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“NEW ATLANTIS" AND "CITY OF THE SUN.” 15
teachings of a common master, Teleso, one of the
“novi homines" whose avowed aim it was to destroy
the authority of Aristotle, the "tyrant of souls,” and
to free the human mind from intellectual shackles,
just as the Reformers had endeavoured to free
mankind from spiritual thraldom.
By education and early associations, as well as in
their subsequent experiences, no two men could differ
from each other more widely than Lord Bacon and
Thomas Campanella. Whilst the latter was wasting
his early life in a cloister, the former was qualifying
for a successful career at the bar; whilst the Italian
was in prison for the next twenty-seven years of his
life on account of his political and religious convic-
tions, the Englishman was gradually rising into fame
and political power; and whereas Campanella died.
at last in comparative obscurity, scarcely remembered
in our own day, though once the forerunner of a
great scientific revolution, Lord Bacon is still revered
as the man whose appearance marked an epoch in
scientific history. Yet both these men, in spite of
these differences of position and fortune, were inspired
by the same ideas, they both expected identical
results of a stupendous nature from the progress of
natural science in the improvement of our race.
The social surroundings of the Calabrian monk
were by no means of an encouraging character. He
at or
16
UTOPIAS.
lived among a people enervated by political corrup-
tion and in the last stage of national decrepitude.
The people is a beast of muddy brain,
he says,
in one of his celebrated sonnets, disgusted as
he was with their apathy for social improvement
and their impervious indifference to new ideas. No
small amount of faith in his own mission was, there-
fore, necessary for Campanella to take upon himself
the "Philosophical and Social Apostolate," and, in
spite of persecution, imprisonment, and torture, to
persevere in his belief in the final triumph of good,
and a golden age to be brought about by equality
and brotherly love.
Bacon was more fortunate in his personal expe-
riences. Living in one of the most flourishing periods
of English history, in the midst of national pros-
perity and intellectual progress, he was buoyed up
not only by an inner consciousness of power, but by
external surroundings. The unparalleled triumphs
of the age of Elizabeth gave an impulse to the
sanguine hopes in the progress of mankind contained
in the "New Atlantis."
There was one point in which the history of these
two great men coincided. They both were born in
an age of discovery. The invention of printing, with
its wider diffusion of knowledge and culture; the
“NEW ATLANTIS” AND “CİTY OF THE SUN” 17
discovery of America and a new passage to the
East Indies, with the consequent influx of wealth and
luxury; the further spread of commerce, exciting the
spirit of inquiry and adventure, and with it un-
bounded desires and longings: all these aided in
opening new prospects to aspiring humanity, and
could not fail to produce profound impressions on
such minds as that of Bacon, "the most sagacious of
mankind," and that of Campanella, the friend of
Galileo. Both were gifted with scientific tact along
with imaginative genius, both were inspired with the
enthusiasm of scientific reform and social ideals,
hence both produced similar Utopias.
The scheme for social improvement as conceived
in the brain of the Dominican friar differs in many
respects from that of the eminent Englishman, but
the "New Atlantis," as well as the "Civitas solis,"
may be called prophecies of social improvement, as
the effects of the advancement of learning, the one
under an enlightened hierarchy, the other under
perfect monarchical institutions.
Of Lord Bacon, it has been said that he thought
in the manner of artists and poets, and speaks after
the manner of prophets and seers. We may see this
verified in the "New Atlantis," which we must now
proceed to consider in its general outlines.
In this fragment of Bacon's social philosophy we
с
18
UTOPIAS.
have indications of the manner in which he thought
it possible to improve the social condition of our race
by means of enriching mankind with new discoveries.
and additional resources, and by means of which he
sought to promote the contentment and happiness of
man by fitting him out with a complete equipment of
instruments and powers for the entire conquest of
nature.
The "New Atlantis" was written in its present
incomplete form in 1624, and published three years
later, with the author's approbation. It embodies
Bacon's visions of the future, and is remarkable not
only as a philosophical speculation or scientific
romance, but as being the outcome of 'sane reflection,
containing but few, if any, of those chimerical extra-
vagancies to be found in other Utopias. In the de-
scription of the conditions of mankind here we have
nothing but the practical results he anticipated from
a diligent and systematic study of nature according
to his own principles.* In the prospect opened in
the "New Atlantis" there is nothing impossible to
Bacon's own mind, and what he there describes in
the "House of Solomon" he believes to be realisable ·
at no very distant future.
'
The religion of this imaginary island, like that of

* See Hallam's "Lit. History," vol. iii. p. 103:
“NEW ATLANTIS” AND “CITY OF THE SUN.” 19
More's Utopia, is tolerant and humane; it incul-
cates the amity of nations, kindness and com-
passion towards the alien and distressed. One of
the sages of the "New Atlantis," receiving strangers
from afar, rejoices to find them not indifferent
to religious inquiries. "Ye knit my heart to you,”
he says, "by asking this question in the first place;
for it showeth that you first seek the kingdom of
heaven."
In politics we are told the king had "a large
heart, inscrutable for good, and was wholly bent to
make his kingdom and people happy." The islanders
find seclusion from the rest of the world conducive to
the public welfare, " doubting novelties and commix-
ture of manners." Their country being an island of
large extent, of rare fertility of soil, and extensive
shipping, they are comparatively independent of
foreigners. Still voyages are undertaken by ambas-
sadors selected for that purpose, to keep the inha-
bitants of the "New Atlantis" informed of all the
discoveries and improvements in foreign lands.
"Solomon's House" (of the description of which
Lord Macaulay says "that there is not to be found
in any human composition a passage more eminently
* Some think that in the name of Solomon some flattering allusion is
here intended to James I, on his elevation to the throne of England.
C 2
20
UTOPIAS.
distinguished by profound and serene wisdom") is
the "lanthorn" of the kingdom; "it is dedicated to
the study of the works and creatures of God." It is
a sort of national museum and laboratory for the
discovery of " the true nature of things." The main
object of its foundation is “the knowledge of causes,
and secret motion of things; and the enlarging of the
bands of human empire, to the effecting of all things
possible." Hence it must contain all instruments for
the observation of natural phenomena and new dis-
coveries, in order to the conquest of natural obstacles:
standing in the way of human happiness. It must
furnish, moreover, the means for preserving and pro-
longing life, and the undisturbed enjoyment of exist-
ence. There are observatories, engine-houses, even
"wildfires under water" (torpedoes), and there "we
imitate the flight of the birds" (balloons). Men are
appointed to various offices of research and the
collection of facts, as well as "mystery men," for the
study of scientific principles and their practical
application, pioneers and miners to make new experi-
ments, compilers of statistics and others to "cast
about how to draw out of them things of use and
practice for man's life," until we finally come to the
class called "interpreters of nature," who codify the
results of discovery and observation with axioms and
aphorisms for the future guidance of mankind to pro-
1
“NEW ATLANTIS” AND “CITY OF THE SUN.” 21
vide against maladies and misfortunes arising from
natural causes.
Nor is the search after "more light" disassociated
in the "New Atlantis" from the practice of virtue.
As to morality, "it is the virgin of the world. Self-
respect is the spring of their virtue; therefore the
reverence of a man's self is next to religion the
chiefest bridle of all vices."
L
Further, this search after goodness and truth does
not interfere with a joyous mode of living our life here
below. On the contrary, the simplicity and serenity
of patriarchal life on scientific principles gives com-
pleteness to the home, and the cheerfulness of well-
regulated households on a large scale is increased by
occasional feasts and family gatherings, accompanied
by interesting and instructive ceremonies, closing
with "music and dances, and other recreations after
their manner."]
In short, Bacon expects a startling revolution in
the course of human affairs in consequence of a
wider spread of scientific knowledge; he anticipates
a new heaven and a new earth from a wider diffusion
of the knowledge of natural laws. More had seen in
the revival of classical learning and in the dawn of
the Reformation a promise of social improvement
among the people. Bacon, a century later, saw in the
revival of scientific inquiry, and in the rise of his own
22
UTOPIAS.
experimental philosophy, the promise of amelioration
in the physical and moral condition of mankind.
Thus we see how the mind of man cannot rest
satisfied with existing arrangements, but soars after a
higher social ideal when it feels itself lifted out of its
ordinary level in the lower regions of custom and
conventionality. The occasion is given by some
mighty current of thought or feeling passing through
masses of men periodically. Sometimes it is the
outburst of a religious reformation, at other times the
revival of the old learning, and then again the renewed
spirit of research inquiring into the hidden laws of
nature. The movement is set going, and men like
Bacon partly describe and partly direct its course,
and prophetically point to its goal. Nor are the
ideal speculations of Bacon, bold and original as
they were, impracticable. "Already," says Macaulay,
some parts, and not the least startling parts, of the
glorious prophecy have been accomplished, even
according to the letter, and the whole, construed.
according to the spirit, is daily accomplishing all
around us."
[It has been asked, "Could this confident hope in
the immense expansions of human power, the grand
idea of man's universal conquest over nature and
over obstacles placed by himself in the way of his
own unlimited increase in well-being and happiness,
"
"NEW ATLANTIS" AND "CITY OF THE SUN" 23
have germinated, grown, and occupied any one's mind
entirely in times of discouragement and decay, in
times of ecclesiastical and political tyranny, dis-
couraging freedom of thought and intellectual
effort?" *
The work of Thomas Campanella, entitled the
"City of the Sun," is a complete reply to this ques-
tion. It appeared in 1637, or thirteen years after
Bacon's "New Atlantis." Campanella himself was
born in Stilo, in Calabria, in the year of the building
of the Royal Exchange, in London, by Sir Thomas
Gresham, the royal merchant, an event which indicates.
the commercial prosperity of this country at a time
when Italy, "sunk in sloth, priest-ridden, tyrant-
ridden, exhausted with the unparalleled activity of
the renaissance, besotted with the vices of slavery
and slow corruption, gave no ears to these prophets
of the future, the heralds of modern philosophy and
modern ideas of freedom."
Thus it happened that "the dulcet sounds of phan-
tasy" from the pen of the philosopher of Stilo had
no charm for his countrymen. Nevertheless, he would
not be silent. He took for his motto "Non tacebo,"
and for his device a bell, to indicate his mission
of sounding the alarm in the ears of those who
* Taine's "English Literature," vol. i. p. 218.
24
UTOPIAS.
would not hear. And what was the burden of his
cry?
It was social reform-nay, more, it was an entire
social revolution, a demand for a new state of society
altogether, as described in the "City of the Sun."
The proposals for social improvement are such as
may be expected from a man whose experience of
life had been gathered within the narrow confines of
a monastery under strict Dominican discipline, and
who aims at social improvements by committing the
fate of mankind to an ecclesiastical hierarchy acting
according to scientific principles. In Campanella
the man of science and the Church disciplinarian
meet. His Utopia is a land where the happiness of
the community is brought about by a strict applica-
tion of scientific rigour under ecclesiastical authority,
to the conduct of government.
In his social scheme, which has been called a
"phantastic creation full of originality," he presents.
us with the picture of an ideal society where every-
thing is ordered according to monastic rule, where
life, with its alternate occupations and enjoyments, is
regulated by semi-ecclesiastical and semi-philosophical
superiors.]
The supreme head of this communistic state is the
so-called "Grand Metaphysician," who is to be the
most eminent man of science, and his subordinates
•
46
"NEW ATLANTIS" AND "CITY OF THE SUN." 25
are chosen equally on account of their mental and
moral qualifications, as in China the mandarins or
high state officials are appointed by means of com-
The
petitive examinations to test their capacity.
ministers of state in the "Civitas solis" are a trium-
virate of moral magnates, who bear, by way of indica-
tion of their peculiar qualities, the names of Power,
Wisdom, and Love respectively. To them is com-
mitted the charge of warlike preparations, public
instruction, and the material welfare of the citizens.
They, again, are assisted in performing their several
functions by minor officials, who, by reason of
personal merit, constitute representatives of special
virtues, from which they receive their respective
names, such as Magnanimity, Courage, Justice, Truth,
Moderation, &c. &c. In fact, the ruling powers, from
the "Grand Metaphysician," who is a sort of industrial
Pope, down to the lowest officers in the series, repre-
sent ideas, and form an infallible hierarchy, ruling with
wisdom and unlimited power a commonwealth of
equals, and endeavouring to promote truth and virtue.
They have power over life and death, and may inflict
the most severe punishments in case of minor offences,
even corporal chastisement, where that seems neces-
sary. In the choice of magistrates and other ministers
of justice special regard is paid to personal distinction
in the arts of peace and the mechanical sciences.
Ca
26
UTOPIAS.
Those who are the greatest adepts in business, and
are engaged in the most varied industries, become
leaders and masters, and receive the greatest con-
sideration.
In the "City of the Sun" people ridicule our con-
tempt for the artisan class, as well as our overween-
ing regard for those who are not engaged in any of
the bread-winning pursuits. On the contrary, they
rather despise those who live in idleness and keep a
large retinue of servants to minister to their indolence
and self-indulgence.")
All property is held in common, and extends
to all the relations of life. There are no private.
fortunes or homes. "The principle of property," says
Campanella, "does not grow up within us naturally.
It arises from the fact that we have our own homes.
and families. Hence egoism; for to raise one son in
particular to dignities and wealth, and making him
the heir of a large fortune, is weakening the public
treasury, and enables one set of men to rule over
another by means of their wealth and power. Again,
those who are powerless, poor, or of low origin,
are in danger of becoming avaricious, mean, and
hypocritical."
There are public buildings in which all live to-
gether, partaking of common meals in halls provided
for that purpose, and sleeping in common dormitories.
"NEW ATLANTIS” AND “CITY OF THE SUN” 27
Every townland has its own public kitchen, dining-
rooms, granaries, and provision-magazines. Here
everybody receives according to his requirements,
with due regard to the ruling principles of the
community-" plain living and hard thinking.”
Education-literary, scientific, and technical-is
common to all without distinction. Even women are
brought up exactly like men. But in the appor-
tioning of work the rough occupations are assigned
to the latter, and labour requiring less exertion is
assigned to the former. The most hard-working
trades are held in highest esteem, and agricultural
labourers proceed to their daily task in solemn
procession.
Four hours of daily work, from which none are
exempt, suffice for obtaining the requisites for all the
members in the community. This shortening of the
labour-hours has the effect of making everybody per-
form their task cheerfully, and so becoming most pro-
ductive members of society. All work is done in
groups; headed by the best workers, who become the
leading kings or fathers of their companies. Com-
merce is despised, and may not be carried on within
the walls of the city, for fear of corrupting the citizens;
money is only used in transacting business with
outsiders.
every
Campanella was aware of the difficulty of carrying
28
UTOPIAS.
out his own scheme of social economy, as will appear
from the following short extract taken from his work,
the "City of the Sun," which, similar to the "Utopia,”
is written in the form of a dialogue, between an ima-
ginary Grand Hospitaller and a Genovese Captain:
Grand Hospitaller. "But in such a state of things
no one would work, since everybody would depend on
the labour of the rest for his own maintenance, as
Aristotle has already objected to Plato's scheme."
Genovese Captain. "I cannot well continue this
discussion, having never learnt to argue.
I only
assure you that the patriotism of these people is
beyond all conception, and do we not know from his-
tory that the Romans despised property in proportion
to their devotion to their country?"
}
J
Thus we see how Campanella tries to solve the
most difficult problem of Communism by replying
that people will work in the absence of selfish motives
from a strong sentiment of duty and devotion to the
common welfare.) This argument has since become
the corner-stone of successive plans of new social
edifices on a communistic basis. It resolves the
ancient principle that the individual must be sacri-
ficed to the species, the person to the commonwealth,
with the modern principle of voluntary self-abnega-
tion for the public good.)
Campanella had been brought up in a monastery,
"NEW ATLANTIS" AND "CITY OF THE SUN.” 29
B
and had seen in early life but little of the outer world.
We must not, therefore, be astonished at his simplicity
in believing that such motives are sufficiently powerful
in human nature to serve as the sole basis of social
organisation and the maintenance of social order.
That he had some misgivings as to the successful
working of his scheme is shown by the fact of his
prescribing such heavy pains and penalties in case
of disobedience or dereliction of duty among the
members of the commonwealth.
It is not at all unlikely, however, that he looked
forward confidently to a time when, with the spread
of education and enlightenment, a higher standard of
morals would be created, in which the principle of
fear would disappear, and voluntary devotedness to
the common welfare would gain the victory over
selfishness and self-seeking, and so render his scheme
practical.
To be able to raise himself amid the most depress-
ing influences around him to such a high level of
moral elevation and aspiring hope, stamps Campanella
as a master-mind in his own day, as a genius worthy
to stand by the side of the great pioneers of truth of
that remarkable age, not only on account of his
eminent philosophical attainments, but also, and
chiefly, as the propounder of a new "terrestrial
economy," founded on a superior moral basis.
30
UTOPIAS.
If the “disciplined imagination" of Bacon afforded
that great man a Pisgah-view of a society in the dis-
tant future, when his own new philosophy should
have been utilised for the material improvement and
moral elevation of mankind, the poetic passion of
Campanella, on the other hand, opened out to him at
least an equally grand prospect of a society in the
future, where unselfishness and patriotic devotion
would make use of the acquired knowledge and power
in the cause of moral and material progress.
In the social speculations of both these great men
we see, as in the case of the "Utopia," the spirit of
the times reflected. Here, again, we notice the same
longing after a higher social ideal which haunts the
human mind from age to age. Sometimes we see
depicted in these Utopias, as it were, the throbbings
of the heart of humanity in the midst of great social
distress; at other times we notice the rebellion of the
mind of man against prevailing social incongruities
that are no longer reconcilable with increased pros-
perity and enlightenment.At all times, under vary-
ing modes of expression and forms of speech, the
undying principle reasserts itself—and never, be it
noticed, without some result-in the strong, irrepres-
sible cry for social improvement among the masses.
and their leaders.
mga matem
болки
CHAPTER III.
MORELLY'S “BASILIADE” AND BABEUF'S "SOCIETY
OF EQUALS."
WE have seen already how the Protestant Refor-
mation and the revival of learning gave rise to
several Utopias. We now proceed to consider
those Utopias which owed their origin to the three
revolutionary waves that have passed over France
in 1789, 1830, and 1848 successively, leaving their
indelible impression on the social and political
institutions of almost every country in Europe. In
Morelly's "Basiliade” we have one of the earliest
indications of the socialistic tendencies which cha-
racterised the first revolution.,' In Babeuf's schemes
of social improvement, and his sublime failure when
attempting to carry them into practice, we have the
final and disappointing result of that mighty social
upheaval. Morelly and Babeuf alike express in
their social schemes the main object of the revolu-
32
UTOPIAS.
tionary movement-i.e. the establishment of a social
republic on the principle of pure equality.
In order to understand the full meaning of these
social schemes, we must take a hasty glance of
society at the time.
The spread of enlightenment dating from the
Reformation, the further extension of civilisation, and
the democratic temper among the people, produced
at last a collision between them and the privileged
orders of society. The miserable condition of the
labouring classes, ground down by unjust burdens
and heavy taxation, aggravated by intolerable abuses
of power on the part of the aristocracy and the clergy,
provoked a social revolt against the existing order
of things. The diffusion of new ideas among the edu-
cated, moreover, had produced the spiritual insubor-
dination and audacious rebellion of the human mind
against accepted notions affecting rights of property
and class privileges. The demand for total emanci-
pation of the masses from social, religious, and intel-
lectual bondage, made by the leading philosophers,
found an echo among thousands of the common
people. The upper classes, corrupted by effeminate
indulgence, reduced to a set of "gaudy dancing
marionettes," were as ignorant of the danger of their
position as they were impotent of averting their own
doom. Alienated from the people by permanent
“BASILIADE” AND “SOCIETY OF EQUALS." 33
absenteeism from their estates, known only by the
cruelty of exactions levied on their behalf by grasping
middle-men, they failed to perceive the rising dis-
content of the masses and the urgent need for
social reform until it was too late. Thus, when
social distress brought about excessive social pres-
sure, famine and distress produced at last, when the
people were no longer able or willing to bear it, a
social revolution.
Long before the outbreak of this revolution, a
small but noble band of philanthropic thinkers and
statesmen had endeavoured, by their writings and
policy, to avert the catastrophe. Morelly was one of
these. As we have seen before, the seething and
fermenting of popular discontent reflected, and the
popular hopes of a better future expressed, in the
Utopias of a few thinking men who caught the spirit
of the age, although far in advance of it; so here
again, in Morelly's "Basiliade," we see not only the
author's play of fancy in describing an ideal com-
munity and his veiled irony directed against existing
social abuses, but we see, as it were in dim outline,
the faint hopes of the people in the midst of their
distress, and their growing desire for a return to a
more simple state of society which was supposed to
have prevailed at the first when all men were equal.
In Morelly we have the ideas of Sir Thomas More
D
34
UTOPIAS.
and Campanella more fully developed.
Here we
have the theory of Communism dogmatically and
systematically propounded. Difficulties and objec-
tions against their Utopian schemes which his pre-
decessors had contented themselves in simply noticing
are met and vigorously repelled by argument or
passionate disdain in Morelly's writings.
Little is known of the author's personal history
except that he belonged to a family gifted with some
considerable talent. His father was a man of a very
peculiar turn of mind and the author of several works,
all remarkable for their quaint titles. Morelly, too,
seems to have had a share of this peculiar family
trait, a love for the paradoxical, for we find him speak
of his own book as a work "original both as to its
subject-matter and style, in which truth is presented
to the reader with all the graces of poetry."
The idea of the "Basiliade" was taken, it is sup-
posed, from the account given by Gregory Nazianzen
of a famous charitable institution as large as a town,
founded by Basilius of Cæsarea, and named after him
Basilias.
The "Basiliade" was published in 1753 in the
form of a prose-poem, which gives the imaginary
history of a people who, after having divested them-
selves of all the prejudices of civilisation, find their
complete satisfaction in returning to a state of nature.
“BASILIADE” AND “SOCIETY OF EQUALS." 35
Some unfavourable criticisms provoked the author
to put forth another book, the "Code of Nature," to
indicate the principles on which the "Basiliade "
is founded. It contains a most complete and scientific.
account of Morelly's social theories, and from it,
as well as from the original work, we shall give now
a few extracts to illustrate his complete scheme of
social improvement.
His first principles of social philosophy are the
native goodness of man, and the perfectibility of
society. He starts with the startling assertion that
man is virtuous by nature, and that society, but for the
blundering of lawgivers, might be altogether perfect.
The corruption of man originated in the institution
of private property and its protection by law. Left
to his own instincts and innate love for his fellows,
man might have been happy and contented. Now,
on the contrary, he is miserable and bad because
moralists and legislators have made him so. They
have deadened his holy passion for the welfare of
others, and taught him a cold calculating selfishness
in its place. Private property," he says in the
"Basiliade," "is the mother of all crimes; the children
of misfortune and despair, the victims of appalling
indigence, owe their origin to her. The law inflicts
penalties on the unfortunate and spares the guilty,
palliating deadly crimes of some and visiting the
D 2
66
36
UTOPIAS.
offences of others without providing the means that
would render transgression impossible."
'The only vice in the universe," says again
Morelly, in the "Code of Nature," "is avarice. All
the others, whatever be their name, are only different
modifications of this vice.
Analyse vanity,
absurdity, pride, ambition, imposture, hypocrisy, and
rascality; examine greater part of our pretended
virtues; all resolve themselves into that subtile and
pernicious primary element, the desire to possess;
you may even discover it in the very heart of dis-
interestedness." And presently he comes to the
conclusion that private interest is the "universal
pest, the slow fever, the consumptive disease of
society."]
It must be remembered that some of the most
crying abuses of hereditary rights and legalised
oppression were before Morelly's eyes when he wrote
all this. He saw the bad effects produced by anoma-
lous privileges of large landed proprietors who had
clean forgotten that property has its duties as well as
its privileges. He beheld with contempt worthless
nobles pensioned by the king at the expense of a
half-starved people compelled to live on "meal-
husks and boiled grass," so that their masters
might squander fortunes in profligacy and frivolous
display.
•
“BASILIADE" AND "SOCIETY OF EQUALS." 37
[As
As a remedial measure for curing social abuses of
this kind, and worse than these, Morelly recommends
absolute community of goods, and an undeviating
uniformity of personal rights among all citizens. ]
In his proposed commonwealth all will have an
equal share of work according to personal capacity,,
the central authority apportioning the amount of
necessary commodities for consumption to every
individual in the community. No inequalities are
permitted, and the storing up of superfluities is
strictly forbidden. The strong are to come to the
rescue of the weak, and thus, by a mutual exchange
of services and kind offices among the different
members of the commonwealth, a balance of equal
prosperity is to be maintained.
At a time when France, to
when France, to use M. Taine's
simile, resembled a vast stable, where thoroughbred
horses had double and treble rations for being idle,
whilst the common drawing-horses did the work for
half rations, which were not always forthcoming-
that is, to use plain language, in a state of society
where a small minority of nobles consumed the fat
of the land, languishing about the court, or serving
as "ornamental figures" in the salons of Paris, whilst
one tithe of the population was reduced to beggary,
and the people were "murdered" by heavy burdens,
fiscal oppression, and private spoliation, Morelly, in
38
UTOPIAS.
his "Basiliade," demands the abolition of the laws
sanctioning such "a monstrous division of the pro-
ducts of nature."
In their place he proclaims his three fundamental
laws as the basis for regenerating society:
(1) Nothing in society shall belong to anyone in
particular, nor be the private property of any person,
except such things as shall be required for actual
use, either in supplying personal wants, or creating
immediate pleasure, or what may be wanted for daily
labour.
(2) Every citizen shall be regarded as a public
person, supported and maintained at the public
expense.
(3) Every citizen shall contribute his share towards
what is necessary for the public good, according to
his strength, talent, and age. For this purpose his
duties shall be regulated in conformity with the laws
of distribution.
Again, in a country, where the brutalised con-
dition of the people had been described in the
following weird manner by the satirist—
K
There are certain wild animals, male and female, scattered
over the fields, some black, some brown, almost naked and
sunburned. They are stooping to the ground and dig and
burrow with unremitted labour. They possess something like
a human voice, and when they look up they appear to have a
human expression. In fact they are human beings. By night
“BASILIADE" AND "SOCIETY OF EQUALS." 39
they return to their caves, and there live on black bread, water,
and roots-
in such a country Morelly suggests a progressive
system of education, primary, technical, and philo-
sophical, to rescue the masses from this state of
animal degradation, and to secure for them a proper
share of physical and intellectual enjoyment.
By means of uniform education Morelly intends.
to lay the foundation for intellectual equality. Hence
the children, after the fifth year, are removed from
home and educated in public. From their tenth
year they are taught their respective trades in the
public workshops, and at the same time they receive
instruction in the sciences, pure and applied. With
the twentieth year begins the agricultural training,
a course of education extending over five years, at
the expiration of which they are supposed to have
attained the age of maturity, when they are admitted
to all the privileges of citizenship.
Thus prepared for life, they now join groups of a
thousand each, forming industrial sections under the
leadership of elders.
To secure perfect political equality, the govern-
ment is conducted in the following manner:
There are subdivisions of families, clans, towns,
and provinces. The heads of families become, in
their turn, heads of the clans, and then again presi-
40
UTOPIAS.
dents of the senates, which constitute the highest
urban authorities. These again select out of their
number members in rotation who form the supreme
authority of the commonwealth-i.e. the senate of
the nation. Only older citizens are eligible for these
posts in the legislative and executive government.
Those under fifty have the right to meet in public,
but only for consultative purposes. Like Campanella,
Morelly has recourse to severe penal laws to enforce
the due performance of social obligations where moral
sentiments-on which, inconsistently enough, he relies
so much—are not sufficiently developed to secure
good and useful citizenship. At the same time he
indulges in the hope that a fuller appreciation of all
the "moral maxims, precepts, and reflections will
tend towards cultivating social affection"]and reci-
procal kindness. With the spread of these and the
growing ardour for work he trusts that idleness and
selfishness will gradually disappear, and all will
joyfully labour together for the common good of all.
His last address to Humanity is a fervid exhortation
to this effect:
And thou, Humanity, be now free and rest at ease. Be
for the future one united body, closely joined together by perfect
unanimity. Let all varieties of desire, sentiment, and inclina-
tion be concentred in one united will, which shall direct the
efforts of all mankind towards one single end, the common
welfare. As light sheds its rays equally upon all, so let
་
“BASILIADE” AND “SOCIETY OF EQUALS.” 41
happiness be equably diffused over all. Let myriads of
active hands heap up in thy common treasure-house the fruits
of abundance and the uncounted products of universal industry,
adding, without ceasing, more than ever the needs of nature
shall be able to exhaust. Then, oh Humanity! thou shalt no
more be subject to uncertainty, made uneasy by unwise thoughts,
nor beset by a multitude of foolish prejudices, no longer restrained
tyrannically from following thine own light in admitting or con-
ciliating revolting contrarieties. ... Henceforth let there be
mutual love and support, as among the sons of the same common
father! Touched by reciprocal affection, will they ignore Him
who is the first cause?
·
•
Morelly led the way, and Rousseau, the “Evangelist
of the Revolution," with others, followed in stimu-
lating the hope and preaching the doctrine of equality.)
They did so with the zeal of religious enthusiasts.
They succeeded in their endeavours because the
artificial state of French society, retaining all the
abuses of feudalism with none of its former blessings,
made men, oppressed and famishing, listen with
eagerness to missionaries who preached a return to
the natural state of man, in which the lower orders
had not yet become the prey of a grasping nobility
and a corrupt court.
A comparatively short interval separates Morelly
from Rousseau, but the march of events and ideas.
had been rapid during this short period. Hence the
intensified manner of Rousseau's declamation against
property. He outruns Morelly in the thorough-
ness of his anti-social conclusions, and laying aside
42
UTOPIAS.
impatiently the guise of philosophical romance, he
gives expression to his social theories in passionate
and uncompromising language, appealing eloquently
and persuasively to the philosophical sentimentalism
of the higher classes, and the growing impatience for
change among the poor. Property, he argued, was
the grand abuse which had ruined mankind. "The
first who says 'This field is mine,' introduces into
society the germ of all calamities." "The fruits
belong to all, the earth to no one."
These and similar ideas inspired, twenty years
later, the leaders of the Revolution. The connecting
link between Rousseau and the leaders of socialistic
legislation in the Convention, as has been pointed out.
by Mr. J. Morley, is Mably, who in his most impor-
tant work, published in 1776, gives utterance to the
following:
"It is to equality that nature has attached the
preservation of our social faculties and happiness ;
and from this I conclude that legislation will only be
taking useless trouble, unless all its attention is first
of all directed to the establishment of equality in the
fortune and condition of citizens. What miserable
folly that persons who pass for philosophers should
go on repeating one after another that without pro-
perty there can be no society. Let us leave illusion.
It is property that divides us into two classes, rich
“BASILIADE” AND “SOCIETY OF EQUALS.” 43
and poor; the first will always prefer their fortune to
that of the state, while the second will never love a
government or laws that leave them in misery."*
Mirabeau and Robespierre, especially the latter,
thought that the Revolution ought to change alto-
gether the moral and material condition of the labour-
ing classes, and declared, "La guerre aux riches,Ӡ and
the necessity of equality of fortune by means of
legislation.
Not only the common people but legislators were
captivated by the same delusive hopes of societary
reform by the removal of all class distinctions and
the abolition of class privileges. The complete dis-
solution of society followed. A series of insurrec-
tionary movements led up to the Reign of Terror,
which left society in a state of utter prostration,
bleeding from a thousand wounds.
L
But the fire and passion, the rage and tears, the
many-tinted dawn and the blood-red sunset of the
French Revolution," left the people in very much the
same miserable condition in which it found them.]
Almost the prediction of Verginaud had been fulfilled,
that the equality resulting from all the preceding
bitter struggles would be nothing but an equality of
poverty and wretchedness.
* John Morley's "Rousseau," vol. i. p. 191.
+ Sudré, "Histoire du Communisme," p. 258, et seq. (5º éd.).
44
UTOPIAS.
"The Pentecostal night" of the 4th August, 1789,
saw "the rights of man" accepted and promulgated
by the legislation, tithes and seigneurial dues abolished,
and feudalism receiving its death-blow. Now the
Revolution predicted by Morelly and dimly foreseen
by Rousseau was complete. Still the people's condi-
tion remained unimproved. Many of the rich had
become poor; few of the poor had become less poor,
but some more wretched than before it. A feeling
of utter disappointment and angry despair passed
through the ranks of the people. Then one man
appeared, undaunted by the ghastly spectacle around
him and the sad experiences of the past; he preached
anew the doctrine of the equality of all men and its
reception as the only means of saving expiring
society. This man was the conspirator Babeuf. \
Having, in conjunction with other Jacobin con-
federates, elaborated his societary schemes of improve-
ment in prison, he presently, on being liberated, set
forth his doctrines with energy and zeal in the assem-
blies of the Pantheon Club and in his organ, called
"The Tribune of the People." A society was formed,
called "The Society of Equals," whose avowed
principle was the destruction of social arrangements
and the introduction of Communism.] By order of
the "Directory," the society was suppressed, and
became henceforth a secret conspiracy. It continued
-
“BASILIADE” AND “SOCIETY OF EQUALS.” 45
to issue its publications and manifestoes, and from
these may be gathered the substance of Babeuf's
scheme for the reconstruction of society.
In answer to a decree of the Convention which
was to secure the maintenance of private property,
the Babouvists declared on their part "that the
abolition of inequality is the duty of every virtuous
legislator." The individual is bound to abdicate his
rights in favour of the community, which in turn is
bound to provide for the personal well-being of all
the citizens.
Babeuf issued a series of decrees accordingly, for
the purpose of introducing Communism gradually.
The public funds thus accumulating were to form a
common treasury. [All citizens were to work for
society in proportion to their respective capacities.
The citizens are formed into communes, and these
subdivided into classes according to the various
branches of productive labour. Every class has its
own superintendent chosen by themselves; every
commune has its council, consisting of delegates
elected by the classes. This council assigns to every
member his functions in the commune, and executes
the orders of the central authority.
[The land is divided into circuits and provinces,
with their respective governments. The direction of
the production and distribution of commodities rests
46
UTOPIAS.
1
in the same hands, as well as the contingent removal
of citizens from place to place, according to the re-
quirements of the several districts, and the special
qualifications of the men themselves. All productions.
of labour are stored up in public magazines, where
they are received by the consumers. The state trades
with foreign countries, and erects storehouses on the
frontier for this purpose. The surplus products of the
soil and manufacture are kept in reserve for times of
need. [The normal quantity of labour exacted from
all is fixed by law, and over-exertion is studiously
avoided. The citizens live in villages, as the crowding
together of large bodies of men in towns is detrimental
to health and morals. Comfortable dwelling-houses,
and clothing of similar make and shape, are provided
for all. Food is frugal; luxuries are stringently ex-
cluded. Agriculture is the common pursuit of all,
but industrial pursuits are restricted to such as have
special aptitude for them./Inland commerce is strictly
forbidden as inconsistent with Communistic principles.
All literary productions undergo careful examination
before they are printed and published. Education
is simple, universal, and the children are removed
from their homes at an early age so as to prevent
incipient inequalities.
Such was to be the Society of Equals as projected
by Babeuf. His proposals were met by a death-
“BASILIADE” AND “SOCIETY OF EQUALS." 47
S
warrant of the authorities. He died on the scaffold
with these words on his lips: "I wrap myself into a
virtuous slumber."
In this "Aftermath" of the French Revolution
we have the last and not ignoble attempt to convert
the several Utopian theories into effective realities.
Babeuf's socialistic scheme, honestly conceived and
boldly propounded, failed, as did the social revolution
to which it owed its origin. | And why? Because the
theories as to man's perfect equality and innate good-
ness on which they rested were untrue. But what
was true in the principles of 1789 has survived, not-
withstanding the "grosser disappointments of which
the first French Revolution was so fertile." They
have leavened society, reappearing with every new
revival of social ideals. But when, after a period of
hopeless dejection, these aspirings of humanity rose
upon the surface once more, they did so under totally
changed conditions. J
A revolution had taken place in the mind of
Europe. The civilised world had received two great
lessons, taught by the French Revolution, which have
never since been effaced from human memory, viz.
(1) the dignity of manhood, from which flow the equal
rights of all in the eyes of the law; and (2) the
humane spirit of common brotherhood, or the love of
mankind, from which is derived the general principle
48
UTOPIAS.
of co-operation which seeks the happiness of the in-
dividual in the general happiness of the community,
and the national welfare of peoples in the international
welfare of united humanity, the principle expressed in
the lines of Wordsworth—
Henceforth, whatever is wanting to yourselves
In others ye shall promptly find—and all
Enriched by mutual and reflected wealth,
Shall with one heart honour their common kind.
CHAPTER IV.
ST. SIMON AND ST. SIMONISM.
IN the last chapter we saw how the Revolution,
although removing every vestige of feudal abuses,
left the position of the people, nevertheless, materially
unimproved. Subsequent events were no less un-
favourable to the popular cause. Under Napoleon
and the restored monarchy, the security of private
property and freedom of trade encouraged, indeed,
the accumulation of large savings and the gradual
growth, in wealth and importance, of the rising middle-
class. But their prosperity only afforded a painful
contrast to the prevalence of general penury around
them. So far from helping, it rather hindered the
progress in outward affluence among the working
people.
The powerful impulse given to industry by the
spread of economic science and the application of
steam heightened the process of production and
E
50
UTOPIAS.
influenced a considerable number of people from the
country districts, impoverished by extreme subdivision
of land and the imposition of a heavy land-tax, to
seek employment in the manufacturing towns. Over-
population ensued, and with it a severe depression of
wages, owing to the excessive competition of un-
employed "hands." (Left entirely at the mercy of
their employers, the working classes, unable to cope.
with the difficulties of their new position, or to main-
tain their independence in the severe struggle for
existence, found out that, after all, they had only
changed one set of relentless taskmasters for another
-the wealthy capitalist taking the place of the feudal
lord-and that the rights procured by the Revolu-
tionary struggle only amounted to a liberty of the
rich to fleece the poor, and that under shelter of the
abstract law of political, as distinguished from social,
equality. A feeling of dissatisfaction and growing
class-antagonism was the result of this state of things,
and brought about, in a measure, the social movement
which culminated in the Revolution of 1830. For,
although that movement may be regarded as a victory
of the rising Plutocracy,* over the Crown, it was the
* Plutocracy is the term applied to the wealthy class of merchants
These terms
and speculators; Proletarians are the labouring classes.
will be often used in our subsequent discussions, and play an important
part in the history of modern social schemes of improvement.
ST. SIMON AND ST. SIMONISM.
51
discontent and zeal of ignorance on the part of the
Proletarians which seconded the liberal opposition
in their revolutionary attempt. The cry of the former
was for political freedom; the demand of the latter-
"work and bread !"*
Long before the outbreak of the Revolution, the
sufferings of the people had been watched with keen
sympathy by social reformers, whom we see rise once
more on the surface, during this great crisis, to be-
come, as on former occasions, the exponents of popular
grievances and the propounders of schemes of social
improvement.
St. Simon, who died five years before, and Fourier,
who died seven years after the Revolution of July,
are on this occasion the chief advocates of popular
rights. Starting with the principle that "every man
may be considered as a member of a company of
workers," and that it is the object of society to
extract from the earth the greatest amount of natural
produce for the common happiness of man they
insist upon a more equitable distribution of work and
enjoyment, and want to remove the existing distinc-
tion between producers and non-producers. They
* “Their distress had, towards the latter years of the Restoration,
come to be such, that a convulsion of some sort was almost unavoid-
able.”—Alison's "Hist. of Europe,” 1815–1852, vol. iii. p. 575; lib.
ed. of 1854.
E 2
52
UTOPIAS.
wish to make nature subservient to man instead of
making one class of en subservient to another class
of men, resulting the subjection of the workers to
the idlers of socie
•
to
Not satisfied with the fiction of personal liberty,
they peremptorily demand a change in the social
status of their clients. They are called "Socialists
because their proposals affect the well-being of the
social body. They attach little or no importance
political reforms, but their chief aim is the removal
of the gulf existing between rich and poor throughout
the industrial system. They differ from Communists
in not requiring perfect equality nor circumscribing
individual liberty, and therefore in their schemes we
shall not find the same eager desire of reducing all
conditions of men to the same level of monotonous
uniformity nor the same strict regulation of a central
authority to carry out this plan of undeviating
equalisation.
ور
The horrors of the first Revolution had still a
deterrent effect. It was felt, no doubt instinctively,
that to renew the former proposals for equalising all
mankind, according to the societary principles of
1789, would be distasteful to the masses and arouse
the suspicions of authority. A cautious middle course
was therefore suggested, so as to remove social
abuses without upsetting entirely the arrangements.
ST. SIMON AND ST. SIMONISM.
53
or endangering the safety of existing society. The
state was to regulate, according to St. Simon, the
industrial processes so as to prevent the evils of free
competition. The king himself was to head the new
association of industry. In this way, it was hoped,
the independence of the working-classes in their
relations with their employers would be secured,
together with a proper share in the produce of their
own labour.
The later developments of St. Simonism, and the
scheme proposed by Fourier, went far beyond this,
as we shall see presently.
We must now give a brief account of the develop-
ment of these societary schemes, which, after having
gained a European notoriety during the first half of
the present century, still exercise a powerfully fas-
cinating influence even on the practical mind of social
politicians and economists of a later date.
The Count of St. Simon, the progenitor of modern
Socialists, was born in 1760 and died in 1825. He was
a distinguished scion of the Aristocracy by birth, a
child of the Democracy by sympathy, and a member
of the Plutocracy practically, though only for a short
time, and to his own loss, when endeavouring to retrieve
a fortune ruined by the Revolution in financial specu-
lations of a hazardous character. His life was one
of strange vicissitudes. As a youth, he served under
54
UTOPIAS.
((
Washington, like many French nobles of his day, in
the War of American Independence. "But," he says,
my vocation was not to be a soldier; I was forced
into a different kind of activity altogether. To study
the march of the human mind, to perform my part in
the progress of civilisation, that was the work I set
myself to do." On his return he travelled in various
countries of Europe, and endeavoured to gather
further experiences in the great world of Paris, with
a view to study human character as a preparation
for remodelling society. Such was his strong belief
in his mission of social reform, that he ordered his
servant to call him every morning with the words,
"Rise, M. le Comte, you have an important work to
accomplish.'
Like Bacon, he was a strong believer in the pro-
gress of humanity with the advancement of science.
Like Campanella, he was at first inclined to put
mankind under the government of an "intellectual
magistracy," a hierarchy of capacities," although
later he seems to have preferred the election of the
"chiefs of humanity" from the people and by the
people. Like Morelly, he expected a regeneration of
"6
"
* With a view to this he suggests that a subscription be opened at
the tomb of Sir I. Newton, and that the subscribers be allowed to.
nominate the most eminent men of science, to be supported with the
honour due to their dignity, by this voluntary endowment of research.
ST. SIMON AND ST. SIMONISM.
55
society from the moral improvement of the race,
although, unlike Morelly, he attaches much import-
ance to the influence of rational religion.
By far the most valuable contribution to socialistic
literature is his historical criticism of social systems,
past and present, resulting in the conviction that the
history of man has been mainly the history of a
series of conflicts between the workers of society and
those who deprive them of the fruits of their labour
-the privileged classes in olden times and the
capitalists of a later period. He then proceeds to
show how a due share in the enjoyment of political
power and material prosperity must be restored to the
industrial classes. He points out that in order to do
this it is not enough to abolish the military and feudal
ascendancy, but also the newly-acquired power of the
moneyed bourgeoisie* over the people. He was pro-
secuted for the publication of a pamphlet under the
title "Parabole," in which he endeavours to show
how France, by the death of three hundred of her
leading artists and scholars, would suffer for a whole.
generation; whereas, by the loss of her upper ten
thousand, including persons of the highest rank in
Church and State, as also some of the most wealthy
* This term is applied for the first time to the middle classes by
St. Simon, and since then it is used as a term to express the contempt
for this section of society by socialistic authors generally.
•
56
UTOPIAS.
members of the bourgeoisie, the heart of France, but
not her general interests, would suffer. [Hence he
recognises only three classes in society-viz. (1)
artists and scholars; (2) proprietors; (3) non-pro-
prietors. The spiritual power he claimed for the
savants, the temporal power for the proprietors, and
the electoral power for appointing the chiefs of
humanity he relegated to universal suffrage.
Though previously inclined to leave the chief
power in the hands of the learned, he seemed more
inclined, after mature deliberation, to place it into
the hands of the industrial classes. The early dream
of his life had been that industry and science should
rule the world in the future in the same manner as in
former times the spiritual and temporal power were
wielded by the priests and nobles. But towards the
close of his life he said that artists, sages, and the
leaders of industry, having the same interests as the
people, and belonging to the class of labourers,
would naturally gain the predominance. All that
was wanted, therefore, was the application of the
principle-Everything for the people and by the
people.
In the several reforms he proposed in three suc-
cessive works ("L'Industrie," "L'Organisateur," and
"Le Système Industriel," which appeared in 1818,
1819, 1820 respectively) he recommends, with more
ST. SIMON AND ST. SIMONISM.
57
or less distinctness, the general principle of a new
organisation of labour by means of a "Centralised
Industrialism" to escape those dangers which bring
about social convulsions. In one of these works he
really demands no more than what, in modern
phraseology, might be termed comprehensively co-
partnership of the occupiers and owners of the soil,
an extension of the county franchise, and greater
facilities for the transfer of land, together with the
establishment of public credit banks to aid strug-
gling agriculturists in their endeavours to acquire
a competency and independence. All these are
moderate suggestions for legislative changes in
favour of the cultivators of the soil.
They have
been recommended with all the force of calm reason-
ing by economists and moderate politicians in our
own day.
In another he addresses himself to the condition of
the classes engaged in manufacture, and here his
proposals are of a more chimerical character. The
Utopian constitution he proposes requires a parlia-
ment consisting of three chambers. The first of these,
the Chamber of Invention, exists for the purpose of
discovering new means for enriching and new modes
of amusing mankind. It has to watch over the inte-
rests of humanity, to provide the necessaries of life
for all by means of public works on a large scale, and
58
UTOPIAS.
**Ksave
to introduce public festivities for heightening the
charm of life.
The second chamber, from the part of its duty
consisting in criticising the projects of the first, is
called the Chamber of Examination.
The ratification of the measures passed in both
rests with the third chamber, which is the General
Executive. It consists of the wealthiest members of
the community, and is placed under royal patronage.
For the main duty of government, St. Simon main-
tains, is by means of public works and popular edu-
cation, "to bring about an amelioration in the
well-being, physical and moral, of the working
classes."
In later publications ("The New Christianity"
and "The Catechism of Working-men ") he calls in
religious enthusiasm to bring about these social
changes. He wants Christianity, pure and primitive,
without later accretions, in conjunction with science,
to renovate society, mentally and morally. Without
these he thinks social progress is impossible.
Sire," he wrote to the king, "the fundamental
principles of Christianity require men to regard each
other as brothers, and to work together as best they
can for their common welfare." "Religion,” he re-
marks again, "ought to direct society towards the
great end of ameliorating, as rapidly as possible, the
((
ST. SIMON AND ST. SIMONISM.
59
condition of the most numerous and least wealthy
class" in the community, i.e. the working people.j
V
The apostle of this new Christianity, the cele-
brated founder of modern Socialism, whose brilliant
ideas enthralled some of the most cultivated men of
the world in his own day, lived in the most abject.
condition of poverty whilst thus endeavouring to
conduct humanity into new paths of social content-
ment. The descendant of Charlemagne, who had
begun life with a yearly income of five hundred thou-
sand francs, was compelled for a time to take a clerk's
place with a salary of one thousand francs per annum,
then to live in dependence on the bounty of an at-
tached old servant, and when this trusted friend died, to
depend for the rest of his life on a small pension paid
him by his own family, to whom he had become recon-
ciled at last. But, in the face of all these difficulties
and vicissitudes, his belief in the higher destiny of
humanity remained almost unshaken. Even in the
midst of acute sufferings, bodily and mental, his trust
in the final triumph of his principles was as firm as
ever.
On his death-bed, surrounded by a small band
of followers, he said to one of them: "You have
arrived at an epoch when combined efforts will lead
to a prodigious result.
The fruit is ripe;
you have only to pluck it. . . . . The latter part
•
60
UTOPIAS.
of my work, 'The New Christianity,' will not be
understood, at once. People have thought that every
religious system must disappear because they have
succeeded in proving Catholicism to be in a state of
decay. This is a mistake. Religion cannot disap-
pear from the world; it can only be transformed.
Roderigues, do not forget this! Remember
that to do grand things we must have enthusiasm.
All my life resolves itself into one great
thought—to secure for all mankind the most unfet-
tered development of their faculties." After a few
moments of silence, breathing his last, he added:
"Forty-eight hours after our second publication
(i.e. of the newspaper published to promulgate his
theory), "the union of working-men will have been
formed, the future is ours!"*
The work he left incomplete was readily taken up
by his disciples. His earnest enthusiasm had roused
the sócialistic spirit of his followers. It remained for
them to gather the scattered thoughts of the master,
and to arrange them into systematic order. There
were but a few positive directions to be found in the
voluminous writings of St. Simon. His manner of
teaching had been to throw out hints, and to give
•
""
* That this sentiment still prevails among modern socialists may
be deduced from the fact that the newest and most scientific socialistic
periodical in Germany calls itself The Future (Die Zuknuft).
ST. SIMON AND ST. SIMONISM.
6r
/
vent to forcible aphorisms in the manner of a grand
seigneur as he was. He left the task to meaner minds
of collecting his ideas and amplifying his statements,
so as to elaborate them into a religious formula and a
social code. His negative criticism had been com-
plete, his positive proposals were left in an uncertain
speculative haze, to be elucidated and transformed
into a complete theory for the guidance of the
St. Simonian theocracy. The men were found for
the task. Bazard became the head, and Enfantin the
heart of the movement, and these "joint pontiffs" of
the St. Simonian “Church,” of which St. Simon was
regarded as the head, endeavoured to reproduce the
written and oral teachings of the founder, the former
theoretically, the latter practically, and so laid the
foundation of their associative constitution.
Then was formed the “grand college," or school of
St. Simon, with its affiliated branches. Henceforth
universal association of labour was to take the place
of the competitive struggle of isolated individuals
which had been ruinous in its results. All were to
join in united efforts to improve the condition of our
common humanity, and thus the antagonistic workings
of selfish interest would disappear. Inequality, they
acknowledged, must be the basis of any human asso-
ciation, being an "indispensable condition of social
order." Their programme, appearing on the first page
62
UTOPIAS.
of the Globe, their organ, on the 18th January, 1831,
was as follows:
"SCIENCE.
"RELIGION.
INDUSTRY.
"UNIVERSAL ASSOCIATION.
“All social institutions must have for their end
the moral, intellectual, and physical improvement of
the largest and poorest class.
"All privileges of birth without exception are
abolished.
“To everyone according to his capacity, to every
capacity according to work done."
Henceforth the labourers were no longer to be
degraded by poverty and misery, but to be elevated
by the ennobling effects of sanctified labour and
hallowed pleasure. Humanity has passed successively
from cannibalism to slavery, from that to serfdom,
from that to wages-labour. To complete the progress
of the race, wages-labour must disappear, and the
universal association of all, as labourers for society,
must take its place under the guidance of the high-
priests of humanity.
Speeches were delivered, newspapers and pamph-
lets were printed, in the metropolis as well as in the
provinces, societies were formed to carry out the
St. Simonian theories, and the number of followers
grew rapidly and disseminated their social ideas far
ST. SIMON AND ST. SIMONISM.
63
and wide. Scholars, business men of undoubted
capacity, lent their names or sacrificed their substance
to the cause. The established St. Simonian houses
were thriving for a time. But presently the popular
ardour cooled down. Internal dissensions and finan-
cial difficulties jeopardised the undertaking. The
impractical nature of the societary scheme became.
apparent as soon as it was subjected to the test of
actual experience. To complete the failure, a rupture
took place between the leaders. Enfantin, on the
retirement of Bazard, indulged in lawless extra-
vagances, which soon brought St. Simonism into
discredit.
L
“With Enfantin," says M. Paul Janet, in a valuable
contribution on this subject recently published, "com-
mences the crusade of Socialism against Capital." The
originally moderate proposals of the master had to
give way to theories more tending towards Communism.
Perhaps irritation, consequent upon failure, gave rise
to the expression of more extreme opinions and the
adoption of extreme measures. At all events, at this
time the revolution contemplated by the St. Simonians
as affecting property and the family assumes a more
sweeping character.
Although, unlike some modern socialists, they do
not decree the abolition of property, they attack the
right of inheritance. The state is to be a sort of
64
UTOPIAS.
"All instruments of labour" (in-
general legatee.
cluding capital, etc., property, in case of the owner's
demise) "are to be formed into a social fund to be
utilised by the association" (ie. the community) "as
directed by hierarchical appointment."
As to the family, man is to be regarded as a
“social (unit or) individual”—¿.e. only in his capacity
as a member in the common brotherhood of which
Enfantin is the father. [The
the father. The "emancipation of
women," as understood by Enfantin, and the marriage
bond, as interpreted by him in terms of sensuous
mysticism, if not voluptuous indecency, strike at the
root of a pure family life and destroy the sacredness
of family relations. ↓
These aberrations from the original path chalked
out by St. Simon broke Bazard's heart, who died
soon, and was buried by the side of his master. They
also brought about the speedy dissolution of the
St. Simonian Society. The theories of St. Simon and
his school are nearly forgotten now, but their effects
have survived, and some of them have proved benefi-
cial indirectly. The organisation of public works.
under the second Empire, and the idea of popular
loans, are to be credited to the influence of St. Simon
and his followers. It was owing to St. Simon's
scathing criticism that many social abuses have dis-
appeared, and, on the other hand, many and fruitful
ST. SIMON AND ST. SIMONISM.
65
J
ideas affecting social reforms owe their popularity to
his genius and enthusiasm.
It is well known that Napoleon III. was much
interested in the teachings of St. Simon, and that he
endeavoured to carry out some of his schemes of
raising the condition of the working-classes, having
granted an interview for that purpose to the aged
Enfantin. The material improvement of the lower
sections in French society during the second Empire
may perhaps be attributed to the same cause.
But the influence of St. Simonism extends far
beyond the country of its birth; for all the more
recent schemes for social improvement, especially as
regards the organisation of labour, are influenced, in
one form or another, by St. Simonism.] Moreover,
its immoderate demands for social reconstruction
have paved the way for moderate reforms.
The culminating result to be expected from the
triumphs of his own system was characterised by
St. Simon as the substitution of work, by means of
co-operation among the labourers, in place of wages-
labour. Now this, too, is the prospect held out by
calm economists like Mill, Cairnes, Fawcett, and
others in this country, whilst German economists
*
* See an article by the enthusiastic apostle of co-operation, Dr. Jacob
Holyoake, in "The Nineteenth Century," Sept. 1878, on this new
principle in modern industry.
F
66
UTOPIAS.
go so far as to declare that we are living in a
transitional period, during which wages-labour is
being displaced by co-operation, and that this process
of transformation is gradually, though almost imper-
ceptibly, being accomplished. In this fact they hail
the promise of settling peaceably the threatening
conflict between capital and labour. The fact that
he indulged in many chimerical fancies, which for a
time led some of his followers astray from the straight
path of human progress into by-paths of questionable
and futile socialistic experiments, provokes pity rather
than contempt.
"", "
'It is the fashion with some opponents of socialism
to confound the followers of St. Simon with the
atheistical socialistic agitators of a later period.
Sometimes intentionally, at other times unwittingly,
they represent them as a set of godless and immoral
libertines. Whatever may be our sympathies or
antipathies as to their opinions, it is but just to judge
their belief and moral convictions by their own con-
fession. Their religious creed is: "God is one, God
is all that He is, everything is in Him, everything is
by Him, everything is Himself." This may be pan-
theism, but it is not atheism. Their ethical code of
social duty is contained in a few words forgotten at
times by some of their critics: "Love one another."
}
CHAPTER V.
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
AMONG the curiosities in the history of Utopias the
fact may be mentioned that the three founders of
modern socialism-Babeuf, St. Simon, and Fourier-
were imprisoned almost at the same time by the
revolutionary tribunals during the Reign of Terror...
Two of these have been noticed already; the third
will form the subject of the present chapter.
Fourier, whose societary theories have exercised a
powerful influence on the social reforms and socialistic
tendencies of our own days, was born at Besançon, in
1772, and, being the son of a woollen-draper, was
destined in early life to follow his father's calling.
When deprived of a not inconsiderable fortune during
the Revolution, he became an assistant in a house of
business. This position he occupied during the
greater part of his life, and in it he found time and
leisure for scientific and literary studies and the
gradual development of his social schemes.
F 2
68
UTOPIAS.
羸
​Thus, whilst the Count of St. Simon, poor and
neglected, was brooding over his theory of social
regeneration in a corner of Paris, a shopkeeper's
assistant in the south of France was pondering over
like social problems under similar conditions of
obscure indigence. And thus it happened that when
St. Simonism collapsed, after dazzling the world like
a splendid meteor for two short years, Fourierism
took its place, and preserved the continuity of the
social movement.
The only indication of talent and future fame we
have in the record of Fourier's boyhood are the
composition of a poem on the death of a pastrycook,
and the acquisition of some prizes in school, which
attracted the attention of the authorities at the time.
Two incidents are mentioned among the anecdotes
of his early life which seem to have produced the bent
of character and tendency of mind which influenced
all his later productions—namely, an utter contempt
for the mean expediencies of the bourgeoisie, to which
he belonged, and the unqualified dislike of the
principles of mercantile morality prevalent in his
day. At the age of five he is said to have received
a severe castigation from his father for giving ex-
pression to some honest, though unbusiness-like,
remark before a customer in the parental warehouse,
which sadly interfered with the completion of a
-
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
69
نے
profitable bargain. Again, when he was nineteen
years old, he was present, some say compelled to
assist, at the throwing of a large quantity of rice.
into the river, a practice indulged in by some of
the tradesmen of that day with a view to raise
factitiously the price of provisions.
The selfish duplicity displayed in these trans-
actions opened his eyes to the unsatisfactory state
of things in the commercial world, and made him
vow to become the implacable opponent of a system
so inconsistent with the principles of truth and
goodness, and in its self-destructive egotism so much
at variance with the true interests of society.
However, it was not until nearly reaching middle
age that he startled the world with his first great
work, "The Theory of the Four Movements," pub-
lished in 1807. In it "his object was to display the
identity of the laws that govern the four great depart-
ments-society, animal life, organic life, and the
material universe." This book was followed up by
a "Treatise on Association, Agricultural and Do-
mestic," and other works of more or less importance,
containing his schemes of social improvement.
In them, as in similar works of other social re-
formers, we have reason to admire rather the pungency
of negative criticism on existing social abuses than
the constructive power in framing a rational and
فه
70
UTOPIAS.
feasible scheme of social reorganisation.
Fourier's
sketches of social ideals have undoubtedly suggested
numerous moderate reforms, and have given rise to
"social aims" of a high order, and so have assisted
in bringing about an amelioration in the labourer's
condition. But, on the other hand, his strange pro-
posals and fantastic speculations, expressed in lan-
guage sometimes objectionable, often obscure, and
always peculiar, have given a powerful handle to the
opponents of social reform to expose his whole system
to ridicule and contempt, an opportunity of which
they have availed themselves very freely.
"The
dross and not the gold has been discovered by the
critics, and posterity alone," says Marlo, “will appoint
him the high rank he deserves as an economist."
To judge of his system we must note the
manner in which he regarded man and the universe.
Happiness, he maintains, is "our being's end and
aim," and in order to its attainment a new social
science is indispensable. As Newton's discoveries
served in explaining the laws that regulate the move-
ments in the material universe, so the laws prevailing
in the social world must be ascertained before we
attempt to render mankind happy. To become such
a social Newton was Fourier's ambition.
Like Morelly, he accuses mental and moral philo-
sophers of having systematically neglected the laws
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
71
of nature, and, like him, he seeks to bring back man-
kind to a true recognition of these laws with a view
to render them happy. The general drift of Fourier's
code of nature may be expressed thus:
Follow your inclinations unreservedly, and you
will be sure to fulfil your mission in life. Your
natural instincts will attract you towards those
callings for which you are destined, and your feelings
will guide you in the pursuit of those objects which
are most desirable in your particular case. Variety
of dispositions will thus call forth variety of pursuits,
and the general effect will be harmonious action and
complete satisfaction throughout the universe.
Why should we suppress our natural inclinations?
This only produces pain, and must therefore be
wrong. On the other hand, what produces pleasure
and satisfaction must be right. As there is a pre-
established harmony in all things, we only mar the
plan of nature and spoil our own happiness in re-
pressing our natural instincts, which are all good,
being divinely ordained.
Let men, then, form themselves into small groups,
according to natural predilections, to follow similar
pursuits. It will soon be found that, instead of the
prevailing repugnance to labour, work will be done,
not only cheerfully, but with enthusiasm. Let several
of these groups again be united into series of
72
UTOPIAS.
workers, engaged in different pursuits suitable to
their respective inclinations, then labour once repul-
sive will be engaged in with ardour so as to render it
necessary to enjoin rest rather than to make work
compulsory.
To avoid the dull monotony of sameness in
occupation, let there be frequent change, “periodic
varieties, contrasted situations, change of scene, in-
teresting incidents, enticing novelties," to stimulate
body and mind at the same time, and presently all
will be vying with each other in skill and zeal, trying
to do their best in friendly rivalry.
}
All existing disharmonies in society owe their
origin to our misdirected efforts, by means of our
"artificial restraint," to suppress natural instincts.
Therefore, if once these good instincts be allowed to
have free course, labour will become not only a
delight, but even a passion, and from thence will
follow prosperity and general well-being.
Yo the
This coming era of human happiness Fourier calls
bursting of harmony out of chaos;" and the
"pivot of social mechanism" on which the whole
system is to turn is the principle of mutual attraction,
as potent in its energy to unite men on earth as in
assigning their various spheres to the constellations in
the heavens.
Now this principle is felt, though in a faulty
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
73
↑
manner, even in existing society. Association in the
family and in business relations exists already, but an
extension of the principle is necessary, and with it
important reforms in the family life and in the
organisation of labour. Fourier dwells with bitterness,
after the manner of J. S. Mill, on the subjection of
women, and shows how the gradual improvement in
the position of women is the determining cause of
each upward movement in the social progress. But
we cannot here enter upon this question. It will be
more to our purpose to follow Fourier in his examina-
tion of social institutions generally, and his original
ideas in trying to improve them.
+
He is keen in his strictures on the imperfect con-
dition of agricultural and domestic economy in the
absence of co-operative action. He describes the
pitiable condition of agricultural implements and
buildings, the fearful waste and dissipation of labour
force, all arising from the isolated position of the
small farmers, each having his own separate estab-
lishment. A similar indictment is pronounced against
domestic economy. Here the preparation of food, the
use of fuel and household utensils, cleaning, the rear-
ing up of children, &c., all taking place in separate
households, occasion much pecuniary waste and per-
sonal discomfort. Moreover, he shows the evil
consequences of work being carried on in small
K
J
74
UTOPIAS.
and dreary workshops, in solitude and monotony, and
the distaste for work produced by inadequate reward,
and the appalling prevalence of wretched poverty
following in the wake of our modern civilisation. He
speaks of commerce as the "curse of civilisation," and
of merchants as “a swarm of vultures." In answer to
those who boast of the liberal institutions of our age,
he grimly asks: "What is the good of liberty to a
man well-nigh famishing because of the insufficient
remuneration of his labour?" People talk of the
"bliss of living under a free constitution," as if it was
any comfort to a poor man to read “Magna Charta'
to pacify his appetite when hungry. The savage
enjoys the natural right of the meadow, the river, the
forest to chase in and collect wild fruits, which grow
in profusion. Civilisation has robbed him of these,
and only left him a "minimum" of daily support
instead. The condition of society in his day he
shortly and not altogether incorrectly describes as
"a social contract founded on hunger and bayonets."
And what are Fourier's proposals to bring about a
more "harmonious organisation of industry," and a
more satisfactory condition of mutual social rela-
tions?
66
""
Starting, as we have seen, from the principle that
'scarcely any labour, however severe, undergone by
human beings for the sake of subsistence, exceeds
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
75
12
that which other human beings, whose subsistence is
already provided for, are found ready and even eager
to undergo for pleasure," as in the case of hunting,
fishing, and sports generally, or, as in the case of
kings like Louis XIV. becoming an amateur apothe-
cary, and Louis XVIII. acting as cook, he would
assign work to all, according to their special aptitudes
and personal predilections. He looks for efficiency
of work in the co-operative association of the workers,
united with each other according to similarity of
tastes and mutual sympathy. Such a system of
voluntary co-operation would have all the advan-
tages of wholesale trade without any of its drawbacks.
The whole of society would be divided into three
classes—capitalists, labourers, and men of talent,
each receiving a fixed proportion of the proceeds of
their common labour.] They form, as it were, among
themselves so many joint-stock companies, in which
all are active members, and where the governors
or directors are the people's choice. All share in
labour and profit, according to their capacity, and
contribute, in capital or labour, to the common fund,
whilst the produce of their united efforts is stored
up in public magazines, to be distributed by officers,
appointed for that purpose. Superior food is pro-
vided in common kitchens; all trades are carried
on in factory style on a large scale; service in
1
76
UTOPIAS.
1
the field is performed by means of co-operative
agriculture; and much waste of labour and money
is avoided by all dwelling under the same roof of
the Phalanstère. Here all the necessaries, and not a
few of the luxuries of life, are provided for the
inmates by the common council or standing com-
mittee acting for the community. A few communal
agents do the work of the present herds of useless
tradesmen, and the society is all the better and the
richer for this change.
To carry out this scheme in detail, Fourier
requires that about 1,800 persons, or 400 families
(subdivided into 60-80 series, and these again into
24-32 groups each), should form themselves into
one commune. Every kind of industry gives rise
(6
J
to as many groups as there are varieties of employ-
ment, and every group may be divided again into as
many sections as may be needed in the performance
of the several industrial functions."
A square league of land is assigned to every
phalange* of this sect for agricultural purposes. The
land is worked in common after the manner of
ancient village communities, the proprietors of land,
* Phalange and Phalanstère, the one being the name for the aggre-
gate of human beings in the commune, and the other that of their abode,
are words derived from the Macedonian phalanx, in allusion to their
working together, like a phalanx of Macedonian soldiers, in subduing
natural obstacles.
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
77
stock, and implements receiving compensation for
the proprietary rights, private property being duly
respected.
The Phalanstère is the centre and rallying-point
of the community. There reside its members of
every grade, from the highest to the lowest, in com-
parative independence of each other's society, and
The
yet within easy reach of friendly intercourse
Phalanstère is a noble pile of buildings, in construc-
tion both elegant and commodious, resembling a
vast palace in the grandeur of its architectural style,
and possessing, at the same time, all the comforts of
a home in its internal arrangements. Wings are
attached at both ends, where, at some distance from
the centre of family life, and without disturbing its
even flow, the manufacturing process is carried on.
Extensive corridors and covered walks serve as
promenades for the aged and infirm. Galleries and
verandahs run round the whole building, airy in
summer, heated in winter, to keep up an easy com-
munication with all the workshops. They also
serve the purpose of exposing art objects and exhi-
biting the results of industrial progress. In the
midst of this block of buildings rises the tower
whence issue the commands of the central authority,
and which also serves as a clock tower, telegraph
station, and astronomical observatory. A theatre
•
*
78
UTOPIAS.
I
and exchange find a place also within the same
circuit.
S
PLAN OF A PHALANSTÈRE, ACCORDING TO Fourier.
ԺԶ
0
X
•

T
a
ee
Y
Z
A
E
P
5
22
*ANITI
ee.
YY
κα
00
xx
$$
I
RA
The double lines represent the different buildings composing the
Phalanstère. The tracings of a broken line outside represent the
course of a river; the open space between L and L is a broad street
between the Phalanstère and the stables; P, in the middle, is the grand
square of the place; A, the grand court, which forms a promenade in
winter, planted with resinous vegetation and evergreens.
a, aa, 0, 00=courtyards connecting the different lodgings of the
inmates.
x, y, z, xx, yy, zz, are a series of offices and outhouses and farm
buildings.
E, ee, were three portals opening into the forecourts leading to
various business localities.
The buildings adjacent to A may comprise the church, exchange,
town hall, opera house, the central tower, the telegraph and post-
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
79
offices, &c. That portion of A bulging out from the square is intended
for the rich class, as far away as possible from the noise.
The two courts a, aa, near the wings of the building, are set apart,
one for the general kitchen, the other for stabling and equipages.
The two buildings s, ss may be turned into public buildings, sacred
or secular, if isolation should be found desirable. They are connected.
with the Phalanstère by subterranean walks.
O, oo, in the centre of each wing, serve for the carrying on of all
the noisy occupations and similar purposes.
4
In fact, everything is done in the Phalanstère to
render life free and attractive, and to remove the
unpleasant distinctions of class by encouraging all
the members of the Phalanstère to regard each other,
notwithstanding differences of fortune and capacity,
as members of one family.) Where "universal educa-
tion has caused universal good manners, and all
classes mix with one another with ease and cor-
diality," as in the Phalanstère, class-antagonism is
excluded.
Lodgings, common rooms, refectories, workshops,
kitchens, cellars, granaries, offices, are all situated in
a manner so as to secure free and easy access, as
well as economical and intelligent serviceableness.
The workshops are lofty and airy, so constructed as
to surround labour with "artificial charms," and there
are none of the depressing influences of the atmo-
sphere and surroundings as in our factories and
workshops.
"About half-way between the Phalanstère and the boundaries
of the property, four châteaux are erected in different directions
Kh
80
UTOPIAS.
for the accommodation of the members engaged in agriculture.
Here breakfast and other refreshments may be had." To render
field-labour attractive, "different kinds of culture are to be
found side by side-flowers and fruits interspersed amidst corn
and pasture or forest—their position determined with a view to
artistic effect quite as much as to profit. The labour is itself
of the nature of a fête; brightly-coloured tents afford shelter
from the rays of the sun or from rain; flags and banners,
ornamented with the devices of the series, representing their
triumphs in industry, indicate the parties at work. Tasteful
kiosks are erected at convenient distances, and are supplied
with exquisite pastry and sparkling wine. The labourers go to
the field and return again accompanied by the strains of music
and the sweet singing of the youthful choirs."
Sanitary precautions are taken throughout the
settlements, and every branch of work is rendered
attractive so as to arouse the enthusiasm of all for
voluntary labour. A solidarity of interests incites all
to work most effectively, whereby the prosperity of
the whole is ensured. Envy and dissatisfaction are
unknown where there is a fair distribution of reward
for labour rendered, and compulsory labour is un-
necessary where excessive hardships have been re-
moved by superior organisation. If there is any rivalry
it is the emulation of groups to outdo each other in
diligence and skill, as different regiments of soldiers
seek to outshine each other in valour and discipline.
No individual heartburnings are felt, because there are
no personal defeats where all alike share in the results
of conquest.
-
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
81
Intrigues and favouritism on the part of the officials
are avoided by leaving their selection mainly to uni-
versal suffrage, and by the fact that all members are
jealously watching over the common interests.
Intemperance in such a society is a thing unthought
of, as with a constant flow of general prosperity and
in the absence of occasional destitution the tempta-
tions for temporary gross enjoyment are removed.
Thus every precaution is taken to prevent the
1
. harmonious well-being of the society from being dis-
turbed by any of those causes which from time to
time distract our less perfect societies.
Fourier is not only satisfied with remodelling
French society in this manner, he looks forward top
a time when his system will have spread all over the
habitable globe. As the phalanx of the Macedonian
host, well-equipped and full of ardour, subdued
nation after nation, and thus extended the empire of
Alexander, so these phalanxes of industrial warriors.
rigorously and zealously proceed in the march of
social conquest. They remove all natural obstacles
and subdue all opposing forces under the dominion of
man. They plant forests in the mountains and render
deserts fruitful; they reclaim morasses and erect
bridges; they regulate river-basins and dig canals;
they spread networks of rail over the habitable
globe and cut through the isthmuses of Suez and
G
82
UTOPIAS.
!
Panama, to link together more closely all the families
of the earth.
To make himself truly lord of the creation, man,
aided by science, succeeds even in removing the
disastrous effects of natural causes which stand in the
way of human progress. "The icy atmosphere of the
poles and the burning simooms of the equator" are
attempered in this manner; the snow-covered steppes
of Siberia and the arid deserts of Africa" are thus
brought under tillage. Magnificent palaces rise in
once desolate places, and lovely tracks, never trod by
human feet before, become highways for the "confede-
ration of phalanxes," spreading their ramifications all
over the world.
When Considérant, the follower of Fourier, gave
expression to such and similar sanguine hopes as to
the future prospects of Fourierism in a course of
lectures delivered at Dijon in 1841, there was loud
and prolonged applause among an enthusiastic
audience. This was just four years after his master
had died, unappreciated and scarcely regretted by
the majority of his countrymen. The great socialist,
whom his disciples call the Christopher Columbus of
the social world, the architect of man's happiness
here below, after living a simple, modest, and
laborious life, died unknown and almost unlamented
by the world at large.
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
83
All he had demanded was a thirty years' trial of
his system; but few, very few, could be found to
carry his scheme into practice. One or two feeble
attempts were made, but ended in ignominious failure.
He bore his fate with fortitude; he saw a school rising
to disseminate his doctrines, and in his old age he
received many tokens of regard from devoted pupils.
A stone placed on his modest tomb bears the inscrip-
tion containing in few words the fundamentals of his
social creed:
"Instincts correspond to the destiny, from the series
springs harmony."
Now, what is the general impression left on our
minds by a perusal of Fourier's social projects?
What has been the effect of his teaching on the theory
and practice of social life?
There is much that strikes us as visionary and im-
practical in these astounding proposals for remodelling
society on the basis of the attraction theory and by
means of a "serial mechanism.” That the har-
monious well-being of a world could be secured by
permitting all mankind to follow their natural pro-
pensities;) that the government of the whole human
family could be carried on by authorities whose
tenure of office depends on the people's will, without
serious disturbances periodically throughout the social
organism, is scarcely imaginable.
}
G 2
84
UTOPIAS.
2
1
$
V
"
Among human beings, as we find them, even the
highest regard for the common welfare will not pre-
vent the forces of self-regarding tendencies clashing
with the dictates of social duty, and so injuriously
interfering with the solidarity of interests in the com-
munity. Personal jealousies and individual passions
would sooner or later disturb the social harmony in
the best regulated Phalanstère. ›
L
In Fourier's plausible promises of unbroken har-
mony in the society that is to be, we see only the
counterpart of an erroneous exposition of the supposed
harmonious working of society as it is, indulged in
by some apologists of our present economic system.
Social disharmonies are not likely to right themselves
either by the free play of selfish passions in the
present competition struggle, as some suppose, or by
leaving man to follow his natural instincts only, as
Fourier taught. They must be sought in the further
development of the non-self-regarding motives and
the growth of Christian self-denial among mankind.
Z
Wanting as Fourier's scheme is in philosophical
solidity and abounding as it does with chimerical
theorising, his writings contain many practical sug-
gestions which have been utilised, in part at least,
already. To these we desire, in conclusion, to call
the reader's attention, as our object is not to subject
these social schemes here to detailed refutation, but
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
85
rather to point out the good they contain, and to what
extent they have resulted in promoting directly and
indirectly the improvement of the human race.*
Apart from the beneficial influences of Fourier's
criticism on existing social evils and wrongs which
arise from ignoring the special needs of the labouring
classes and their claim to a fuller share in the enjoy-
ments of life, Fourier deserves also our attention on
account of some of his positive proposals.
The various attempts which have been made in co-
operative agriculture, including "the little Utopia,"
as The Times called it, acquired not long ago by
!
the National Agricultural Labourers' Union in Lin-
colnshire, for this purpose, may owe, in a measure,
their origin to Fourier's advocacy of association in
field labour. So, again, Mr. Fisher's recommendation
of co-operative housekeeping, in an article of "The
Nineteenth Century" for September, 1877, to avoid
the enormous waste in separate establishments,
reminds us of similar suggestions of Fourier. The
passing through Parliament of the Amalgamated
Factories Act, the erection of a superior block of
labourers' homesteads by Lady Coutts in the east of
London, M. Godin's† social palace at Guise, called
{
素
​* For a fuller criticism of Fourier's economic theories, see the
author's work on Socialism, p. 123, et seq.
+ See Thomas Brassey's Lectures on the Labour Question, p. 163,
et seq.
86
UTOPIAS.
the "Familistère," and avowedly built on the plan
of Fourier's Phalanstère; even Dr. Richardson's*
plan for common workshops, having for their object
the health and comfort of the labourer in the
workshop and the home, bear traces of the influ-
ence of Fourier's ideas. These piecemeal adapta-
tions of Fourierism may appear very insignificant to
thoroughgoing reformers, but it has to be remem-
bered that all social reforms are necessarily of slow
growth. Social revolutions such as Fourier dreamed
of are practically impossible, but the adoption of
social reforms in detail becomes often desirable;
and in order to do this there must be a primary
impulse and direction given from some quarter. This
impulsive force comes from social idealists like
Fourier, who are undaunted by the indifference of
the incredulous world, and not unfrequently even
impervious to the logic of plain facts and deaf to the
voice of common sense. They err in expecting
immediate effects and total changes where remote
effects and partial changes are only to be hoped for;
but they are right in rising superior to the men of
their own generation in descrying realisable ideals
capable of future fulfilment. The social prophet of
the future may see all his plans shattered in his life-
* See Dr. Richardson's Hygeia, a City of Health, p. 19, et seq.
FOURIER AND THE PHALANSTÈRE.
87
time. But what is true in his teaching will surely
survive after a season of depreciation and neglect, and
bear fruit in the well-being of coming generations.
The cause of this-the general failure of Utopian
systems, as a whole, and the partial acceptation of
some truths they contain-is to be found in that
wholesome tendency of average men to be guided by
practical rather than ideal considerations, to prefer
tentative measures to thoroughgoing schemes of social
improvement. "The speculative mind is easily trans-
ported into ideal spheres, but people do not always
follow," says M. Reybaud, a contemporary and critic
of Fourier. "Human beings, like patients, would
rather endure well-known pains, with which they
have become familiar, than take the chance of a
first-rate operation. They prefer a few timid efforts
—and those at long intervals, slowly attempted, and
deliberately carried out-to secure their recovery.
This instinct of society, with all its drawbacks, has
many advantages; it may retard the progressive
development of the race, but it at the same time
places an impassable barrier against reckless inno-
vation."
***
+
CHAPTER VI.
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM.
THE assertion is made not unfrequently, even by
those who are well instructed, that the strong
common sense of the English workman, and the
conservative instincts' of the English people gene-
rally, are unassailable safeguards against the spread'
of socialistic tendencies in this country. This asser-
tion will prove to be true only within certain limits.
if brought to the test of past experience.* For the
avidity with which Robert Owen's schemes of
socialistic co-operation were received by high and
low, less than half a century ago, and the extravagant
expectations entertained by all classes of society as to
the results of the first Reform Bill in ameliorating the
social condition of the people, are a proof of the
liability even of Englishmen, under given conditions,
to indulge in Utopian aspirations, as well as their
¥ See, however, an able article on the growth of English Socialism,
by Mr. Cunningham, in "The Contemporary Review," Jan. 1879.
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISMSOCIALISM. 89
89
. readiness to accept schemes of social improvement
when put forward by enthusiastic advocates.
The humours of the peccant social world
are not confined to any country in particular.*
Wherever we find social disharmonies, there, too, we
may look for social dreamers, and people who believe
in their dreams and the interpretation thereof. Such
disharmonies existed in this country when Owen
appeared on the scene as a social reformer, and
hence his temporary success.
We have already alluded to the unfavourable
effects of the rising industry of towns and the intro-
duction of machinery on the labouring classes gene-
rally in France. These evil effects were aggravated
in this country by a vast immigration of Irish
labourers, by a fall of prices for manufactured goods,
owing to severe competition with foreign produce, by
political events and financial legislation seriously
imperilling the prosperity of English commerce, and
producing a depressing influence on the rate of wages.
Universal distress in town and country was the con-
* In a recent number of the " Gegenwart," the Chartist movement
in this country has been compared with the social democracy of
Germany, and the writer of the article shows by a number of instances
the striking analogy between the two movements and the measures
adopted by Government for their suppression. —See Gegenwart,"
Sept. 14, 1878.
90
UTOPIAS.
sequence. Employers took advantage of this oppor-
tunity for extracting cheap labour from people on the
verge of starvation, and so provoked that bitter class-
hatred which still prevails, in a modified form, to the
present day.
The "tyranny of capital," and the severity of the
competition struggle, were felt most acutely. "In-
dustry was querulous," and "a general despondency
seized upon the rural classes." Secret societies
organised riots, revolutionary placards appeared on
the walls of London, mass meetings were held
demanding "radical reform," and committees were
appointed by the House of Commons, which, “after
a long and anxious inquiry, had not been able to
discover any means calculated immediately to relieve
the present distress.”
It was during this season of social disorganisation
that Robert Owen, who had been a young man at the
commencement of the new era of commerce, and had
accumulated a fortune in the cotton trade, fully
aware of the shadowy sides of this new system of
industry, endeavoured to come to the rescue of the
working-classes by means of private philanthropy.
A contemporary of Fourier, and in many respects
resembling him in character and aims, he endea-
voured by similar though not identical means to
become the saviour of society. Owen was, like
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM. 91
Fourier, the son of a tradesman, but more successful
in raising himself by dint of industry and commercial
genius to a high position in the mercantile world,
and so acquired a fortune which enabled him to
make social experiments at his own expense. Fourier,
absorbed in scientific theorising, had failed in pro-
ducing any marked and immediate effect in his
surroundings. Owen, less theoretical, but more
practical, by force of acquired business habits, and
with true British pertinacity, obtained a compara-
tively speedy success. Fourier was a political
philosopher, brilliant and imaginative, but wanting
in utilitarian tact. Owen, on the other hand, was
possessed of a disciplined energy and strong common
sense, which preserved him, during the earlier period
of his career at least, from the extreme vagaries of
enthusiastic ideology. Fourier's plan of an ideal
association was surpassed by Owen's less systema-
tised but more feasible scheme of tentative co-opera-
tion; and thus it happened that, whereas Fourier
lived and died a writer of books and a thinker of
fine thoughts, unappreciated by the world at large,
Owen, whom he called, somewhat spitefully, a most
audacious sophist, met with encouragement and suc-
cess among his own countrymen, gained respect and
renown in distant lands, sought by the great, con-
sulted by governments, and counting among his
92
UTOPIAS.
patrons princes of the blood in England, and more
than one crowned head in Europe.
The main cause of this success was Owen's sensible
plan of beginning with the practical improvement of
the working people under his immediate superin-
tendence as manager, and afterwards as owner of the
cotton mills in New Lanark. There, on his first
arrival, he saw himself surrounded by squalor and
poverty, intemperance and crime, so common among
the operatives of that day, and not quite unknown in
our own. He determined to change the character of
the people, by improving their outward condition and
by raising their character with the help of education.
He erected healthy dwellings with adjacent gardens,
and let them at cost price to the workpeople. He
built stores where commodities of good quality might
be purchased at wholesale prices, to remove the evils
of the truck system. To avoid the enormous waste of
separate cooking, he provided a common dining-hall,
where wholesome food might be obtained at reason-
able prices. Besides this he opened a house for the
reception of infants, the first infant-school in Great
Britain; he excluded all children under ten from the
workshops, and made the physical and moral training
of the young his special care. He then adopted
measures to put down drunkenness and to encourage
the savings of the people by enabling them to lay by
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM. 93
a small proportion of their earnings at given intervals
in profitable investments. To stimulate diligence and
fair conduct, tablets, painted in various colours, were
suspended in the workshops to indicate the proficiency
and moral standing of those employed there. Punish-
ments and fines were strictly excluded, and the hours
of labour reduced to ten daily. At one time when
trade came to a sudden collapse, and the machinery
had to be stopped, and other masters discharged their
"hands," Owen, at a cost of £7,000, kept his, though
unemployed, all the time. Such efforts of genuine
philanthropy and unprecedented devotion to the
cause of humanity could not fail to produce a good
effect. The employed became attached to their em-
ployers, took a personal interest in the success of the
business, laboured ably and conscientiously, and so
made the mills of New Lanark a great financial
success, thus verifying the remark of the socialist
Bellers, who had said two centuries before, that “it
is in the interest of the rich to take care of the poor."
And such was the general appearance of prosperity
and sober contentedness in this small colony of
labourers, that Mr. Griscom, an American traveller,
who visited it in 1819, concludes his report in these
words: "There is not, I apprehend, to be found in
any part of the world a manufacturing village in
which so much order, good government, tranquillity,
94
UTOPIAS.
1
and rational happiness prevail. It affords an eminent.
and instructive example of the good that may be
effected by well-directed efforts to promote the real
comfort and, I may add, the morality of the labouring
classes."
Thus one of those romantic valleys of the Clyde
which have been invested with the charm of poetry
by Sir Walter Scott had also been rendered the scene
of "an earthly paradise," from a social point of view,
by Robert Owen. Kings and emperors came to visit.
the model settlement, and returned impressed with
the conviction that the elevation of the masses
depends on the ready earnestness and self-denying
sympathy of those who try to improve them.
Owen now began to hope for a further expansion.
of his benevolent scheme, and proceeded to formulate
his social theories in letters, pamphlets, and other
publications, which he addressed to European govern-
ments abroad, and to ministers and parliaments at
home. In order to awaken interest for the cause
among the people themselves, itinerary lecturers
were traversing the country, holding meetings, and
expounding these new social theories of Owen. What
these theories were, and what were the means adopted
for their realisation, we now proceed to consider.
Observing that man is a creature of circumstances,
that to a certain extent he really is what birth, educa-
-
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM. 95
tion, early associations, and surrounding conditions
make him, Owen sought to shape man's will and
character by early education, and to bring out his
good qualities by an appeal to his better nature.
This was in his estimation the true road to social
regeneration. Train up children with a love for
virtue, and surround them with conditions favourable
to further development, and the future well-being
of society will be secured. Faulty education and
surroundings unfavourable to early training in good-
ness and truth have hitherto retarded the progress
of the race. Henceforth let governments, responsible
S
for the welfare of mankind, seek to remove wickedness
and vice as if they were nauseous diseases, and en-
courage virtue and godliness by the wisdom of their
social policy. The foundations of prosperous virtue
and moral happiness are to be found in the wise.
appreciation of natural laws and their application to
the social body by the rulers of mankind.
Before applying the remedies, Government must
first become cognisant of the nature and causes of
disease in the body-politic. Owen is not slow in ex-
posing these.
The increase of pauperism he, like
Sismondi, ascribes to the introduction of machinery,
and the general distress among the people he attri-
butes, like modern socialists, to the use of money
payments as the only means for rewarding labour.
96
UTOPIAS.
46
Thus," he says, "the working-classes are made the
slaves of an artificial system of wages, more cruel
in its effects than any slavery ever practised by
society, either barbarous or civilised."
To counteract the evils of pauperism, and to pre-
serve the people from the evil results of competition,
Owen, in a report presented to the parliamentary
committee on the poor laws, suggests that—
Every union or county should provide a farm for the em-
ployment of their poor. When circumstances admitted of it,
there should be a manufactory in connection with it. In this
manner he contended that the poor would support themselves.
Mr. Owen furnished the committee with a drawing of a
model establishment such as he contemplated. The land would
consist of 1,000 to 1,500 acres, and the buildings afford accom-
modation for 1,200 people. The most convenient form would be
a square, divided into two parallelograms by the erection of
public buildings in the centre. Lodging-rooms would occupy
three sides of the square; each family would be provided with
four rooms, and its numbers would be restricted to four persons.
When it consisted of more than two children the others were to
be sent to the dormitory, which would occupy the entire of the
fourth side of the square. Their parents would be permitted
to see them at meals, and "all other proper times." The
object of this arrangement would be to form their character
from an early age, to withdraw them from evil influences, to
train them to good habits. The system adopted at New Lanark
might, perhaps, supply the best model.
The building in the centre of the square would
contain a kitchen, mess-room, school-rooms, library, and lecture-
hall. The poor would enjoy every advantage that economy
could suggest; the same roof would cover many dwellings; the
same stove might warm every room; the food would be cooked
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM. 97
at the same time and on the same fire; the meals would be
eaten from the same table, in the society of friends and fellow-
workers. Sympathies now restricted to the family would be
extended to the community; the union would be still further
cemented by an equal participation in the profits, an equal
share in the toil; nor need any apprehension exist lest a com-
munity of interest should diminish the keenness of industry. A
man is not likely to work with less zeal for a society in which
he himself has a direct interest than for a master in whose
prosperity he has no concern. None will seek a larger share
in the profits than another, because the avidity of gain will
diminish in proportion to the ease of acquisition. Competition
is the cause of many vices; association will be their corrective.
That the heart is corroded by selfish ambition, that the energies
are stimulated by unworthy vanity, is due entirely to the present
organisation of society.*X
Presently Owen starts with a new proposal to
reconstruct the whole of society upon a similar basis
by means of voluntary association, and with aid of
Government patronage, so as to replace the system
of competition by universal association, and the
isolation of the family by communistic life. Thus
Owen hoped to remove all vestiges of inequality, to
introduce perfect uniformity in the "new moral world,"
to abolish private property, and to exorcise the evil
spirit of envy and the lust of gain, and to bring in
the spirit of love and fraternal co-operation instead ;
to banish the licentious luxury of the rich, and to
extirpate the abject misery of the poor, so as to
A
<
* "Robert Owen, the founder of Socialism in England," by A. J.
Booth, p. 70.
H
98
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remove all causes of class hostility, together with
many of the inducements to vice prevailing in the
"old immoral world."
To complete this work of "social architecture,"
and with a view "to revolutionise peaceably the minds
and practice of the human race," the education of the
young from an early age is to be mainly conducted
on communistic principles. But knowledge is to be
conveyed in a pleasant manner, interspersed with
singing, dancing, and other exercises, making learning
a delight, and not a task. Rewards and punishments
are to be excluded, and the spirit of emulation among
the young is to be repressed, as the best means of
counteracting the spirit of competition at a later
age.
It is interesting to note the contrast between the
cold and hard exponent of abstract economy and the
warm and genial socialist in the manner of regarding
children. Malthus had spoken with frigid indiffer-
ence of the number of children who came into this
world for whom no place was provided at the banquet
of nature, and who, as supernumeraries, had to make
room for others in the struggle for existence; Owen
"considered little children as little guests, to be wel-
comed with gentle courtesy and tenderness, to be
offered knowledge and love, and charmed with song.
and flowers, so that they might be glad and proud
S
YEAAL tra
JJE
Jaive sig
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM. 99 ICHIGAN

that they had come into a world which gave them
happiness, and only asked of them goodness."
Thus, by means of an improved system of edu-
cating the young; by the creation and multiplication
of small centres of industry; by the adoption of
united labour, expenditure, and property, and the
introduction of equal privileges, the "patriarch of
reason" sought to bring about a thorough social
reform, and to direct mankind into new paths of
prosperity.
His projects were received with applause at first.
The Times spoke of "his enlightened zeal in the
cause of humanity;" the Duke of Kent writes to
Owen: "I have a most sincere wish that a fair trial
should be given to your system, of which I have
never hesitated to acknowledge myself an admirer;"
Lord Brougham sympathised with the propounder of
this social scheme; the judicial philosopher, Bentham,
became actually a temporary ally of the “wilful
Welshman;" a committee was appointed, including
Ricardo and Sir R. Peel, who recommended Owen's
scheme to be tried; it was taken up by the British
and Foreign Philanthropic Society for the permanent
relief of the working-classes; it was actually pre-
sented to Parliament with petitions humbly praying
that a Committee of the House might be appointed
to visit and report on New Lanark. But the motion
Dor M
H 2
100
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was lost. The temporary enthusiasm cooled down,
and with a temporary return of prosperity the fear
of a social revolt was dispelled, and with it the anxiety
of removing social evils among the rulers of the
country. For this seems to be a general law, affect-
ing the force and direction of such movements, that
the ardour of social reform increases directly with
the growing magnitude of dangers arising from
popular discontent, and diminishes in the inverse
ratio to the undisturbed prosperity of the ruling
classes. Contemporaneously with royal speeches
alluding to the prosperity of trade, and congratu-
lations as to the flourishing appearance of town and
country, the voice of Owen is silenced with his
declining popularity.
It must be remembered also that he had by this
time justly incurred the displeasure of the religious
public, by the bold and unnecessarily harsh expres-
sions of his ethical and religious convictions. Those
who could distinguish the man from his method, who
were fully aware of his generous philanthropy, purity
of private life, and contempt of personal advance-
ment, could make allowance for his rash assertions.
The rest, however, turned away with pious horror or
silent contempt from one who so fiercely attacked
positive creeds, and appeared unnecessarily vehement
in his denial of moral responsibility.
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM. 101
Owen set his face to the West, and sought new
adherents in America, where he founded a 'Pre-
liminary Society" in "New Harmony," which was to
be the nucleus of his future society. He intended it
at first as a "half-way house, a temporary resting-
place, where we can change our old garments and
fully prepare ourselves for the new state of existence
into which we hope to enter." But, yielding to
popular pressure, in the following year Owen agreed
to a change in the constitution, in favour of com-
munism, under the title of the "New Harmony
BUDAP
* L
Community of Equality." The settlement enjoyed a
temporary prosperity, but soon showed signs of decay,
and Owen was destined to meet with as many trials
in the new as he had encountered discouragements
in the old world. He consoles himself with the
consideration that—
•
---
The last experiment has made it evident that families
trained in the individual system, founded as it is on superstition,
have not acquired those moral qualities of forbearance and
charity for each other which are necessary to promote full con-
fidence and harmony among all the members, and without which
communities cannot exist.
Whilst this struggle for existence on the part of
the new society was going on in America, "a series
of alternate phases of feverish prosperity and lasting
depression" in England were succeeded in 1829 by an
utter prostration of industry and consequent reduction
102
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of wages. Riots and conflagrations prevailed all
over the country, machinery was demolished, mills
were attacked, and acts of incendiarism were com-
mitted everywhere, the ringleaders of the people
asserting that "the destroying angel was the best
ally they had."
"The simple fact," says Mr. Molesworth, "was that wars,
national debt, increase of population, corn laws, maladminis-
tration of the poor laws, and other legislation, or hindrance of
legislation, had reduced the great mass of the people, and
especially the agricultural labourers, to the verge of starvation
and despair. They were going mad with misery, and, in their
madness, they did mischief by which they themselves were sure
to be the first and greatest sufferers."*
Great anxiety was felt among the friends of the
people to discover the means for improving their
sad condition and averting a social revolution.
Co-operation suggested itself as a remedy, and
co-operation became now the "religion of industry."
Owen had, on his return from America, undis-
mayed by adverse experiences, become now a warm
advocate for co-operation. "The Crisis," edited
nominally by him, now appears as an organ of the
co-operative movement. Seven hundred societies.
spread their ramifications all over the country, and
the great "apostle of association" in England, with
* Molesworth, "History of England," vol. i. p. 53.
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM. 103
the intention of striking a final blow against
capitalistic, as opposed to co-operative enterprise,
establishes the "Equitable Labour Exchange" in
London. Its object was to remedy the evils arising
from cash payments, to make labour the standard
of value, and labour notes, representing so many
hours of work, the medium of exchange. This,
he thought, would "let prosperity loose upon the
country," and dispense with the necessity of retail
dealers and middlemen. Crowds rushed to the
Exchange, and business there became overwhelming.
In one week 16,000 hour-notes, representing in goods
so many hours of labour, were issued. Owen, in his
sanguine manner, maintained that this discovery
"was of more importance than the mines of Mexico.
and Peru, for it would in a little time make them all
rich and independent." The scheme collapsed after
a short trial. Owen had to bear heavy losses, which
did not disturb his equanimity, although the dis-
appointed hopes to which the undertaking had given
rise unfavourably affected, for a time at least, the
co-operative movement. With the temporary decline
of this movement we observe a tendency towards
communistic schemes of social improvement gaining
ground among the advocates of co-operation, and
among the working-classes generally. Co-operative
congresses now begin to adopt socialistic measures.
I04
UTOPIAS.
Among the regulations of the congress in 1832 we
find the following:
I. Let it be universally understood that the grand ultimate
object of all co-operative societies, whether engaged in trading,
manufacturing, or agricultural pursuits, is community in land.
2. To effect this important purpose, a weekly subscription,
either in money, goods, or labour, from a penny to any other
amount agreed upon, is indispensably necessary to be continued
from year to year, until a capital sufficient to accomplish the
object of the society be accumulated.
From this it will be seen that English com-
munists materially differed from their brethren on
the Continent. To use the words of one of their
sympathisers: "They wished equality, but it was
voluntary equality. It was true they were levellers,
but they wished to level up, and not down. They
sought to create and retain fresh wealth for them-
selves." *
Still pamphlets appeared under the title, "Equali-
sation of Property and the Formation of Commu-
nities," a social regeneration society was founded, and
Owen demands a “charter of the rights of humanity."
Although opposed to Chartism and political agitation,
we find him now fraternising with Fergus O'Connor
sympathising with trades-unionism, denouncing the
aristocracy, and foretelling the total collapse of exist-
ing social institutions. This growing intensity of
* Holyoake's "History of Co-operation," vol. i. pp. 187-189.
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM. 105
1
socialistic fervour finds its explanations in the increas-
ing suffering of the working people, notwithstanding
the accumulation of wealth among those above them.
"Our successful industry is hitherto unsuccessful;
in the midst of plethoric plenty the people
perish," Carlyle complains about that time. Then,
when "a million hungry operative men started up in
utmost paroxysm of desperate protest against their
lot," Owen, who had spent his energies and fortune in
endeavours to improve their condition, goaded on by
ill-success and repeated disappointments, now unfurls
a new banner of social reform, and, at the head of
millions of malcontents, claims the "Magna Charta
of social regeneration.”
From this date, for nearly twenty years, says
Mr. Sargant, one of his. biographers, "Owen's pro-
ceedings have little to interest people generally." He
now only exercises esoteric influences on a small band
of followers, and Owenism sinks into a state resembling
the later stage of St. Simonism. Owen becomes
((
our social father;" his "book of the new world"
becomes the religious creed of his adherents; Burton
Crescent Chapel, the metropolitan church of the new
social sect, and from it apostles go forth to "preach
in the open air, wherever an audience can be col-
lected," and the burden of their message is this:
"Unless ye work, neither shall ye eat."
106
UTOPIAS.
To complete the parallel, Owen, in his old age,
succeeds in raising a community fund, for organising
communities on his new plan, and actually establish-
ing a society," Harmony Hall,” in Hampshire, which,
like similar experiments, ended unsuccessfully. As
the aged Enfantin had been received by Napoleon III.,
so Owen was introduced to Queen Victoria, to explain
his schemes for social improvement. He was eighty
years old when "Harmony Hall" was broken up;
but, so far from being discouraged by this last failure,
he remained a thorough believer in his own ideas to
the end, and continued to issue proclamations and
tracts to convince the great ones of the earth and
common people of the truth of his social system.
In the Exhibition of 1851, he managed to desseminate
60,000 tracts in English, French, and German, and
six years later he read before the newly-founded Social
Science Association a paper in which he expressed
the conviction "that the time would surely come
when the population of the world would be governed
solely under the influence of universal love and
charity; and, divine as these principles were, they
were yet the principles of common sense, for govern-
ing mankind, and forming the character from birth to
death."
Again, in the following year, he appeared on the
same platform, but in the very beginning of his
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM. 107
speech was taken ill and removed to his hotel in
Liverpool, whence he started, when sufficiently re-
"What
covered, to his native country, to die there.
scenes had the wanderer passed through since last he
gazed upon the mountains! Manufacturing days,
crowning success, philanthropic experiments, public
meetings at the London Tavern, continental travel,
interviews with kings, Mississippi valleys, Indiana
forests, journeys, labours, agitations, honours, calum-
nies, hopes, and never-ceasing toil! What a world,
what an age, had intervened, since last he passed his
native border!"
Such are the reflections of one of his admirers,
and we ask ourselves: What were the results of all
these hopes and fears, successes and disappointments,
labours and sufferings of the social reformer? And
we reply: Owen's labours were not in vain, nor his
'scheming for the world's necessities" futile.
We owe to him, in a measure, our present im-
proved system of universal education in primary
schools. It is he who gave the first impulse to the
ten-hours' labour bill, and legislation for the protec-
tion of women and children against the cupidity of
masters and the unprincipled avarice of their own
relations. Model lodging-houses, public baths, ragged
schools, and similar philanthropic institutions, having
for their object the mental, moral, and material ele-
"(
108
UTOPIAS.
vation of the masses, owe their existence to the
impetus given to social reform by Owen's socialistic
agitation. But it is as the father of co-operation that
Owen will be remembered with gratitude and respect
by future generations. Co-operation, indeed, had not
been without its advocates before Owen recommended
it as a means to "place the people in circumstances
favourable to their development." But it was he who
"carried co-operation into good company," among
persons of fortune and influence, and so procured for
it a sound footing in its incipient growth. It has
entered upon a new phase now, since the Rochdale
pioneers and others have advanced it by another
stage on the way to final success.
It is to the spread of co-operation that the econo-
mist looks as the power for improving the condition
of the people, in securing for all the just reward of
their exertion without interfering with personal liberty,
without endangering private property, without im-
peding the course of legitimate competition. Based
on the principles of justice, veracity, and self-discipline,
and requiring and cultivating, as it does, mental and
moral qualifications of a high order, co-operation has
the tendency of encouraging superior education, the
• power of self-government, and the exercise of virtuous
self-denial among the people. Moreover it promises
a pacific solution of some of the social difficulties of
ROBERT OWEN AND ENGLISH SOCIALISM. 109
modern life in creating common interests between
employers and employed.
Owen's name will ever be associated with this
great movement, and we may say, in the words of
Mr. Booth, "if he had never contributed anything
else to the good of mankind, that alone would entitle
him to be classed among our greatest benefactors."
CHAPTER VII.
MARLO AND CO-OPERATIVE SOCIALISM IN GERMANY.
IN the same year in which Owen died another
champion of co-operative Socialism passed away in
Germany, less known as a social reformer, but no
less worthy to be mentioned among the number of
those who have produced important schemes of social
improvement.
Karl Marlo (his real name was Winkelblech) was
a Cassel professor, and his work, which he called,
with characteristic breadth of view, a "System of
Universal Economy," displays all the thoroughness
without the proverbial pedantry of the German pro-
fessor. Not gifted with the glowing imagination of
Fourier, wanting entirely the practical business appli-
cation of Robert Owen, Marlo differs also from both
these his contemporaries in not expecting great social
changes from a redistribution of property. His social
ideal is a confederation of co-operative societies all
MARLO AND CO-OPERATIVE SOCIALISM. III
over the world, not, however, to the entire exclusion
of individual enterprise, with a view of heightening
production, and so increasing the prosperity of all
classes in society.
He tells us, in one of the prefaces to his work, what
led to his own economic inquiries, and proved a
turning-point in his intellectual life.
"In the year 1843 I travelled in Northern Europe.
Being engaged upon a technological work, I visited
among others the well-known Norwegian indigo
factory, at Modum, where the lovely environs so
fascinated me that I prolonged my stay for several
days. As one morning I was from a hill taking a
view of the surrounding neighbourhood, which rivals
the Alps in its mountain scenery, a German labourer,
undoubtedly recognising in me a fellow-countryman,
approached me with the petition to do some commis-
sion for him in the fatherland. As I granted his
request he became more communicative, and gave me
a touching account of his own experience, and the
life of penury to which both he and his fellow-
labourers were condemned. What is the cause of
this, I asked myself, that the paradise spread before
me conceals so much hidden misery? Is nature, or
man, their real author? Like many other students of
nature, I had always given my attention in the work-
shops of industry to the machinery rather than the
4
112
UTOPIAS.
human beings, to the products of human industry
rather than the producers themselves. I remained,
therefore, entirely ignorant of the vast amount of
misery which lies at the foundation of our varnished
civilisation. The convincing words of this labourer
made me feel the comparative uselessness of my
scientific investigations, and I arrived shortly at a
determination in my own mind to investigate the
sufferings of our race, their causes and their remedies.
In the course of many years I continued my re-
searches most conscientiously, and found the extent.
of prevailing misery far beyond what I was first led
to expect. Poverty everywhere!
Poverty everywhere! Among wages
labourers and those who undertake work on their
own account, among nations in the highest as well as
those in the lowest state of industrial advancement, in
the large manufacturing towns, the capitals of labour,
and centres of luxury, as well as in the hovels of
villagers, in the salubrious plains of Belgium and
Lombardy, as in the barren mountain heights of
Scandinavia; everywhere I met wretchedness and
poverty. I discovered, moreover, that the causes of
all this are not to be found in nature, but our institu-
tions founded on false economic principles, and from
this I concluded that in the rectification of these
lies the only hope of recovery. I began to feel con-
vinced that in the present modes of production the
VO
MARLO AND CO-OPERATIVE SOCIALISM. 113
"
eradicating of poverty is impossible, that the utmost
improvement in technical skill will by no means
secure a diffusion of general prosperity; in short, that
our civilisation is in such a stage of development that
further progress will entirely depend on the progress
of economic science, and that the latter on this ac-
count is the most important of all sciences for the
times. In the course of my investigations the
doctrines of Economists, as well as the efforts of
Socialists, were known to me in name only; for I
avoided a closer acquaintance with them purposely in
order to remain, as far as possible, entirely free from
any external influences. It was only after I had
arrived at my own conclusions, unaided, that I turned
to the study of economic literature. From this I
gathered that the results to which my own investiga-
tions had led me in all essential points, after nume-
rous corrections (although not containing much that
was original), departed entirely from the principles
laid down in the existing works on political economy.
This led to a comparative examination of my own
with the prevailing views of others, which only con-
firmed me more in my convictions. I thought now I
might make the attempt of a new system of economy.
This accordingly I began in the year 1847, and the
first half of my works has only just appeared."
This work was left unfinished at his death. In
I
1
114
UTOPIAS.
.
two extant volumes, containing about 2,000 closely-
printed pages, we have Marlo's theory of Economic
Science, together with a thoughtful and complete
survey of previous systems, a scholarly account of
historical development of society, as well as a critical
review of socialistic literature from Plato's "Republic"
to Cabet's "Voyage to Icaria." The practical or
constructive portion of the work has been left, unfor-
tunately, incomplete; but this does not prevent us
having a very fair view of the author's aims of social
reform, and the manner in which he sought to effect
them.
What strikes us as the most remarkable feature of
his social philosophy is the utter absence of those
fantastic pictures of impossible societies, such as the
reader has become familiarised with during the
perusal of some of the previous chapters. Here we
feel ourselves no longer surrounded by the airy phan-
toms of an Utopian dreamland, but begin to breathe
the serener atmosphere of calm thought and to tread
upon the sure ground of ascertained facts. Marlo is
not without his errors and shortcomings, but his
judgment is rarely led captive by his imagination, nor
are his conclusions affected by generous sympathies;
whilst he is never wanting in the enthusiasm of
humanity, and the aspirings after a high social ideal,
he never loses sight of the actual condition of things,
MARLO AND CO-OPERATIVE SOCIALISM. 115
but takes human nature as he finds it in his attempt
to improve mankind.
The state of society in Germany was no better
than what we saw to have been that of England and
France at the same period. In some respects it was
worse. 'A country of divided interests, rent by
dissensions, slow in development, wanting in national
independence, in its impotence and infatuation calling
itself the land of thought, and yet importing the
principles of social organisation from without, imita-
tive and not creative, inspiring the patriots with
sorrow and shame."
In no country had the systems of monopoly and
stereotyped class distinctions been perpetuated so
long and so painfully as there; nowhere had the
grinding power of the upper classes, pressing down
upon the lower strata of society, been felt so acutely.
Attempts had been made to remove the incubus of
feudalism in the time of the Reformation, when men
like Muntzer endeavoured practically to carry out
the theories of More's Utopia, but all such attempts
had failed.
Joseph II., influenced by the revolutionary ideas
of the eighteenth century, made a futile attempt to
introduce social reforms. Prussia created a free
peasantry, and liberated the soil from feudal burdens.
At a later period, freedom of trade and relaxation of
I 2
116
UTOPIAS.
the rigid regulations of the guild system followed
upon this wise measure of legislative reform. With
all this came, as in other countries, wealth and the
growth of industry; but with it, too, an unequal dis-
tribution of property, a wide gulf between rich and
poor, and all these social evils and antagonisms which,
aggravated by reactionary legislation and ruinous.
military systems later on, made Socialism the for-
midable power we find it to be now in that country.
Ten years before Marlo published his book, the
German historian had complained that the factory
system had a deleterious influence on the morals of
the country, and the anxiety to get rich had produced
most baneful effects in all classes of society. “The
cares of subsistence are the slow-killing poison emas-
culating our nation."
The monopolies of the aristocracy, indeed, disap-
peared to some extent, but in their place came the
monopoly of the plutocracy, according to Marlo.
And most unsparing is his criticism on this class,
who profess to be the Liberals of the day. They
"have not,” he says, “carried out their principles in
any land as yet completely, still the attempts which
have been made are sufficient to prove the uselessness
of their efforts. They endeavoured to free Labour,
but only succeeded in subjecting it more completely
under the yoke of Capital; they aimed at setting at
MARLO AND CO-OPERATIVE SOCIALISM. 117
liberty all Labour powers, and only riveted the chains
of misery which held them bound; they wanted to
release the bondman from the clod, and deprived him
of the soil on which he stood by buying up the land;
they yearned for a happy condition of society, and
only created superfluity on one hand, and dire want
on the other; they desired to secure for merit its own
honourable reward, and only made it the slave of
wealth; they wished to abolish all monopolies, and
placed in their stead the monster monopoly Capital;
they wanted to do away with all wars between nation
and nation, and kindled the flames of civil war; they
tried to get rid of the State, and yet have multiplied
its burdens; they wanted to make Education the
common property of all, and made it a privilege of
the rich; they aimed at the greatest moral improve-
ment of Society, and have only left it in a state of
rotten immorality; they wanted, to say all in a word,
unbounded liberty, and they have produced the
meanest servitude; they wanted the reverse of all they
actually obtained, and have thus given a proof that
Liberalism in all ramifications is nothing but a perfect
Utopia." They must not remain in the possession of
a monopoly of wealth and enjoyment. On the con-
trary, the great movement of social progress is
towards panpolism (all having equal rights of self-de-
velopment), and therefore the power of this new usurper
·
118
UTOPIAS.
must be broken, and everybody must be put into a
position of approximate competency and affluence.
"The heathenish principle of economy grants to the
few enjoyment at the expense of the many; Christian
principle demands a moral regard for those natural
conditions which ensure general prosperity, with a
view to effect the highest possible happiness for all in
due proportion." The heathenish principle prevailed
in the social order of our forefathers. The society
of the future, founded on federal principles, utilises
what is good in existing institutions, and retains
even mediæval modes of organisation where it is
desirable, but its general aim and purpose is to
organise labour all over the world on the basis of
co-operation.
No attempts are to be made to disannul the rights
of private property, nor forcibly to abolish private
enterprise. On the principle that constitutions are
not made, but grow, Marlo leaves the future pre-
valence of the association to natural development,
excepting in the case of agriculture, where he requires
the State to make co-operation compulsory. To
mitigate the evils of pauperism, he suggests com-
pulsory life insurance. To remove the abuses of
speculation and commercial dishonesty, he, with
other socialists, recommends the State to become the
general negotiator for all commercial transactions;
MARLO AND CO-OPERATIVE SOCIALISM. 119
and with a view to consolidate the position of the
working-classes and assist them in organising them-
selves into co-operative companies to withstand the
encroachments of capitalists, he is inclined to return to
the protective systems and guild restrictions of a past
age. For these latter suggestions Marlo's ideas are
rather retrogressive than progressive. But considering
the times he lived in, and the society by which he was
surrounded, we have reason to wonder rather at his
power of raising himself to the higher standpoint he
maintains as a social reformer, than at his occasional
lapses into the modes of thought prevalent during
that reactionary period when men, tired of the agita-
tion produced by the revolutions, threw themselves.
helplessly into the arms of despotism.
The chief merit of Marlo consists in his elabo-
ration of a complete system of co-operation on a
scientific basis, at a time when Fourier's scheme had
become ridiculous, and the early efforts of English
co-operation had apparently remained unknown in
Germany. What Marlo expects from his system is
a mode of production in which all engaged have
an interest, as they all share in the profits, and
the invidious distinctions between master and ser-
vant, between employer and employed, disappear
altogether, or dwindle into insignificance. Wages
labourers would here become masters in a certain
120
UTOPIAS.
sense. They would be members of a co-operative
society (not co-operative in consumption only, but in
production also), amenable to constitutional laws.
framed by its members. This he thought was
destined ultimately to extend over the whole domain
of industry, a system at once more practical and
founded on a better scientific basis than the societary
communism of Fourier. Thus he hoped the de-
pendent degradation of the masses would gradually
disappear, and with it the existing class antagonism.
An equable distribution of labour and profit would
engender general good-will among all engaged in the
industrial process, and supervision of labour become
unnecessary; the evils of sudden extension and
contraction of certain branches of trade would be
mitigated, and the bad results of unlicensed com-
petition would entirely disappear. The use of
machinery and other technical appliances would
cease from exercising a baneful influence on the
mechanics, who, in their corporate condition, would
be able to avail themselves, as large capitalists do
now, of the benefits of modern discoveries. The
creation and preservation of capital would be
facilitated, as association would render savings com-
pulsory and prevent enormous waste in private
consumption and the cost of labour. The individual
struggles, the care and worry in the social beehive,
MARLO AND CO-OPERATIVE SOCIALISM. 121
could be reduced to a minimum, and the solidity of
interests among the different members of the asso-
ciation would call forth a kindly spirit of mutual
toleration, and even affection, and the whole process.
of industry in all its branches would assume a milder
and more gentle aspect, and make at last even
"drudgery divine."
Marlo does not omit pointing out some of the
drawbacks and disadvantages of the system; still,
upon the whole he sees in the triumph of federalism
the final goal of our present society, and in the
mutual conflict and defeat of the advocates of
political liberty and social equality, the liberals and
the communists, he foresees victory of co-operative
principles. Communism would destroy liberty;
liberty without protection of the weak against the
strong would fail to bring about a comparative
equality. Co-operation combines these two elements
which are now mutually destructive in affording
liberty and equality alike, by means of free com-
bination and equal rights among all members of the
co-operative associations.
Marlo died in obscurity, and his work is only now
beginning to be studied even in Germany. It con-
tains many warnings and prophecies which have since
been but too literally fulfilled; but it also contains
hopes and prospects for the human race which are
da
I22
UTOPIAS.
slowly being realised. Marlo, as the German co-
operative philosopher, deserves an honoured place
by the side of Owen, the practical "English apostle
of co-operation." The two men were ignorant of
each other, working in the same field, having the
same object in view, guided by the same hope-star of
ameliorating the condition of the people by means of
co-operative institutions. The spirit of the age and
the circumstances of the times produced in both the
same modes of thought. Separated from each other
by nationality, training, calling, disposition, and
mental characteristics, they yet discovered inde-
pendently identical means for remedying social evils
and reorganising society. Such coincidences are re-
markable, and deserve to be noticed. They teach
us that a germ of truth underlies all socialistic
attempts; that the social ideal, in one form or
another, is to be found in the human mind itself;
that the various modes of giving it shape and form,
according to different circumstances, are the mani-
festations of the same tendency in all men to realise
a social ideal. Men like Owen and Marlo, therefore,
deserve well of their species for the honest expres-
sions of such aspirings in the name of their fellow-men,
and for their zealous and laborious work, whether it
be in the field of speculative social philosophy or in
the region of practical social reform.
CHAPTER VIII.
CABET-" VOYAGE TO ICARIA."
THAT ominous prediction of Sylvain Maréchal, one
of the Babouvist conspirators, "The French Revo-
lution is only the forerunner of another revolution,
grander and still more solemn, the last of its kind,"
was almost literally fulfilled in the rising of 1848,
half a century after that communist movement had
received its "baptism of blood" in the death of
Babeuf.
The Revolution of 1789 had removed the last
vestige of feudalism, that of 1830 had brought about
the extinction of the aristocracy as a social power,
but in this third stage of the "ninety years' agony
of France" we have the first organised attempt of
labour revolting against the "tyranny of capital."
Here, as on former occasions, it was the supine
selfishness of the propertied classes which provoked
the outbreak of popular discontent. The all-powerful
124
UTOPIAS.
plutocracy had turned a deaf ear to the repeated and
just complaints of the labouring people against their
entire exclusion from political power, and the conver-
sion of the electoral franchise into an engine of class
legislation in favour of the rich. They remained
insensible to the sufferings of the working-classes,
which followed upon a ruinous fall of wages, and so
roused the spirit of deadly hatred against property
and the government. "The operatives, well-nigh
maddened by suffering, readily embraced the doc-
trines of the socialists, who proclaimed a community
of goods as the ultimate destiny of society."*
All previous attempts to ameliorate their condition
had failed, the societary schemes of St. Simon and
Fourier had fallen into discredit, Lamartine now
demanded of the government "Social Fraternity
in the name of the people. The influence of the
socialists had been underrated, as it is not un-
frequently, in spite of the solemn warnings of history.
They had been contemptuously described as an “im-
perceptible band of extravagants," and their demands.
of social reform had remained unheeded. Then came
the Revolution.
-
* Alison's "History of Europe," 1815-52, vol. v. chap. xxx. p. 63.
"
Cabet's "Voyage to Icaria" was a warning pre-
cursor of that event, as Morelly's "Basiliade" had
CABET " VOYAGE TO ICARIA.”
125
been the precursor of the first Revolution; and very
often the sentiments of the latter are re-echoed in the
former.
"At all times," says Cabet, in the preface to this
modern Utopia, "and in every country history shows
nothing but troubles and disorders, vices and crimes,
wars and revolutions, massacre and murder, calamities
and catastrophes. Now, if these vices and misfortunes
are not the effect of nature's will, we must seek for
a cause elsewhere. And is this cause not to be found
in the bad organisation of society? And is not the
radical vice of this organisation inequality on which
it is based? . . . Not a moment must be lost
to repress this evil by a substitution of equality for
inequality."
•
Community of goods, he maintains, was proclaimed !
by "Jesus Christ, by all the apostles and early
disciples, by the primitive church, and by the
Reformation, and by all the philosophers who have
been the light and glory of the human species.”
In answer to the objection that such a scheme of
perfect equality is only a beautiful dream and a
magnificent chimera, he says that, on the contrary,
a society of this kind may exist and prosper, and
in the "Voyage to Icaria" he tries to prove this
theory.
Cabet wrote this work in England, where he lived
?
126
UTOPIAS.
as an exile, banished from his country for political
offences, after having risen to legal eminence, not-
withstanding his democratic and socialistic tendencies.
Here in this country the study of More's "Utopia"
had converted him, as he confesses, from political
Republicanism to a belief in Communism and the
sovereignty of the people." Henceforth he only
regards the establishment of the Republic as a pre-
liminary step towards the final introduction of a
"definite Communism." And thus persuaded in his
own mind, he says: "I wrote the 'Voyage to Icaria'
to place before the world the example of a great
nation having a community of goods. At the same
time I perceived that this community could not be
established after Babeuf's plan, by conspiracy and
violence, but by means of discussion, propagandism, by
persuasion, and the force of public opinion."
For this purpose he paints with glowing colours
the results of universal equality in that social romance
to which we must now direct the reader's attention.
((
The imaginary community here described is
visited by a mythical English Lord Carisdall, whose
supposed impressions and experiences in Icaria form
the subject-matter of this volume. It may, in fact, be
regarded as the diary of an inhabitant in Dreamland,
or as a traveller's note-book, describing scenes and
modes of life in Nowhere's Land. The work is
CABET " VOYAGE TO ICARIA.”
127
divided into three parts, the first containing a
detailed description of the country and the people,
the second their history, and the last giving an
account of the principles which lie at the foundation
of that universal happiness so much admired by Lord
Carisdall.
The situation of the country is most favourable.
Chains of mountains enclose it from the north and
south; a river in the east and the sea in the west
form the remaining boundaries. The territory is
divided into a hundred provinces, almost equal in
extent and population. Each province consists of six
communes, and each commune has its own communal
town, eight villages, and a number of farms spread
in regular order throughout its whole extent. There
is a chief town in the centre of every province, and
in the heart of Icaria its capital is situated—the
marvel of marvels, a description of which reads like
one of the Arabian Nights' stories. It has a hundred
streets, which, wide and straight, present a bright and
cheerful aspect, superior in every respect to the dingy
and lugubrious streets and by-lanes of modern cities.
There is nothing to offend the most fastidious
taste; there are none of the hideous scenes and gro-
tesque spectacles which meet the eye at every corner
in our overcrowded and unhealthy towns; there is an
utter absence of the clangour and shrill sound of
128
UTOPIAS.
noisy activity in our centres of commerce. All that
is disagreeable is kept out of sight and hearing. On
the other hand, everything which tends to promote
æsthetic culture and rational enjoyment finds a place
here. A profusion of art-treasures from the East and
West, gems of the classic age and the Renaissance, are
collected together and distributed all over the town.
Besides, the magnificence of the architecture and the
grandeur of public monuments strike the eye at every
corner. Nor are there wanting any of the conve-
niences of speed and easy locomotion, with many ad-
ditional improvements. "I am delighted," says the
imaginary traveller, "with the elegant houses and
fine open streets, the excellent taste displayed in
the arrangements of fountains, with the magnifi-
cence of their public buildings and national monu-
ments. The public gardens and promenades were
enchanting, and on the whole, Tyrama (a seaport
town in Icaria) was the most beautiful town I have
ever beheld."
"
Everywhere there are signs of affluence and refined
taste. The workshops surpass our palaces in salu-
brity, elegance, and splendour. Order and method
are preserved throughout, and work is done with
pleasure and precision. The farms and villages even
are constructed on the most magnificent scale. "Every
yard of ground was cultivated and appropriated to
CABET " VOYAGE TO ICARIA.”
129
some useful purpose," remarks the traveller. "The
whole country seemed covered with the green harvest,
having vines interspersed and flowery arbours, groves,
plantations, farmhouses, and picturesque villages.
Here and there flocks were scattered over the
meadows, and groups of husbandmen enlivened both
hill and dale. The road was extremely level and in
excellent order. The footpaths were continuous, and
shaded with fruit trees in bloom. We passed farms.
and villages, crossed rivers and canals. Indeed, the
road seemed the continuation of the suburbs of a
large town, or an avenue intersecting an immense
garden."
Thus the workers in town and country are cheered
in their labour by bright and happy surroundings.
Work being thus rendered attractive, there is no
occasion of enforcing it as an onerous duty. What
do you do with your idlers?" inquires the puzzled
traveller. "The idle?" retorts a stonemason philo-
sopher-for even Ministers of State work at the
trades during intervals of rest from public duty-
66
we do not know of any. . . How could there
be any such among us when work is made so attrac-
tive, and when idleness and sloth are as infamous
here as theft is elsewhere?" "They are wrong, then,"
inquires his lordship, "who say in France and Eng-
land that there always will be drunkards, thieves, and
K
130
UTOPIAS.
1
idlers?" Answer: "They are right as far as these
countries are concerned, but they are wrong in the
case of such an organisation as that of Icaria.”
In fact, the Icarians are as superior to other people
as their country surpasses all the other states of the
civilised world.
Their religion consists in silent adoration of the
great but "unknown God;" in their temples and
ceremonial they aim at a noble simplicity of worship.
Religious toleration is extended to all creeds; and
to prevent the introduction of religious bigotry, the
inculcation of positive beliefs to persons under seven-
teen years of age is strictly prohibited. The civil
government is committed to persons elected by uni-
versal suffrage, and removable from office at the
people's will.
There is neither property nor money, neither
buying nor selling. All are equal, all work for the
community, which in return provides for all the
necessaries of life. All manufactures and industries
are national property, and the executive government
regulates the process of production and consumption
of commodities; it appoints to every man his share
of labour, and assigns to every man a due share of
personal enjoyment.
As all public functionaries hold only temporary
appointments, and are responsible to the public for
CABET-" VOYAGE TO ICARIA."
131
the due performance of their office, and revocable at
pleasure, it might be supposed that government under
such conditions became irksome and difficult. Not
so. In Icaria people are all virtuous; jealousy and
hatred, discord and violence, quarrels and conspi-
racies, robbery and murder, party politics and revo-
lutions, are unknown. Prisons, judges, and capital
punishment belong all to a chapter of ancient history.
All professions and occupations are esteemed alike,\
and everyone may select his own sphere of labour.
There are no cares of the future to harass the
Icarians; there are none of the prejudices which at
present render labour repugnant and painful. Every-
one performs his appointed task with alacrity and
delight. In short, order and plenty, brotherly con-
cord, virtue, and happiness, prevail throughout the
land. The citizens are distinguished for their supe-
rior intelligence, urbanity of manner, and nobility of
character.
All this is not only “an idyl translated into com-
munistic phraseology," but a satire on the French
society of the day. The inordinate love of inequality
which, in the opinion of Matthew Arnold, has had the
effect of “materialising our upper class, vulgarising
our middle class, and brutalising our lower class'
in this country, prevailed undoubtedly in an exag-
gerated form in France during the reign of Louis
K 2
132
UTOPIAS.
Philippe, when the selfish indulgence and material
egotism of the rich exasperated the suffering poor,
and filled them with envy and animosity, both
against their employers and the bourgeois king and
his Government.
No wonder, then, that a starved proletariat re-
ceived with joyful acclamations a book which painted
the blessings of equality with such alluring colours,
and held up the prospect of a future society where
capitalists could no longer domineer over the sons of
toil, or appropriate to their own advantage the profits
of labour. Five editions of the "Voyage to Icaria”
appeared in as many months. Labourers too poor
to purchase a copy for themselves joined others for
the purpose of reading and discussing the book in
common. A profound impression was produced, and
the general enthusiasm for the author and his system
may serve as a measure of the depth of sorrow and
suffering among the men, whom such vague promises
of impossible social perfection could cheer and sus-
tain in their sunken condition. No wonder that both
teacher and disciples, after thus seeking relief from
the hard realities of life in "visionary and chi-
merical expectations of social felicity," sought in the
new world that earthly paradise which they found
depicted in the "Voyage to Icaria.”
Cabet, having failed in his attempt to introduce
CABET " VOYAGE TO ICARIA.”
133
practically the principles laid down in his work by
means of legislation in his own country, went with
some of his adherents to America, there to found a
society after his own heart. Old in years, but young
in enthusiasm, he pursued his object with that “grim
patience and steadfast unselfishness" which, in the
opinion of Mr. Nordhoff, are the necessary charac-
teristics of the would-be founders of communistic
societies. The same writer, referring to a pamphlet
of Cabet's which he found when visiting the survivors
of this colony in the United States a few years ago,
and comparing the possible condition of the com-
munity with what he actually observed, says: "I
turned over the leaves of the pamphlet while wander-
ing through the muddy lanes of the present Icaria,
on one chilly Sunday in March, with a keen sense of
pain at the contrast between the comfort and elegance
he so glowingly described, and the dreary poverty
of the life which a few men and women have thus
chosen to follow, for the sake of principles which they
hold both true and valuable."
The same might be said with still more truth
if we compared this small Icarian commune, who
"thought themselves prosperous when they were able
to build themselves log-cabins, though they were
so wretched that comfort must have been unknown
among them for years . and lived, and still live,
134
UTOPIAS.
in the narrowest way," with the imaginary society
visited by Lord Carisdall in his "Voyage to Icaria.”*
A gentleman who knew of Mr. Nordhoff's visit
then wrote to him: "Please deal gently and cau-
tiously with Icaria. The man who sees only the
chaotic village and the wooden shoes, and only
chronicles these, will commit a serious error. In that
village are buried fortunes, noble hopes, and the
aspirations of good and great men like Cabet.
Fertilised by these deaths, a great and beneficent
growth yet awaits Icaria. It has an eventful and
extremely interesting history, but its future is des-
tined to be still more interesting. It, and it alone,
represents in America a great idea-rational demo-
cratic Communism."
We are prepared not only to deal gently, but even
reverently, with the sayings and doings of a man
who, with high mental qualifications and noble aspi-
rations, deeply moved by the sufferings of his fellow-
men, thus sought a means of escape from their
degradation and dependency in the communistic
life. Eager to bring about immediate social changes,
impatient of the slow process of social amelioration,
which, as a student and writer of history, he acknow-
ledged to be a fact, he excogitated a social romance
* Nordhoff,
"Communistic Societies of the United States," p. 335.
CABET—“ VOYAGE TO ICARIA.”
135
in exile which he thought could best pave the way to
social reconstruction.
"I cannot describe the pleasure," he says, "I felt
when at last I had found a remedy for all the ills of
humanity, and I feel sure that, in their mansions and
at their banquets, the men who have sent me into
exile have not experienced such pure enjoyment as
he whom they have banished, as, day by day, he
perceived more clearly the dawn of a coming happi-
ness for the human race."
Finding his countrymen unwilling to adopt his
scheme, he chose a voluntary exile in following what
he considered a higher call to a country he knew not,
full of faith in his mission of social regeneration.
Conflicts with the climate and other adverse circum-
stances led to a partial dissolution of the society,
and Cabet retired in despair to Missouri in 1856,
where he died of a broken heart.
The high motives and misfortunes of the man
deserve our most profound respect, while his mode-
ration as a social revolutionist, discarding all violent
changes, and leaving the work of reconstruction to be
effected by persuasion rather than force, demand a
careful consideration of his views in life and society,
as well as his suggestions as to the manner of giving
effect to his scheme of social improvement.
The existing inequalities of society Cabet regards
136
UTOPIAS.
as the survival of man's savage state, when in the
prevalence of general ignorance might is right, and
he who has the strongest arm secures a monopoly of
enjoyment and total immunity from labour. Hence
the existence of class privileges, caste systems, war
and conquests, domination and proscription, slavery
and serfdom. Hence, too, a perpetuation of in-
equality of rank and fortune even in the higher
stages of civilisation; it is the power of the strong
exercised against the weak, sanctioned by custom,
which is the outcome of a faulty education.
But brotherly love, devotion to the welfare of
others, are natural instincts only requiring further
cultivation and a close following out of nature's law,
according to which all men are brethren. Nature,
in her beneficent rule and intelligent guidance, would
have all men equal, not only as far as rights and
duties are concerned, but also in the enjoyment of
material happiness, and she produces all things for
common use. Social and political inequality is a
transgression of the laws of nature, and has for its`
result the oppression and misery of thousands to pro-
cure for a small minority the means of luxurious
indulgence. This creates egotism, ambition, avarice,
and a heartless desire of self-gratification on the
part of the opulent, and, on the other hand, envy,
hatred, and jealousy among the poor. With the
CABET " VOYAGE TO ICARIA."
137
abolition of private property, and the introduction
of Communism, all these evils would cease to exist.
Education as well as legislation in favour of a
gradual introduction of communistic institutions.
must prepare the way for it. The power of bequest
must be circumscribed, the right of collateral inherit-
ance must be curtailed, progressive taxation, the
freedom of the labouring classes from sharing the
public burdens, the abolition of military systems,
governmental regulation of wages, the fixing of a
normal day of labour, and, finally, co-operation on
a large scale-all these are to pave the way towards
this final consummation. But nothing is to be done
by violence and sudden changes contrary to the will
of the people. "Let them preach," exhorts Cabet,
((
to get the principle accepted, to get the transition-
measure passed, and so arrive at last at a definitive
Communism." In the meantime he says, in his " Credo
Communiste:"
“I believe that Communists have no prospect of
success unless they reform themselves, and carefully
avoid everything that might bring about disunion;
let them preach by their example; in the exercise
of all the social virtues let them teach and convince
their opponents that communism would not produce
unhappiness in anyone, but secure the happiness of
all."
.₤
138
UTOPIAS.
He considers fifty years long enough as a transi-
tion period for gaining his object. After this, the
benefits of the communistic life having been fully
recognised, individualism may be done away with,
and the process of producing and distributing com-
modities may be left to the authorities of the com-
munity. In the new state, liberty would be in a
measure curtailed, all would be subject to uniform
laws, and would have to conform to identical modes
of life. Literature and the press would be under the
control of officials, and the education of the young,
after a given period, would be public. Those who
distinguish themselves in the arts and sciences, in the
pursuit of industry, and the performance of public
functions, receive certain honours, and after their de-
mise are received into the Pantheon, the Westminster
Abbey of the Icarians.
K
If we ask what motives, if selfishness is no longer
the lever of exertion, will induce the Icarians to
perform their duty, Cabet replies: "Brotherly love.”
If we again inquire who will organise this large
human machine, Cabet replies: "The committee, the
people, or the law, provide for everything." Self-
devotion or emulation in the performance of social
duty takes the place of the self-regarding motives
which form the moving cause of human activity.
With regard to all such speculations on human
CABET " VOYAGE TO ICARIA.”
139
1
nature and the prime motors of action on which
hinges the whole of Cabet's scheme of social im-
provement, an eminent French economist has said:
"It is not enough to love humanity; we must know
it." Cabet's benevolent scheme throughout rests on
a theory of human nature as it might be rather than
as it is Instead of vigorously dealing with the facts
of life, he presents us with the charming picture of
Utopia or Icaria, where human beings in their cha-
racteristic tendencies, moral qualifications, and ruling
principles, resemble as little as possible the ordinary
men and women we meet with in everyday life.
But whereas he errs in this direction, his opponents
are equally at fault in the opposite direction, taking
for granted that the sordid selfishness and the pre-
valent tendency to disregard our social duties in the
eager search after individual advancement must needs
remain unchanged. In fact, here we see the value
of Utopias, in that they hold up a higher ideal of
society and prevent a stationary, or rather a stagnant,
condition of humanity, satisfied with the base facts
of life. They point to a goal of higher moral and
material improvement, and so direct man onwards
on the way of progress and social reform.
Again, Cabet errs in supposing that nature, in
her own productions, teaches perfect equality; for
wherever we turn we see inequalities as the result
140
UTOPIAS.
of natural law. Position, climate, and hereditary
faculties, the ordinary sequence of events, produce
inequalities without direct interference of human
volition. But, on the other hand, a higher law
teaches us the duty of equalising, by just and
benevolent measures, these inequalities, and by phi-
lanthropic effort and self-denying devotion to the
cause of humanity, to diminish them as far as
possible.
Cabet says: "I believe nature intended the earth
to be possessed in common, and to remain unappro-
priated, like air, light, and warmth; that partition.
of the necessaries of life corresponding to individual
requirements alone is intended, but that community of
goods is the most natural system.”
His opponents deny this, averring that Com-
munism takes away the proper stimulus for exertion,
and would end in an equality of poverty and wretched-
ness. Therefore, they say, let the principle of com-
petition continue to be the rule of life; then all, whilst
endeavouring to promote their own interests, will
indirectly benefit the world at large. They overlook
the baneful results of competition, the severity and
harshness of the present struggle for existence which
sets one section in the human beehive against
another, creating in many quarters discontent, which,
in its remote consequences, threatens the social peace
J
CABET " VOYAGE TO ICARIA.”
14I
}
of Europe. They forget that the great law of social
progress implies a gradual advancement from the
rule under which the strongest prevail to the final
establishment of moral supremacy, under which
wealth is equitably distributed by means of inten-
sified production and a wider extension of the
comforts of life in the lower strata of society.
Here the economist and the philanthropist meet
on the same platform, and indulge in a similar hope.
Remembering that competency of means implies a
higher culture, a calm and contented frame of mind,
and a disposition for reflection on the higher pro-
blems of human existence, the social worker for the
future well-being of the masses of mankind may
not be able to accept the Utopian scheme of Cabet,
nor will he be satisfied with the counter proposition
of his opponents, who profess themselves quite
satisfied with the existing state of things. He would
rather select a safe middle course between the ex-
treme Socialists and the extreme egoists, and adopts
the language of John Stuart Mill, when he says:
"I confess I am not charmed with the ideal of life
held out by those who think that the normal state of
human beings is that of struggling to get on; that
the trampling, crushing, elbowing, and treading on
each other's heels, which form the existing type of
social life, are the most desirable lot of human kind,
142
UTOPIAS.
or anything but the disagreeable symptoms of one
of the phases of industrial progress. It may be a
necessary stage in the progress of civilisation .
but the best state for human nature is that in which,
while no one is poor, no one desires to be richer,
nor has any reason to fear being thrust back by the
efforts of others to push themselves forward.” *
* (6
"Principles of Political Economy," book iv. chap. vi. §2.
CHAPTER IX.
LOUIS BLANC'S "ORGANISATION OF LABOUR.”
FRANCE has witnessed many strange scenes in the
various revolutionary acts played out on her soil, but
one of the most remarkable was this-when a work-
ing man suddenly broke upon the Assembly sitting
in the Luxembourg and demanded, in the name of a
hundred thousand armed proletarians waiting outside,
"the rights of labour." This historical hall, in which
the haughty peers of France had before held their
session, was now occupied by a provisional govern-
ment which called itself the humble servant of the
people, and the members of which, from their seats in
the house, addressing the men in their blouses at the
door as "our dear friends," passed in haste, and under
the influence of popular excitement, that astounding
decree on the 25th of February, 1848: "The Pro-
visional Government of the Republic binds itself to
guarantee the means of livelihood to the labourer
144
UTOPIAS.
by work, and binds itself to procure work for all
citizens."
One of the most prominent members of this
assembly was Louis Blanc, historian and political
writer, the famous author of the "Organisation of
Labour." The principles of this publication, origi-
nally addressed to the rich, exhorting them to make
the cause of the poor their own, were now to be
carried out in practice when the author had become
the president of the commission appointed by Govern-
ment to improve the condition of the labourers.
If at any time there was a chance of success for
such a scheme, now was the opportunity. St. Simon
and Charles Fourier had ineffectually appealed to
the State for public aid in their schemes for social
improvement. Cabet's hopes had been disappointed
on this head when he left, as we saw in the previous
chapter, his country in disgust on the very eve of the
Revolution. It was reserved for Louis Blanc, a
high-minded, thoroughly earnest, able, and moderate
Socialist, to submit his scheme as a Government
measure to the commission over which he presided,
and to induce the State to organise labour with a
view to finally abolishing competition, to extirpate
misery, to raise the people's morals, to forestall the
return of commercial and industrial crises, to secure
labour for all hands and bread for all mouths, and so
THE
145
(( ORGANISATION OF LABOUR.”
society.
to diffuse comfort and happiness among all classes of
Hence the Government assumed the title of
the "Ministry of Progress," and proposed to itself the
task of passing the following measures:
I. To procure labour for all who are out of
employ, for "wherever the certainty of living by
labour does not result from the very essence of social
institutions, there iniquity is predominant."
2. The transformation of the Bank of France into
a State bank, to remove the evils arising from the
abuses of the credit system, and the crushing power
of the plutocracy.
3. The control by the State of all railways and
insurance companies and savings banks.
4. The erection of public workshops and general
stores.
5. The foundation of agricultural colonies on
co-operative principles.
Measures Nos. I and 4 were actually passed, to the
great consternation of the plutocratic party, but were
revoked six months later by a decree of the "Con-
stituante," a measure which had for its results the
rise of the populace, the fighting for several days
behind barricades, and the final subjection of the
people by force of arms under General Cavaignac, and
the ultimate establishment of the Second Empire.
But we must return to Louis Blanc, and take a
L
146
UTOPIAS.
3
rapid glance at the man and his doctrine who was
the ruling spirit of the "Ministry of Progress."
Louis Blanc, the idol of the Parisian proletariat, is
a man of good family and a distinguished scholar of
the Academy of Arras. He began his career as a
journalist in Paris, and has since gained for himself
a considerable reputation as a literary man and social
innovator of superior culture and philosophical attain-
ments. Here follows part of a description of the
condition of society after the Second Revolution, by
Louis Blanc, which has been compared by a com-
petent writer to one of the finest passages of
Gibbon. It may serve both as a sample of Louis
Blanc's style, and as a true, though sad, picture of the
social condition of the labourers which he set himself
to improve.
“Never had society been abandoned to such dis-
orders as those which now afflicted it under the
direction of its official guides. There was an incessant
strife of masters for the command of the market-of
workmen for the command of employment; of the
masters against the workman for the fixing of wages.
-of the workman against the machine destined to
destroy, by superseding him; such was, under the
name of free competition, the picture of the situation
of France, viewed in an industrial aspect.` What a
picture of social disorder. The great capitalists
THE “ORGANISATION OF LABOUR.” 147
gaining the victory in the strife, as the strong bat-
talions in the field of battle, and the principle of
laissez faire leading to results as ruinous as the most
odious monopolies; the great manufacturers ruining
the small, and the great merchants the lesser; usury
by degrees gaining possession of the soil-a modern
feudality worse than the old-independent artisans
giving place to those who are mere serfs; capital
engulfing itself with shameless avidity in the most
perilous undertakings, all interests armed the one
against the other.
Turn to the working-
classes, is their condition more encouraging? The
proletarian servant of a master-workman seeking, in
a crisis, his bread by begging and revolt; the father
of the workman going, at sixty years of age, to die
in a hospital; his daughter at sixteen prostituting
herself to gain a livelihood; his son doomed to
breathe, from seven years of age, the contaminated
air of great workshops, to add to the earnings of the
family; the improvidence of misery, and the prole-
taire menacing the kingdom with an inundation of
beggars! Such was the material condition of society.
On the other hand, so far as their moral condition
was concerned, no attachment to traditions; the
spirit of inquiry, denying everything, and yet affirm-
ing nothing, and acknowledging no other religion but
the love of gain.
There you see, every
L 2
148
UTOPIAS.
1
}
morning at five, at the doors of the factories, a crowd
of pale, sickly children, with downcast eyes and livid
cheeks, walking with bent backs, like old men. The
social system, founded on competition, is to such a
degree cruel and insensate, that it not only stifles the
intelligence and depraves the disposition of the poor
man's child, but it even withers up and extinguishes
in them the principle of life.”*
X
Such was the state of things immediately after the
Second Revolution, which had, if possible, grown
worse towards the approach of the Third. A gentle-
man visiting some of the barricades in 1848, asked
one of the men why he was engaged in this dan-
gerous occupation. The man folded his arms and
looked at him for some moments, and then said:
“Because I starve. I have a wife and four children.
I receive at the mayoralty 11d. a day. That is not
enough to buy bread for us, cheap as bread is. Come
home with me, and you shall see for yourself. After-
wards I will return to the barricade. I am hungry,
but I will not eat; I will get killed." The gentle-
man went home with him and found things as they
had been described. The man returned to the
barricade.+
In this alarming increase of poverty and wretched-
* Alison, "History of Europe, 1815-52," vol. v. chap. xxix. 4,
P. 173, et seq.
+ Sargent, "Social Innovators,” p. 376.
THE (6
ORGANISATION OF LABOUR." 149
ness Louis Blanc sees the greatest national misfor-
tune, and since he regards competition as the root
of the evil, he would replace the competition of
private enterprise by the State organisation of labour
as a temporary measure, at least, until the people
shall have been duly prepared for co-operation and
free combination among themselves. He tries, on
homœopathic principles, to cure an evil by the intro-
duction of its similar into the body-politic, "to
remove competition by the means of competition, to
expel the competition of individuals by the com-
petition of State organisation with private enter-
prise."
He makes society responsible for the welfare of its
poorest members, and as capitalists and the inter-
necine competitive struggles of the representatives
of capitalism have introduced all these social dis-
harmonies, he aims at their gradual, though not
violent, extinction. He would make the State sole
capitalist and chief creditor of the nation, and let the
public purse supply the means and ways for carrying
on the work necessary for the maintenance of the
community.
He distinguishes three stages in the historical
development of social arrangements. First comes
the era of authority, during which men are organised
by compulsion (slavery and feudalism); then comes
150
UTOPIAS.
4
the era of individualism, or personal liberty, the rule
of competition and free contract, where all are per-
mitted to do as they please, and the poor are allowed
to starve without let or hindrance; last of all comes
the period of fraternity and free combination among
the people, fostered by State intervention. The
binding power of authority was demolished by the
Revolution. The present state of laissez faire, laissez
aller, is a state of anarchy, during which an irregular
conflict of interests prevails, preventing all healthy
social cohesion, and leaving room for the unrestrained
license of egotism. The time has come, he thinks,
for the State to interpose to unite the isolated social
units, to create for them a common rallying-point,
to guide and protect them during the first effort of
conducting the business of life on the principles of
fraternal love.
To give effect to these ideas, Louis Blanc shows
the evils of competition on the condition of the
working-classes:
“What is competition as far as the labourers are
concerned? It is work put up to auction. An
employer wants a man. Three men present them-
selves, and are asked their terms. One demands
three francs a day, for he has a wife and children
to maintain. Another has a wife, but no children,
and will take two francs and a half. A third, who
THE "ORGANISATION OF LABOUR.” 151
has neither, is satisfied with two francs. He gets
the preference. What becomes of the other two?
They cannot starve or steal. Even the successful
competitor is not sure of his place. A fourth, more
powerful in endurance, able to do without food for
two days in the week, can offer work at a cheaper
rate still, and is accepted by the master. Who, then,
is so blind as not to see that under the empire of
unlimited competition wages must reach their lowest
ebb, as a matter of fact, without any exceptions?"
How is this to be remedied? Let Louis Blanc reply
in his own words: "We desire, then, that labour
should be so organised as to cause the suppression
of misery; not merely in order that the physical
sufferings of the people should be mitigated, but
also, and above all, that everyone should recover his
self-esteem; that excessive wretchedness should cease
to smother the noble aspirations of thought and the
enjoyment of a legitimate pride; that room might
be found for all in the dominions of education and
intelligence; that no one any longer should be en-
slaved and absorbed by watching a revolving wheel;
that no child should be transformed into a means of
augmenting the wages of a family.
We desire
that labour should be organised, that the soul of the
people
be no more crushed and corrupted.
"Government should
under the tyranny of events."
152
UTOPIAS.
raise a loan, which is to be applied to the erection of
social workshops in the most important branches of
national industry. During the first year after the
establishment of these workshops, the Government
should regulate the hierarchy of functions. After
the first year a change should be made. The work-
men, having had time to appreciate each other, and
all being, as we shall see, equally interested in the
success of the association, the ruling powers might
be allowed to be committed to those appointed by a
general election.
“An account is to be taken every year of the net
profit, and this is to be divided into three parts, one-
third to be distributed equally among all members;
another to be set apart for the old and infirm, and
for the mitigation of crises occurring in any of the
other branches, each branch being compelled to assist
the rest; the third portion is to be applied to the
purchase of new instruments of labour for those who
desire to join the association, so that it may be
extended indefinitely.
"Every member should be at liberty to dispose of
his wages as he chose, but the evident economy and
undoubted excellence of life in common would soon
convert the association of labour into a voluntary.
association of wants and pleasures.
Capitalists would be invited to join the asso-
((
THE 153
،،
ORGANISATION OF LABOUR."
3
•
ciation, and would receive interest on the principal
invested, which interest could be guaranteed to them
out of the budget; but they would share the profits
only in the character of labourers."
The social workshop once set going, Louis Blanc
hopefully suggests "it is not difficult to divine the
result. In every leading trade, that of machinery
for example, or that of cotton, silk, printing, there
could be a social workshop competing with a private
business. Would the contest be a long one? No;
because the social workshop would have over every
private business the advantage which results from
living in common, and from a mode of organisation
in which all workmen have an interest in quick and
excellent production."
It will be seen that according to these regulations,
everyone was to receive an equal share, irrespective
of their ability to work, contrary to our received
notions that everyone is to be rewarded according
to the use he makes of his capacities and talents.
Louis Blanc defines the social law of his improved.
society to be as follows: "Everyone to work according
to his capacity, and to receive the means of enjoyment
according to his requirements." "The day will come,”
he says, "when it will be recognised that he who has
received from God more strength and intelligence owes
more to his fellow-men in proportion. Then it will
Bor M
154
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be the duty of genius and its merit to prove its legiti-
mate supremacy, not by the magnitude of tribute it
levies on society, but by the grandeur of the service
\it renders to society. What must be aimed at by the
superiority of aptitudes is not so much the inequality of
rights as the inequality of duties.”
Such was Louis Blanc's scheme for the "organisa-
tion of labour." Whatever may be thought of it, we
cannot but respect the motive of its projector, and
admire the earnestness and eloquence of his appeals.
The workshops were duly established, but, as we
have already mentioned, were closed six months
after by the order of the newly-established autho-
rities. It is impossible to say what would have hap-
pened if a fair trial had been given to this new social
scheme. It is unfair to argue, as some have done,
that because the scheme was afterwards tried by one
or two small private establishments and failed, that,
therefore, failure must of necessity have attended the
Government scheme, with all the resources of a great
country at its disposal. We are inclined to believe
that the scheme in itself was highly impractical, but
we cannot help, at the same time, admiring the moral
heroism and the earnest enthusiasm of the man who,
with considerable forethought and moderation, pro-
posed a scheme which sought to strike out a safe
middle course between a thoroughgoing Communism
Moll
THE ..
ORGANISATION OF LABOUR." 155
and the faulty societary projects of his predecessors.
He had declared to the delegates of the Parisian
labourers the guiding principle of regenerated so-
ciety: “Labour according to aptitudes, remunera-
tion according to requirements." The terms of the
proposition show the practical difficulties of carrying
out such an ideal. If the rule, "liability to work
in proportion to labour capacity, and enjoyment in
proportion to requirements," be the rule of this new
society, who is to measure the capacities of each indi-
vidual, and to circumscribe his wants? What is to
prevent an excess of requirements over the powers of
production in the society itself? Everybody," it
has been well said, "has infinite desires, and this
innate desire for acquisition, this noble insatiableness
of man, which allows of no limits, is the very incentive
of all historical development." Hence the impossi-
bility of providing for all the needs of suffering,
groaning, and yet aspiring humanity by State regu-
lations.
((
Again, who is to guarantee the unswerving
wisdom of the officials appointed for this task, and
secure them against mismanagement? What is to
prevent this mutual assurance system, and the cer-
tainty of finding provision under all circumstances,
having the most deplorable effects in slackening
exertion and encouraging indifference as to results
156
UTOPIAS.
in the members of such a community, where all the
responsibility rests with the authorities? What, then,
will be the prospects of the new society? If force be
applied, it becomes a compulsory Communism without
a shadow of liberty; if not, then anarchy and a final
social dissolution threaten to follow. On these
grounds, then, we cannot regard Louis Blanc's pro-
posals otherwise than in the light of a federal Utopia,
which presupposes a moral standard and a moral
courage of self-denial among the members of his
society, such as we rarely meet with among the most.
elevated heroes of goodness and truth who have
adorned mankind.
The merit, however, of Louis Blanc's suggestions
consists in his foreshadowing a system of co-operation
on higher moral principles at a period of social decay.
He saw only the unrestrained propensities of egotis-
tical rapacity among the rich and degrading wretched-
ness among the poor. Society is shaken to its very
foundations owing to the too long application of a
subversive principle. Trades ruined and crying for
assistance; workshops in confusion; interests at war ;
workmen and masters divided by daily disputes;
undertakings suddenly stopped; State interference
loudly claimed by the proprietors of factories; State
protection invoked with anguish or anger by a host
of operatives driven to the last shift-such is the
،،
THE “ORGANISATION OF LABOUR.”
157
spectacle,” says Louis Blanc, in a document issued by
his Luxembourg Commission, "which has brought
to our notice the system of competition reduced to
the necessity of giving a formal account of its
miseries."
The statement may be somewhat rhetorical and
overcharged, still we can easily understand how san-
guine a theoriser, with the enthusiasm of humanity
kindling his zeal in the cause of his suffering fellow-
men, would rush to extremes in his endeavour to
adopt measures for their recovery. "Everything
impels, and is impelled, towards the principle of
association—the saving system, which will sooner or
later be blessed by those who now decry and calum-
niate it,” cries hopefully Louis Blanc, and this hope
may yet perhaps find its fulfilment in the distant
future. In the meantime the transition from com-
petition to co-operation cannot be effected as rapidly
and effectually as he imagined, whether with or
without State help.
But Louis Blanc deserves high consideration from
true friends of the people for the conception and
statement of an advanced moral principle, which must
form the basis of any possible higher state of civilised
society in the future; the duty of regarding the
common interests of all in preference to pure and
undisguised self-interest as the ruling spring of human
<<
158
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action. Desire to increase the happiness of others as
contrasted with the desire of self-gratification—this is
the standpoint which regards society as a family in
which all take an interest in the welfare of the several
members, especially in the case of those whose weak-
ness and infirmities require special sympathy. Not
"everyone for himself," but "looking also on the
things of others," is the principle of true Socialism.
And this is the standpoint of the true social reformer
who looks forward to a distant future, when, to use
the expression of an eminent scientist of the present
day: "Social duty will be raised to a higher level of
significance, and the deepening sense of social duty
will, it is to be hoped, lessen, if not obliterate, the
strifes and heartburnings which now beset and
disfigure our social life."*
* Professor Tyndall, in "The Fortnightly Review," November, 1877,
p. 617. So, too, Lange in his great work on the History of Materialism,
after pointing out the disastrous social effects of pure individualism,
egotism, and what he terms Ethical Materialism, says that in the present
the progress of society lies in the direction of a growing sense of
common duty as distinguished from the simple duty to oneself.".
Lange, "Geschichte des Materialismus,” vol. ii. p. 476.
CHAPTER X.
PROUDHON'S CRITICAL SOCIALISM.
THE following memorial was sent in by a youth of
humble means to the trustees of an exhibition in the
Academy of Besançon, in 1837: "Born and reared
among the working-classes, attached to them by
ties of affection, but chiefly by reason of common.
sufferings and hopes, it would be my greatest joy
if I were selected by the Academy to work per-
severingly, with the aid of philosophy and science,
with all the energies of will and intellect, to
bring about the physical, moral, and intellectual
improvement of those whom I am glad to call my
brothers and companions; to be able to spread
among them the seeds of a doctrine which I regard
as a moral law."
He received the exhibition, and three years later
endeavoured to carry into effect the promise thus
£
дбо
UTOPIAS.
given by publishing another memorial, written on
the theme proposed by the Academy, "On the
Economic and Moral Results of the Law of Equal
Division of Property among children produced
hitherto and likely to be produced in the future
of France," under the title, "What is property?"
And the startling answer to this question is this,
"Property is theft," an expression which, although
not as original as Proudhon imagined, came with
an air of originality upon the astonished world then,
and has since become the key-note of subsequent
socialistic utterances. "I have nothing else on earth
that I can call my own," remarks Proudhon, “except
this definition of property; but I consider it as pre-
cious as the millions of Rothschild, and I venture to
say that its discovery will be found to be the
most considerable event in the reign of Louis
Philippe."
:)
Nevertheless, Proudhon is neither a Socialist nor
a Communist; he is simply a sceptical economist.
Communism, according to him, is only a caricature of
property, the religion of despair. "Hence, away
from me!" he exclaims, "ye Communists, your
presence is my horror, and the sight of you is my
disgust!" Socialism fares no better; it has been
condemned long since by Plato and More in a single
word: "Utopia: nowhere, chimera."”. . . . He des-
PROUDHON'S CRITICAL SOCIALISM.
161
pises Fourier and Louis Blanc, and speaks of the
latter as colour-blind, both as to logic and political
economy-" an inconsistent doctrinaire."
Louis Blanc had eloquently dilated on the "Or-
ganisation of Labour;" Proudhon can see nothing
but startling contradictions in the practical applica-
tion of economic laws, which he regards as the
organisation of misery. He belongs to no political
party in particular, and prides himself on the name
of "Anarchist "—not because he loves anarchy, but
because he despises all existing social laws. The
enemy of every sect, the irreconcilable opponent of
every system, he may be regarded as the destructive.
genius of Socialism, who judges without mercy, and
condemns without pity every scheme advocated both
by the apologists and opponents of our present social
systems. He is the incarnate spirit of negative
criticism, whose chief aim is denial and destruction.
The study of social questions, which had inspired his
predecessors with pleasing hopes and noble aspirings
in the cause of humanity, lands Proudhon not in
Utopia, but in the dreary desert of social scepticism
and despair.
We feel in examining his writings that we have
reached the last stage of pre-scientific Socialism—the
era of decay in Utopian literature-the critical period.
Proudhon forms the connecting link between the old
M
162
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order and the new, between empirical and scientific
Socialism.
The nations of Europe had now undergone their
full course of primary education in the three "R's"
-the Revival of learning, the Reformation, and the
Revolution. They had now reached that state of
mental emancipation which comes with a riper age,
and with it comes the exercise of the critical faculty.
Now Socialism, always moving with the times, and
reflecting the advanced opinions of the age, had
reached the same stage of development. Campanella
and More, together with the Socialists of a later date,
were now on the point of being succeeded by the
classic writers on Socialism belonging to the German
school, the disciples of Hegel, and the critical philo-
sophy of that country.
Proudhon, whose metaphysical studies had brought
him into contact with the leading doctrines of this.
school of thought, thus serves as a connecting link
between France and Germany, the ancient and the
modern socialistic philosophy. True to his character
of analytical critic, he takes for his motto the device:
"Destruam et reedificabo." His aim is first to destroy
and then to reconstruct society. The power of
capital, and with it the props of society founded in
property, the spiritual and temporal powers in Church
and State, must be abolished. He is by no means as
PROUDHON'S CRITICAL SOCIALISM.
163
thoroughgoing in his reconstruction of the society of
the future; its foundation is laid on a very uncertain
basis, and its superstructure reared, if we may be
allowed to speak figuratively, in a misty atmosphere,
so that we cannot see clearly the outlines of his
social architecture through the haze of metaphysical
disquisition and obscuring clouds of logical contra-
diction. Justice, he maintains, is the first funda-
mental law of social philosophy, but justice demands
equality. Where there is private property there can
be no equality, therefore private property must be
abolished. "The man of property is a thief .
it is Cain who kills Abel ...
... a bandit, a brigand,
a pirate infesting land and sea, a vulture fixing
his eyes on the prey, holding himself ready to pounce
upon it and devour it," &c. &c.
Henceforth, with the abolition of private property
there are to be no more rents to be paid to exacting
landowners, no more interest to extortionate usurers;
the land and capital are to be free, and production
made easy and accessible to all. The workers of society
are to be put into possession of the necessary imple-
ments of labour gratuitously, but the drones are to be
extinguished, and the black mail levied by them on the
industrial portion of the community, by whose exer-
tions they exist, is to be levied no longer. But
although the proprietors are to be dispossessed,
1
M 2
164
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possession is not to be done away with altogether.
In fact, Proudhon "founded possession upon the ruins
of property." Everybody is to possess an equal share
in the soil and the instruments of labour, and is
to be allowed not only to enjoy the produce of his
own work himself, but also to bequeath it to his next
heir. Only the accumulation of property is forbidden.
Those who possess anything-and all will possess
something in this society of the future-only hold
their possession in trust, and not as absolute property.
He dwells with emphasis on the fact that real property
is not absolute, a fact brought out very prominently
by Mr. T. E. Cliffe Leslie, as affecting landed property
in this country, at the present moment-viz. that "the
land itself belongs by law to the State; the highest
interest in it which any subject can possess is a
tenure in fee under the Crown; nor can the Crown
either create a higher estate or absolve the existing
landowners of the condition of tenure."*
If we inquire how legalised possession and bequest
on the one hand, and equality on the other, are to be
reconciled, and all equitable arrangements in society
are to be accomplished, Proudhon replies pretty
* T. E. Cliffe Leslie, "Land Systems," p. 120, where this note is
added: "The first thing the student has to do is to get rid of the abso-
lute idea of ownership. Such an idea is quite unknown to the English
law. No man is in law the absolute owner of lands, he can only hold
an estate in them."— Williams on the Law of Real Property.
PROUDHON'S CRITICAL SOCIALISM. 165
much in the same style as Campanella. All economic
measures of this sort requiring final settlement are
referred to a section of the Academy of Sciences, or
the lawyers who, "henceforth disengaged from the
false principle of property, will describe new laws to
pacify the world." These learned men of the long
robe he accuses of desiring naught but "collecting
proprietary rubrics and legalising theft," in his own
day. It implies a strong faith in their ultimate con-
version to commit to them, conjointly with the afore-
said economic section of the Academy of Sciences,
the regulation of the laws of possession and the redis-
tribution of property which Campanella had entrusted
to the Grand Metaphysician and his court of assessors.
Again, if we ask how absolute equality can be main-
tained without any violation being done to natural
inclinations, and without any interference with the
freedom of will, he replies in the vague manner of
Fourier. After the universal cataclysm of the Revo-
lution, he says: "Order will reappear of its own accord
in the midst of ruins; interests will adjust themselves
to a proper equilibrium; and so social harmony will
be finally realised."
This is a by no means satisfactory solution of a
great practical difficulty. Proudhon, who could apply
most effectually the dialectical dissolvent of nega-
tive criticism to societies and systems generally, was
166
UTOPIAS.
not equally happy in formulating his own positive
proposals for regenerating the world. He boasted,
indeed, to have discovered a more powerful sign in
the heavens than the Cross of St. Constantine, and,
playfully noticing the similarity of the sign of the
cross with the mathematical plus sign, he re-
marks that this was to be eclipsed by the = (the
sign of equality), and that by this new sign he would
conquer all the social difficulties and economic con-
tradictions by which he saw himself confronted. But
his method was as visionary and vague as probably
was the miracle to which he thus ingeniously refers.
Of a similar unsubstantial character was the sug-
gestion for a public credit bank, which he invites the
capitalists to support, in order to save society.
Here loans are to be obtained without interest by
enterprising labourers to assist them in the produc-
tion of commodities, and so liberating them from
their utter dependency on the disposers of capital.
Here, too, as in the case of Robert Owen's “National
Labour Equitable Exchange," all exchanges of com-
modities were ultimately to be effected by means of
labour notes, so as to secure consumers and producers
against the present evils of a vacillating standard
of values and prices, and to eliminate gradually our
wasteful and dishonest modes of barter and exchange,
without cash payments and through the medium
PROUDHON'S CRITICAL SOCIALISM.
167
Thus the values
of wages, interest, and profit.
of commodities, no longer left to blind chances
or dishonest inclinations of interested parties, are to
be effected by authority. At the same time, in-
consistently enough, Proudhon objects to the State
monopoly of credit. Hence he wants this credit
bank to be maintained by voluntary subscription, so
that at last, by slow, gradual reduction of the rate of
discount, no interest will be charged at all. In this
manner he hopes to remove the evils of our present
credit system, which he regards as one of the most
obnoxious excrescences of capitalistic competition,
confirming and consolidating the iron rule of the
heartless plutocracy. The leadership of capital and
the impotence of the labourer, without means to pro-
duce for himself independently, are, in the opinion of
Proudhon, at the foot of all the distress among the
working-classes, and the cause of all the crying in-
equalities of society. The dissatisfaction engendered
thereby requires a constantly increasing budget to
cover the expenses of maintaining a strong body of
police, armies, and other public functionaries, to keep
the people in order. "The immense organisation
of heightening the prices of circulating commo-
dities in the shape of rent, fines, profit, discount,
deductions, commission, premium privileges, mono-
polies, is accompanied and supported by a staff of
168
UTOPIAS.
police, an army, criminal courts, and even church
establishments (a sort of spiritual police)—in a
word, the budget. The consequences are parasitical
excrescences, luxury, commercial anarchy, fraud,
inequality of fortunes, pauperism, vagabondism,
prostitution, theft, manslaughter, and murder; the
palliations of this system are public benevolence,
Christian love, and philanthropy."
-
Property thus secured and enjoyed at the ex-
pense of our less favoured brethren, in Proudhon's
estimation, is no better than theft.
At the same time he guards himself in using this
expression by the explanation that he does not
accuse individuals here and there as thieves, but the
whole system of society founded on property of
which both those who possess property and those
who do not are the unwilling victims. Whilst he
thus characterises "The man of property, who as
the exclusive master and absolute sovereign of any
instrument of production, claims to enjoy the product
of this instrument without himself using it," he also
says in another place, “Even I and my publisher are
thieves," as belonging to the class of speculators, or,
in other words, conforming to the prevailing rules
and customs of the commercial world. In answer to
this Blanqui, his friend and apologist, reminds him
that all the evils complained of may, indeed, arise
PROUDHON'S CRITICAL SOCIALISM.
169
from our system of conducting the world's business,
but that to avoid these evils we must reform, not
abolish, society; we must cure the disease, not kill
the patient.
Such moderate counsels, however, were rejected
by Proudhon. He wants another revolution, not a
partial reformation. By a union of the proletarians
and royalty he hopes to break the power of the
moneyed classes, the hated bourgeoisie; and in doing
so he anticipates Lassalle in advocating what is now
called the project of "State Socialism," a project
which at one time is said to have received the partial
approbation of Prince Bismarck.
The moving principle of the future society is not
to be, as now, egotism, but reciprocity. Further
development in social morality and religious senti-
ment will lead to the recognition of the Divine law,
"Love thy neighbour as thyself."
This is to be the guiding rule of any future per-
fect or happy society. "If we had always remained
true to this law of love, there would have been no
rich and poor, happiness and labour would go to-
gether, society would have continued perfect. It is
selfishness which destroys equality. Individualism
must be displaced by the association of mankind.
In a society where the law of reciprocity prevails,
the slavery machines will be abolished, the crises of

170
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•
commerce will be avoided, competition itself will
cease to be a curse, and monopoly even becomes a
security for all. The necessity of mutual exchanges
between one nation and another will establish a true
solidarity of mankind, together with political and
social equality. By means of a system of public
education, an equality of capabilities, as well as of
duties, will in course of time be developed, and so a
society will arise renovated in its conscious power of
justice, completeness, and virtue, and bearing within
itself the promise of peace for future generations."
The value of Proudhon's writings is twofold-negative
and positive.
His trenchant criticism of previous impracticable
schemes of social improvement cleared the air and
left room for a more sober consideration of social
problems among socialists themselves. Self-know-
ledge is the most powerful dissolvent of illusions,
and in the critical socialism of Proudhon we have
the first approach towards this yvwo reavròv of socialism.
This sobering effect of experience and self-criticism
may be traced in the rapid change which has come
over the minds of French socialists of the present
day, who are by no means liable any longer to be
allured by such dreams of social amelioration as were
indulged in by the contemporaries of Fourier and
Saint Simon. The subjects discussed and the speeches
PROUDHON'S CRITICAL SOCIALISM. 171
made at the Congress held early this year in Lyons,*
were of no wild or visionary order. They might
form subjects of consideration for the British Asso-
ciation and the Social Science Congress.
On the other hand the Socialist agitation of
Proudhon and his contemporaries, connected as it
was most intimately with the Revolution of 1848, has
not been without some important and even beneficent
positive results indirectly. The very fact of awaken-
ing terror and dismay among the propertied classes
of Europe led to the formation of many benevolent
institutions and societies which had for their object.
the removal of just causes of discontent among the
working-classes.
Thus under the paternal government of Napo-
leon III. the condition of the working-classes was
much improved, and the class-antagonism which had
produced three revolutions ended in a temporary
truce, so that both as to its internal as well as its
external relations that astute ruler could say of his
government, "The Empire is Peace."
In Germany the opposition to reactionary govern-
PAST THE
* The following were the subjects discussed on the occasion referred
to:-I. Woman's work; 2. Trades unions and co-operative societies;
3. Industrial crises, strikes, and lock-outs; 4. Education (including
technical); 5. Representation of workmen; 6. Insurance funds for the
sick and superannuated; 7. The relation of agriculture and manufac-
tures; 8. Vagrancy and vice in cities; 9. Boards of arbitration.
172
UTOPIAS.
J
ment and "functionarism" created a revolutionary
storm, and with it an earnest desire among the higher
classes to alleviate the condition of the poor by acts
of private and public philanthropy. The cry for
State-help was met by judicious encouragement of
self-help, and kind-hearted sympathy came to the
rescue of the struggling operatives, to save them from
the allurements of socialistic agitation. If Proudhon
had suggested, among other measures subversive of
society, the creation of a central bank, with public
credit, to assist the destitute operatives, Shultze
Delitzsch, in his efforts to found credit banks and
mutual credit societies, and in his noble-minded
efforts to encourage co-operation (to the successful
issues of which we hope to return on a future occa-
sion), sought to supply the same need by less
revolutionary but more practical means.
So, again, in England, the French social revo-
lution of 1848 not only gave a new direction to
Chartism, but also roused into action that earnest.
band of Christian Socialists, with Maurice and
Kingsley at their head, who, in their manly and
* "The Revolution of Feb. 24th, 1848, in France, followed by a
momentary triumph of Republican principles in that country, gave an
immediate and enormous impulse to the Chartist agitation in England,
and the more so because it occurred at a time when the working-classes
here were in a state of great suffering.”—Molesworth, “Hist. of Eng.,
vol. ii. p. 294.
">
,
173
PROUDHON'S CRITICAL SOCIALISM.
sympathetic manner of writing and speaking, sought to
awaken interest on the part of the toilers of society.
Thus, whilst contributing largely towards improving
their condition, they were also successful in teaching
them that Christianity is the true friend of the poor,
and that the ideas of equality, liberty, and fraternity
are in their legitimate bearings, by no means irrecon-
cilable with the teaching of the Christian Church.*
It is also owing to the exertions of these pioneers
that the public mind has been diverted into that
wholesome channel of legislative reform in favour
of the poor which is the just pride and glory of this
kingdom.
Such have been some of the indirect results of the
socialistic revolution of 1848. Revolutions, like
earthquakes, are productive of much mischief; not
only producing cataclysms in the country where they
occur, but also affecting distant lands wherever their
vibrations are felt. Still, they are not productive
only of unmixed evil; they have a purifying effect
on society, just as, after the earthquake, upon the
ruins of the shattered town a new Lisbon rose, more
beautiful and perfect in all its parts, built on a more
solid foundation. So, too, where consternation is
produced in distant parts by the vibrations of the
* See prefatory memoir by Thomas Hughes in new edition of
"Alton Locke," p. xxxiii. and passim.
174
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social earthquake, which cause the pillars of society
to shake, there, too, the same causes produce caution
and a very careful re-examination of the imperfect
foundation. Evil, disastrous, as were some of the
results of these three great revolutions and their
socialistic accompaniments which we have now con-
sidered in order, they have also produced great and
lasting effects for good, which may be productive of
still greater benefits in the future. The nations of
Europe have been taught that the foundations of
social systems are not as secure as some would lead
us to suppose; rulers have been warned to watch the
signs of the times, and to think not only of repairing
the walls, but, if needs be, to look to the foundation
of the social edifice, with a view to strengthen and
improve the society of the future.
CHAPTER XI.
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM.
IN the last chapter we prepared the reader's mind to
bid farewell to Arcadia and the fair scenes of
Romantic Socialism, and to ascend with us the bleak
heights of more rigorously scientific schemes of social
improvement. But before we finally arrive "on the
heights," we shall, in ascending, not be without some
fair glimpses of Utopian landscapes, led as we are by
so genial a guide as Ferdinand Lassalle.
Lassalle, his immediate connection with abstract
Socialism on the one hand, and his work as a con-
troversialist, agitator, and the leader of the Social
Democracy in Germany on the other, will form the
subject-matter of this and the next chapter, whilst
Karl Marx and the International will form the
concluding subject of this volume.
Properly speaking, the real intellectual leader of
this movement was Rodbertus, a ripe scholar, a
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UTOPIAS.
country gentleman, a member of the National As-
sembly in 1848, and as such, the leader of the Left
Wing-the Constitutional Opposition-who enjoyed
the honour of being Prussian Minister just for one
day and then retired into the solitude of private life
to pursue his economic studies.
In the region of pure speculation he is one of the
foremost among scientific socialists in Germany.
Following the strictly abstract modes of the English
economists, cordially accepting their theory that
labour is the sole source of economic values or valu-
able commodities, he, though himself a Conservative
in social politics, and an opponent to revolutionary
measures, led the way unintentionally to the extreme
denunciations of capital, and the extravagant claims
for labour which lie at the foundation of all recent
socialistic schemes. A believer in social evolution,
Rodbertus anticipates a slow transformation of our
present economic condition, similar to the change
which took place in the political institutions of Europe
in the transition from the modes of government
prevalent under the Roman Empire to those under-
the Christian-Germanic constitution. He deprecates
any design of interfering with property in the exist-
ing process of industry by means of money-wages.
At the same time he wished to bring about a more
satisfactory relationship between labour and capital,
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM.
177
1
to raise the character and conditions of the workers
of society, and to diminish the gulf between employer
and employed by legal and peaceable means. He
shows that what is called the free contract between
employer and employed differs little from slavery, as
far as the labourers are concerned, since the scourge
of prospective hunger is as much an incentive to
labour among ourselves as the whip of the slave-
driver elsewhere. He directs attention to the evils
of unequal distribution of property in rendering the
poor permanently helpless in the endeavour to com-
pete with the rich for a proper share in the distribution
of wealth. He shows how, according to existing
relations between them, there is a constant and
enormous increase of wealth among a small number
of enterprising capitalists and landed proprietors,
whereas the condition of the masses remains com-
paratively unimproved.
The various socialistic schemes to remedy this
state of things are, in his opinion, so many empirical
attempts to reconcile the irreconcilable, or half-mea-
sures to cure social evils which ought rather to be
prevented by legislation. He sees in the gradual
introduction of rational laws to restrict the undue
growth of capital in a few hands, and to impede the
further progress of abject pauperism among the
masses, the only means for counteracting that cruel
N
178
UTOPIAS.
law of nature according to which the strongest alone
survive in the struggle for existence, whereas the rest
perish, or are condemned to life-long misery and
despair. For by the admission of the whole orthodox
school of economy the average rate of wages, owing
to this competition struggle and constant increase of
the labouring classes in the case of any considerable
rise in the price of labour, rarely rises above the
minimum required for maintaining life and securing
the necessary services of the labourer. In the same
way, he remarks, beasts of burden receive a certain
indispensable quantity of fodder, and machines re-
ceive fuel and attention to keep them in proper
working order. Now this state of things, he main-
tains, can only be remedied if the State will under-
take the regulation of prices and the fixing of a
normal day of labour, and by fair legislation, generally,
bring about a more equalised diffusion of property
among all classes of society.
In this way, he hopes, the future social constitution
of peoples will be as superior to the present as ours is
compared with the slave-systems of antiquity. It
would be out of place here to enter at large into the
thirty-four abstruse reasons given by Rodbertus in
support of these suggestions, or to define more
scientifically his method of social reform to prevent a
social revolution. What we have stated in general
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM.
179
♥
terms will explain how far Lassalle, the practical
founder of Modern Socialism, and even K. Marx, the
theoretical guide of abstract Radicalism, are indebted
to this comparatively unknown but most original ex-
ponent of Scientific Socialism. Moreover, it was
important to show the transition from Proudhon's
Critical and Negative Socialism to that of the critical
but positive school of Modern Socialism in Germany
Proudhon, as we have shown in the last paper, is the
analytically destructive critic of pre-scientific Utopias.
Rodbertus, on the other hand, may be called the
synthetically constructive propounder of modern
scientific schemes of social improvement, the one.
standing with his face turned back despairingly on
the past, the other with his keen glance looking
forward hopefully to the future, represent the Utopias
of the past and the present respectively, the one
closing the old, the other opening the new era of
socialistic speculation.
Lassalle is intimately connected with Rodbertus.
A portion of their correspondence has been published,
and from it we learn how anxious Lassalle was to
obtain the support of an economist so respected, and
with whom he sympathised so strongly in theory,
though Rodbertus was diametrically opposed to
Lassalle's impetuous modes of carrying this theory
into practice.
N 2
180
UTOPIAS.
Both believed in the doctrine of social evolution,
both aimed at the same thing in social politics, both
deplored the same social abuses; but whereas
Rodbertus was for waiting on events, and making
use of constitutional means to influence the legisla-
ture, Lassalle, more eager to obtain immediate
results, was in favour of active agitation. Though
a believer in the historical development of social
and political institutions, Lassalle, as a good
Hegelian, also believed in the dialectical processes, the
conflicts between "arrested and progressive develop-
ment," as necessary to bring about such changes, nor
does he share Rodbertus's dread of revolutions. In
fact, he regards revolution in quite a different light.
He maintains that any great changes, with or with-
out violence, deserve the name of revolution. Thus
he considers the rise of modern industry consequent
upon the discovery of machinery for the manufacture
of Cotton in 1775 as a “gigantic revolution." On the
other hand, he does not regard the rising of the
German peasants during the reformatory period as
a revolutionary movement in this sense, simply
because it remained without effect in improving the
condition of the malcontents. In fact, he measures
revolutions by the results they produce, and using
the word "revolution" in this sense, he calls himself
a “revolutionist by nature." As such he does not
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM. 181
hesitate for a moment either to call in the aid of the
State to bring about a "thorough reformation" by
main force, or to head the democracy as a means to
set the slow State machine a-going in this direction.
He appeals to, and expects great results from,
popular support. Already he hears at a distance the
subdued tread of marching labour-battalions, who are
to save the national honour, and utters the battle-cry,
“Save! save! save yourself from bondage of the
present modes of production which unhumanised you,
converting you into mere purchasable commodities!"
Universal suffrage is to be the great means for
effecting this purpose; the political power of the
labourers is to emancipate them from social bondage.
"Already," he exclaims, "the lightning trembles in
the sky-it is the advent of direct universal suffrage!
One way or another it will descend with a sudden
flash! Arm yourself with this lightning power!
Save yourselves and save Germany." Thus Lassalle
becomes the founder of Modern German Socialism as
an important factor in German politics, "its father
and hero, the impersonation of all its characteristics."
Now to understand thoroughly Lassalle's plan for
socialistic reconstruction, it is important to have a
right insight into the character of this remarkable
man, whom the poet Heine calls his "dearest and
most valued friend," his "brother-in-arms," whom
182
UTOPIAS.
Alexander von Humboldt calls a (6 marvellous child,"
who made at one time a most brilliant figure in the
best society in Berlin, and yet was the idol of the
working-classes, among whom, since his death, he
has become the object of almost religious venera-
tion. He was a man of rare qualities, combining
in his person the most opposite characteristics. He
was, at the same time, a profound scholar and
a persuasive popular orator; gifted with delicate
and incisive logical discernment, he was, neverthe-
less, successful as a teacher of the common people;
a refined man of culture, he yet maintained credit-
ably the position as the chosen spokesman of
Democracy; a wealthy man of the world and a lover
of pleasure and luxurious ease, fond of the elegancies
of life and the resources of a fashionable gentleman,*
""
* "His rooms were hung with costly tapestry; there were divans
covered with the richest silk, on which he and his friends sat and
smoked haschisch; his reception-room was ornamented with heavy
velvet curtains, luxurious furniture, and a multitude of mirrors, bronzes,
and large Japanese and Chinese vases. Professor Brandes remarks:
"He was an Alcibiades, both in love of enjoyment and capacity, able
to adapt himself to all surroundings, perfectly at home with men of
science and men of the Revolution, in prison and the ball-room, who
'in his youth entered the dungeon as indifferently as others go to a
ball;' he was a Roman in force of will, power of activity, political
penetration and talent, born to conquer and to organise."
Some of his opponents see in this love of ease and enjoyment a sign
of Lassalle's inconsistency. He was, however, quite consistent in all
this; for what he demanded was a wide, limitless self-indulgence in the
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM.
183
yet indefatigable in laborious research, subjecting
himself to constant, self-denying work for the
promotion of the cause he had taken in hand; a
"tribune of the people in aristocratic garb," ready
to die a martyr's death for the people's cause;
regardless of all moral and religious convention-
alities, yet religiously, and with all the moral
force of a strong nature, pursuing his self-imposed
mission of social regeneration-he comes before us
as a man of great faults and great virtues, but a
whole man, thorough in all he did, vigorous in
framing resolutions, competent in action, courageous
and persevering to the end-an agitator of no mean
order.
The son of wealthy Jewish parents, gifted with a
considerable private fortune, he cannot be accused of
the lower motives of self-advancement in becoming
a popular agitator, and in opposing and ridiculing
throughout his writings that aristocratic section of
the bourgeoisie to which he belonged.
He came for the first time prominently before the
public at the age of twenty-three. Shortly after
direction of refined enjoyment for all. Having a large fortune of his
own, he was bent on having his will in such things. He is never weary
in denouncing the readiness to endure privation on the part of the
working-classes as the chief obstacle to their improvement and general
progress.
J
184
UTOPIAS.
1
leaving college he began to take a prominent share
in the German Democratic movement of 1848. He
joined the Socialist party in the Rhineland, who
shared the hopes and aspirations of the French
socialists of the same period, described in a previous
chapter. Lassalle was arrested on the charge of
having "excited the citizens to arm themselves
against the royal power, and sought to provoke
civil war," and, after six months' imprisonment, was
brought to trial in 1849. His own defence on that
trial was a masterpiece of forensic skill, it raised his
fame for the first time in Germany, and endeared him
in the hearts of working-classes about the Rhine.
He was condemned to prison, and protested against
attempts made by his sister and Alexander von
Humboldt to obtain a royal pardon. During this
short revolutionary episode he had appealed in vain
to the old democratic spirit of the bourgeoisie, and
had failed in bringing about a union between them
and the working-men. This was the beginning of
the breach between him and the party of progress,
which reached its culmination when, fourteen years.
later, the irresolute conduct and dilatory measures
of that party, in their struggle with a reactionary
Government, convinced Lassalle that he could not
use them for his purpose. Henceforth he turned
his face against them, and cast in his lot with the
working-classes-the fourth estate, as he called them,
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM. 185
whose destiny, he said, it was to exercise the greatest
influence in the State after the Revolution of 1848,
as the third estate had done after the Revolution of
1789. The main differences between the third and
fourth estate he described in something like the
following terms:
The moral idea of the bourgeoisie (i.e. the third estate), is
that of simply guaranteeing to each the unhindered activity of
his forces; it would limit the ends of government to the pro-
tection of personal property. But this is a mere “night-watch-
man's idea," from which it would follow that, if there were no
more robbers and thieves, the State itself would be superfluous.
In the fourth estate the object of government is, by solidarity of
interests, to unfold and progressively develop man's being into
the full possession of freedom. A State which should embrace
this principle could produce an upsoaring of the intellect, a sum
of happiness, cultivation, well-being, freedom, beside which the
most celebrated periods of earlier times should be but as a
fading shadow-picture.*
This was said in 1862, in a lecture delivered before
the Artisans' Society of the Oranienburg suburb of
Berlin, "On the Special Connection of the Present
Historical Period with the Idea of the Working
Classes as a Fourth Estate," and may be regarded
as the first manifesto of Lassalle in putting himself
at the head of the labour-battalions. But during the
period of his imprisonment in 1848, up to this date,
Lassalle had been living in comparative retirement,
or engaged in matters of litigation affecting the
* See an article on Lassalle, by J. M. Ludlow, in "The Fortnightly
Review," No. XXVIII. (New Series).
$86
UTOPIAS.
Countess of Hatzfeld, with which we are not here
concerned. About the same time he was occupied
with two important philosophical works which, while
they placed him in the first rank of authors, opened
to him, also, the world of learning and of fashion in
Berlin.*
These works show by their depth and width of
learning that Lassalle was not merely an agitator,
but also an accurate thinker and a painstaking student,
and that but for his impatient temperament he might
have lived a life of learned ease, and gained for
himself influence and renown by his writings, without
incurring the many dangers, sorrows, and disappoint-
ments which follow in the wake of active agitation.
* The first of these, on the "Philosophy of Heracleitus the Dark,"
begun in 1846, and finished in 1855, though written with no intention
of making socialistic propaganda, contains some ideas on the con-
juncture of events interfering with individual responsibility, and making
human beings the victims of circumstance, which afterwards are used
by Lassalle as an argument in favour of State help and the protection of
the individual by society in his programme of socialistic agitation.
The second book, which ranks among the best and most original
works on legal science, "The System of Acquired Rights-a Recon-
ciliation of Positive Law with the Philosophy of Law," which appeared
in 1861, is also free from any intentional allusions to socialistic doctrines
-which shows remarkable self-restraint and scientific self-discipline in
so sanguine a social reformer as Lassalle-contains, nevertheless, ideas
on the rights of property and bequest which are of a very revolutionary
character. For therein Lassalle maintains, and shows the reasonable-
ness of, the assertion that society can at any given moment change or
reverse the intention of bequests, in order to bring about a totally
different and more equitable distribution of property.
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM.
187
He determined, however, to become a "social Luther,"
a "bringer of light, daring and reckless like Lucifer
himself, a torch-bearer;" not unwilling thus to throw
a favourable light upon his own personal perform-
ances, nor unprepared, if need be, to produce by his
torch of truth a mighty conflagration. With a keen
perception of the spiritual conflict, and in full sym-
pathy with the social and intellectual movement of
the Reformation, he enters upon his agitatorial career
with those words adapted from Luther: "Here I stand;
I cannot do otherwise; God help me; Amen! Even
if it lead to my moral death-aye, even if I be literally
torn to pieces-I cannot act otherwise. An agitation
of labourers exists; they must have theoretical know-
ledge, they must have a watchword given them.
They shall have it, even if it cost the head." In
publishing his first agitatorial manifesto he compares
it with the affixing of Luther's theses at the church of
Wittenberg. So, too, in the only poetical work he
wrote, the drama of "Franz von Sickingen," he
describes not only the struggles of the Reformation,
but makes it, also, the exponent of his own reforma-
tory ideals, as well as the index of his plans and
purposes as a social reformer. But Lassalle was not
only a reformer, but also a revolutionist, "a breaker-
down of walls." He felt within himself the "glowing
soul" that was full of unsparing passion, ready to
3
188
UTOPIAS.
boil over in unrestrained violence. Thus he says of
himself, in a series of interesting letters to a young
Russian lady to whom he was warmly attached, and
which contains, so to speak, the confessions of Fer-
dinand Lassalle, “I have been a revolutionary spirit
out of the school of Robespierre." He might have
added, if he had been a reader of the "Epic of
Hades," that he was full
Of grief and anger, grown to fierce revolt,
And hatred of the invisible force which holds
The issue of men's lives, and binds us fast
Within the net of fate.
In Lassalle, then, we must be prepared to find
some of the virtues of great reformers as well as some
of the vices of great revolutionists. Remembering
this, we may now turn from a consideration of his
character to his teaching. This may be gathered,
first, from his critical view of past and present society,
showing the historical deterioration of the working-
man's condition up to the present day, and the
positive projects put forward by Lassalle to remove
their grievances; and, secondly, from his contro-
versial writings and speeches generally as affecting
the received theories of the political economists of
the orthodox or so-called Manchester school, and
having for their object to prove the impotence of self-
help, or co-operation aided by private benevolence,
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM. 189
whilst defending his own counter-proposal of State-
help in aid of voluntary productive associations of the
labouring people. We shall confine ourselves here to
the first, and reserve an exposition of the second for
the next chapter.
According to Lassalle's view of the historical
development of society, the labouring classes among
the nations of antiquity, and during mediæval times,
were in a far better position than those of our own
day, who are free in name, but actually bound, hand
and foot, to the employer who has the capital and
instruments of production in his own power, without
being necessarily concerned about the welfare of the
hands he employs. The ancient helots and slaves
were attached to the family of the owner, or treated
at least as human beings and not as parts of a
material machinery-as impersonal units in the divi-
sion of labour. The condition of the Roman prole-
tarian was by no means so hopelessly wretched as
that of the modern wages-labourer, although it grew
worse with the gradual advance of the "destructive
invasion" of capital. During the Middle Ages, if
serfdom and unfreedom prevailed, there still existed
a human relationship between the lord of the soil and
his subordinates. Services were exacted harshly and
unjustly at times, but there was at least security of
the needful supplies for the maintenance of life and a
190
UTOPIAS.
certain constancy and stability in human affairs and
relations. There was poverty, but none of the present
uncertainty of daily bread. In short, the solidarity
of interest in the ancient and medieval communities.
preserved the workers from the effects of contin-
gencies, crises, and commercial emergencies which
result from our modern industrial system. The French
Revolution, in dissolving this solidarity of interests,
and in emancipating man from all feudal bondage,
removed also the former responsibilities of employers
towards the employed. In establishing individual
liberty, it put an end to the binding relationship
between man and man, and threw the labourer, “skin
and bones, upon the market." It established the prin-
ciple of free contract and free competition, and where
these prevail the happiness or misery of the individual
workmen depends on the successful speculation of
the capitalists; all depends on the state of the world's
market. That unsettles the position of those who
are in the place of wages-labourers, who have to
produce marketable commodities. Some of the
capitalists it enables to make large fortunes, others
it condemns to incalculable losses, which expose
again the labourer to probable poverty and possible
distress. For example, if nowadays the crops of
raisins in Corinth or Smyrna, or the wheat harvest in
the Mississippi Valley or the Danubian Principalities,
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM. 191
turn out well, the dealers in raisins residing at the
great towns of Europe, as well as the corndealers who
have bought and stored up large quantities of grain
at former prices, will lose half the property by the
fall occasioned by these favourable harvests. If on
the contrary the harvest should turn out badly, the
labourers during that year lose half or more of their
wages, not by receiving less in money, but in being
able to buy only half the amount of victuals which
was bought formerly for the same price. Again,
should it so happen that the cotton supplies from the
Southern States of America were stopped suddenly
from dearth or any other cause, then the labourers
in England, France, and Germany, engaged in
manufactures which depend on this supply, are left
without occupation, and consequently without bread.
But suppose, instead of a cotton famine in America
there is a crisis affecting either the money market or
industrial produce—say a glut in the market of foreign
goods, which have been sent there by various mer-
chants from different quarters, all arriving at the same
time in enormous quantities. The natural conse-
quence of this will be a general sale by auction of these
goods, perhaps under the cost price, and by this the
European manufactures of silk and velvet are stopped
for a time owing to the want of new orders. Newly
discovered gold or silver mines in distant parts of the
192
UTOPIAS.
world, with the prospect of abundant yield, change
the nature of contracts by a consequent depreciation
of the precious metals. They enrich the debtors and
impoverish the creditors all over Europe; whilst a
heightened and constant demand for silver in China
and Japan will have the opposite effect. Every new
mechanical invention which cheapens the production
of any commodity depreciates the value of a mass of
commodities of the same kind which has been pre-
viously stored up, and does more or less injury to
those engaged hitherto in such production. Not even
a new line of railway can be laid down anywhere
without increasing the value of land, houses, and com-
merce in its immediate neighbourhood, and depre-
ciating to the same extent land, houses, and com-
merce situated in an opposite direction, which has not
the advantages of proximity to a railway line.
These and similar examples are adduced to prove
how a conjuncture of circumstances and a combina-
tion of events operating in the world of commerce
bring about economic results with which individual
acts have little or nothing to do, but are rather
governed and determined by them. "You may over-
look this fact," says Lassalle, "but you cannot remove
it. There it is avenging itself on those who will
not apprehend it as a power of nature, a fate, playing
at balls with the supposed liberty of individuals.
•
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM. 193
Some are hoisted up into the lap of fortune, others
are hurled down into the abyss of poverty. Human
beings are the balls in the hands of accident; but
where accident prevails, individual liberty is crushed
and responsibility and accountability do no longer
exist. Yes," he says, "social relations, with their
connecting links and interdependent conditions, are
the orphic chain of which the ancient poets sang,
as indissolubly binding and connecting everything.
And strangely enough, and not without a deep signi-
ficance and a certain humour, this old orphic chain
has still its old names among our modern mercantile
This chain of social intercommunication, this
chain which links together all known and all unknown
circumstances, is called in our modern commercial
world conjuncture, and the supernatural, metaphysical
endeavours to solve the riddle as to the results of
these unknowable circumstances are known under the
name of speculation."
men.
And in all this the labourer is the main sufferer,
since the capitalist has at least something to fall
back upon; but the labourer has neither capital to
consume, nor credit to borrow; his back is "the green
gambling-table on which speculators and enterprising
capitalists play their hazard game at production in
the ordinary commercial transactions of the day.
The back of the labourer is the green table on which
O
194
UTOPIAS.
they cash their heaps of gold if the roulette gives
them a fortunate turn, and on which they throw away
their last chance in case of reverses, hoping to make
up their losses on the next best occasion.”
This he calls the irreversible fate which overlooms
our present industrial world, and makes the labourers
victims of circumstances over which they have no
control. Hence the responsibility of society, as
represented by the State, to come to the rescue of
those of its members who are thus left to the mercy
of pure chance, and whom it would be cruel to invite
to help themselves. Hence the call for State aid in
forming associations of labour which shall spread
their ramifications throughout all industries, and by a
system of statistical observation of the rise and fall in
prices, and reviewing fluctuations of supply and de-
mand, to guard against the evils of over-production
and the baneful results of wild speculation ending in
commercial crises and spreading ruin and distress
among the people. The associations thus to be
formed “should begin in those branches of industry
which are best fitted for the purpose, through the
greater number of workmen employed, and in those
districts and localities which, through the nature of
their industrious activity, the thickness of their popu-
lation, and its predisposition towards association,
seem also the most suitable. As soon as a sufficient
LASSALLE AND GERMAN SOCIALISM. 195
number of such associations are in existence, they
will make it easier to associate all other branches of
industry and localities, since all State-helped asso-
ciations would naturally enter into a mutual credit
union, as well as into an insurance union, against
occasional losses. The State would be in no wise the
dictator, but could only have the establishment and
approval of the rules, and a sufficient control of
the business to secure its interests. Every week the
customary wages of the trade and locality would be
paid to the workers, and at the end of the year the
profits shared amongst them."
This reorganisation of society he deems to be
necessary because our present modes of conducting
and distributing wealth amount to no less than social
anarchy. Under a semblance of free individual pro-
duction a distribution of property prevails which
is determined entirely by external and unsettled
relations of society, the leadership of capital, the
competition, struggle, and the conjunction of incal-
culable events. "At this moment," he says, “there
reigns an anarchical Socialism" in which all the
benefits accrue to a few who possess property, and all
the evil results fall upon the many who have none.
This state of things can only be mended by reuniting
the scattered units of labourers, helpless in their
disunion, and forming them into concrete bodies.
$
0 2
196
UTOPIAS.
Thus we may save society from ruin and procure
the happiness of all the individual members of which
it is composed.
This, then, is the conclusion of Lassalle's historical
view of society: "The whole world of antiquity and
the Middle Ages sought human solidarity or com-
munion of interests in serfdom and subjection. The
French Revolution of 1789, and the historical period
governed by its principles, sought liberty in loosening
all solidarity and community of interests, although
liberty without the latter becomes licence. The aim
of modern days, which dates from 1848, seeks
solidarity in freedom." *
Hence the necessity of free combination by organ-
ising the labourers and establishing solidarity by
means of rallying round a common standard; hence
the necessity of drawing up the rank and file of the
fourth estate. As the third estate delivered society
from feudal bondage, so it is the mission of the
fourth estate to rescue it from the thraldom of capital
and the enslaving power of irresponsible speculation.

* It is remarkable that, in a speech delivered in May last, M. Emile
de Laveleye spoke in almost identical terms of social development in
connection with the rise of the democracy and modern social politics.
S
CHAPTER XII.
LASSALLE AND THE GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY.
IN confronting, as we saw in the last chapter, the
propertied and non-propertied classes, Lassalle de-
clared war, so to speak, between the third and fourth
estates, and thus placed himself at the head of the
social democracy, arrayed against the existing order
of society. Now began the era of controversy and
agitation, during which he sets himself to defend his
social theories, to justify his position, and to fortify
his vantage-ground as the leader of the working-
classes.
The immediate and external cause of this was
the split which occurred in the industrial union of
labourers at Leipzig, into two factions, those who
sympathised with, and those who were opposed to,
the scheme of co-operative reform advocated by
Schulze Delitzsch. A central committee was ap-
pointed to convoke a general congress of German
1
198
UTOPIAS.
labourers at Leipzig, and to address Lassalle with a
view to obtain his opinion as to the best means of
improving the condition of the labourers, and as to
the general value of co-operation and association.
In answer to this, Lassalle still adopts a respectful
tone towards Schulze Delitzsch, "who," he says, "by
his indefatigable activity, though standing alone in a
season of the greatest commercial depression, never-
theless became the father of German co-operation,
and so has given an impulse to the cause of asso-
ciation, most important in its remoter consequences,
a merit which," he adds, "I for my part, though his
opponent, cannot help acknowledging, and in doing
so hold out the right hand of fellowship to him."
At the same time he endeavours to point out the
superiority of State-help in the formation of co-
operative societies, and expresses his full approval
of the scheme for forming "a general association of
labourers," a sort of "labour league," for the whole
of Germany on these principles. The league was
accordingly founded, and Lassalle became its first
president, with almost dictatorial powers. In this
way the representatives of State-help and self-help
were brought face to face. Lassalle, at the head of
the labour-league, and Schulze Delitzsch, the "king
of the Social world," as his adherents called him,
were brought in direct collision with each other.
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 199
Now the latter was a man justly esteemed for his
high, public spirit, his disinterested munificence, and
indefatigable labours on behalf of the lower middle-
class and the artisans generally, who have been vastly
benefited since by the establishment of credit-banks,
co-operative stores, and associations, for the purchase
of raw material, which had been called into existence
by him. Unfortunately he was induced by the party
of liberal economists, whom he represented, to write a
pamphlet under the title, "A Chapter from a German
Working Man's Catechism," in which he attacks the
main positions of Lassalle, and rather speaks slight-
ingly of the attainments of the latter, although both
in economic knowledge and literary ability he was
the inferior of his opponent by a long way. Lassalle
confronts his adversary with the conscious pride of
intellectual superiority: "I write every line I write,
armed with the whole culture of my century."
The work which contains his reply is still regarded
as the
socialistic canon" of the author, and has
become the catechism of the German Socialists as the
work of Karl Marx on "Capital" has become their
Bible. It is remarkable for the vigour of argumenta-
tive statement, trenchant sarcasm, and the prodigious
amount of learning compressed into the least possible
space, to render it popular for agitatorial purposes.
The book, it must be added, is remarkable also for
((
}
200
UTOPIAS.
A
the expression of very unpleasant and unbecoming
personalities which disfigure its pages.*
The question at issue between the two men was
simply this, Can the labourer raise himself by his own
unaided power under present circumstances or not?
Schulze Delitzsch, as the spokesman of the whole free-
trade party—i.e. the whole bourgeoisie of Germany—
replies in the affirmative. Lassalle, to prove the
fallacy of this position, develops the theory of what
he terms the "brazen law" of wages, resting for his
authority on Ricardo and the other representatives
of orthodox economy.
economy. From it he endeavours to
show that the rate of wages can never rise much
above the minimum amount required for daily
support according to the lowest standard of
life.
The brazen economic law, which, in the present
state of things, determines the rate of wages in
obedience to the laws of demand and supply, is this:
that the average rate of wages continues to be
reduced to the least amount necessary for main-
* Its title is "Herr Bastiat-Schulze von Delitzsch, der Ökonomische
Julian, oder Capital und Arbeit." Bastiat, whom Schulze frequently
quotes and misquotes, is the well-known economist of the laissez-faire
school. The allusion to "Julian" refers to another polemical produc-
tion of a purely literary character written against Julian Schmidt, the
author of a "History of German Literature."
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 201
taining life according to the customary requirements
of existence, and to secure the perpetuation of the
people. This is the point round which the real rate
of wages gravitates amid all the vibrations of the
pendulum on either side of it. It cannot rise above
it permanently, for in this case the easier existence of
the labourers, occasioned by improved circumstances,
would only promote more frequent marriages among,
and hence a further increase of, the population, and
with it an addition to the number of hands demanding
work, and so bringing down wages to their former
lower condition. Nor can the rate of wages fall
permanently far below the necessary requirements of
existence, for in that case emigration, enforced
celibacy, depopulation, and other causes of decrease
in the ranks of the labourers, arising from the reduced
condition, would diminish the number of hands, and
so raise wages to their former standard.
This is the inexorable law of nature of the
political economists which prevents the labourer from
ever raising himself from his present sunken position,
and condemns him to eternal dependence on his
employer or public benevolence. The proposals of
Schulze Delitzsch only touch the well-being of small
tradesmen in their unequal struggle with large capital,
a struggle which must end in defeat, and can only be
aggravated and prolonged by such efforts of partial
202
UTOPIAS.
>
co-operation, aided by private charity, without affect-
ing in the least the future of the labouring classes.
The fate of the latter remains the same whilst the
brazen law of wages prevails, and capital, like a
sponge, absorbs all the surplus produce remaining
over and above that which is necessary for the
maintenance of a labouring class. Nothing can
rescue them from their degrading condition but
putting them into a position of meeting capital on
equal terms, and removing the landmarks which now
separate employer and employed. In order to do
this there must be State-intervention in their favour,
and to secure this the labourers must first become a
strong political power in the State, since the ruling
classes, if left to themselves, will not feel inclined to
legislate contrary to their own interests or in favour
of removing any rights and privileges peculiar to
their order. Hence, again, the necessity of universal
suffrage.
Schulze Delitzsch had laid much stress on the
necessity of a more extensive productivity as the
only means of increasing the available commodities
of life, and so promoting a wider diffusion of neces-
saries and comforts among the less-favoured sections
of society. He held up co-operation as a means to
that end, and laid down self-help in contradiction to
State-help as his leading principle. Lassalle shows,
&
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 203
on the contrary, that heightened production only
enriches the employer, according to the brazen law
of wages, without improving the condition of the
labourers, that the assistance granted by Schulze
Delitzsch and others for the purposes of co-operátion
prove the inability of the labourer to help himself,
and that State-credit and the support of co-operative
societies by the State are the only available remedy,
because of the ample resources at the disposal of a
Government, and the possibility of thus making co-
operation universal. He shows that to require
labourers, in their present isolated position, without
means, influence, or credit, to help themselves, is the
same as to call out to a person laden with ten hun-
dredweight, who has fallen into the water, to swim ;
he points out that State-intervention by no means.
implied the utter absence of self-help, just as it is not
preventing a man to ascend a tower himself by giving
him a ladder or rope to aid him in his undertaking,
and just as it is not interfering with the process of
self-education by providing Government grants to
schools and establishing public libraries and other
means of culture by order of the State.
He again
refers to the frequent appeals to State-help made by
his opponents when the interests of the community
were at stake, as in the case of emigration-aids or
such votes as that of twenty millions in England
204
UTOPIAS.
for the abolition of slavery. Again, without State-
intervention, canals, streets, railways, telegraphs,
postal arrangements, and other public works and in-
stitutions, would not have been called into existence
nor brought to their present perfection.
As a matter of fact, he argues, the majority of the
population are without means; the State represents
the totality of the individuals composing it. “Why,
then," he demands of the labourers, "should not
your great association, the State, exercise its influence
in furthering and fructifying your small associations?”
It was objected by his opponents that this was
only reintroducing Louis Blanc's scheme; but Lassalle
demurs against this aspersion, and shows the in-
validity of the arguments against him drawn from
the failures of the Paris workshops. Again it was
objected that co-operation, under State-patronage,
such as Lassalle demanded, implied great risk. He
says, No! risk only is possible when there is com-
petition between the great capitalists. The State
has no inducement to enter upon a course of risky
speculation, it has every opportunity of guarding
itself against the dangers of over-production, and is
less dependent on the fluctuation of the world's
commerce and the vicissitudes of trade. Left to
himself, the labourer must succumb in the present
struggle; aided by the State, he can' meet his
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 205
adversaries on an equal footing. The imitation of
co-operative action, therefore, must come from the
State. "As the great battalions in war, so also the
huge masses of labourers on the one hand and the
great capitalists on the other must decide the victory
on the economic field of battle. Nothing is easier
than transforming free competition, which at pre-
sent crushes the labourer into an instrument for his
liberation. But in order to do this we must have large
battalions-i.e. complete organisation-of labourers.
This the State can effect as it places armies on the
battle-field; so, also, in economic warfare it must
do so by means of State-credit, to set in motion.
the labour-battalions and secure for them the
victory."
But Lassalle was not satisfied in merely defending
his own position. He was determined to carry the
war into the enemy's camp, and to lay bare with un-
sparing criticism the false assumptions and untenable
positions of the apologists for the present social
system. Thus, e.g. some of the old economists had
laid down in their text-books (and the assertion con-
tained a serious error which Schulze Delitzsch ought
not to have endorsed) that labour is the sole source
of all valuable productions. Lassalle fixes on this
admission, that all labour quanta taken together
comprise the wealth of nations, but at the same time
206
UTOPIAS.
he shows that the remuneration of labour forms the
least portion of it, and that all the rest flows into
the employers' pocket. From this he deduces the
theory that capital is nothing else but congealed
labour, the work of labourers of past generations
appropriated by the employers, and from this he
draws a conclusion similar to that of Proudhon as
to the nature of property. He does not assert,
indeed, that property is theft, but he maintains that
property is the acquired or appropriated possession
of others, and will ever remain so as long as the
employed is left to the mercy of the employer.
Thus, again, in answer to the assertion of econo-
mists that the economic process of the present day
is nothing else but simple barter and exchange of
services and commodities between man and man,
Lassalle endeavours to show the fallacy of this by
pointing out that all work is done to produce market-
able commodities, to create manufactures for sale,
and this entirely under the leadership of capital.
The labourer, so far from being a free agent, who
on equal terms exchanges his produce for other
means of consumption, has simply assigned to him a
place in the vast machinery as an instrument of
production, who is bound to work for so much a day,
like a slave without a slave's advantages. Thus he
loses his liberty of action and independence of cha-
T
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 207
racter without enjoying the privileges of the helots of
antiquity. Capital, once the instrument of labour,
becomes now his master, and makes him the subser-
vient instrument of production under its iron rule.
The responsible being, man, becomes the slave of
impersonal money. The productive power of creating
wealth now resides in the latter; the former is con-
demned to involuntary drudgery at the bidding of
the unconscious tyrant.
It would be tedious to follow Lassalle through
the whole labyrinth of such and similar controversies.
with his opponents, although it is not a little amusing
at times to notice the quickness of his movements,
the direct pointedness of his sarcasm, and the re-
markable felicity of his humorous illustrations in this
dialectical warfare. We must conclude this part of
the subject with one of the latter, where he ridicules.
the truly "Pecksniffian laudations" of abstinence.
bestowed by some political economists on those who
accumulate large capitals. This he ascribes to the
anxiety of the ordinary bourgeois Philistine to throw
a halo of moral sanction on the worship of Mammon,
and to reconcile the non-saving wages-labourers with
their wretched condition. To all such, who in their
firm belief in the "sacredness of the money bag"
call capital, with the consciousness of moral dignity,
the "reward of abstinence," Lassalle replies with all
208
UTOPIAS.
the fervour of his ferocious humour. "So, then,
capital is the reward of abstinence! Happy, in-
valuable word! European millionaires are ascetics,
Indian penitents, Stylites, standing with one leg on
the column with haggard countenance and out-
stretched arm, holding out the plate to receive from
the populace the reward of their self-abnegation. In
the midst of them all, and far surpassing the rest of
these sufferers, stands their chief, the house of
Rothschild."
→
The actual period of Lassalle's agitation com-
prises only two years, 1862-64; but friend and foe
alike confess that during this short interval he did
the work of ten years. He issued about twenty pub-
lications, some of which equal in contents and im-
portance works of large dimension. He conducted at
the same time a vast correspondence as the organ-
ising president of the newly-founded Association of
Labourers; he was complicated in a number of law-
suits, always pleading his own cause; he visited the
most important centres of commerce to address large
meetings of working-men, often having to fight his
way against opposition and organised obstruction ;
but he persevered to the end, regarding a great class
conflict unavoidable in the presence of the reactionary
spirit prevailing at the time among those in power
and the middle classes; he saw no other remedy but
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 209
to make an appeal to the masses of the people.
"Give me," he says,
"five hundred thousand German
labourers who will join my association, and our
reaction is no more!"
But he trusted not only to brute force, he aimed
much higher, and attempted to educate those whom
he led by teaching them their true position and duties
in society, and bringing the labourer within reach of
science. In his defence before the Berlin tribunal,
where he had been summoned to answer against
certain charges in connection with the publication
of the "Working Man's Programme," he pleads
thus:
"The alliance of science and the labourers, these
two opposite poles of society, when once they shall
have met and embraced each other, will crush all the
impediments of culture in their brazen arms. This is
the object for which I am determined to spend my
life as long as there is any breath in me."
And again, in addressing the labourers, he
says:
"The great honour of this historical vocation-
the future mission of the working-classes-must
absorb all the thoughts of the labourer. The crimes.
of an oppressed order of society, the indolent amuse-
ments of the thoughtless, even the harmless light-
heartedness of ordinary mortals, do not become you
P
210
UTOPIAS.
any longer. You are the rock on which the Church
of the present is to be built."
We have now given a sketch of the character,
opinions, and aims of this remarkable man.
It only
remains to note the results of his agitation, and so to
form a proximate estimate as to what will be the
verdict of history at some future date, when passions
have subsided, on his life and labours.
Lassalle was determined to make his labourers the
"sounding-board" for the utterance of his ideas.
As may be imagined, he found as much resistance as
resonance in the dull, heavy masses whose elevation
he attempted. At first he met with much lethargy
and indifference. Towards the close of his career the
difficulty of pacifying malcontents in his own ranks,
of reconciling their opposing interests, and composing
their mutual jealousies, often made his heart faint
and his hopes fail. When, three months after the
establishment of the Labourers' Association, only
one thousand had been enrolled, and the hundred
thousands of which Lassalle had dreamed were
exceedingly slow in coming forward, he began for a
moment to assume a desponding tone.
"These are,"
he writes to one of his friends, "for the present the
fruits of our labours! Is not this apathy of the
masses enough to make one despair, my dear Valteich
-such indifference towards a movement which is set
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 2II
in motion purely in their own interest, and with a
lavish expenditure of intellectual means of agitation ?
Amongst people like the French, these would already
have produced immense results. When will this dull
nation shake off at last their lethargy?" Valteich
recommends immediate dissolution of the association.
"Impossible!" replies Lassalle; "this would be a
shame for our nation and party. Only courage!"
In the midst of interminable legal persecutions,
in the face of innumerable disappointments, his
belief in his own mission never forsook him; he is
ready to suffer and die in the cause. "I am born,
as Heine said of me when nineteen years old, to die
like a gladiator with a smile on my lips," he says;
"it is unimportant whether I have to suffer more or
less in life. Let others be happy! In natures like
mine it is enough to go on struggling, to lose, one
by one, every drop of blood, to waste away one's
own heart, and yet to appear smiling while death
is gnawing away at one's inmost soul.”
But if there were these discouragements, there
was also cause for triumph towards the latter portion
of his career. Personal devotion, unbounded admira-
tion, and unconditional obedience were accorded to
him by the more intelligent labourers in the Rhine-
land, especially where he had been long known and
best understood. There he determined, in 1863, to
P 2
212
UTOPIAS.
hold a general review of his troops. He held mass
meetings, addressing three thousand in one place,
five thousand in another. When the meeting was
broken up on some pretext by the police, and Lassalle
resorted to the telegraph-station to claim protection.
from Berlin, ten thousand labourers accompanied him,
amid thundering hurrahs. In the spring of 1864, in
revisiting the same place to hold in person, for the
first and last time, the anniversary of the foundation
of the Labourers' Association, hundreds of labourers
received him at the stations, processions accompanied
him to his residence, which was adorned with wreaths
and bouquets of flowers, and presents were heaped
upon him from all quarters. In every town, and all
along his process from place to place, he was greeted
with serenadings, triumphal arches, inscriptions,
wreaths, and there were acclamations and popular
rejoicings without end. Old and young labourers
crowded around him to obtain a shake of his hand
or a glance from his eye. Sometimes twenty-five
decorated carriages followed him as a guard of
honour. Lassalle, elated by these successes, looking
back on the small beginnings of his agitation, and
comparing them with the present promising aspect of
affairs, brings his eloquent speech on this occasion to
a close in these words: "We have at last compelled
the labourers, the people generally, the learned—even
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 213
the bishops and the king-to recognise the truth of
our principles."
Still, even in this moment of triumph, Lassalle felt
the insecurity of his position, and saw dangers ahead
in the apathy of the masses and in the ill-will, envy,
and coarse violence of his opponents. These he all
foresaw, and with a deep consciousness of the gravity
of his position, the strength of the opposing forces
arrayed against him, and his own heavy responsibility
in consequence thereof, he expresses a presentiment
that he himself must fall a victim to the cause, and
hopes some one may arise to take it up in his place.
Soon after this he actually died, not a martyr's
death, but in a duel entirely of a private nature.
Nevertheless, his followers regarded it in a different
light and looked upon it as the fulfilment of this
prophecy. Thus ended prematurely the career of
one whom Heine had called the "Messiah of the
nineteenth century," and whose memory is still held
sacred among the working-classes of the present
day, although under successive leaders they have far
departed from the principles of their first master.
Those who felt most the lash of Lassalle's un-
sparing criticism, as well as some of those who
sympathise with him in the general tendencies of the
movement, but are misled by the misrepresenting of
some of his false friends who maligned him after his
G
·
214
UTOPIAS.
death, sneer at this "Lassallian worship of a godless
Messiah" without discovering, much less explaining,
its real cause. To account for it we must recollect
that a movement such as that of the social democracy
in Germany cannot be set in motion without the
existence of much latent discontent among the people.
No agitation, such as that of Lassalle, in the face of
many obstacles, is possible without strong popular
passion to support it. The ideas propounded by
Lassalle, indeed, fell flat at first on many of his un-
prepared hearers, but immediately after his death the
dormant passions of the multitude are let loose, the
slow moving masses are roused from a long stupor,
and the dim consciousness of a better hope assumes
form and shape, so that with one accord they
now declare that the great Socialist prophet has
given utterance to their long-felt grievances and long-
repressed aspirations. In a healthy condition. of
society the people form one conservative mass, justly
remarks a recent German writer* of moderate views
on this subject, and he looks upon the growth of the
social democracy as a sign of the contrary, and adds
that Lassalle's successes in organising class against
class, and employer against employed, could never
have been as successful if the foundation of this
-
* H. von Scheel in a very valuable contribution on the subject,
"Unsere Socialpolitischen Parteien," Leipzig, 1878. F. A. Brockhaus.
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 215
success had not been laid in the social condition of
the times.
A long era of legislative restrictions, the evil
results of what Mr. Laing, in his "Observations on
the Social and Political State of the European People
in 1848 and 1849," calls excessive functionarism, the
paternal rule of the State preventing the develop-
ment of self-government, irritating by its constant
interference with individual liberty, and misleading
the people in times of distress to look to the all-
powerful State for a remedy-these were some of
the proximate causes of discontent of the people.
which induced them to lend a willing ear to Socialist
agitators in presence of many evils resulting from
our modern industrial system, and still more aggra-
vated by a crushing military system. Hence, when
the French Revolution of 1848 sent a thrill of po-
pular commotion through Europe, Germany felt the
shock more than any other country. The revo-
lutionary spirit then aroused was repressed, but not
subdued, by the reactionary tactics of Governments;
it has received fresh aliment from the later con-
stitutional struggles in Prussia, and has been, more-
over, stimulated by the national aspirations which
followed the signal successes at Sadowa and Sedan.
Social disharmonies and social distress, which have
been the occasion of so many Utopian schemes else-
216
UTOPIAS.
where, have produced in Germany, where general
education and intellectual development naturally
produce higher social ideals, that semi-political and
semi-social movement which now threatens to be-
come a disturbing factor in the organisation of
society, and which conjures up from time to time
the spectre of a social revolution, in spite of the
protection afforded by bayonets and standing armies.
The rapid growth of this movement is remarkable.
Since the organisation of the Socialistic party by
Lassalle, the number of adherents has marvellously
increased, in spite of intestine dissensions, and the
comparative incapacity of some of its leaders. The
sum spent in agitation is over fifteen thousand pounds
per annum. The journals of the party have risen to
fifty in number, besides other minor publications. In
the last election but one, a tenth of all the votes in
the Germanic Empire were Socialistic, and twelve
Socialists were returned as members of the national
legislature,* an extraordinary result, to use the words
ま
​The Times, March 22nd, 1877.-The result of the last election in
the current year appears to be less favourable to the Socialists in reducing
the number from twelve to eight members. But this loss is amply
made up for by the formidable minorities recorded in their behalf in all
the larger and more industrial towns. And this is all the more remark-
able just now, when the attempts on the life of the emperor have
alienated the public, among the middle classes, at least, from Socialism,
and when all the available State influence has been brought to bear on
the elections.
·
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 217
of The Times correspondent, for a movement not
twenty years old; and we may add, also, a result
containing a solemn warning to those who are in the
habit of treating with contempt these Socialistic
schemes as undeserving of serious attention. Those
who will persist in smiling at these "dreams of
babies," and in ignoring the existence of social dis-
harmonies, which are as fuel to the flame of Socialistic
agitation, are the greatest enemies of social order,
crying peace, peace, where there is no peace. Yet
such are often the men who receive the attention and
undeserved gratitude of their fellow-citizens.
Thus, eg. a statue was erected the other day to
a man of great worth, but one whose erroneous
apologies of existing social arrangements have done
much to defer social reforms, and, consequently,
helped in stimulating the spirit of revolution.
F. Bastiat, whose statue was unveiled in April last
by M. Léon Say, had made it his object to show the
perfect “harmony in the self-constituted organisation
of free society, and never ceased to proclaim that its
laws, too, were natural, and were best fitted to pro-
mote our material welfare if the foolish wisdom of
half-taught men would allow them unfettered action.”
It is rather remarkable that almost within a
month of this public manifestation of agreement
with the principle here laid down, the world should
J
"
218
UTOPIAS.
be shocked by a double attempt on the life of the
Emperor of Germany by men deeply saturated with
Socialistic ideas, although acting without any autho-
rity, from, and afterwards solemnly discarded, by the
Socialist Associations. If the present resultant of
the acting forces in the "mechanism of industrial
society" were as satisfactory as Bastiat and others
would have them to be, the dangers from Socialistic
agitation could not be what they are. There would
be no need for special laws and repressive measures
against it, for it would disappear entirely in the
absence of real support in the minds and hearts of
the people.
It is the merit of Lassalle to have, if not exploded
entirely, at least considerably weakened, this theory
of social harmony. In trying to dispel the delusion
he may have overstated the truth in a contrary
direction, by drawing an overcharged gloomy picture
of our present society and presenting the shadowy
side of our social system in an exaggerated form.
Nevertheless, in doing so he arrested the attention of
the true friends of humanity, and paved the way
towards social reforms. If he magnified the existing
disorganisation of society, where individuals are but
too frequently victimised in the progress of the race,
if he described in too lurid colours the planless
struggle for the mastery, and the aimless hunt after
1
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 219
success, in which all join without concert and without
union, hustling and jostling against each other in the
interminable warfare of one against all and all against
one, and called this a state of social anarchy, he at
least showed the dire necessity of restoring a state of
things where these evils will be remedied, and the
sufferings of humanity will be lessened.
His own scheme is open to serious objection; the
fate of which he speaks as overhanging the present
commercial world, with all its contingencies, would
not be removed by resorting to the mode of produc-
tion he suggests by means of State authority.
The foresight of capitalistic speculation, guided
by self-interest, is a far better security against these
evils than the most vigilant observation of central
commissions appointed by the State which he recom-
mends. "The cold, inexorable fate of the ancients
introduced into our modern bourgeoisie," cannot be
exorcised by the wand of governmental Prosperos.
Social conjunctures affecting the condition of the
people cannot be decreed away by Act of Parliament.
Time and experience in the future, as in the past,
will suggest legislative measures and efforts of private
benevolence with a view to remove the evils resulting
from them by degrees and without revolutionary
changes.
Again, Lassalle's constant appeals to force, now
220
UTOPIAS.
turning to absolute monarchy, then again to demo-
cracy, to serve his purpose of improving the condition
of the labouring people, will find little sympathy in
a country like this, jealous of its liberties and averse
to State control.
His intolerant opposition to the well-meant efforts
of co-operation, to the utter exclusion almost of the
principle of self-help, are without excuse in one who
believed in social evolution, and who ought, there-
fore, to have looked upon such small beginnings as
the promise of a gradual spread of co-operative in-
stitutions in the distant future which he had in view.
His utterly ignoring St. Simon's great principle
to respect the religious factor in calculating with the
forces in society, and his disregard of the moral
impetus required for raising man, have borne bitter
fruit in the subsequent development of the move-
ment down to our own day in retarding, directly and
indirectly, the social improvement of the masses from
within and without. He thus encouraged the mate-
rialistic tendencies of his followers, who, in this
respect, however, only imitate what has been called
the "ethical materialism" of the higher classes, and
helped in withdrawing from it all moral and religious
enthusiasm, as well as the sympathy and support of
the religious world and men of culture.
On the other hand, the work of this German
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 221
O'Connor has not been without some good results.
He has done much in educating the operatives of
Germany in economic science, and impressing the
minds of the philanthropists and social reformers
with the conviction "that something must be done"
to bring about a more satisfactory relationship
between rich and poor-with a view to solve pending
social questions.* The steady, the very slow rise.
of wages, the possibility of which Lassalle erroneously
denied, may also be partly ascribed to the association
spirit and the legalised system of combination among
the workmen which his agitation called forth.
Lastly, though reckless in his agitation against
what he considered the abuses of the times, Lassalle
remaining strictly within the lines of nationalism, as
distinguished from the Internationalism of later days,
prepared the minds of the labourers for that loyal
support they afforded to the establishment of German
unity in the great national struggle of 1870-71, which
must ever be remembered in their favour.
If Lassalle erred in many respects he could plead
at least honesty of purpose, for he had nothing to
gain and much to lose in the part he played. “No
one," says a lady who knew him intimately, his faults
* Even Prince Bismarck, whose ccquettings with Lassalle are well
known, has made quite lately some suggestions as to State-help in the
formation of co-operative societies.
{
P
222
UTOPIAS.
as well as his virtues, "who heard him could doubt
the honesty of his convictions." Standing, as he says
he did throughout, “on the height of a volcano," we
must not wonder that his conduct is sometimes
uncertain and inconsistent; that he coquets at times
with the representatives of the autocracy, and
shows tender feelings towards leaders of Ultra-
montanism; that his letters to his intimates do not
always correspond to his utterances before mixed
assemblies. Such inconsistencies are peculiar to all
great popular leaders.
That a man with such giant powers should.
also have great faults is only what we expect.
That there was something of the grandeur of a
Cæsar, and a great deal of the spirit of a Catiline
in him, is acknowledged by one of his most friendly
biographers. It is the fate of such men to be over-
praised by friends and underrated by enemies.
But, as the same authority remarks in another place,
"the flood of time washes away the errors, humanity
inherits the rest.”
Lassalle died in his fortieth year. The inscription
over his tomb is from the pen of the great scholar
Böckh: "Here lies all that is mortal of Ferdinand
Lassalle, thinker, and man of war." From the lips
of well-instructed men, bitter enemies of the cause
which Lassalle espoused, the present writer, in a
LASSALLE AND GERMAN DEMOCRACY. 223
recent tour in Germany, has heard frequently words
of regret that Lassalle is no more, together with
the assurance that Socialism would never have sunk
so low and become such a dangerous power in the
State under the wise guidance of such a master-
mind as was that of Ferdinand Lassalle.
CHAPTER XIII.
KARL MARX AND THE LATEST SOCIALISTIC
THEORY.
KARL MARX is a star of first magnitude among the
constellations of modern Socialism, but, in some
respects, resembles Byron's "melancholy star :
""
Which shines, but warms not with its powerless rays;
A night-beam sorrow watcheth to behold,
Distinct, but distant—clear, but oh, how cold!
The warmth of enthusiasm which characterises
most social idealists is wanting in Marx. He exhibits
but little feeling, except it be the bitterness of indig-
nation and disgust at existing social conditions and
the attempts made for their justification. When
dwelling on these, his pen, indeed, is often "dipped
in the poison of polemical acidity," but, generally
speaking, his style is bald and dispassionate. How-
ever, if there is an absence of emotional sentimen-
KARL MARX AND THE LATEST THEORY. 225
talism, there is a great deal of hard thinking and
plain speaking in the writings of Karl Marx. He
gives us a clear exposition of social evils following in
the wake of our modern industry, founded on facts.
and figures, and mainly drawn from official reports
and parliamentary inquiries. Declamatory phrases
and sweeping assertions are carefully avoided, and
Marx's statements, if not always taking in the whole
truth, are, at least, trustworthy as far as they go, and
though he presents us exclusively with the dismal
side of contemporary social life, he cannot be accused
of wilful misrepresentation.
A
As he is clear in his statement of facts, so, too,
Marx is rigidly logical in his deductions from the
first principles of political economy, which he accepts
from the old masters. Thus, for example, from their
dogma that labour is the source of all values, Marx
arrives, in pushing the argument founded on it to
the farthest extremity, at the conclusion that all
appropriation of wealth on the part of those who do
not work must be malappropriation.
So, again, he endeavours to lay down, with
almost mathematical precision, the theory that the
growth of capital is entirely due to the insufficient
remuneration of labour; that the difference between
the value of work done, and the amount of wages
paid, is the profit fraudulently obtained by the
Q
226
UTOPIAS.
capitalist at the expense of the labourer. Marx
accordingly arrives at the conclusion that all the
produce of man's work ought to be divided among
the workers of society, and looks forward with
equanimity to the abolition of the class of capitalists
in the course of a revolution which shall sweep away
our present social system in favour of Communistic
institutions.
Unfeeling in his theories, and unflinching in
drawing his conclusions, Marx may be called a
socialist Cato, whose motto is, "Society must be
destroyed."
In one of his manifestoes he acknowledges, "Our
objects can only be attained by a violent subversion
of the social order."
inches
Social reforms he regards as a mere farce, and the
efforts of trades-unions to bring about a satisfactory
adjustment of the claims of capital and labour he
calls treason. What he wants is not reconciliation of
conflicting interests, but war to the knife against
capitalism, which is to end in the triumph of labour.
To bring this about, he appeals to the united effort
of all the workmen throughout the civilised world.
"We must appeal to force," he says, in the congress
of the Internationalists at the Hague, "to establish
the rule of the labourers.”
VAGLIA
There is a remarkable contrast between the
KARL MARX AND THE LATEST THEORY. 227
character and aims of the two most prominent
leaders of modern Socialism; the genial, warm-
hearted, boisterous agitator, Ferdinand Lassalle, and
the cold, sullen, and almost insensible theoriser, Karl
Marx. The former is a patriotic nationalist, and a
believer in State Socialism; the latter a cosmopolitan
internationalist, and a believer in the most abstract
form of universal Communism. Centralisation of
State-power to bring about social changes in favour
of the labourer is the ideal of Lassalle. Decentrali-
sation and a network of independent communes all
over the world, or, at least, a confederacy of European
republics, form the Utopian vision of the latter. If
Marx surpasses Lassalle in his breadth of view,
taking in the whole social world at a glance, whereas
the latter confines himself to the task of regenerating
his own country, Lassalle, in the warmth of his
human enthusiasm, glowing impulsiveness, and
generous impetuosity, compares very favourably with
Marx, who is "ever calculating, absorbed in sub-
tiltics, cold and reserved, drawing his life-breath, as
it were, in the icy regions of an abstract cosmo-
politanism."
Lassalle inspires personal interest, Karl Marx
claims distant regard. But it is important to make
his personal acquaintance now, before we enter upon
his theory.
X
Q 2
228
UTOPIAS.
J
Marx was born in Trêves, in 1818, the son of a
barrister-at-law, and was married to a sister of a
reactionary Minister of State; and thus he belonged
by birth and marriage to that small band of "middle-
class dreamers and theorists" who of late years have
become the most bitter opponents of the bourgeoisie
with which they are connected.
He received his academical education at Bonn
and Berlin, where he studied law and philosophy with
a view to qualify himself for a State appointment at
one of the Universities. But circumstances or the
bent of character drew him away from this course.
He came to be a contributor, and presently sole
editor, of the Rheinische Zeitung (" Rhenish News "),
which in its radical tendencies represented the rising
social democracy of Germany before 1848.
Such were the bold attacks levelled in this paper
against the reactionary measures of the Government,
that a special Royal Censor had to be sent from
Berlin to revise its columns, and when this proved
fruitless its publication was stopped altogether by
order of authority in 1843.
The political struggles and economic contro-
versies of the day led Marx to the study of social
questions, and he went actually to Paris for this
purpose. One of the results of these studies was
a critique of Proudhon's "Philosophy of Misery,"
KARL MARX AND THE LATEST THEORY. 229
entitled the "Misery of Philosophy," which indicates
the line of thought on the labour question developed
in his later writings. About this time appeared the
work by a congenial spirit, who has since become the
most faithful satellite of Marx, the book of Friedrich
Engels on the "Condition of the Operative Classes of
England." Similar social views attracted the two
men towards each other, and in the same year they
published conjointly the "Manifesto of the Com-
munist Party," which was adopted by a congress of
labourers, held in London, and was translated into
several European languages. It contains ideas on the
unhappy condition of the Proletarians, and a historical
criticism of society similar to those with which we
have become already familiar in previous chapters, and
concludes: "Communists discard the idea of conceal-
ing their views and intentions. They declare it openly
that their objects can only be attained by means of a
violent subversion of existing social order. Let the
ruling classes tremble before the Communistic Revo-
lution! The Proletarians have nothing to lose in it
but their chains. They may win a whole world.
Proletarians of all countries unite yourselves!" No
wonder Marx was considered a dangerous subject
after this. "Ever plodding and suspected," he was
driven from one city to another. He was expelled
from Brussels during the revolutionary panic of
230
UTOPIAS.
1848, and though invited to Paris by the Provisional
Government, found it soon advisable to quit France.
and to return to Cologne, where, in conjunction with
friends, he founded a new Rheinische Zeitung, which
became the organ of the Revolution. Its publication
was again stopped by Government, and Marx was
ordered to leave the country. He went to Paris, and
was expelled thence, and at last came to London, the
home of so many exiles, where he has lived ever
since in comparative seclusion and learned ease,
surrounded by a circle of admiring disciples, who
serve as a ready medium for communicating his
ideas and conveying his orders to the Socialistic
associations of the Continent.
Karl Marx continued at the British Museum
library his economic studies, which resulted in the
publication of an important work in 1859, a contri-
bution "towards a critique of Political Economy, etc."
It received further expansion in Karl Marx's magnum
opus, “Das Kapital" (Capital), a second edition of
which, published in 1872, enjoys a large circulation,
has been translated into French and Russian, and
forms the text-book of Modern Socialism. It is a
work praised by friend and foe alike for the intel-
lectual vigour, critical acuteness, and diligent re-
search it displays, and an opponent of Marx's theory
calls it "the greatest scientific production of modern
KARL MARX AND THE LATEST THEORY. 231
German political economy. In this work are con-
tained the theoretical views of Marx on the undue
growth of capital and the wrongs of labour. It is
the first instalment of a complete work on capital, to
be succeeded by two more volumes, the publication
of which is delayed by the ill-health and multifarious
occupations of the author as the recognised head of
the International and the virtual leader of Modern
Socialism.
""
Marx then comes before us in the two-fold
character of Socialistic theoriser and International
agitator. His ideas on a speculative social philosophy
may be drawn from his work on capital, as this con-
tains his criticism on existing social order, whereas
his positive proposals are to be gathered from the
several programmes, statutes, and manifestoes of the
party, which we are assured by his friend Engels
have all been published under his direction, or have
received at least his final revision.
Not to weary the reader with the elaborate state-
ment of the first or critical exposition of Karl Marx's
theories, we will only give a short abstract of his
description of modern Proletarians in England, to-
gether with the causes he assigns for this phenomenon
in its close connection with the "Genesis of Capital,"
and then proceed briefly to point out the remedies
suggested by Karl Marx and his party from their
232
UTOPIAS.
own published documents, which may be regarded as
the last schemes of social improvement up to the
present day.
Dull and dismal, indeed, is the picture drawn by
Karl Marx of low life among the English poor in
town and country. He quotes from Dr. Hunter's
report, made by order of the Privy Council (1862–63),
on the condition of the agricultural labourer, the
following passage: "The means of existence of the
hind are fixed at the very lowest possible scale.
What he gets in wages and domicile is not at all
commensurate with the profit produced by his work.
His means of subsistence are always treated as a fixed
quantity; as for any further reduction of his income
he may say: nihil habeo, nihil curo. He is not
afraid of the future; he has reached zero, a point
from which dates the farmer's calculation. Come
what may, he takes no interest in either fortune or
misfortune." As far as the present writer's expe-
rience as a country clergyman serves him, he must
confess the condition of the agricultural labourer as
here described has not much improved in the south-
western counties of England, since the publication of
this memorable report, notwithstanding many efforts,
such as Canon Girdlestone's, in this direction.
On the slow improvement in the condition of
the factory "hands," notwithstanding the enormous
<
KARL MARX AND THE LATEST THEORY. 233
growth of wealth in the country, speeches of Mr.
Gladstone and Mr. Fawcett are quoted in attestation
of this melancholy fact. In 1863 Mr. Gladstone had
said: "The fact is astonishing and scarcely credible,
of this intoxicating increase of wealth and power
confined entirely to the possessing classes. But it
must be of indirect advantage to the labouring
population, in cheapening the ordinary articles of
consumption that the extremes, however, of
poverty have been modified, I dare not say." Speak-
ing of the masses on the brink of pauperism, of
branches of trade where wages have not risen, he
concludes by saying, regarding the labouring classes
- generally: "That human life, in seven cases out of
ten, is a mere struggle for existence." Then Pro-
fessor Fawcett, who, according to Marx, is reasoning
in a similar way, but uses plainer and more outspoken
language, unfettered by official reserve, he declares:
"The rich are becoming rapidly wealthier, whereas
no increase can be discerned in the comforts of
the labouring classes. The means of livelihood are
getting dearer, and working people become almost
the slaves of those petty tradesmen whose debtors
they are."
What is the cause of all this? Whence this con-
stantly increasing chasm between unlimited accumu-
lation of wealth on the one hand, and the increase of
234
UTOPIAS.
abject pauperism on the other? How is it that this
age of progress has developed these dangerous ex-
tremes of luxury and misery? To this Marx replies
that the growth of capital is entirely owing to the
systematic appropriation of the surplus value of
labour by the capitalist, and the inability of the,
labourer in his abject condition to defend himself
against this systematic spoliation. He quotes with
approval the words of the English socialist, J. Bellers,
pronounced more than two hundred years ago: "The
labour of the poor represents the gold mines of the
rich." Thus he considers that the creation of private
fortunes is entirely brought about at the expense of
wages labour. Profit is nothing else but unpaid
labour. Wages do not represent the value of work
rendered for which they are presumably the reward,
but are only equal in value to the bare necessities
required for the support of the labourer. In order to
this, some of the necessaries of life, such as bread,
fuel, &c.=(A) must be renewed daily, another part
= (B) weekly, and a third=(C) monthly, in given
quantities. Thus Marx puts the following formula
as representing daily, i.e. necessary wages=
365 A + 52 B + 12 C
365
Now, he says, although six hours' work daily
KARL MARX AND THE LATEST THEORY. 235
might suffice to produce a value equal to this, still
the labourer must work for his employer twelve or
sixteen hours in order to receive a remuneration
tantamount to it. Since labour must seek for em-
ployment, and in the struggle for existence must
accept the lowest possible remuneration, the working-
man, instead of receiving the full amount of the
produce of his labour, must be satisfied with a sum
just sufficient for his maintenance. What remains
over and above this only serves for the augmentation
of wealth in the hands of the capitalist.
In fine, Marx maintains that "capital is the most
terrible scourge of humanity, that it fattens on the
miscry of the poor, the degradation of the worker,
and the brutalising toil of his wife and children;
just as capital grows so grow also pauperism, that
millstone round the neck of civilisation, the re-
volting cruelties of our factory system, the squalor of
great cities, and the presence of deep poverty seated
hard by the gates of enormous wealth."
He shows from the history of factory legislation,
and the reports of factory inspectors, the inhuman
treatment of the "hands" by the employers before
Factory Acts came into operation, and their repeated
attempts to elude the provisions of the law for the
protection of labour; so as to extort the greatest
amount of work, on the principle that "moments
236
UTOPIAS.
are elements of profit," and that the prolongation of
the labour-day, even by a few minutes a day, means
an increase of thousands of pounds in the annual
profits of the employer.
In the same way Marx shows that the much-
praised subdivision of labour only serves to brutalise
the labourer and to render his condition more
deplorable than it was before the introduction of
machinery, whereas it at the same time consolidates
the irresponsible domination of capital and its power
to multiply itself ad infinitum. He goes on to show
that in the case of industry carried on with the help
of machinery, which in a great number of cases
becomes a simple substitute for manual labour, the
danger exists of dispensing altogether with muscular
power, and substituting the labour of the weak,
the immature, and those of tender age, i.e. women
and children. Thus the rate of wages is depressed,
and the profit arising from underpaid labour flows
into the pockets of the employers. Marx quotes
from official sources the most astounding facts,
showing the amount of misery and mortality and
destruction of the family life resulting from this fact.
The mortality of children is greatest where women
are employed in factory labour, and where the
children, from want of proper food and the use of
opiates, and in some cases even intentional starvation
KARL MARX AND THE LATEST THEORY. 237
and drugging, become the victims of unnatural
parents. On the other hand, the same official reports
show how, in agricultural districts, where but a very
small number of women are employed, the mortality
of children is less in proportion. "It will be in fact
a blessing," says one of the inspectors, R. Baker, in
his official report, "for the manufacturing districts
of England, to forbid every married woman who has
a family to work in a factory."
He also alludes to the painful results of every
transition state, occasioned by the introduction of
new machinery, which throws so many labourers out
of employ. In answer to the apologists for industry
by machinery, who maintain that this is not the
fault of machinery itself, but its employment by
capital, Marx has a ready retort. "So then," he says,
"because machinery, considered by itself, does
shorten the hours of labour, whilst in its employment
by capital it lengthens the labour-day; because in
itself it lightens labour, but as used by capital it
intensifies toil; because in itself it represents the
victory of man over nature, but as applied by capital
it subdues man under the dominion of nature
because in itself it increases the wealth of the pro-
ducer, but as used by capital it impoverishes him;
etc. etc., therefore the political economist simply ex-
plains that machinery considered by itself plainly
-
238
UTOPIAS.
proves that these palpable contradictions are mere
appearances, but have in reality and in theory no
existence. Thus the political economist does not
trouble himself any further, but calls his opponent
stupid for opposing machinery as such, instead of the
capitalistic mode of its application.”
Again, Marx dwells on the evils of "starvation
diseases," consequent upon insufficient nourishment,
and the brutal waste of human life occasioned by
over-exertion in labour hours, and the unhealthy
condition of the workman's dwelling-place, and insists
on the appointment of a normal day of labour by
State authority, sanitary laws, and improved edu-
cation, to prevent the further decay in body and mind
of the working-classes.
At the same time he holds out little hope of
gaining much for the labourers by such legislative
expedients. He looks forward rather with grim
satisfaction to the time when with the farthest ex-
tension of the present unhealthy development of
capital, a reaction will set in at last, a convulsion
will take place, and those who have all along appro-
priated to themselves the results of other men's
labours will themselves be dispossessed, and those
who are now despoiled will in turn occupy their
places. He regards the growth of wholesale trade,
and the gradual concentration of the land in the
KARL MARX AND THE LATEST THEORY. 239
hands of a few large landed proprietors, as a school
of Communism, which also requires large bodies of
men engaged in the same pursuit to work in com-
panies by means of subdivision in labour under a
central authority. The only change required con-
sists in the change of government. The "monarchical
head" (ie. the wholesale manufacturer and large
landed proprietor) is removed, and the machinery
can go on just as before, only under different
directors. The servants becoming masters, distinc-
tions between employer and employed are removed
• altogether; the many, and not the few, will rule.
The present process of extinction of all small
holders of land and capital in their competition with
agricultural and mercantile magnates, and the con-
centration of all property in a few hands,* will
speedily be accomplished, and with it the im-
poverishment and degradation of the people, who,
exasperated at last, and disciplined for resistance by
reason of intolerable grievances, will turn against
the oppressors and spoliators. Then comes the
deluge. "The expropriators are expropriated."
This is also alluded to by Mr. Ruskin in a characteristic passage.
Speaking of the rich capitalist, he complains that by reason of superior
advantages he can "use his breadth and sweep of sight to gather some
branch of the commerce of the country into one great cobweb, of which
he is himself to be the central spider, making every thread vibrate with
the points of his claws, and commanding every avenue with the facets
of his eyes."-Political Economy of Art, p. 172.
y
240
UTOPIAS.
There is less difficulty in this than in the former
process of spoliation. In the former case it was
a question of expropriation of large masses of the
people by a few usurpers: now it is only a question
of “expropriation of a few usurpers by the mass of
the people."
In thus deducing from existing circumstances the
future abolition of private property in favour of the
people, and the substitution of collective property
and co-operative universal labour on scientific prin-
ciples, not, as "now, for the aggrandisement of the
few, but for the common good and comfort of all
that toil," Marx differs from those Communists
whose Utopias have been already considered. They
pictured to themselves a state of things where human
beings are quite different from the men and women
we meet in daily life, whereas Marx takes the world
as he finds it, and looks upon the evolution of
Communism out of our present social condition
as unavoidable, according to the laws of natural
development. He regards without emotion the
advancing wave of anarchical tendencies which are
to bring about a transitional social catastrophe. He
is satisfied to be both the prophet of evil, announcing
the decree of the Nemesis of history, which sweeps.
away our old institutions, and the "bringer of good
tidings," proclaiming the advent of a new era, when,
KARL MARX AND THE LATEST THEORY. 241
with the enjoyment of perfect material equality, the
evils prevailing among ourselves will be banished
from human society.
Marx, in his imperturbable calm, thus foreseeing
coming calamities to the human race in order to its
final regeneration, appears to us in the light of those
“idealists who create a political terror; they are free
from all desire for blood-shedding; but to them
the lives of men and women are accidents; the lives
of ideas are the true realities; and armed with an
abstract principle and a suspicion, they perform deeds
which are at once beautiful and hideous.”
Happily, Karl Marx has not been tempted as yet,
however, to deeds, and we are simply left, for
the present, to consider his theories. This has now
been done on the negative side of his theoretical
system. We shall proceed to give an account of
his positive proposals in the next chapter.
R
CHAPTER XIV.
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL.
"IN 1848, the principles of Socialism had been
partly carried into practice," says Sir Thomas
Erskine May in his "History of Democracy in
Europe," "and since that time they had been
further extended by the International Society,*
and by French and German writers." We shall show
in this last chapter the influence of Karl Marx
and the International Society on the latest develop-
ment of the Social Democracy. We ask then,
what is the latest scheme of social improvement
presented for our examination in the successive.
official documents of contemporary Socialists? To
answer this question we must slightly retrace our
steps, in order to mark the successive movements
of the Socialistic party founded by Lassalle, and
its relative position to the party attached to Karl
* Vol. ii. p. 325.
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 243
Marx, their mutual approaches, and occasional
departures from each other, ending in their final
reunion at the Congress at Gotha in 1875; for this
marks the close of an epoch, the final victory of
the principles of the International, and the triumph of
universal Communist principles over State Socialism
and the more moderate demands of Lassalle.
For ten years after the death of Lassalle the
party he had organised presented a lamentable
spectacle of incapacity among the leaders, and mean
jealousies and mutual suspicion in the rank and file
of the party.
These internal divisions weakened the party and
presented it in an unfavourable light before the
world at large. Marx, although by reason of his
intellectual superiority the natural head of the
movement, was unwilling to become its acknow-
ledged leader, and a small number of rois fainéants
succeeded each other, from Becker, the immediate
successor of Lassalle, styling himself the "president
of humanity," downwards, until Baron von Schweitzer,
a really able man, at last succeeded, in 1867, to
supplant the lesser lights of the association in the
presidential chair. 'Then," says Mehring, “the
modern Alexander (i.e. Lassalle), who had gone out
to conquer a new world of bliss, had found at last
the one most worthy to become his successor.'
((
")
R 2
244
UTOPIAS.
But now, too, began the agitation of Liebknecht,
the "
apostle of the International," and the intimate
associate, and, some assert, the emissary of Karl
Marx, to create opposition in Germany against the
'Imperialist Socialism" of the followers of Lassalle,
and to make propaganda among the German work-
ing-men in favour of the unmitigated Communism of
the more abstract scheme of international Socialists.
"(
The ultimate result of these machinations was a
division of the socialistic camp into two fractions at
the Congress at Eisenach in 1869, which continued
to exist side by side until they were reunited at the
Congress of Gotha, by means of a compromise which,
as we have already stated, practically amounted to
a victory of the extreme party. The causes of
this departure from the more moderate counsels of
Lassalle may be traced partly to external events,
and partly to internal government. The immediate
cause was the misery among the labourers, occasioned
by the swindle period of mercantile speculation which
followed after the liquidation of the war indemnity
paid by France to Germany, and the commercial
crash which followed. Among the more remote in-
fluences may be mentioned the additional liberties
granted to the people at the formation of the North
German Confederation, liberties for which the former
state of political tutelage had not prepared them
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 245
sufficiently; the passing of laws permitting free com-
bination among the men, which led to strikes, and
the tumultuous movements to which they generally
give rise; the sudden removal of former trade
restrictions and the laws of settlement, which con-
siderably disturbed existing economic relations, and
caused unusual commotion among the masses; and,
last of all, the establishment of manhood suffrage in
the German Empire, which unexpectedly increased
the political power of, and served as a handle for
party purposes, and a stimulus for party organisation,
among the members of the Social Democracy.
The absence of leaders equal in mental capacity
to Lassalle gave the advantage to the opposite
party, acting under the spiritual, though not nominal,
supremacy of Karl Marx, whose avowed adherents,
moreover, were well represented in the press, and
appeared on the scene as the wire-pullers of that
supposed all-powerful society, that formidable bug-
bear of modern Europe, the International.
It is not to be wondered that this so-called secret
society, which is supposed to have sent a thrill of
trembling awe into the hearts of prominent states-
men, should exercise a fascinating influence over
the bands of German labourers and their half-taught
leaders.
This society, which, we are told, "was begun in
246
UTOPIAS.
a dream, and terminated in a fiasco," had London
for its birthplace, and Karl Marx for its progenitor,
as far, at least, as its official programme is con-
cerned.*
In the same year in which Lassalle breathed his
last, and about a month after this important event
in the history of Socialism, the public inaugura-
tion of the International Association took place, in
St. Martin's Hall, Long Acre, and during the winter
months of 1864-65 a great many members were en-
rolled, in consequence of the active operations of
the society and its affiliated branches.
C
In 1865 delegates from several European countries
met in London, for the purpose of conferring with the
General Council on the programme of the “ first
* Mr. Howell, in an article on this subject in
66
"The Nineteenth
Century" for July, shows that this was not the first attempt of the
kind in London, and mentions among the causes of its formation the
following: "The proximate causes, briefly stated, which led to the
formation of the International Working Men's Association' are these :
(1) The establishment of the Polish League, by means of which many
of the continental workmen and refugees were brought into frequent
contact with the leading political working-men of London, when it
was found that there were many points of agreement between the
continental politicians and those in this country. (2) The outbreak
of the war for Italian independence, which evoked a good deal of
enthusiasm on the part of the working-classes of England in favour
of a free Italy, liberated alike from petty despots and from priestly
domination. (3) The great strike and lock-out in the building trades in
London in 1859-60, which created a considerable amount of sympathy
on the continent of Europe in consequence of its being a struggle for a
reduction in the hours of labour, and not a mere contest for extra or
،
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 247
Congress," which was to assemble at Geneva, in
September, 1866. Mr. Howell, in the article already
referred to, complains of the predominating influence
of the "foreign element," which could hardly be
avoided in an "international association," of which
Karl Marx was undoubtedly, for good or for evil, the
ruling spirit.
some
Mr. Howell calls him, rather contemptuously, a
"German 'doctor' named Karl Marx," as
- years ago Pius IX. spoke of Dr. Cumming as a cer-
tain Dr. Cumming of Scotland. The parallel, however,
is not quite complete, for Mr. Howell (and he will
increased pay.
A favourable opportunity was thus afforded for com-
munications between the working-class leaders of London and the more
intensely political workmen of the Continent. (4) The civil war in
America, which kindled an enthusiasm in the hearts of most of the
more active political leaders of the working-classes in favour of the
North, as against what they termed the slave-holding South, and
which eventually led to the immense meeting in St. James's Hall, on
March 26, 1863, presided over by Mr. John Bright; this gave further
opportunities for intercommunication between the continental work-
men and those resident in London." Karl Marx, in "The Secular
Chronicle," 20th August, 1878, referring to this article in "The Nine-
teenth Century," complains that Mr. Howell does not mention him as
present at the "foundation meeting" of the International, where he was
chosen a member of the Provisional General Council, and soon after
drew up the "inaugural address" and the general statements of the
Association, first issued in London in 1864, and confirmed by the
Geneva Congress of 1866.
The author is indebted for this correction to Mr. Karl Marx, who,
although a perfect stranger and an opponent to the views set forth in
this volume, has been kind enough to correct the biographical and
historical portions of this and the previous chapter.
248
UTOPIAS.
forgive our naming him "among the prophets ")
rather corresponds to the Dr. Cumming in local fame,
known as a friend of the labourers of England,
whereas Karl Marx is the real Pope of the Socialist
world, and is now a man of European notoriety.
((
"Whatever follies or blunders the International
may subsequently have been guilty of or have com-
mitted, its early object was to bring men of different
countries together for practical purposes; and the
majority of those who were its 'founders' were well-
informed and moderate men," says Mr. Howell.
Having for its object, as its title implies, a grand
fraternity of peoples," it turned its attention from
the very first to social rather than political questions,
seeking an amelioration of the labourer's condition in
the reduction of the hours of toil, the rise of wages,
the prevention of an introduction of foreign labour
in case of strikes, and its chief aim was "to have a
perfect understanding with all men whose prospects
are in peace, in industrial development, in freedom
and human happiness all over the world."
The original programme laments the fact that
the condition of the masses had not improved in
the same ratio as the wealth of the upper and middle
classes, and it lamented the existence of deep distress
and social misery side by side with enormous wealth
and extravagant luxury. It regarded as a hopeful
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 249
sign the extension of Factory Acts for the protection
of labour, and the development of co-operation as
the earnest of further social reform. To secure them
they count on the power of numbers, and the “bond
of brotherhood," which finds in union strength, and
lays down as the principle for common action "that
the International Association, and all societies and
individuals adhering to it, will acknowledge truth,
justice, and morality as the bases of their conduct
towards each other and towards all men, without
regard to colour, creed, or nationality.”
*
It states its intention also to struggle "for equal
rights and duties of all men, on the ground that
rights carry with them corresponding duties, the one
as sacred as the other." It recognises that the
emancipation of the working-classes must be brought
about by their own efforts, and that the economic
dependence of the labourer on the owner of the
monopoly in the instruments of labour, which are
the sources of livelihood (i.e. the landed proprietors
and the employers), is the foundation of servitude in
every form, of social distress, mental degradation,
and political subjection; that the economic eman-
cipation of the labouring classes, therefore, is the
great object to which every political movement
* “The Nineteenth Century" for June, 1878, pp. 29, 30.
250
UTOPIAS.
蓄
​must become subservient as the means to an
end. *
The two next Congresses, at Geneva and Lausanne,
were engaged mainly in registering the principles laid
down by Karl Marx in his London programme, when
the discussion of abstract principles on politics and
religion and social theories, on property and kindred
subjects, alienated the more practical and less philo-
sophical members of the International, especially
the English labourers. The withdrawal of the com-
mon-sense matter-of-fact section of the Association
had for its effect that moderate counsels were no
longer or less distinctly heard than heretofore, and
in the next Congress, at Basle, the men of “fantastic
theories" decreed: (1) "That the community pos-
sesses the right to abolish all individual realised
property, and to transform it into common property;
and (2) That it is in the interest of the commonwealth
that such a transformation should take place;" in
other words, that the institution of private property
had best be abolished altogether. One more strictly
* The programme is characterised by the French historian Henri
Martin, in a letter to The Siècle, as follows: "The breadth of view
and the high moral, political, and economical conceptions which have
decided the choice of questions composing the programme of the
International Congress of working-men, which is to assemble next year,
will strike with a common sympathy all friends of progress, justice, and
liberty in Europe.”
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 251
œcumenical Congress of the society took place after
that at the Hague, at which the International, as a
whole, ceased to exist, owing to dissensions among
the delegates, and since then, notwithstanding some
attempts made to resuscitate the society, it seems
to have lost its former prestige and terror as an
organised institution.
Nevertheless its two leading ideas: (1) The soli-
darity of interest among the labourers all over the
world; and (2) The consciousness of strength in their
united effort to bring about the emancipation of
labour from its subjection to capital, continue to
occupy the minds of the working-classes, and in-
fluence the debates and resolutions of the Social
Democracy in the present day.
It would, therefore, be the height of folly to under-
rate the latent power of the nearly extinct Inter-
national to become at any moment the rallying-point
of labourers of various countries should some unfore-
seen political event or strong social commotion serve
as the impulse for such an organisation. The main
principles of the International are likely to find
acceptance when social disorder and social distress
among the labouring people prepare the ground for
social agitation. The facts that the number of its
paying adherents was ridiculously small from the
beginning, that its means were insignificant, and that
252
UTOPIAS.
very few prominent men have at any time joined its
ranks, have been noted to show the absurdity of the
dread which its secrecy inspired as quite out of pro-
portion to the magnitude of its real danger.*
The danger is not to be sought in the strength of
the organisation in wealth and importance, but in the
sullen dissatisfaction of the thousands who are ready
to listen to its voice and to march at its bidding.
The prophecy of the great German economist
Thünen threatens to be fulfilled in his own country
at the present moment. "If once the people, roused
out of their slumber, shall ask the question, and seek
* What are the hopes of Socialism on this head may be seen from the
following, another quotation from the article of Karl Marx already
referred to: "In reality, the social democratic working-men's parties,
organised on a more or less national scale in Germany, Switzerland,
Denmark, Portugal, Italy, Belgium, Holland, Hungary, and the
United States of America, form as many international groups, no
longer single sections thinly scattered through different countries, and
held together by an eccentric General Council, but the working masses
themselves, in continuous, active, direct intercourse, cemented by same-
ness of struggle, exchange of thought, mutual services, and common
aspiration. After the fall of the Paris Commune, all working-class organi-
sation in France was of course temporarily broken, but is now in an
incipient state of re-forming. On the other hand, despite all political
and social obstacles, the Slavs, chiefly in Poland, Bohemia, and Russia,
participate at present in this international movement to an extent not
to be foreseen by the most sanguine in 1872. Thus, instead of dying
out, the International did only pass from its period of incubation to a
higher one where its original tendencies have in part become realities.
In the course of its progressive development, it will yet have to undergo
many a change before the last chapter of its history can be told."
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 253
practically to solve it: 'What is the natural reward of
labour?' a conflict is likely to ensue which, it is to
be feared, may spread destruction and barbarism
throughout Europe."
It is the dread of this which spreads dismay
throughout Germany, and leads to the adoption of
measures against it which are inadequate for the
purpose.
This exaggerated fear of Socialism, almost
amounting to national frenzy, has already influ-
enced the legislature to pass severe measures of
repression. But this, so far from averting the im-
pending danger, will only turn the sore inwards.
Ideas cannot be conquered by police regulations, but
ought to be met by intellectual weapons. Popular
movements of this sort are not to be put down by
main force. In the words of one of the most strictly
conservative opponents of Socialism in Germany :
"There is one thing which can kill the Inter-
national, and only one: Satisfaction, contentment of
the masses of the people, in securing for them a propor-
tionate increase in the enjoyments of the blessings of
culture, and the benefits arising from the growth of
national productivity.”
This leads us, in the last place, to inquire what are
the latest demands of the Social Democracy. The
Gotha programme of the German Labour Party gives
254
UTOPIAS.
an official reply. It contains the resolution of the
united Socialistic parties, and represents the common
opinions of the International and Social Democracy
of Germany as inspired by Karl Marx.
In the first place it states in full the Socialistic, or
rather Communistic, principles, and then points out.
the practical aims of the German Social Democracy.
In the next place it specifies in detail the bases of
the Socialistic State and enumerates the demands of
the party on our present society.
The principles are stated as follows:
Labour is the source of all wealth and all culture, and as
in general productive labour is only possible through society,
hence to society-i.e. to all its members-belongs the aggre-
gate product of labour, with the universal duty of work
according to equal right, to each according to his reasonable
wants.
In the present society the means of labour are a monopoly
of the capitalist class; the dependence of the labouring class
in consequence thereof is the cause of misery and slavery in
every form.
The liberation of labour requires the conversion of the
means of labour into the common property of society, and the
regulation of the aggregate labour by the community, with
utilisation for the common benefit and equitable distribution of
the product of labour.
The liberation of labour must be the work of the labouring
class, in opposition to which all other classes are only a
reactionary mass.
Starting from these principles, the Socialist labourer party
of Germany strives, with all legal means, after the free state and
the socialist society, the destruction of the brazen law of wages
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 255
by means of abolishing the system of wages-labour, the removal
of spoliation in every form, and of every social and political
inequality.
The Socialist labourer party of Germany demands, in order
to pave the way for the solution of the social question, the
establishment of socialistic co-operative societies, for production
aided by the State, and under the democratical control of the
labouring people. The productive associations are to be called
into existence for the purposes of manufacture and agriculture
to such an extent that out of them may arise the socialistic
organisation for labour in common.
The bases of the Socialistic State are stated to
be, in brief: Universal suffrage, voting being com-
pulsory on all from their twentieth year; direct
legislation by, and free administration of justice for,
the people, who are also to decide on questions of
peace and war, are all to bear arms and to form a
National Guard; the abolition of all laws inter-
fering with the free expression of opinion; equal,
universal, and compulsory education for all, free
of charge, in State institutions; and finally, re-
ligion is to be declared a matter of private
opinion.
The demands on existing society are simply
the utmost extension of political rights and liberties;
with the abolition of indirect taxation, a progressive
income-tax, freedom of combination, a normal
labour day, protection of women and children
working in factories, and sanitary measures and
•
256
UTOPIAS.
1
State supervision affecting all who labour in mines,
workshops, and manufactories; the legal responsi-
bility of employers for injuries received by working-
men in the performance of their duties; the regula-
tion of prison labour, and complete independence
in the administration of all funds for the relief and
support of labourers.
Such are the actual demands, and the social
theories on which they are based, of the best-
educated association of labourers in modern Europe,
more or less under the tutorship of the most
scientifically trained of all Socialist writers, Karl
Marx.
An able work on "Social Architecture," written
by "An Exile from France," and giving a clear
and painstaking account of the general demands.
of contemporary Socialism, summarises the guiding
principles upon which the demolition and recon-
struction of society is to be brought about as
follows:
(1) Abolition of money, inheritance, and private property,
(2) Restriction of the isolated household, and development
of the associated home. (3) Freedom of sexual unions.
(4) Compulsory and equal sharing of all physical labour.
(5) Economical arrangements for the prevention of waste.
(6) Organisation of labour. (7) Equal division of the means of
existence and enjoyment. (8) Universal diffusion of education,
science, and arts.
I
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 257
1
This is the final resultant of all the Utopian
dreams and social speculations which have passed
in review before the reader's mind in perusing
the chapters of which this forms the last in this
volume.
We have wandered now over three hundred years
of social scheming, from More to Marx, from the
Reformation and the revival of learning to the first
Revolution and its two successors, and thence to
the present day. We have seen the same seething
among the masses, the same longing for a change,
the same recurrence of social upheavals occurring
periodically, preceded or accompanied by the appear-
ance of social innovators and reformers, mostly men
of social rank, higher culture, and moral elevation,
who have given voice to the people's hopes and
wishes, and in their writings and agitation producing
after many days some of the good results they aimed
at, though in fragmentary instalments.
We have seen, moreover, Socialism adapting
itself to the various forms of societies, keeping pace
with the historical developments of peoples, moving
with the times, until we find it culminating in the
gradual evolution of the most abstract form of
Socialism in the present day. Its doctrines are
now stated in precise formulas by Marx, and its
demands preferred in terms bordering on legal
S
258
UTOPIAS.
technicality in the programme of Gotha. Utopian
fictions have developed into Socialist facts, vague
speculations have assumed the form of theorems,
and the hazy conceptions of the earlier authors of
Utopias have been crystallised into hard dogmas
which challenge refutation or acceptance at the
hands of economists and statesmen. It does by
no means follow that claims pragmatically preferred,
as in the last manifesto of the Labour League at
Gotha, deserve, on this account, more attention than
the more vague demands of earlier Socialists, or
that the dogmatising theories of Karl Marx contain
less mischievous error than the less confident asser-
tions of his predecessors. The superiority of the
most recent forms of Utopianism over previous
schemes of social improvement consists in their
more systematised and tangible manner of stating
grievances and demanding redress, in formulating
theories and suggesting legislative measures which
admit of serious criticism and practical treatment,
and make it possible at least to politicians, econo-
mists, and philanthropists to meet Socialism with
arguments, and measures to remove grievances real
or supposed, to give, in fine, a scientific reply to
Ferroneous doctrines propounded with intended scien-
tific precision.
Elsewhere the attempt has been made to show
-
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 259
the fallacy contained in Marx's theory of value,
which he himself regards as the keystone of his
system as well as the supposed axiomatic truth
which appears in the first sentence of the Gotha
programme, that "labour is the source of all wealth
and all culture."*
This is not the place to enter into a controversy
on these theories. Suffice it to say, not to weary
the reader with economic disquisitions, that mental
in addition to manual labour, the directing head as
well as the working hand, are required for the
production of all valuable commodities. That the
products of nature add to the wealth of nations,
and that the value of all commodities must in
a measure depend on the social circumstances of
time and place, and the varying condition of the
individuals who require them. Moreover, to make
the time required for the production of commodities
the only standard measure of their value, and to
say, as does Marx, that the value of any article is
tantamount to the time spent in manufacturing it,
would lead to the absurd result that the most in-
dolent men, in wasting the greatest possible amount
of time over their work, produce the most valuable
* In the author's work on "Socialism," book i. chap. iii., specially
p. 31 et seq., on Value. Also cf. book iii. chap. vi., on the general
system of Karl Marx, p. 164 et seq.
260
UTOPIAS.
commodities.
Indeed, Marx would reply that it is
average social labour," both as to time and quality,
which forms the standard; but such an average it is
impossible to strike, owing to the varying capacities
of human beings in different countries and placed in
different circumstances. In addition to which it has
to be remembered that all work done, even without a
wasteful expenditure of time in the course of pro-
duction, is not of equal utility; it is important to
value labour done not only by what is actually pro-
duced in many hours, but also by the usefulness or
uselessness of the commodities so produced; whether
in our own society, governed by the laws of supply
and demand, or in the prospective Socialist com-
munity, with its stereotyped normal wants and
supplies for each individual.
("
The risk of producing valueless commodities is
now borne by the capitalist; society would have to
bear such losses in a state of Communism, and all
alike would suffer accordingly. With regard to the
demands put forward by the Gotha programme,
whilst some are of a moderate nature, and others,
like most of the points of the People's Charter in
this country, are likely to be granted before the
close of the century, although they meet with viru-
lent opposition now-still others, tending as they do
to establish an unmitigated Communism, seriously
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 261
interfering with the exercise of individual liberty, and
removing the incentives for exertion and frugality,
do not commend themselves to the practical good
sense of the majority of mankind. In the absence.
of any appeal to a higher moral and religious
enthusiasm of humanity and self-devotion for the
common good, such as the less scientific social
innovators presupposed in their schemes, it is im-
possible to see how a socialistic community, such as
the authors of the programme anticipate, could ever
exist at all, much less surpass in prosperity and
happiness our present society.
The appointment to each individual of a suffi-
ciency of means "according to his reasonable wants,"
and the allotment of work to be done in return by
him "according to equal right," by socialistic State
authority, to secure an equitable distribution of
labour and enjoyment, will appear to our readers.
as hopelessly Utopian as any of the least scientific
schemes, and more so than some of those which have
now been considered in order.
Still, with the growth of intelligence among the
labourers themselves, and the increased interest
felt for their welfare among those in authority, with
the growing consciousness of social duty of indi-
viduals towards the community, and the reciprocal
duty of all classes, high and low, towards each
M
262
UTOPIAS.
{
other, many social reforms will become possible,
and those, or at least some of those, results which
are aimed at in Utopias will be attained, though
in a different form from that anticipated by their
promoters.
Thus, eg. the "fanaticism of association," as it
has been called, may be productive of a healthy
growth of the co-operative system in manufactures,
and instead of " a federation of autonomic and
landowning communes," we may witness a gradual
development of co-operative farming, the beginnings
of which we are watching at the present moment.
Thus, too, time and the logic of facts will correct
some of the startling axioms put forward with so
much assurance by Socialists, whilst some of the
unpalatable truths renounced by them will at last
meet with reluctant acceptance and bear fruit in
social reforms. The repeated complaints of suc-
cessive Socialisms all point to the same social evils:
the faulty distribution of property, the increasing
gulf between rich and poor, the waste and monotony
of labour, the extravagances of wealth, depopulation
of the country, and crowding into large cities of
the poor; the helplessness of the latter in the
struggle for existence, the tyranny of capital, the
responsibility of society to protect them against
the iron fate which renders them impotent in the
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 263
attempt to raise themselves, the claim of all to an
equal share of happiness, the necessity of reform
in education for that purpose, and of State help
to encourage co-operation-such and similar recur-
ring demands seem to point to a natural instinct
in the human heart, at all times and in all places,
to seek a remedy for the same social disease, and
that the same symptoms of what has been called
the "great malady of the nineteenth century," have
appeared in every great and stirring epoch of human
history.
Such social phenomena reappearing at stated
times, like certain periodical convulsions of nature,
are the proper study of social science and Christian
philanthropy, so as to provide against social catas-
trophes by timely social improvements. The proper
attitude towards Socialism is to regard it as a move-
ment of mankind towards progress which requires
to be checked and to be conducted into safe
channels. It may be moderated by the friends of
humanity, it cannot be stifled. It is not well at
one time to depreciate its force and tendency,
treating it with indifference and contempt, and then
again during sudden panics to be frightened beyond
measure by the appearance of the "red spectre"
of a communist republic.
At all times Socialism is rampant where society
264
UTOPIAS.
A
is disorganised; it is most powerful in Germany now,
because, as one of its opponents tells us, "in no
country is the war of classes so openly declared
as it is in Germany." It reflects at all times the
worst abuses of society at the time of its reappear-
ance, and perhaps its irrational demands for perfect
equality at this moment may be only the counter-
part of that love of inequality which Matthew Arnold
has lately told us "is really the vulgarity in us,
and the brutality, of admiring and worshipping the
splendid materiality" of the age, which seeks in
self-indulgence its highest good. And so, too, the
antagonistism of modern Socialists towards religion,
which is one of the most deplorable aspects of the
movement, reflects the materialistic and irreligious
tendency of the times. At the same time, it has
to be remembered that it is against religionists who
would make religious ministers a sort of "spiritual
police" to keep the people in order, rather than
against religion as such, that most Socialists direct
their attacks.
But it is to be hoped that this unreasonable and
virulent opposition to religion is only a passing
phase of modern Socialism, and that with increased
efforts of ministers of religion to promote the true
temporal and spiritual welfare of the people, the
irreverent tone of the Socialistic press and the
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 265
vituperative effusions of Socialistic leaders will cease,
as it becomes more and more recognised among them
that true religion is the foundation of social morality,
and therefore social happiness.*
But Socialism not only reflects in lurid colours
social disease and decay, it becomes also the inter-
preter of the noblest thoughts and highest aspirations
of the race, though the means adopted for their
realisation may be impractical, and the schemes
proposed for the solution of social enigmas may be
comparatively worthless.
The International itself thus becomes the inter-
preter of the great principle which has come to the
surface in the minds of men of late, i.e. the solidarity
of the whole human race. It has taught the people
of Europe as well as the working-classes that bene-
volent reciprocity allied to "industrial rivalry with-
*
It is satisfactory to find that such a tendency to return to the good
old paths may be traced in the following passages from the work on
"Social Architecture," referred to already: " All great social reformers
have at all times availed themselves of the religious feelings and con-
victions of their fellow-men; and as there never was, nor ever can be,
a rational system of religion that does not preach the mutual love of all
men, the close and intimate relation between Communism and religion
justifies the endeavours which social reformers have made to harmonise
religion with Communism." An article advising a conciliatory tone
towards religion has also lately appeared in the "Zukunft," the most
thoughtful and philosophical organ of the Socialist party in Germany,
now suppressed in accordance with the late laws passed in the Imperial
Parliament.

T
266
UTOPIAS.
out acrimony and envy," are likely to promote the
prosperity of nations, and "that international feuds
(whether in actual or commercial warfare) are the
greatest enemies to progress and to the amelioration
of the masses of the people."
So, too, the efforts of the German Social Demo-
cracy "have led and are likely to lead in the future
to the conviction that the true interests of the indivi-
dual and the community are best served in making
true humane feeling our guide in the conduct of life.”*
In its permanency, then, and its mobile force to
adapt itself to the varying tendencies of the times,
Socialism presents itself before us as a living prin-
ciple in human nature, which has successively acted
as an incentive to human progress, leading mankind
from monopolism to panpolism, from utilitarianism
to philanthropy, from egoism to altruism—in other
words, from individual self-seeking to a sense of
public duty, from self-love to love of the brethren,
from the pursuit of our own interest at the expense
of all the rest to a recognition of the fact that the
happiness of all alike secured by common effort
implies the prosperity and contentment of every
individual throughout the whole world.
* These are the virtual acknowledgments of Mr. Howell and
Mr. Bamberger in their adverse criticism of the principles of late
advocated by the International and Social Democracy respectively.
KARL MARX AND THE INTERNATIONAL. 267
Whilst admitting, therefore, to use the words of a
Quarterly Reviewer, whom no one will suspect of
Socialistic tendencies, that this "germ of good" in
Socialism has often been "mixed from the very first
with evil elements, which have at times displayed
themselves in extraordinary iniquities," we conclude,
at the same time, with a caution to our readers
from the same pen, as expressing in full our own
conviction :
"Never is it right to disdain, but never either
ought we to be abjectly subservient to, the great
forms in which the spirit of humanity has flowed,
and more especially those which continue to dominate
and rule men's minds in the present age. These
erring forms, if we can but avoid their errors, will
teach us much of the lineaments of the true ideal;
they are the elements of truth seen distortedly, and
from antagonistic points of view; amid the mutual
antagonism, we shall find there is yet something in
which they harmonise both with each other and with
the reality."
((
Quarterly Review," No. 288, Oct. 1877, p. 382.
THE END.
CHARLES DICKENS AND EVANS, CRYSTAL PALACE PRESS.
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