ALANINDA SENSE SATSA formative per BURY IRAL LECTURE D 16 B975 AN INAUGURAL LECTURE A 58201 7 J. B. BURY } mal ARTES LIBRARY 1837 VERITAS MORRA UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN TEVOLLARRIS PE 1. PLURIBUS UNUM SCIENTIA OF THE NINSULAM AMOENAME CIRCUMEPICE ALLOCAULUKKADARAKAT, HHE : : 1 16 B 975 < ΑΝ INAUGURAL LECTURE London: C. J. CLAY AND SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE. Glasgow: 50, WELLINGTON STREET. Leipzig: F. A. BROCKHAUS. New York: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Bombay and Calcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD. [All Rights reserved.] ΑΝ INAUGURAL LECTURE delivered iN THE DIVINITY SCHOOL CAMBRIDGE ON JANUARY 26, 1903 BY J. B. BURY, M.A. REGIUS PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY CAMBRIDGE: AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 1903 Cambridge: PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. THE SCIENCE OF HISTORY. IN saying that I come before you to-day with no little trepidation, I am not uttering a mere conventional profession of diffidence. There are very real reasons for misgiving. My predecessor told you how formidable he found this chair, illuminated as it is by the lustre of the distinguished historian whom he succeeded. But if it was formidable then, how much more formidable is it to-day! The terrors which it possessed for Lord Acton have been. enhanced for his successor. In a home of historical studies where so much thought is spent on their advancement, one can hardly hope to say any new thing touching those general aspects of history which most naturally invite attention in an inaugural 6 1 lecture. It may be appropriate and useful now and again to pay a sort of solemn tribute to the dignity and authority of a great discipline or science, by reciting some of her claims and her laws, or by reviewing the measures of her dominion; and on this occasion, in this place, it might perhaps seem to be enough to honour the science of History in this formal way, sprinkling, as it were, with dutiful hands some grains of incense on her altar. Yet even such a tribute might possess more than a formal significance, if we remember how recently it is within three generations, three short generations-that history began to forsake her old irresponsible ways and prepared to enter into her kingdom. In the story of the nineteenth century, which has witnessed such far-reaching changes in the gcography of thought and in the apparatus of research, no small nor isolated place belongs to the transformation and expansion of history. That transformation, however, is not yet complete. Its principle is 7 not yet universally or unreservedly acknow- ledged. It is rejected in many places, or ignored, or unrealised. Old envelopes still hang tenaciously round the renovated figure, and students of history are confused, embarrassed, and diverted by her old traditions and associa- tions. It has not yet become superfluous to insist that history is a science, no less and no more; and some who admit it theoretically hesitate to enforce the consequences which it involves. It is therefore, I think, almost in- cumbent on a professor to define, at the very outset, his attitude to the transformation of the idea of history which is being gradually accom- plished; and an inaugural address offers an opportunity which, if he feels strongly the importance of the question, he will not care. to lose. And moreover I venture to think that it may be useful and stimulating for those who are beginning historical studies to realise vividly and clearly that the transformation which those 8 studies are undergoing is itself a great event in the history of the world, that we are ourselves in the very middle of it, that we are witnessing and may share in the accomplish- ment of a change which will have a vast influence on future cycles of the world. I wish that I had been enabled to realise this when I first began to study history. I think it is important for all historical students alike—not only for those who may be drawn to make history the special work of their lives, but also for those who study it as part of a liberal education-to be fully alive and awake to the revolution which is slowly and silently pro- gressing. It seems especially desirable that those who are sensible of the importance of the change and sympathize with it should declare and emphasize it; just because it is less patent to the vision and is more perplexed by ancient theories and traditions, than those kindred revolutions which have been effected simultaneously in other branches of knowledge. 9 History has really been enthroned and en- sphered among the sciences; but the particular nature of her influence, her time-honoured association with literature, and other circum- stances, have acted as a sort of vague cloud, half concealing from men's eyes her new position in the heavens. The proposition that before the beginning of the last century the study of history was not scientific may be sustained in spite of a few exceptions. The works of permanent value, such as those of Muratori, Ducange, Tillemont, were achieved by dint of most laborious and conscientious industry, which commands our highest admiration and warmest gratitude: but it must be admitted that their criticism was sporadic and capricious. It was the criticism of sheer learning. A few stand on a higher level in so far as they were really alive to the need of bringing reason and critical doubt to bear on the material, but the systematized method which distinguishes a science was Dorm 1 } IO beyond the vision of all, except a few like Mabillon. Erudition has now been supple- mented by scientific method, and we owe the change to Germany. Among those who brought it about, the names of Niebuhr and Ranke ´are pre-eminent. But there is another name which historical students should be slow to forget, the name of one who, though not a historian but a philologist, nevertheless gave a powerful stimulus to the introduction of critical methods which are now universally ap- plied. Six years before the eighteenth century closed a modest book appeared at Halle, of which it is perhaps hardly a grave exaggeration to say that it is one of half-a-dozen which in the last three hundred years have exercised most effective influence upon thought. The work I mean is Wolf's Prolegomena to Homer. It launched upon the world a new engine-donum exitiale Minervae-which was soon to menace the walls of many a secure citadel. It gave historians the idea of a systematic and minute I I method of analysing their sources, which soon developed into the microscopic criticism, now recognised as indispensable. All truths (to modify a saying of Plato) require the most exact methods; and closely connected with the introduction of a new method was the elevation of the standard of truth. The idea of a scrupulously exact con- formity to facts was fixed, refined, and canon- ized; and the critical method was one of the means to secure it. There was indeed no his- torian since the beginning of things who did not profess that his sole aim was to present to his readers untainted and unpainted truth. But the axiom was loosely understood and inter- preted, and the notion of truth was elastic. It might be difficult to assign to Puritanism and Rationalism and other causes their respective parts in crystallizing that strict discrimination of the true and the false which is now so familiar to us that we can hardly understand insensibility to the distinction. It would be a most fruitful I 2 !! investigation to trace from the earliest ages the history of public opinion in regard to the mean- ing of falsehood and the obligation of veracity. About twenty years ago a German made a contribution to the subject by examining the evidence for the 12th, 13th, and 14th centuries, and he showed how different were the views which men held then as to truth-telling and lying from those which are held to-day. More- over, so long as history was regarded as an art, the sanctions of truth and accuracy could not be severe. The historians of ancient Rome display what historiography can become when it is associated with rhetoric. Though we may point to individual writers who had a high ideal of accuracy at various ages, it was not till the scientific period began that laxity in representing facts came to be branded as criminal. Nowhere perhaps can we see the new spirit so self-con- scious as in some of the letters of Niebuhr. But a stricter standard of truth and new methods for the purpose of ascertaining truth 13 were not enough to detach history from her old moorings. A new transfiguring conception of her scope and limits was needed, if she was to become an independent science. Such a conception was waiting to intervene, but I may lead up to it by calling to your recollection how history was affected by the political changes of Europe. It was a strange and fortunate coincidence that the scientific movement in Germany should have begun simultaneously with another move- ment which gave a strong impetus to historical studies throughout Europe and enlisted men's emotions in their favour. The saying that the name of hope is remembrance was vividly illustrated, on a vast scale, by the spirit of resurgent nationality which you know has governed, as one of the most puissant forces, the political course of the last century, and is still unexhausted. When the peoples, inspired by the national idea, were stirred to mould their destinies anew, and, looking back with longing 14 to the more distant past, based upon it their claims for independence or for unity, history was one of the most effective weapons in their armouries; and consequently a powerful motive was supplied for historical investigation. The inevitable result was the production of some crude uncritical histories, written with national prejudice and political purpose, redeemed by the genuine pulse of national aspiration. But in Germany the two movements met. Scientific method controlled, while the national spirit quickened, the work of historical rescarch. One of the grave dangers was the temptation to fix the eyes exclusively on the inspiring and golden periods of the past, and it is significant to find Dahlmann, as early as 1812, warning against such a tendency, and laying down that the statesman who studies national history should study the whole story of his forefathers, the whole developement of his people, and not merely chosen parts. But the point which concerns us now is that · 15 the national movements of Europe not only raised history into prominence and gave a great impulse to its study, but also partially disclosed where the true practical importance of history lies. When men sought the key of their national development not in the immediate but in the remoter past, they had implicitly recognised in some measure the principles of unity and con- tinuity. That recognition was a step towards the higher, more comprehensive, and scientific estimation of history's practical significance, which is only now beginning to be under- stood. Just let me remind you what used to be thought in old days as to the utility of history, The two greatest of the ancient historians, Thucydides and Polybius, held that it might be a guide for conduct, as containing examples and warnings for statesmen; and it was generally regarded in Greece and at Rome as a storehouse of concrete instances to illustrate political and ethical maxims. Cicero called history in this 1$34, 16 sense magistra vitae, and Dionysius designated it 'Philosophy by examples.' And this view, which ascribed to it at best the function of teaching statesmen by analogy, at worst the duty of moral edification, prevailed generally till the last century. Of course it contained a truth which we should now express in a different form by saying that history supplies the material for political and social science. This is a very important function; but, if it were the only function, if the practical import of history lay merely in furnishing examples of causes and effects, then history, in respect of practical utility, would be no more than the handmaid of social science. And here I may interpolate a parenthesis, which even at this hour may not be quite superfluous. I may remind you that history is not a branch of literature. The facts of history, like the facts of geology or astronomy, can supply material for literary art; for manifest 17 } 3 reasons they lend themselves to artistic repre- sentation far more readily than those of the natural sciences; but to clothe the story of a human society in a literary dress is no more the part of a historian as a historian, than it is the part of an astronomer as an astronomer to present in an artistic shape the story of the stars. Take, for example, the greatest living historian. The reputation of Mommsen as a man of letters depends on his Roman History; but his greatness as a historian is to be sought far less in that dazzling work than in the Corpus and the Staatsrecht and the Chronicles. This, by way of parenthesis; and now to resume. A right notion of the bearing of history on affairs, both for the statesman and for the citizen, could not be formed or formulated until men had grasped the idea of human developement. This is the great transforming conception, which enables history to define her scope. The idea was first started by Leibnitz, but, though it had some exponents B. 2 18 in the interval, it did not rise to be a govern- ing force in human thought till the nineteenth century, when it appears as the true solvent of the anti-historical doctrines which French thinkers and the French Revolution had arrayed against the compulsion of the past. At the same time, it has brought history into line with other sciences, and, potentially at least, has delivered her from the political and ethical encumbrances which continued to impede her after the introduction of scientific methods. For notwithstanding those new engines of research, she remained much less, and much more, than a science in Germany, as is illustrated by the very existence of all those bewildering currents and cross-currents, tendencies and counter-tendencies, those various schools of doctrine, in which Lord Acton was so deeply skilled. The famous saying of Ranke "Ich will nur sagen wie es eigentlich gewesen ist "was widely applauded, but it was little accepted in the sense of a warning 19 against transgressing the province of facts; it is a text which must still be preached, and when it has been fully taken to heart, though there be many schools of political philosophy, there will no longer be divers schools of history. The world is not yet alive to the full im- portance of the transformation of history (as part of a wider transformation) which is being brought about by the doctrine of develope- ment. It is always difficult for those who are in immediate proximity to realise the decisive steps in intellectual or spiritual progress when those steps are slow and gradual; but we need not hesitate to say that the last century is not only as important an era as the fifth century B.C. in the annals of historical study, but marks, like it, a stage in the growth of man's self- consciousness. There is no passage, perhaps, in the works of the Greek tragedians so in- structive for the historical student as that song in the Antigone of Sophocles, in which we seem 2-2 20 to surprise the first amazed meditation of man when it was borne in upon him by a sudden startling illumination, how strange it is that he should be what he is and should have wrought all that he has wrought,-should have wrought out, among other things, the city-state. He had suddenly, as it were, waked up to realise that he himself was the wonder of the world. Οὐδὲν δεινότερον πέλει. That intense expression of a new detached wondering interest in man, as an object of curiosity, gives us the clue to the inspiration of Herodotus and the birth of history. More than two thousand years later human self-consciousness has taken another step, and the "sons of flesh" have grasped the notion of their upward developement through immense cycles of time. This idea has re- created history. Girded with new strength she has definitely come out from among her old associates, moral philosophy and rhetoric; she has come out into a place of liberty; and has begun to enter into closer relations with 2 I the sciences which deal objectively with the facts of the universe. The older view, which we may call the politico-ethical theory, naturally led to eclecti- cism. Certain periods and episodes, which seemed especially rich in moral and political lessons, were picked out as pre-eminently and exclusively important, and everything else was regarded as more or less the province of anti- quarianism. This eclectic and exclusive view is not extinct, and can appeal to recent authority. It is remarkable that one of the most eminent English historians of the latter half of the last century, whose own scientific work was a model for all students, should have measured out the domain of history with the compasses of political or ethical wisdom, and should have protested as lately as 1877 against the principle of unity and continuity. That inconsistency is an illus- tration of the tenacity with which men cling to predilections that are incongruous with the Kind S 22 whole meaning of their own lifework. But it is another great Oxford historian to whom perhaps more than to any other teacher we owe it that the Unity of History is now a commonplace in Britain. It must indeed be carried beyond the limits within which he enforced it, but to have affirmed and illus- trated that principle was not the least useful of Mr Freeman's valuable services to the story of Europe. In no field, I may add, have the recognition of continuity and the repudiation of eclecticism been more notable or more fruit- ful than in a field in which I happen to be specially interested, the history of the Eastern. Roman empire, the foster-mother of Russia. The principle of continuity and the higher principle of developement lead to the practical consequence that it is of vital importance for citizens to have a true knowledge of the past and to see it in a dry light, in order that their influence on the present and future may be exerted in right directions. For, as a matter of 23 fact, the attitude of men to the past has at all times been a factor in forming their political opinions and determining the course of events. It would be an instructive task to isolate this influence and trace it from its most rudimentary form in primitive times, when the actions of tribes were stimulated by historical memories, through later ages in which policies were dictated or confirmed by historical judgments and conceptions. But the clear realisation of the fact that our conception of the past is itself a distinct factor in guiding and moulding our evolution, and must become a factor of greater and increasing potency, marks a new stage in the growth of the human mind. And it supplies us with the true theory of the practical import- ance of history. It seems inevitable that, as this truth is more fully and widely though slowly realised, the place which history occupies in national educa- tion will grow larger and larger. It is therefore of supreme moment that the history which is 24 !! taught should be true; and that can be attained only through the discovery, collection, classi- fication, and interpretation of facts, through scientific research. The furtherance of research, which is the highest duty of Universities, requires ways and means. Public money is spent on the printing and calendaring of our own national records; but we ought not to be satisfied with that. Every little people in Europe devotes sums it can far less well afford to the investi- gation of its particular history. We want a much larger recognition of the necessity of historical research; a recognition that it is a matter of public concern to promote the scientific study of any branch of history that any student is anxious to pursue. Some statesmen would acknowledge this; but in a democratic state they are hampered by the views of unenlightened taxpayers. The wealthy private benefactors who have come forward to help Universities, especially in America, are deplorably short- sighted; they think too much of direct results 25 and immediate returns; they are unable to realise that research and the accumulated work of specialists may move the world. In the meantime, the Universities themselves have much to do; they have to recognise more fully and clearly and practically and preach more loudly and assiduously that the advancement of research in history, as in other sciences, is not a luxury, subsidiary though desirable, but is a pressing need, a matter of inestimable concern to the nation and the world. It must also be remembered that a science cannot safely be controlled or guided by a sub- jective interest. This brings me to the question of perspective in ecumenical history. From the subjective point of view, for our own contem- porary needs, it may be held that certain centuries of human developement are of a unique and predominant importance, and pos- sess, for purposes of present utility, a direct value which cannot be claimed for remoter ages. 11 26 But we should not forget that this point of view if legitimate and necessary, in one sense, is subjective, and unscientific. It involves a false perspective. The reason is not merely the brevity of the modern age in comparison with the antecedent history of man; it is a larger consideration than that. In his inaugural lecture at Oxford sixty years ago¹, Arnold propounded as his conviction the view that what we call the modern age coincides with "the last step" in the story of man. "It appears," he said, "to bear marks of the fulness of time, as if there would be no future history beyond it." He based this view on the ground that one race had followed another in the torch-bearing progress of civilisation, and that after the Teuton and the Slav, who are already on the scene, there exists on earth no new race fitted to come forward and succeed to the inheritance of the ages. This argument rests on unproven assumptions as to the vital powers 1 1841. 27 and capacities of races, and as to the importance of the ethnical factor in man's developement. The truth is that at all times men have found a difficulty in picturing how the world could march onward ages and ages after their own extinction. And this difficulty has prejudiced their views. We may guess that if it had been put to a king of Egypt or Babylonia 6000 years ago, he would have said that his own age repre- sented the fulness of days. The data to which. Arnold appealed are insufficient even to establish a presumption. The only data which deserve to be considered are the data furnished by cosmic science. And science tells us that- apart from the incalculable chances of cata- strophes-man has still myriads and myriads of years to live on this planet under physical conditions which need not hinder his develope- ment or impair his energies. That is a period of which his whole recorded history of six or seven thousand years is a small fraction. The dark imminence of this unknown future K 28 in front of us, like a vague wall of mist, every instant receding, with all its indiscernible contents of world-wide change, soundless revolutions, silent reformations, undreamed ideas, new re- ligions, must not be neglected, if we would grasp the unity of history in its highest sense. For though we are unable to divine what things indefinite time may evolve, though we cannot look forward with the eyes of "the prophetic soul Of the wide world brooding on things to come," yet the unapparent future has a claim to make itself felt as an idea controlling our perspective. It commands us not to regard the series of what we call ancient and medieval history as leading up to the modern age and the twentieth century; it bids us consider the whole sequence up to the present moment as probably no more than the beginning of a social and psychical developement, whereof the end is withdrawn from our view by countless millenniums to come. All the epochs of the past are only a few of the front carriages, ܘܐܕ · 29 and probably the least wonderful, in the van of an interminable procession. This, I submit, is a controlling idea for determining objectively our historical perspec- tive. We must see our petty periods sub specie perennitatis. Under this aspect the modern age falls into line with its predecessors and loses its obtrusive prominence. Do not say that this view sets us on too dizzy a height. On the contrary, it is a supreme confession of the limi- tations of our knowledge. It is simply a limiting and controlling conception; but it makes. all the difference in the adjustment of our mental balance for the appreciation of values,-like the symbol of an unknown quantity in the denomi- nator of a fraction. It teaches us that history ceases to be scientific, and passes from the objective to the subjective point of view, if she does not distribute her attention, so far as the sources allow, to all periods of history. It cannot perhaps be too often reiterated that a University, in the exercise and administration 30 of learning, has always to consider that more comprehensive and general utility which consists in the training of men to contemplate life and the world from the highest, that is the scien- tifically truest point of view, in the justest perspective that can be attained. If one were asked to define in a word the end of higher education, I do not know whether one could find a much better definition than this: the training of the mind to look at experience objectively, without immediate relation to one's own time and place. And so, if we recognise the relative importance of the modern period for our own contemporary needs, we must hold that the best preparation for interpreting it truly, for investigating its movements, for deducing its practical lessons, is to be brought up in a school where its place is estimated in scales in which the weight of contemporary interest is not thrown. Beyond its value as a limiting controlling 31 conception, the idea of the future developement of man has also a positive importance. It furnishes in fact the justification of much of the laborious historical work that has been done and is being done to-day. The gathering of materials bearing upon minute local events, the collation of MSS. and the registry of their small variations, the patient drudgery in archives of states and municipalities, all the microscopic research that is carried on by armies of toiling students it may seem like the bearing of mortar and bricks to the site of a building which has hardly been begun, of whose plan the labourers know but little. This work, the hewing of wood and the drawing of water, has to be done in faith-in the faith that a complete assemblage of the smallest facts of human history will tell in the end. The labour is performed for posterity—for remote posterity; and when, with intelligible scepticism, someone asks the use of the accumulation of statistics, the publication of trivial records, the labour expended on 32 4 minute criticism, the true answer is: "That is not so much our business as the business of future generations. We are heaping up material and arranging it, according to the best methods we know; if we draw what con- clusions we can for the satisfaction of our own generation, we never forget that our work is to be used by future ages. It is intended for those who follow us rather than for ourselves, and much less for our grandchildren than for generations very remote." For a long time to come one of the chief services that research can perform is to help to build, firm and solid, some of the countless stairs by which men of distant ages may mount to a height unattain- able by us and have a vision of history which we cannot win, standing on our lower slope. But if we have to regard the historical labours of man, for many a century to come, as the ministrations of a novitiate, it does not follow that we should confine ourselves to the collection and classification of materials, the 33 technical criticism of them, and the examination of special problems; it does not follow that the constructive works of history which each age produces and will continue to produce according to its lights may not have a permanent value. It may be said that like the serpents of the Egyptian enchanters they are perpetually swallowed up by those of the more potent magicians of the next generation; but-apart from the fact that they contribute themselves to the power of the enchantment which over- comes them-it is also true that though they may lose their relative value, they abide as milestones of human progress; they belong to the documents which mirror the form and feature of their age, and may be part of the most valuable material at the disposal of posterity. If we possessed all the sources which Tacitus used for his sketch of the early imperial period, his Annals would lose its value in one sense, but it would remain to the furthest verge of time a monument of the highest significance, 3 B. 34 in its treatment, its method and its outlook, for the history of the age in which he lived. When the ultimate history of Germany in the nineteenth century comes to be written, it will differ widely from Treitschke's work, but that brilliant book. can never cease to be a characteristic document of its epoch. The remarks which I have ventured to offer are simply deductions from the great principle of developement in time, which has given a deep and intense meaning to the famous aphorism of Hippocrates, that Science is long, a maxim so cold and so inspiring. The humblest student of history may feel assured that he is not working only for his own time; he may feel that he has an interest to consult and a cause to advance beyond the interest and cause of his own age. And this does not apply only to those who are engaged in research. It applies also to those who are studying history without any intention of adding to knowledge. Every individual who is deeply impressed with the 35 fact that man's grasp of his past developement helps to determine his future developement, and who studies history as a science not as a branch of literature, will contribute to form a national conscience that true history is of supreme im- portance, that the only way to true history lies through scientific research, and that in promoting and prosecuting such research we are not in- dulging in a luxury but doing a thoroughly practical work and performing a great duty to posterity. K One of the features of the renovation of the study of history has been the growth of a larger view of its dominion. Hitherto I have been dwelling upon its longitudinal aspect as a sequence in time, but a word may be said about its latitude. The exclusive idea of political history, Staatengeschichte, to which Ranke held so firmly, has been gradually yielding to a more comprehensive definition which embraces as its material all records, whatever their nature may 36 be, of the material and spiritual developement, of the culture and the works, of man in society, from the stone age onwards. It may be said that the wider view descends from Herodotus, the narrower from Thucydides. The growth of the larger conception was favoured by the national movements which vindicated the idea of the people as distinct from the idea of the state; but its final victory is assured by the application of the principle of developement and the "historical method" to all the manifestations of human activity-social institutions, law, trade, the industrial and the fine arts, religion, philo- sophy, folklore, literature. Thus history has acquired a much ampler and more comprehensive meaning, along with a deeper insight into the constant interaction and reciprocity among all the various manifestations of human brain-power and human emotion. Of course in actual practice labour is divided; political history and the histories of the various parts of civilisation can and must be separately treated; but it makes a 37 vital difference that we should be alive to the interconnexion, that no department should be isolated, that we should maintain an intimate association among the historical sciences, that we should frame an ideal-an ideal not the less useful because it is impracticable-of a true history of a nation or a true history of the world in which every form of social life and every manifestation of intellectual developement should be set forth in its relation to the rest, in its significance for growth or decline. Cambridge has officially recognised this wider view of history by the name and constitution of the body which administers historical studies- the "Board of Historical and Archaeological Studies." If that branch of historical research which we call archaeology bears a distinct name and occupies its distinct place, it is simply because the investigation of the historical records with which it deals requires a special training of faculties of observation not called into play in the study of written documents. But it must 3-3 it 38 1 not be forgotten that the special historian whom we call an archaeologist needs a general training in history and a grasp of historical perspective as much as any other historical specialist. It must be borne in mind that this, as well as his special scientific training, is needed to differ- entiate the archaeologist from the antiquarian of the prescientific Oldbuck type, who in the first place has no wide outlook on history, and secondly cannot distinguish between legitimate profitable hypotheses and guesses which are quite from the purpose. Such antiquarians have not yet disappeared. It is significant that two brilliant historians, to both of whom the study of history in this country is deeply indebted, built perilous superstructures in regard to the English Conquest upon speculations which were only superior specimens of the pre- scientific type. It is earnestly to be wished that the history schools of the Universities may turn out a new kind of critical anti- quarians in Britain who instead of molesting 39 their local monuments with batteries of irrelevant erudition and fanciful speculation, with volleys of crude etymologies, will help to further our knowledge of British history, coming with a suitable equipment to the arduous, important and attractive task of fixing, grouping, and interpreting the endless fragments of historical wreckage which lie scattered in these islands. I venture to insist with some emphasis on this, because there are few fields where more work is to be done or where labourers are more needed than the Celtic civilisations of Western Europe. In tracing from its origins the course of western history in the Middle Ages, we are pulled up on the threshold by the uncertainties and ob- scurities which brood over the Celtic world. And for the purpose of prosecuting that most. difficult of all inquiries, the ethnical problem, the part played by race in the developement of peoples and the effects of race blendings, it must be remembered that the Celtic world commands one of the chief portals of ingress 40 into that mysterious prae-Aryan foreworld, from which it may well be that we modern Europeans have inherited far more than we dream. For pursuing these studies it is manifest that scholars in the British islands are in a particularly favour- able position. Most beginners set to work at the study which attracts them, and follow the lines that have been constructed for them, without any clear apprehension or conviction of the greater issues involved. That apprehension only comes. to them afterwards, if indeed it ever comes. It has seemed to me that it might not be amiss if historical students, instead of merely taking the justification of their subject for granted, were brought at the outset to consider its significance and position from the highest point of view,—if they were stimulated to apprehend vividly that the study of history and the method of studying it are facts of ecumenical importance. In at- tempting to illustrate this-very inadequately in 41 the small compass of an introductory address,— I have sought to indicate the close interconnexion between the elevation of history to the position of a science and the recognition of the true nature of its practical significance as being itself a factor in evolution. I may conclude by repeating that, just as he will have the best prospect of being a successful investigator of any group of nature's secrets who has had his mental attitude determined by a large grasp of cosmic problems, even so the historical student should learn to realise the human story sub specie perennitatis; and that, if, year by year, history is to become a more and more powerful force for stripping the bandages of error from the eyes of men, for shaping public opinion and advancing the cause of intellectual and political liberty, she will best prepare her disciples for the performance of that task, not by considering the immediate utility of next week or next year or next century, not by accommodating her ideal or limiting her range, 42 but by remembering always that, though she may supply material for literary art or philo- sophical speculation, she is herself simply a science, no less and no more. CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. phy UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN 3 9015 06441 3456 . Į