers swarmed
in. At the same instant Captain Gray was sent to dislodge a
number that were firing from behind the fences. He charged
hem at the head of his company, but fell with a mortal
wound before he reached them. His men kept on and routed
the Indians. The retreat was now resumed with compara-
tively good order. The fire of the Indians had nearly ceased,
but, leaping forward they seized the stragglers, cut them down
and scalped them without mercy. A poor Sergeant of the
55th, so wounded that he could not walk, raised himself on
his hands and gazed after his retreating comrades with such a
despairing, beseeching expression, that the noble-hearted Dal-
zell, now wounded himself in two places, ran toward him with
the intention of rescuing the man from his inhuman enemies.
As he reached out his arms to seize the wounded soldier, a
shot struck him and he fell dead before him. None paused
to see their fate. There was no time. Death was hanging
on their rear. .
The Indians were rapidly concentrating their numbers
again, and the massacre would have been far more dreadful,
had not Rogers with his rangers taken possession of another
house, which commanded the road and protected the retreat.
The account of this battle by Parkman is so graphic and
truthful that we transcribe that portion descriptive of the
remaining part of the fight:— 2.
º “Rogers entered this house with some of his men, while many
panic-stricken regulars broke in after him, in their eagerness to
gain a temporary shelter. The house was a large and strong
one, and the women of the neighborhood had crowded into the
cellar for refuge. While some of the soldiers looked in blind
terror for a place of concealment, others seized upon a keg of
whisky in one of the rooms, and quaffed the liquor with eager
thirst, while others, again, piled packs of furs, furniture, and all
else within their reach, against the windows, to serve as a barri-.
cade, ...; and breathless, their faces moist with sweat and
blackened with gunpowder, they thrust their muskets *
. e openir gs, and fired out upon the Whooping assailants. d t
th tº 3. ... . . 3.3
intervals a bullet flew whizzing through a crevice, striking
in


THE RETREAT. 67
down a man, perchance, or rapping harmlessly against the
partitions. Old Campau, the master of the house, stood on a
trap-door to prevent the frightened soldiers from seeking shelter
among the women in the cellar. A ball grazed his gray head,
and buried itself in the wall, where a few years since it might
still have been seen. The screams of the half-stifled women
below, the quavering war-whoops without, the shouts and curses
of the soldiers, the groans and blaspheming of the wounded
men, mingled in a scene of clamorous confusion, and it was long
before the authority of Rogers could restore order.
“In the mean time, Captain Grant, with his advance party,
had moved forward about half a mile, when he found some
Orchards and inclosures, by means of which he could maintain
himself until the center and rear should arrive. From this point
he detached all the men he could spare to occupy the houses
below; and as soldiers soon began to come in from the rear, he
was enabled to reinforce these detachments, until a complete
line of communication was established with the fort and the
retreat effectually secured. Within an hour the whole party
had arrived, with the exception of Rogers and his men, who
were quite unable to come off, being besieged in the house of
Campau, by full two hundred Indians. The two armed batteaux
had gone down to the fort, laden with the dead and wounded.
They now returned, and, in obedience to an order from
Captain Grant, proceeded up the river to a point opposite
Campau's house, where they opened a fire of swivels, which
swept the ground above and below it, and completely scattered
the assailants. Rogers and his party now came out and marched
down the road, to unite themselves with Grant. The two
batteaux accompanied them closely, and by a constant fire
restrained the Indians from making an attack. Scarcely had
Rogers left the house at one door, when the enemy entered it at
another, to obtain the scalps from two or three corpses left
behind. Foremost of them all, a withered old squaw rushed
in, with a shrill scream, and slashing open one of the dead
bodies with her knife, scooped up the blood between her hands,
and quaffed it with a ferocious ecstasy.” .
The retreat was conducted so admirably by Captain Grant,
that not another of his men was injured. At eight o'clock in
the morning the last man of the decimated detachment was
received within the walls of the fort, when it was found that
fifty-nine had been killed and wounded. [The Indians had
not lost more than one-fourth that number,” it was afterward
The death of the noble Dalzell and so many of his brave
* Some authoritics give the loss of the English as seventy besides forty






wounded.
THE LIFE of PonºtAC.
men spread a gloom for the time over Detroit. All felt that,
had not the Canadians proved traitors, the Indians would
have been most completely punished. The condition of the
garrison, however, was now much better than it had ever
been. There were over three hundred men within the
inclosure, every one of whom had had abundant experience
in Indian warfare. These were well provided with ammuni-
tion and provisions, and Gladwyn felt that the raising of the
siege was only a question of time and perhaps of etermity with
a few more of his brave fellows.
Pontiac was so overjoyed with his success that he sent his
runners for hundreds of miles through the adjoining country,
with news of the battle. Vast numbers came from great
distances to join him, until over a thousand were dancing and
yelling in his village, and he became stronger in his belief
that the garrison would eventually fall into his hands. The
vision of vengeance which haunted him seemed to demonize
all around him. º
Now comes a comparatively long season of quiet for
Detroit. It is true the Indians still hovered around it, but
few opportunities were given for any trial of strength or
stratagem between the two forces. Now and then a man
was shot, or an over-eager Indian picked off; but nothing
worth relating occurred until the fourth of September, when
perhaps the most remarkable incident of this remarkable
siege took place.
The smaller of the two schooners had been sent to Niagara
with letters and dispatches. She was now returning with a
crew of twelve men, including the captain and mate, besides
six Mohawk Indians who professed friendship with the
English. On the morning in question the vessel entered
Detroit river, when these savages asked permission to go
ashore. The captain, with great indiscretion, gave them
permission, and they took their departure. The schooner
held her course up the river until evening, when the wind
dying away, she anchored off Fighting Island.
She was now near the spot where the other had been
attacked, and the absence of the Mohawks filled the crew
with such apprehension that not one went below. All
remained on deck, threading it with stealthy tread, or, leaning


REMARRABLE PRESERVATION. 69
over the bulwarks, strained their eyes to pierce the Stygian
gloom. Every sound on shore sent a thrill of fear through
the watchers. The call of the night-hawk or whippovil was
to them the signals of their insidious enemies. They indeed
had good reason to watch and fear; for three hundred and
fifty Indians—about thirty times their own number—were at
that moment gliding over the water for their sacrifice. It was
not until their canoes shot under the bows of the vessel that
they were seen. A cannon was hastily directed and dis-
charged among them, and the next minute, holding their
knives in their teeth, they were clambering up the sides of the
vessel by hundreds. The crew fired their guns among them,
and then catching up spears and hatchets, met them with the
fury of madmen as they dropped upon the deck. Knowing
no quarter was to be expected they resolved to die fighting,
and so desperately did they exert themselves that, in a few
moments, they had killed and wounded nearly thirty. But,
even this destruction could not roll back the living stream
pouring over the bulwarks. The captain was killed and
several of his crew disabled so that scarce a half-dozen
remained. -
“BLow UP THE VESSEL P’ commanded the mate, seeing
that all hope was gone. These words were understood by
several Wyandots, who communicated their meaning to the
others, and the next second every Indian had leaped over-
board, and were swimming away with all their strength to
escape the dire explosion. Not an enemy remained on board
the schooner, and not one showed himself during the night.
Two of the crew were killed, and four badly wounded.
The remaining six were unharmed. It was afterward ascer-
tained that eight of the Indians subsequently died from their
wounds. The next morning the schooner set sail and passed
safely up to the fort. For the conduct of the men on this
occasion, the Commander-in-Chief ordered a medal to be
struck and presented to each. --- >


70 Tim LIFE of Pontiac,
C H A P T E R W II.
THE FALL OF MACKINAW AND ADVENTURES OF AN ENGLISH TRADER.
THE only authentic account of the fall of Mackinaw, is that
given by Henry, an English trader, who was in the fort at the
time, and participated in the calamities. This account was
published in 1809, in New York, and has been preserved by
Mr. Schoolcraft, in his interesting volumes: .
“When I reached Mackinaw,” says he, “I found several
other traders, who had arrived before me, from different parts
of the country, and who, in general, declared the disposition
of the Indians' to be hostile to the English, and even
apprehended some attack. M. Laurent Ducharme distinctly
informed Major Etherington that a plan was absolutely
conceived for destroying him, his garrison, and all the
English in the upper country; but the commandant, believing
this and other reports to be without foundation, proceeding
only from idle or ill-disposed persons, and of a tendency to
do mischief, expressed much displeasure against M. Ducharme,
and threatened to send the next person who should bring a
story of the same kind a prisoner to Detroit. w
“The garrison, at this time, consisted of ninety privates, two
subalterns, and the commandant; and the English merchants
at the fort were four in number. Thus strong, few entertained
anxiety concerning the Indians, who had no weapons but
small-arms. º .
“Meanwhile, the Indians, from every quarter, were daily
assembling in unusual numbers, but with every appearance
of friendship; frequenting the fort, and disposing of their
peltries in such a manner as to dissipate almost every one's
fears. For myself, on one occasion, I took the liberty of
observing to Major Etherington that, in my judgment, no
confidence ought to be placed in them, and that I was
informed no less than four hundred lay around the fort.
“In return, the Major only rallied me on my timidity; and
it is to be confessed, that if this officer neglected admonition
on his part, so did I on mine. Shortly after my first arrival

wawataw's warning. 71.
at Mackinaw, in the preceding year, a Chippewa, named
Wawatam, began to come frequently to my house, betraying
in his demeanor strong personal regard. After this had
continued some time, he came, on a certain day, bringing
with him his whole family, and, at the same time, a large
present, consisting of skins, sugar, and dried meat. Having
laid these in a heap, he commenced a speech, in which he
informed me that, some years before, he had observed a fast,
devoting himself, according to the custom of his nation, to
solitude, and to the mortification of his body, in the hope to
obtain, from the Great Spirit, protection through all his
days; that on this occasion he had dreamed of adopting an
Englishman as his son, brother, and friend; that, from the
moment in which he first beheld me, he had recognized me
as the person whom the Great Spirit had been pleased to
point out to him for a brother; that he hoped that I would
not refuse his present; and that he should forever regard me .
as one of his family. §
“I could not do otherwise than accept the present, and
declare my willingness to have so good a man as this
appeared to be for my friend and brother. I offered a present
in return for that which I had received, which Wawatam
accepted; and then, thanking me for the favor which he said
that I had rendered him, he left me, and soon after set out
on his winter's hunt,
“Twelve months had now elapsed since the occurrence of
this incident, and I had almost forgot the person of my
brother, when, on the second day of June, Wawatam came
again to my house, in a temper of mind visibly melancholy
and thoughtful. He told me that he had just returned from
his wintering-ground, and I asked after his health; but without
answering my question, he went on to say that he was scrry
to find me returned from the Sault; that he intended to
proceed to that place himself, immediately after his arrival
at Mackinaw ; and that he wished me to go there along with
him and his family the next morning. To all this he joined
an inquiry, whether or not the commandant had heard bad
news, adding that during the winter he had himself been
frequently disturbed with the noise of evil birds ; and further
suggesting that there were numerous Indians near the fort,


72 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
many of whom had never shown themselves within it
Wawatam was about forty-five years of age, of an excellent
character among his nation, and a chief.
“Referring much of what he had heard to the peculiarities
of the Indian character, I did not pay all the attention which
they will be found to have deserved to the entreaties and
remarks of my visitor. I answered that I could not think of
going to the Sault as soon as the next morning, but would
follow him there after the arrival of my clerks. Finding
himself unable to prevail with me, he withdrew for the day;
but early the next morning he came again, bringing with him
his wife, and a present of dried meat. At this interview,
after stating that he had several packs of beaver, for which he
intended to deal with me, he expressed a second time his
apprehensions, from the numerous Indians who were around
the fort, and earnestly pressed me to consent to an immediate
departure for the Sault. As a reason for this particular
request, he assured me that all the Indians proposed to come
in a body, that day, to the fort, to demand liquor of the
commandant, and that he wished me to be gone before they
should grow intoxicated.
“I had made, at the period to which I am now referring, so
much progress in the language in which Wawatam addressed
me, as to be able to hold an ordinary conversation in it; but
the Indian manner of speech is so extravagantly figurative,
that it is only for a perfect master to follow and comprehend
it entirely. Had I been further advanced in this respect, I
think that I should have gathered so much information from
this, my friendly monitor, as would put me in possession of
the designs of the enemy, and enabled me to save, as well
others as myself. As it was, I unfortunately turned a deaf
ear to every thing, leaving Wawatam and his wife, after long
and patient, but ineffectual efforts, to depart alone, with
dejected countenances, and not before they had each let fall
some tears. .
“In the course of the same day, I observed that the
Indians came in great numbers into the fort, purchasing
tomahawks—small axes of one pound weight—and frequently
desiring to see silver arm-bands, and other valuable ornaments,
of which I had a large quantity for sale. The ornaments,

THE GARRISON ATTACKED, 78
however, they in no instance purchased, but, after turning
them over, left them, saying they would call again next day.
Their motive, as it afterward appeared, was no other than the
artful one of discovering, by requesting to see them, the
particular place of their deposit, so that they might lay their
hands on them in the moment of pillage, with the greater
certainty and dispatch. --
“At night I turned in my mind the visits of Wawatam;
but, though they were calculated to excite uneasiness, nothing
induced me to believe that serious mischief was at hand. ---
“The following day, being the fourth of June, was the
King's birthday. A Chippewa came to tell me that his
nation was going to play at baggattu'ay with the Sacs or
Saakies, another Indian nation, for a high wager. He invited
me to witness the sport, adding that the commandant was to
be there, and would bet on the side of the Chippewas. In
consequence of this information, I went to the commandant,
and expostulated with him a little, representing that the
Indians might possibly have some sinister end in view; but
the commandant only Smiled at my suspicions.
“Baggativay, called by the Canadians le jeu de la crosse, is
played with a bat and ball. The bat is about four feet in
length, curved, and terminating in a sort of racket. Two
posts are planted in the ground, at a considerable distance
from each other, as a mile or more. Each party has its post,
and the game consists in throwing the ball up to the post of
the adversary. The ball at the beginning is placed in the
middle of the course, and each party endeavors as well to
throw the ball out of the direction of its own post, as into
that of the adversary's. -
“I did not go myself to see the match which was now to

be played without the fort, because there being a canoe
prepared to depart, on the following day, for Montreal, I
employed myself in writing letters to my friends; and even
when a fellow-trader, Mr. Tracy, happened to call upon me,
saying that another canoe had just arrived from Detroit, and
proposing that I should go with him to the beach, to inquire
the news, it so happened that I still remained to finish my
letters, promising to follow Mr. Tracy in the course of a few
minutes. Mr. Tracy had not gone more than twenty paces

74 Trrº. LIFE of PontiAC.
from the door, when I heard an Indian war-cry, and a moise
of general confusion. x
“Going instantly to my window, I saw a crowd of Indians
within the fort, furiously cutting down and scalping every
Englishman they found. In particular, I witnessed the fate
of Lieutenant Jemette. .
“I had, in the room in which I was, a fowling-piece, loaded
with swan-shot. This I immediately seized, and held it for
a few minutes, waiting to hear the drum beat to arms. In
this dreadful interval I saw several of my countrymen fall,
and more than one struggling between the knees of an Indian,
who, holding him in this manner, scalped him while yet alive.
“At length, disappointed in the hope of resistance made to
the enemy, and sensible, of course, that no effort of my own
unassisted arm could avail against four hundred Indians, I
thought only of seeking shelter. Amid the slaughter which
was raging, I observed many of the Canadian inhabitants of
the fort calmly looking on, neither opposing the Indians nor
suffering injury; and from this circumstance I conceived a
hope of finding a place of security in their houses.
“Between the yard-door of my own house and that of M.
Langlade, my next neighbor, there was only a low fence, over
which I easily climbed. At my entrance, I found the whole
family at the windows, gazing at the scene of blood before
them. I addressed myself immediately to Langlade, begging
that he would put me in some place of safety, till the heat of
the affair should be over—an act of charity by which he might
perhaps preserve me from the general massacre; but, while I
uttered my petition, M. Langlade, who had looked for a
moment at me, turned again to the window, shrugging his
shoulders, and intimating that he could do nothing for me:
“Que woudriez-vous que j'en ferais ? .
“This was a moment for despair; but the next, a Pani
woman,” a slave of M. Langlade's, beckoned to me to follow
her. She brought me to a door, which she opened, desiring
me to enter, and telling me that it led to the garret, where I
must go and conceal myself. I joyfully obeyed her directions;
and she, having followed me up to the garret-door, locked it
after me, and, with great presence of mind, took away the key.
* The Panies are an Indian nation of the South. §3.


TITE SEARCTI. 75
“This shelter obtained, if shelter I could hope to find it,
was naturally anxious to know what might still be passing
without. Through an aperture, which afforded me a view
of the area of the fort, I beheld, in shapes the foulest and
most terrible, the ferocious triumphs of barbarian conquerors.
The dead were scalped and mangled, the dying were writhing
and shrieking under the unsatiated knife and tomahawk, and
from the bodies of some, ripped open, their savage butchers
were drinking the blood, Scooped up in the hollow of joined
hands, and quaffed amid shouts of rage and victory. I was
shaken not only with horror, but with fear. The sufferings
which I witnessed, I seemed on the point of experiencing.
No long time elapsed before—every one being destroyed who
could be found—there was a general cry of “All is finished "
At the same instant, I heard some of the Indians enter the
house in Which I Was. * * * *
“The door was unlocked and opened, and the Indians
ascending the stairs, before I had completely crept into a small
opening which presented itself at one end of the heap. An
instant after, four Indians entered the room, all armed with
tomahawks, and all besmeared with blood upon every part of
their bodies. w
“The die appeared to be cast. I could scarcely breathe;
but I thought the throbbing of my heart occasioned a noise
loud enough to betray me. The Indians walked in every
direction about the garret, and one of them approached me so
closely that at a particular moment, had he put forth his hand,
he must have touched me. Still I remained undiscovered; a
circumstance to which the dark color of my clothes, and the
want of light in the room, which had no window, and in the
corner in which I was, must have contributed. In a word,
after taking several turns in the room, during which they told
M. Langlade how many they had killed, and how many
scalps they had taken, they returned down stairs, and I, with
sensations not to be expressed, heard the door, which was the
barrier between me and my fate, locked for the second time.
“There was a feather-bed on the floor; and on this,
exhausted as I was by the agitation of my mind, I threw
myself down and fell asleep. In this state I remained till the
dusk of the evening, when I was awakened by the second
%



76 -- THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
opening of the door. The person that now entered was M.
Langlade's wife, who was much surprised at finding me, but
advised me not to be uneasy, observing that the Indians had
killed most of the English, but that she hoped I might myself
escape. A shower of rain having begun to fall, she had come
to stop a hole in the roof. On her going away, I begged her
to send me a little water to drink, which she did.
“As night was now advancing, I continued to lie on the
bed, ruminating on my condition, but unable to discover a
resource from which I could hope for life. A flight to Detroit
had no probable chance of success. The distance from
Mackinaw was four hundred miles, I was without provisions,
and the whole length of the road lay through Indian countries
—countries of an enemy in arms, where the first man whom I
should meet would kill me. To stay where I was threatened
the same issue. As before, fatigue of mind, and not tranquillity,
suspended my cares, and procured me further sleep.
“The game of baggativay, as from the description above
given, will have been perceived, is necessarily attended with
much violence and noise. In the ardor of contest, the ball,
as has been suggested, if it can not be thrown to the goal
desired, is struck in any direction by which it can be diverted
from that designed by the adversary. At such a moment,
therefore, nothing could be less liable to excite premature
alarm, than that the ball should be tossed over the pickets of
the fort, nor that, having fallen there, it should be followed
on the instant by all engaged in the game, as well the one
party as the other, all eager, all struggling, all shouting, all in
the unrestrained pursuit of a rude, athletic exercise. Nothing
could be less fitted to excite premature alarm; nothing,
therefore, could be more happily devised, under the circum-
stances, than a stratagem like this; and this was, in fact, the
stratagem which the Indians had employed, by which they
had obtained possession of the fort, and by which they had
been enabled to slaughter and subdue its garrison, and such
of its other inhabitants as they pleased. To be still more
certain of success, they had prevailed upon as many as they
could, by a pretext the least liable to suspicion, to come
voluntarily without the pickets; and particularly the com-
mandant and garrison themselves, . º

NEW APPREIHENSIONS, 77
“The respite which sleep afforded me, during the night,
was put an end to by the return of morning. I was again on
the rack of apprehension. At sunrise, I heard the family
stirring; and presently after, Indian voices, informing M.
Langlade that they had not found my hapless self among
the dead, and they supposed me to be somewhere concealed.
M. Langdale appeared, from what followed, to be by this
time acquainted with the place of my retreat, of which, no
doubt, he had been informed by his wife. The poor woman,
as soon as the Indians mentioned me, declared to her
husband, in the French tongue, that he should no longer
keep me in his house, but deliver me up to my pursuers;
giving as a reason for this measure, that should the Indians
discover his instrumentality in my concealment, they might
revenge it on her children, and that it was better that I should
die than they. M. Langlade resisted, at first, this sentence
of his wife's, but soon suffered her to prevail, informing the
Indians that he had been told I was in his house, that I had
come there without his knowledge, and that he would put me
into their hands. This was no sooner expressed than he
began to ascend the stairs, the Indians following upon his
heels. - &
“I now resigned myself to the fate with which I was
menaced; and regarding every attempt at concealment as
vain, I arose from the bed, and presented myself full in view
to the Indians who were entering the room. They were all
in a state of intoxication, and entirely naked, except about the
middle. One of them, named Wenniway, whom I had.
previously known, and who was upward of six feet in height,
had his entire face and body covered with charcoal and grease,
only that a spot of white, of two inches in diameter, encircled
either eye. This man walked up to me, seized me with one
hand by the collar of the coat, while in the other he held a
large carving-knife, as if to plunge it in my breast; his eyes,
meanwhile, were fixed steadfastly on mine. At length, after
some seconds of the most anxious suspense, he dropped his
arm, saying: ‘I won't kill you !' To this he added, that he
had frequently engaged in wars against the English, and had
brought away many scalps; that on a certain occasion he had
lost a brother, whose name was Musinigon, and that I
bould be called after him. .

78 . THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
“A reprieve upon any terms placed me among the living l
and gave me back the sustaining voice of hope; but Wenniway
ordered me down stairs, and there informed me that I was to
be taken to his cabin, where, and indeed everywhere else, the
Indians were all mad with liquor. Death again was threatened,
and not as possible only, but as certain. I mentioned my
fears on this subject to M. Langlade, begging him to represent
the danger to my master. M. Langlade, in this instance, did
not withhold his compassion, and Wenniway immediately
consented that I should remain where I was, till he found
another opportunity to take me away.
“Thus far secure, I reascended my garret-stairs, in order to
place myself the furthest possible out of the reach of insult
from drunken Indians; but I had not remained there more
than an hour, when I was called to the room below, in which
was an Indian, who said that I must go with him out of the
fort, Wenniway having sent him to fetch me. This man, as
well as Wenniway himself, I had seen before. In the pre-
ceding year, I had allowed him to take on credit, for which
he was still in my debt; and a short time previous to the
surprise of the fort, he had said, upon my upbraiding him
with his dishonesty, that “he would pay me before long "
This speech now came fresh into my memory, and led me to
suspect that the fellow had formed a design against my life.
I communicated the suspicion to M. Langlade, but he gave
for answer that “I was not my own master, and I must do as
I was ordered '' .
“The Indian, on his part, directed that before I left the
house I should undress myself, declaring that my coat and
shirt became him better than it did me. His pleasure, in this
respect, being complied with, there was no other alternative
left me than either to go out naked, or put on the clothes of
the Indian, which he freely gave me in exchange. His
motive for thus stripping me of my own apparel was no other,
as I afterward learned, than this—that it might not be stained
with blood when he should kill me. .
; “I was now told to proceed; and my driver followed me
close, till I had passed the gate of the fort, when I turned
toward the spot where I knew the Indians to be encamped.
This, however, did not suit the purpose of my enemy, who


A RARROW E30APE. 79
seized me by the arm, and drew me violently in the opposite
direction, to the distance of fifty yards above the fort. Here,
finding that I was approaching the bushes and sand-hills, I
determined to proceed no further, but told the Indian that I
believed he meant to murder me, and, if so, he might as well
strike where I was as at any greater distance. He replied,
with coolness, that my suspicions were just, and that he meant
to pay me in this manner for my goods. At the same time,
he produced a knife, and held me in a position to receive the
intended blow. Both this and that which followed were
necessarily the affair of a moment. By some effort, too
sudden and too little dependent on thought to be explained
or remembered, I was enabled to arrest his arm, and give him
a sudden push, by which I turned him from me, and released
myself from his grasp. This was no sooner done than Iran
toward the fort, with all the swiftness in my power, the Indian
following me, and I expecting every moment to feel his knife.
I succeeded in my flight, and, on entering the fort; I saw
Wenniway standing in the midst of the area, and to him I
hastened for protection. Wenniway desired the Indian to
desist; but the latter pursued me around him, making several
strokes at me with his knife, and foaming at the mouth with
rage at the repeated failure of his purpose. At length
Wenniway drew near to M. Langlade's house, and, the door
being open, I ran into it. The Indian followed me, but,
on my entering the house, he voluntarily abandoned the
pursuit. . # ,
“Preserved so often and so unexpectedly, as it had now .
been my lot to be, I returned to my garret, with a strong
inclination to believe that, through the will of an overruling
Power, no Indian enemy could do me hurt; but new trials, as
I believed, were at hand, when, at ten o'clock iſ the evening,
I was roused from sleep, and once more desired to descend
the stairs. Not less, however, to my satisfaction than surprise,
I was summoned only to meet Major Etherington, Mr. Bost.
wick, and Lieutenant Lesslie, who were in the room below.
“These gentlemen had been taken prisoners while looking
at the game without the fort, and immediately stripped of all
their clothes. They were now sent into the fort, under the
charge of Canadians, because, the Indians having resolved on


80 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
getting drunk, the chiefs were apprehensive that they would
be murdered if they continued in the camp. Lieutenant
Jemette and seventy soldiers had been killed; and but twenty
Englishmen, including soldiers, were still alive. These were
all within the fort, together with nearly three hundred
Canadians belonging to the canoes, etc.
“These being our numbers, myself and others proposed to
Major Etherington to make an effort for regaining possession
of the fort, and maintaining it against the Indians. The
Jesuit missionary was consulted on the project; but he
discouraged us by his representations, not only of the merciless
treatment which we must expect from the Indians, should
they regain their superiority, but of the little dependence
which was to be placed upon our Canadian auxiliaries. Thus
the fort and prisoners remained in the hands of the Indians,
though, through the whole night, the prisoners and whites
were in actual possession, and they were without the gates.
“That whole night, or the greater part of it, was passed
in mutual condolence; and my fellow-prisoners shared my
garret. In the morning, being again called down, I found
my master, Wenniway, and was desired to follow him. He
led me to a small house within the fort, where, in a narrow
room, and almost dark, I found Ezekiel Solomons, an English-
man from Detroit, and a soldier, all prisoners. With these I
remained in painful suspense, as to the scene that was next to
present itself, till ten o'clock in the forenoon, when an Indian
arrived, and marched us to the lake-side, where a canoe
appeared ready for departure, and in which we found that we
were to embark. 3. -
“Our voyage, full of doubt as it was, would have com-
menced immediately, but that one of the Indians who was to
be of the party was absent. His arrival was to be waited for;
and this occasioned a very long delay, during which we were
exposed to a very keen north-east wind. An old shirt was
all that covered me; I suffered much from the cold; and in
this extremity, M. Langlade coming down to the beach, I
asked him for a blanket, promising, if I lived, to pay him for
it, at any price he pleased; but the answer I received was
this, that he could let me have no blanket unless there were
some one to be security for the payment. For myself, he


E.BARRATION Fon BEAVER ISLAND,
observed, I had no longer any property in that country. I
had no more to say to M. Langlade; but presently seeing
another Canadian, named John Cuchrise, I addressed to him
a similar request, and was not refused. Naked as I was, and
rigorous as was the weather, but for the blanket I must have
perished. At noon our party was all collected, the prisoners
all embarked, and we steered for the Isles du Castor—Beaver
Island—in Lake Michigan.
“The soldier who was our companion in misfortune was
made fast to a bar of the canoe by a rope tied round his neck,
as is the manner of the Indians in transporting their prisoners.
The rest were left unconfined; but a paddle was put into each
of our hands, and we were made to use it. The Indians in
the canoe were seven in number, the prisoners four. I had
left, as will be recollected, Major Etherington, Lieutenant
Lesslie, and Mr. Bostwick at M. Langlade's, and was now
joined in misery with Mr. Ezekiel Solomons, the soldier, and
the Englishman who had newly arrived from Detroit. This
was on the sixth day of June. The fort was taken on the
fourth; I surrendered myself to Wenniway on the fifth ; and
this was the third day of our distress.
“We were bound, as I have said, for Isles du Castor, which
lie in the mouth of Lake Michigan; and we should have
crossed the lake, but that a thick fog came on, on account of
which the Indians deemed it safer to keep the shore close
under their lee. We, therefore, approached the lands of the
Ottawas, and their village of L'Arbre Croche, which village
is situated about twenty miles to the westward of Mackinaw,
on the opposite side of the tongue of land on which the fort
is built. > .
“Every half-hour the Indians gave their war-whoop, one
for every prisoner in their canoe. This is a general custom,
by the ad of which all other Indians, within hearing, are
apprised of the number of prisoners they are carrying.
“In this manner we reached Wagoshense, Fox Point—a
long point, stretching westward into the lake, and which the
Ottawas make a carrying place, so as to avoid going round it.
It is distant eighteen miles from Mackinaw. After the Indi-
ans had made their war-whoop as before, an Ottawa appeared
upon the beach, who made signs that we should land, In,

THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
consequence, we approached. The Ottawa asked the news
and kept the Chippewas in further conversation, till we were
within a few yards of the land, and in shallow water. At
this moment a hundred men rushed upon us, from among the
bushes, and dragged all the prisoners out of the canoe, amid a
terrifying shout. - -
“We now believed that our last suffering was approaching;
but no sooner were we fairly on shore, and on our legs, than
the chiefs of the party advanced and gave each of us their
hands, telling us that they were our friends, the Ottawas,
whom the Chippewas had insulted, by destroying the English
without consulting with them on the affair. They added,
that what they had done was for the purpose of Saving our
lives, the Chippewas having been carrying us to the Isles du
Castor, only to kill and devour us. * *
“The reader's imagination is here distracted by the variety
of our fortunes, and he may well paint to himself the state of
mind of those who sustained them, who were the sport or the
victims of a series of events, more like dreams than realities,
more like fiction than truth. It was not long before we em-
barked again, in the canoes of the Ottawas, who, the same
evening, relanded us at Mackinaw, where they marched us
into the fort, in view of the Chippewas, confounded at be-
holding the Ottawas espousing a side opposite to their own.
“The Ottawas, who had accompanied us in sufficient num-
bers, took possession of the fort. We, who had changed, but
were still prisoners, were lodged in the house of the com-
mandant, and strictly guarded.” -
Early the next morning, a general council was held, in
which the Chippewas complained much of the conduct of the
Ottawas, in robbing them of their prisoners; alleging that all
the Indians—the Ottawas alone excepted—were at war with
the English; that Pontiac had taken Detroit; that the king
of France had awoke, and repossessed himself of Quebec and
Montreal; and that the English were meeting destruction,
not only at Mackinaw, but in every other part of the world.
From all this, they nferred that it became the Ottawas to
restore their prisoners, and to join in the war; and the speech
was followed by large presents, being part of the plunder of
the fort, and which was previously heaped in the center of

RANSOMED BY WAYYATAM. 83
the room. The Indians rarely make their answer till the day
after they have heard the arguments offered.
In the morning Henry and his companions were handed
over to the Chippewas, the Ottawas assuring them that their
owners intended to kill and make a broth of them. They
were marched into the Chippewa village and put into a lodge
where fourteen prisoners were already confined. Each, with
the exception of Henry, had a rope around his neck, and
were tied to a pole, the supporter of the building. The nigh',
was a sleepless one to IIenry. He had been deprived of his
blanket, and had not tasted food for two days. He was of
fered a piece of bread cut from a loaf, with a knife besmeared
with the blood of his countrymen, and spit upon by the
Savages. .”
At noon, the Indian Wawatam, whom Henry mentions as
his friend, visited the Chippewa chief. He made a speech,
claiming the trader as his adopted brother, and offering a
large ransom for him. Menehwehna accepted the offer, and
the hero of so many adventures accompanied Wawatam to
his lodge, where he was clothed, fed, and treated indeed as a
brother. .” •
The next day Henry saw the dead bodies of seven of his
companions dragged forth, all slain by Le Grand Sable, a
chief who had been absent at the time of the massacre, and
who took this occasion to show his approval of what had
been done. Of the English traders who fell into the hands
of the Indians at the fall of Mackinaw, Mr. Tracy only lost
his life. Bostwick and Solomons were taken by the Ottawas
and after the peace taken to Montreal, where they were ran-
somed. Of ninety troops about seventy were killed; the
others were also ransomed after the war had ended. N.
Wawatam proved a faithful friend. He protected Henry
against the fury of his companions, saving his life time and
again. They spent the winter hunting together, along the
river Aux Sables, and returned to Mackinaw in May, where,
after a time, Henry found opportunity to escape and reach
the English settlements.

84 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
C. H. A P T E R V III,
ºrg E INDIANS A8K FOR PEACE—PONTIAC LEAVES DETROIT FOR THE MAu:
MEE-ENGLISH ARMIES ORDERED INTO THE COUNTRY-BRADSTREET'S AND
Bouquet's ExPEDITIONS-A PEACE CONQUERED.
DETROIT was besieged in May. October found it in the
same condition. The garrison was on short allowance, while
many of the Indians also felt the need of provisions. Com-
pelled to depart to their hunting grounds, they concluded to
make peace with Major Gladwyn, hoping by a mere pretext
to remain unmolested during the winter. In the spring they
would be doubly prepared to renew the war. Their ferocious
desire for blood would impel them to any perfidy to gain
time. Accordingly, the chief of one of the branches of the
Ojibwas visited the fort and made a speech to Gladwyn, com-
mencing with the infamous falsehood that he and his follow-
ers always had been friends of the English. He said he
wished to make a lasting peace with them, and added that
the Wyandots, Pottawatomies and Ojibwas had instructed
him to say they were sorry for what they had done and
begged for forgiveness. The commandant saw through
these transparent falsehoods; but he deemed it best to listen
to them. He replied that although he did not possess the
power to make peace, yet he would grant a truce with them.
This was a good stroke of policy for Gladwyn. His men
were nearly famished, and, by making the truce, he was given
an opportunity to collect provisions. So well did he improve
the occasion, that, in a short time, he was furnished with
enough to last the winter. .
The death-blow to Pontiac's hopes of the capture of Detroit
was given, on the thirtieth of October. On that day he was
visited by several French messengers, who brought a letter
from M. Neyon, principal French commandant in the Illinois
country. This letter advised Pontiac to cease his hostilities
to the English, telling him he need expect no assistance from


the French, as they and the English were at peace, and
regarded each other as brothers. º .
This letter rendered Pontiac furious. He saw that he had
SERVICEs of SIR will AM joirsson, 85
been deluded with false hopes by the Canadians, and that
nothing but his own resources were left to depend upon.
Collecting a number of his chiefs, he left Detroit for Maumee
river, vowing vengeance, and resolved to stir up the Indians
in that section. No tiger baffled of its prey ever felt less
desire for peace.
As the winter advanced, the Indians gradually withdrew
from the "vicinity of Detroit, until the surrounding woods
were nearly deserted. Still, the garrison by no means felt
safe. A letter dated December 3, 1763, says: “”Tis said that
PontiAc and his tribe have gone to the Mississippi, but we
don't believe it.” And even as late as March 25th, 1764–
nearly a year from the commencement of the siege—an officer
writes: “About twelve days ago, several scalping-parties of
the Pottawatomies came to the settlement, etc. We now
sleep in our clothes, expecting an alarm every night !”
It was now that the influence of Sir William Johnson was
felt. Indeed, so conspicuous had his services already become,
that, in the summary of news from the American colonies,
given at intervals in the old Gentleman's Magazine, his doings
frequently comprehended the greater portion.
The Six Nations, with the exception of the Senecas, it will
be remembered, had taken no part in Pontiac's war. The
latter had now become disaffected toward the chief; and in
this state of affairs, Sir William Johnson induced a number
of the Iroquois warriors to march against his men, offering a
reward of fifty dollars each for the heads of Onuperaquedra
and Long Coat, the two principal Delaware chiefs. The
party set out and in a few days came upon a camp of forty
Delawares under Captain Bull, another noted chief, who were
marching against the settlement. They rushed upon this
camp during the night and took every one prisoner. They
were conducted to Albany and thence to New York, where
they were confined in the jail.
About this time, Johnson, then Superintendent of Indian
affairs, and George Croghan, each addressed a memorial to
the Lords of Trade, “setting forth the character, temper, and
resources of the Indian tribes, and suggesting the cour
memorial stated the true causes of the disa





£6 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
different tribes to be the neglect and unjust treatment which
they had received at the hands of the English. It suggested
that, before resorting to arms, an attempt be made to con-
ciliate them ; to make them presents; to treat them with
uniform kindness; to remove all causes of irritation; and,
finally, to purchase a large tract of land, further westward,
to which the Indians should be induced to move, and where,
by wise government, their good-will might ever be retained.
This plan the British Government decided to adopt ; but,
before doing so, it was evident to all that the conspiracy and
the leading spirit of the tribes must be put down. No bind-
ing treaties could be made with the Savages whose natures
were so thoroughly brutalized and perfidious as Pontiac's
coadjutors, and not until the tribes were made to feel they
were compelled to respect their word, could any peace be
hoped for. It was, therefore, determined to march two
powerful armies into the Indian country. The first was to
advance to Fort Pitt, and thence into the country of the Shaw-
nees and Delawares; the second was to ascend the lakes and
subdue the different tribes in the vicinity of Detroit. The
last-named army was placed under the command of Colonel
Bradstreet, a brave man, but, rash, short-sighted and utterly
disqualified for the important duty. The leader of the former
was Colonel Bouquet, a Swiss, and First Lieutenant of the cele-
brated corps known as the Royal Americans. He combined
in himself the qualities of kindness, judgment, absolute intre-
pidity, and was one of the best qualified leaders that ever did
service in America. So skillful and self-confident did he
become in a few years, that it is said, in conducting his men
through a dangerous passage in the forest, he often took a
rifle and acted the part of advance scout. His kind treat-
ment and regard for his men were such that the latter almost
idolized him. . N. .
Colonel Bradstreet and his men (many of whom, in the
language of Parkman, “looked more like candidates for a
hospital than like men fit for the arduous duty before them”)
proceeded westward, up the Mohawk, through Oswego river
and across Lake Ontario to Fort Niagara. Previous to this,
Sir William Johnson had sent Indian runners to the different
tribes, warning them of the preparations which were being

BRADSTREET's ExPEDITION. '87
made against them, and advising all who wished to escap)
the blow to meet Bradstreet at Niagara and make peace with
him. The Indians had suffered so much from the stoppage
of the fur-trade, and the failure of the expected assistance
from the French, that vast numbers embraced the opportunity,
and, upon Colonel Bradstreet's arrival, he found over two
thousand warriors assembled to meet him. They included
Ojibwas, Ottawas, Menomonies, Mississaugas, Caughnawagas,
Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagoes and deputies from the Six Nations.
As Sir William Johnson was the only one empowered to
make peace, he was present, ready to meet the numerous
chiefs. Before doing so, he received an insulting message
from the Delawares and Shawnees, saying out of pity for the
old women (English) they would make peace.
Councils were held with each of the assembled tribes,
separately, and were conducted by Johnson in such a manner
as to prevent their uniting into any confederacy. Among
them were an Ottawa band from Mackinaw, who, it will be
recollected, rescued the survivors of that massacre from the
Ojibwas, Johnson acknowledged their services with great
pleasure, and admonishing that their true interests lay in
preserving peace with the English, accorded to them liberty
to open traffic with the traders who were already collecting—
a favor that had been refused all other tribes. Besides this,
he gave them a good quantity of clothing; and, when one
of them, at the conclusion of the council, made a pathetic
appeal for some “rum to comfort them,” he did not refuse.
Of course they were greatly pleased, and doubtless made the
treaty with the best of faith. % & &
Johnson having concluded his labors, left Fort Niagara on
the sixth of August, and soon after Bradstreet moved up to
Fort Schlosser, above Niagara Falls. At this point, they
were joined by seven hundred Indians and Canadians.
Among the former was the Henry spoken of in the preceding
chapter.
While on the route to Presqu'Isle they were visited by a
number of chiefs from the Delawares and Shawnees, who asked
for peace in the name of their tribes. Bradstreet was aware
of the insulting message these same tribes had sent Sir
William Johnson, and should have distrusted their professions,

88 THE LIFE OF roxTIAC.
He had received peremptory instructions to avoid any treaty or
alliance with them, and to deal with them as their outrageous
deeds merited. The officers also cautioned Bradstreet; but,
in the face of all this he entered into a preliminary treaty, by
which he bound himself not to offer any hostilities for the
space of twenty-five days, at the expiration of which the pre-
tended deputies agreed to meet him at Sandusky, and deliver
up all the prisoners in their possession.
Bradstreet, elated at his unexpected success, sent a messen-
ger to Colonel Bouquet, his superior officer, saying that he
might withdraw his troops, as he had reduced the Delawares
and Shawnees to submission. Bouquet treated this message
with silent contempt and pursued his way onward. 3:
The object of the chiefs making the treaty with Bradstreet,
was simply to check his advance until it should be too late in
the season to proceed further. The Delawares and Shawnees
did not abate their murders and outrages along the frontier, even
while these negotiations were pending. His conduct brought
upon him the severe censure of Gage, his Commander-in-Chief
Still, confident that the aim of the two expeditions had
been fully attained, Bradstreet made his way to Sandusky
where he had been ordered to attack the Wyandots and
Ottawas. But their promise to make a treaty with him, caused
him to refrain from hostilities and he sent Captain Morris,
with several Canadians and Indians to Pontiac to exhort him
also to make peace. In fact, Bradstreet seemed to have
imbibed the idea that his name was so all potent that
no chief would refuse his overtures. The reception that
his messenger, Morris, received, served somewhat to dispel this
notion. Pontiac, as mentioned, was haranguing the In-
dians along the Maumee river in the Illinois country.
Up this stream for many miles, Morris ascended in a
canoe, and, while at a considerable distance in the in-
terior he was met by several hundred Indians who
treated him with great roughness, although very friendly
toward his companions. As he entered the camp, the first
form he encountered was that of Pontiac himself, whose
oountenance was by no means prepossessing, just then. Mor-
's most eloquent efforts were met by the plunder of his
le party, who were only allowed a canoe in which to






TREATY WITH THE TRIBEs. 89
depart. Had the Ottawas not known that many of their re-
lations were in the hands of the army at Detroit, the prob-
abilities are that the whole party would have been massacred.
At Fort Miami, Morris escaped assassination by the merest
accident of remaining in the canoe while the savages were
searching the woods for him. He was afterward taken pris-
oner by them, stripped naked, and saved by the daring of an
Indian boy—the nephew of Pontiac. Returning to the fort
he received notice that several Shawnee chiefs were approach-
ing, with the express purpose of killing him. Under these
circumstances he took the advice of the Canadians and made
an expeditious retreat to Sandusky whence he forwarded
Bradstreet an account of his embassy. §
In the mean time, Bradstreet had made his way to Detroit
where he arrived on the twenty-sixth of August. As his boats
came to view round the bend in the river, the booming can-
non, the frenzied shouts and hurrahs, the waving of hats and
handkerchiefs told the joyous fact that the SIEGE of DETRort
was now ended. For fifteen months had the garrison been
beleageured by a merciless enemy, and there was occasion to
rejoice. It was an inspiriting sight, the gayly-uniformed
soldiers filing through the streets to the strains of martial
music, the red banners floating proudly above them, the
glowing countenances of the officers and men as they saluted
each other, while, on the opposite side of the river, the Wyan-
dots were leaping, hooting, and screeching like demons.
The garrison was immediately relieved, and the new-arrived
troops substituted in their stead, Bradstreet set about arrang-
ing his treaties with the surrounding tribes. On the seventh
of September, 1764, he met in the open air, deputations from
the Ottawas, Ojibwas, Pottawatomies, Sacs, Miamis, and Wyan-
dots. He demanded that the Indians should become subjects
of Great Britain before he could consent to peace. “Nothing,”
remarks Parkman, “could be more absurd and impolitic than
this demand. This article of treaty, could its purport have
been fully understood, might have kindled afresh the quarrel
which it sought to extinguish; but, happily, not a savage
present was able to comprehend it. Subjection and sover.
eignty are ideas which never enter into the mind of an Indian
therefore his language has no words to express them.” The







00 TIIR LIFE of PontiAc.
treaty, however, was concluded, the deputies being in blissful
ignorance of half its meaning. - .
Bradstreet most imprudently employed a French interpreter
in his communications. This so incensed the Iroquois, who
could not understand a word uttered, that they refused the
ceremony of shaking hands, affirming that they had not heard
the speeches, and, consequently, did not know whether they
were dealing with friends or enemies. This was hardly
noticed by Bradstreet, who returned to Sandusky to keep his
promise with the Shawnee and Delaware deputies, boasting
that he had completely subdued all the tribes. He waited
several days beyond the appointed time at Sandusky, but no
chiefs appeared. After a time several savages came into
camp, and told him if he would remain quiet and not harm
their villages, the prisoners would be forthcoming in a week.
He readily consented, but, before that time was expired, re-
ceived a stinging communication from Gage, ordering him
to advance at once against the Indians. About the same
time, he received Captain Morris's journals, and saw at once
what an egregious dupe the Indians had made of him. His
chagrin was so great that instead of obeying his Commander-
in-Chief he affirmed that the march ordered could not be
made; and, at length, struck his camp and returned to the
settlements, where the levied troops disbanded and the
regulars went into winter-quarters. 3.
This expedition, illy conducted as it was, produced its
good results. The posts on the upper lakes were all re-estab-
lished, and the siege of Detroit was ended. But, the waver-
ing, imbecile course of Bradstreet so incensed the Iroquois
under him, that, when they left him, they had imbibed the
most thorough contempt for English arms, and not Sir Wil-
liam Johnson even was able to counteract their pernicious
impression. .
While the expedition was inactive, another was in progress
under the admirable leadership of Colonel Bouquet. On the
seventeenth of September he reached Fort Pitt with his men,
and, while there, was waited upon by three pretended Dela-
ware deputies in the same manner that Bradstreet had been
visited. Instead of treating, he questioned them closely; and
convinced that they were nothing more than spies, seized all

Coron EI, Botſguist's ExPEDITION. 91
three. One of them he sent home with a message saying,
that, as the Delawares had violated their treaty with Colonel
Bradstreet, he was marching against their towns with the
intention of punishing them; but that, if they would give
satisfaction for their outrages, he would be merciful and spare
their families. He said that he had sent two messengers to
Bradstreet, and if they were disturbed or injured, he would put
both his prisoners to death and show the tribe no mercy.
This message had great effect upon the Indians. They
saw they had to deal with a man who was not afraid to do
his duty, and many began to advocate peace. .
Before starting, several Iroquois spies visited Bouquet and
endeavored to persuade him from attempting the expedition,
assuring him that the way was so difficult they could never
succeed, while, if he remained in his present quarters for a
time, the Indians would soon bring in their prisoners and
make an unconditional submission. This was only a ruse to
retard his progress, as had been done with Bradstreet; but,
not heeding their warnings, the commander sent them to the
hostile tribes with a notice that he would soon be among them
unless complete atonement was made.
In the early part of October, Colonel Bouquet entered a
wilderness through which no army had ever marched. His
progress was necessarily slow, encumbered by numbers of
sheep, cattle, and their heavy equipage; but his men pressed
cheerfully onward, and ten days after leaving the fort, they
crossed the river Muskingum. He was now in the Indian
country. The inhabitants were filled with the greatest terror
at his approach. Passing down the Muskingum, he selected
a beautiful camping ground, and ordered the chiefs to meet
him in council. He appointed a place a short distance below
the camp, which was strongly guarded by his men, to prevent
treachery. At the appointed time a large number of chiefs,
among whom were Custaloga of the Delawares, Kiashuta of
the Senecas, and the head chief of the Shawnees whose name no
living man can spell. The expression upon each of their
faces was as black and threatening as the thunder-cloud, and
they seemed perfectly willing that their intense hatre of the
English should be seen by all. After going through their
usual ceremony of smoking, a Delaware addressed the council




92 z Tm, LIFE of PONTIAC.
His speech was dignified and savoring somewhat of independ-
ence. At its close he delivered up eighteen prisoners, prom-
ising to do the game with all in their possession as soon as
they could be collected. The council then adjourned, accord-
ing to custom, to give Bouquet time to prepare his speech.
When the time arrived, he arose and made a speech. He
didn't take time to call them fathers or brothers, but came to
the point without any rhetorical circumlocution. He told
them they had robbed and murdered their traders in time of
peace; had attacked Fort Pitt which had been built by their
consent; had assaulted and been defeated by his own troops
at Bushy Run; had continually ravaged the frontier, and,
while one party was making peace with Colonel Bradstreet,
another was murdering and scalping the defenseless settlers.
He added that they had sent an insulting message to Sir
William Johnson, had refused to make peace, and never kept
any of their engagements, “You are all in our power,” said
Bouquet, “and if we choose we can exterminate you from
the earth; but the English are a merciful people, averse to
shed the blood even of their greatest enemies; and, if it were
possible that you could convince us that you sincerely repent
of your past perfidy, and that we could depend on your good
behavior for the future, you might yet hope for mercy and
peace.” The speaker then informed them that he would give
them twelve days to bring in every prisoner, English or
French, married or unmarried, whether adopted or not; that
all these should be furnished with clothing, provisions and
horses to take them to Fort Pitt; and that, until all these
conditions were complied with, he would consider them as
enemies, and receive no offers of peace. .
This speech “told” with astonishing effect. All haughti-
ness and independence left the chiefs. When the council
broke up they set about collecting their prisoners with great
expedition. They saw at a glance that deception would
prove their ruin. When the twelve days had expired, over
two hundred captives were given up; and the stern, deter-
unined course of the leader had subdued the Delawares and
Shawnees as completely as if he had destroyed all their
villages and slain half their warriors. Colonel Bouquet saw
he understood the Indian character. Now that the

PoNarºc INFLAMES THE wFSTERN TRIBES, 93
spirit and very letter of his demands were complied with, ha
gave way to the natural kindness of his heart. He extended
the hand of fellowship, and told them they were now brethren.
He advised them to send deputies to Sir William Johnson
who would make treaties with them. This the Indians did,
expressing, at the same time, the best of satisfaction with
Bouquet's course. This was one of the greatest victories
gained without the shedding of a drop blood.
The troops now returned to Fort Pitt, where the recovered
captives were restored to their homes, and the provincials
disbanded, after receiving a handsome compliment from their
beloved leader. The Pennsylvania Assembly, at its next ses-
sion, passed a vote of thanks to Colonel Bouquet, referring to
his services in the warmest terms. The Virginia Assembly
did the same; and both recommended him to the king as
worthy of promotion. His services, however, had been
already recognized. He was appointed to the rank of Briga-
dier, and given command of the southern department. Here
he won the love and respect of all by his many virtues, his
nobleness of heart, and universal kindness. Three years later
he was attacked with ſever, and died at Pensacola; and many
an eye was moistened and many a heart was saddened when
the mournful tidings was received, for he was “a gallant
soldier and a generous man.” % 3 : ... 3
C H A P T E R IX.
THE CONSPIRATOR. Follºd—HE BURIES THE HATCHET-HIs subsequent LIFE
. AND DEATH-sum MARY of HIS CHARACTER. º
- DESERTED by his own people—refused assistance by the
French—forced to fly by the approach of the hated English–
where was Pontiac * Amid all this ruin, the proud chief rose
like an untamed lion, with the fires of his ambition still burn-
ing and still urging him on to new schemes and deeds.
From the river Maumee, Pontiac, followed by several
hundred of his warriors, went westward, in the fall of
into the country of the Kickapoos, Piankishaws and the


94 THE LIFE (VF PONTIAC,
Miamis. Everywhere he stirred up the tribes by his resistless
eloquence; he was kindling a conflagration more extensive—
more disastrous in its consequences than any that yet had
swept along the frontier. As soon as he saw the fire burning,
he journeyed on to the Mississippi, where he met the Illinois
in council, and compelled them to enlist under his standard.
From here he proceeded to Fort Chartres, one of the principal
French forts, and, after making a speech to the commandant,
demanded arms, ammunition and troops. He was refused as
kindly as the commandant could do it; but, enraged ana
still determined, Pontiac had a wanpum-belt of extraordinary
size constructed, which he placed in the hands of a chosen
few, with instructions to journey down the Mississippi and
display it to the different tribes along the shores. These were
to be urged to prevent any English passing up stream. The
embassy were then to proceed to New Orleans, and demand
assistance of the Governor. 3.
The growing spirit of hostility among the different Indians
was greatly increased by two occurrences that became known
about this time. In the previous spring, Major Loftus com-
menced ascending the Mississippi with four hundred regulars,
intending to take passession of Fort Chartres. When about
two hundred and fifty miles above New Orleans, he was fired
into by some concealed Indians, and a number of his men
were slain. In the greatest terror, he retreated to New
Orleans, whence he made his way to Pensacola.
A short time later, Captain Pitman arrived at New Orleans
with the intention of ascending to the Illinois; but the reports
of danger, and the solicitations of friends finally induced him
to abandon his designs. %
These repulses gave the Indians great confidence, and
Pontiac's embassy found their work an easy task among
them. They were greeted with yells of delight, and were
only too ready to engage in the bloody work. Arriving at
New Orleans, they found the place in a great tumult. The
inhabitants had learned, but a few weeks before, that France
had ceded their town to Spain. A more detested proceeding
could not have been inflicted by their Government; and the
people were waiting in the momentary expectation of the
hated change of masters.


CRogh AN's ExPEDITION. 95
D'Abbadie, the Governor, although on the very brink of
the grave, received the embassy in his council-house, and
listened attentively to their message. He replied in a feeble
and trembling voice, endeavoring to soothe their passions, and
the council, according to established custom, adjourned until
the next day. D'Abbadie died that night, and Aubry, his
successor, received the envoys the next morning. After con-
doling with their white brother upon their misfortune, a
Miami chief addressed a most cutting speech to the Governor,
accusing his people of lying, and being whipped into submis-
sion by the English. He added that they were independent
of the French, and only demanded the powder and arms they
had used in their service. Aubry, making a few presents,
endeavored to conciliate them; but, when the embassy turned
their faces again up the Mississippi, a deeper hatred than ever
rankled in their hearts. .
General Gage, the Commander-in-Chief, was now convinced
that there was no prospect of peace so long as the flag of
France floated over a single post in the ceded territory; for
the Indians still cherished the hope of her assistance, and
would continue so to do as long as she held the least sem-
blance of power. The great danger of attempting to ascend
the Mississippi, induced Gage to form a determination to
march an army by the way of the Ohio, the success of Bouquet
having cleared this route. Before doing this, however, Sir
William Johnson dispatched his deputy, George Croghan,
with the object of distributing presents, of arguing the matter
with them, and, if possible, to disabuse their minds of their
prejudices against the English. . * . . . . . . . .
Croghan and his companion set out in February, 1765.
After journeying hundreds of miles through all the perils of
the wilderness, they reached Fort Pitt, where they waited for
the train to come up. This, however, was attacked and com-
pletely robbed by the notorious “Paxton men;” so that
Croghan was deprived of one of his most powerful auxiliaries.
Replacing his loss as well as he could from Fort Pitt, he sent
his assistant forward to the Illinois, while he remained to hold
council with the Delawares and Shawnees, which they had
promised their conqueror, Bouquet, the year before.
Lieutenan, Frazer (the assistant of Croghan), with several

96. THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
companions, journeyed a thousand miles down the Mississippi,
into the country of the Illinois, where, as Parkman remarks,
“he found himself in a nest of hornets.” So great, indeed,
was his danger, that he made a precipitate retreat in disguise
to New Orleans.
Croghan having concluded his treaties at Fort Pitt, left that
place in May, and, attended by several Shawnee and Delaware
chiefs, descended the Ohio. Just as they had landed, near
the mouth of the Wabash, they were attacked by nearly a
hundred Kickapoos, several of the party killed, and all made
prisoners; not, however, until three of the assailing Indians
had fallen,
This attack of the Kickapoos appears to have been merely
one of those outbreaks peculiar to the Indian character—the
gratification of a whim, without a thought of the consequences,
When they became sensible of what they had really done they
were sorely frightened, and begged forgiveness like so many
children, declaring that they believed the Indians in the party
to be Cherokees, their implacable enemies. Still retaining the
party as prisoners, the Kickapoos made their way to Vincennes,
where the captives were warmly greeted and the captors as
warmly reproved for what they had done. They next pro-
ceeded to Ouatanon where Croghan made his quarters in the
fort. .
Here he commenced business. Tribe after tribe sent its
deputies in, and the council-house, for several days, may be
said to have been wrapped in a fog, on account of the
continual calumets that were smoking. This, with the cere-
monious speeches and the shaking of hands, formed the
routine of each day's business. Affairs could not have
progressed more favorably. The Indians seemed to be
swayed by reason instead of passion, and Croghan fondly
believed the sun of peace was already rising in the sky.
Warrior after warrior had left Pontiac, until he was nearly
rted. “All was lost. To hold out longer would be
truction; to fly was scarcely an easier task. In the south
the Cherokees, hereditary enemies of his people. In the
st were the Osages and Missouris, treacherous and uncer-
inds, and the fierce and jealous Dahcotah. In the east












PoNTIAG BURIES THE HATCHET. 97
with English troops, while in the north his own village of
Detroit lay beneath the guns of the victorious garrison. He
might, indeed, have found a partial refuge in the remoter
wilderness of the upper lakes; but those dreary wastes would
have doomed him to a life of unambitious exile. His resolu-
tion was taken. He determined to accept the peace which
he knew would be proffered, to smoke the calumet with his
triumphant enemies, and patiently await his hour of ven-
geance.” * . . . . . .
It must have cost the old monarch a mighty struggle to
bring himself to this resolution—to yield all his ambitious
dreams of greatness. He could but see that the inevitable
doom of his race was already written; and, although the
encroachment of the whites might be opposed, it never could
be effectually stayed. Westward, through the coming ages,
the tide of civilization must advance until it had reached that
far-off ocean which formed the western boundary of America,
and until the last remnant of the aborigines had passed from
the face of the earth. - -
From Ouatanon, Croghan journeyed toward Fort Chartres.
He had gone but a short distance, when he met Pontiac, and
a number of chiefs and warriors. Croghan's hand was taken
by the fallen chief, and all returned to the fort. Assembled
in council, Pontiac made the usual overtures of peace, and
uttered the most friendly feelings toward the English. He
said the lies of the French had driven him to arms; but, now
that their falsehoods were discovered, he would no longer
oppose the English; yet, at the same time, he assured
Croghan, that the French did not own the land, and therefore
had no right to sell it. It still belonged to his own people.
As a pledge of Pontiac's sincerity, he accompanied Croghan
on his return to Detroit, attending, with his chiefs, all the
councils which were held along the Maumee.
Detroit was reached in August, 1765, where Croghan sum-
moned the different tribes to meet him for the purpose of
establishing treaties, and adjusting difficulties. They an-
swered his call with great readiness, for they saw their own
interest lay in obtaining the good-will of those who had
conquered both the Indians and French. All those who had




THE LIFE OF PONTIAC,
been hostile made their appearance, even the chief who had
been the prime mover and leader in the massacre at Mackinaw.
He expressed great sorrow for what he had done, and humbly
asked for peace.
Some days later Croghan met the Ottawas in council, and
addressed them in the following high-wrought style:
“Children, we are very glad to see so many of you here
present at your ancient council-fire, which has been neglected
for some time past; since then, high winds have blown, and
raised heavy clouds over your country. I now, by this belt,
rekindle your ancient fire, and throw dry wood upon it, that
the blaze may ascend to heaven, so that all nations may see
it, and know that you live in peace and tranquillity with your
fathers the English. §
“By this belt I disperse all the black clouds from over
your heads, that the sun may shine clear on your women and
children, that those unborn may enjoy the blessing of this
general peace, now so happily settled between your fathers
the English and you and all your younger brethren to the
sunsetting. . z:x.
“Children, by this belt I gather up all the bones of your
deceased friends, and bury them deep in the ground, that the
buds and sweet flowers of the earth may grow over them,
that we may not see them any more. 2.
“Children, with this belt I take the hatchet out of your
hands, and pluck up a large tree, and bury it deep, so that it
may never be found any more; and I plant the tree of peace,
which all our children may sit under, and smoke in peace
with their fathers.
“Children, we have made a road from the sunrising to
the sunsetting. . I desire that you will preserve that road
good and pleasant to travel upon, that we may all share the
blessings of this happy union.” - .
The council reassembled on the next day, and Pontiac, as
representative of the different tribes, replied to Croghan as
follows: : ... ::: $;
“Father, we have all smoked out of this pipe of peace.
It is your children's pipe; and as the war is all over, and
the Great Spirit and Giver of Light, who has made the earth
and every thing therein, has brought us all together this day


PEACE RATIFIED, 99
for our mutual good, I declare to all nations that I have
settled my peace with you before I came here, and now
deliver my pipe to be sent to Sir William Johnson, that he
may know I have made peace, and taken the King of England
for my father, in presence of all the nations now assembled;
and whenever any of those nations go to visit him, they may
smoke out of it with him in peace. Fathers, we are obliged
to you for lighting up our old council-fire for us, and desiring
us to return to it; but we are now settled on the Miami river,
not far from hence: whenever you want us, you will find us
there.” .
Croghan having fully accomplished all for which he had
been sent, now returned to Niagara, Pontiac promising to
accept an invitation to visit Oswego the next spring, and
conclude a treaty with Sir William Johnson himself. The
winter passed away without any incident of note, and
Pontiac, with a number of his chiefs, redeemed his promise
made to Croghan. Through Lake Erie and Ontario the little
company passed, and was greeted with the booming of
cannon from the Oswego batteries, as it reached its destina-
tion. Here Sir William Johnson, with a number of Iroquois,
was waiting to receive them; and, on the twenty-third of July,
the vast assembly was convened in open air. The preliminary
ceremonies occupied all of the first day; but upon the second,
Sir William Johnson addressed himself to Pontiac and his
companions:— -- - . .
“Children, I bid you heartily welcome to this place; and
I trust that the Great Spirit will permit us often to meet to-
gether in friendship, for I have now opened the door and
cleared the road, that all nations may come hither from the
sunsetting. This belt of wampum confirms my words.
“Children, it gave me much pleasure to find that you who
are present behaved so well last year, and treated in so friendly
a manner Mr. Croghan, one of my deputies, and that you
expressed such concern for the bad behavior of those, who,
in order to obstruct the good works of peace, assaulted and
wounded him, and killed some of his party, both whites and
Indians—a thing before unknown, and contrary to the laws
and customs of all nations. This would have drawn down
our strongest resentment upon those who were guilty of so

100 THE LIFE OF PONTIAC.
heinous a crime, were it not for the great lenity and kindness
of your English father, who does not delight in punishing
those who repent sincerely of their faults.
“Children, I have now with the approbation of General
Gage, (your father's chief warrior in this country) invited you
here in order to confirm and strengthen your proceedings with
Mr. Croghan last year. I hope that you will remember all
that then passed, and I desire that you will often repeat it,
and keep it fresh in your minds.
“Children, you begin already to see the fruits of peace,
from the number of traders and plenty of goods at all the
garrisoned posts; and our enjoying the peaceable possession
of the Illinois will be found of great advantage to the Indians
in that country. You likewise see that proper officers, men
of honor and probity, are appointed to reside at the posts, to
prevent abuses in trade, to hear your complaints, and to lay
before me such of them as they can not redress. Interpreters
are likewise sent for the assistance of each of them ; and
Smiths are sent to the posts to repair your arms and imple-
ments. All this, which is attended with great expense, is
now done by the great king, your father, as a proof of his
regard; so that, casting from you all jealousy and apprehen-
sion, you should now strive with each other who should show
the most gratitude to this best of princes. I do now, there-
fore, confirm the assurances which I give you of his majesty's
good-will, and do insist on your casting away all evil thoughts,
and shutting your ears against all flying idle reports of bad
people.” . : %
In this strain, Johnson continued his speech, urging the .
Indians to give no credence to the numerous reports and false-
hoods that would be circulated in and about them. On the
next day, Pontiac replied, saying as he presented the belt o
wampum:— 3% ź
“Father, when you address me, it is the same as if
you addressed all the nations of the West. Father, this
belt is to cover and strengthen our chain of friendship, and
to show you that, if any nation shall lift the hatchet against
our English brethren, we shall be the first to feel it and resent
Thus closed this memorable council, Pontiac once more


Pont'IAC's DEATH. 101
proceeded to the Maumee, where he had made his home, and
carrying with him, we may believe, a sincere determination to
abide by the treaty which he had made. There are strong
grounds for this in the fact, that in a short time some trouble
sprung up along the frontier, which grew into a war on the
Virginia border, yet Pontiac took no part in it. His name is
never once mentioned in the records of these times, and the
probabilities are that he employed himself, as did the Indians
around him, in hunting, fishing and the sports of the chase.
For the period of several years all trace is lost of him. In
1769 he made his appearance among the Illinois, where he
excited much apprehension among the English in that section.
He remained but a short time, when he went to St. Louis and
visited a house, of which Pierre Chouteau was an inmate.*
He also called upon several others, all of whom received him
with the greatest cordiality. .
A few days later, Pontiac remarked that he should cross to
Cahokia upon the opposite side of the river, where a number
of Indians were holding a sort of drunken frolic. His friends
sought to dissuade him, as they believed his life would be
endangered ; but, self-confident as of old, he was afraid of no
one, and crossed with several of his companions in a canoe.
He found the village swarming with Illinois Indians and
Creoles, and was soon invited to a great feast. Here the
bottle passed freely and Pontiac became deeply intoxicated.
When the feast was, finished, he arose and went pitching,
swaggering and singing down the street, and wandered off
into the woods.
He had scarcely entered the forest when a Kaskaskia Indian
---who had been bribed to the deed by an English trader—stole
noiselessly after him, and followed his footsteps with a tread
as stealthy as the panther's. While the chief was still
chanting the medicine-song, and strolling aimlessly forward,
the keen tomahawk clove his skull in twain, and his corpse
dropped heavily to the earth. .
In a short time, the dead body was discovered, and the
* This Pierre Chouteau was still living in 1846, and was visited by Mr.
Parkman at his country seat near St. Louis. He entertained a distinct
remembrance of the chief, and of all the circumstances of his visit. Pon:

tiac was arrayºl in the dress of a French officer, which had been presented
to him by Mon calm during the French war.
The LIFE or PontiAc.
wildest yells announced the event. Pontiac's followers scat-
tered to the different villages, and the news spread like wild-
fire; hatches were snatched up ; chiefs, Sãchems and warriors
of different tribes made the cause common, and hundreds,
thirsting for revenge, descended upon the Illinois tribes.
The death of Pontiac was most fearfully avenged. Whole
tribes were exterminated. The Peoras, Kaskaskias, and
Cahokias were nearly or quite exterminated, and, as his his-
torian remarks, “over the grave of Pontiac more blood was
poured out in atonement than flowed from the hecatombs of
slaughtered heroes on the corps of Patroclus.”
Thus died the great Conspirator. He was a man shrewd,
cunning and treacherous, with a masterly and far-seeing
mind; one who embodied within himself all the virtues and
many of the vices of his people; a man of towering ambi-
tion and wonderful genius, whose influence over the wayward
passions of his race was absolute and supreme. His life,
like his death, is written in blood.
A half-century later the spirit of the dead Conspirator
seemed to spring into being again, and to go forth through
fields of slaughter in the guise of the Shawnee chief, TEcºM-
SEH-so alike were the twain in courage, in sagacity, in am
bition and ferocity toward the white race.
May the world never see his like again l


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