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THE
CAMPAIGN IN BELGIUM
1815
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY
AND WATERLOO
A NARRATIVE OF THE CAMPAIGN IN BELGIUM, 1815
BY
DORSEY GARDNER
ARBOR: SCIENTIA
Tillmau 2 TL!
ARBOR VITÆ
Julle
LONDON
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, & CO., I PATERNOSTER SQUARE
1882
(The rights of translation and of reproduction
are reserved)
1917
ARTES
SCIENTIA
VERITAS
LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN.
USUL
Sicus
TRENOR
1.QURHIS.PENINSUAMAMO SAM
WAV
CITICUMSPICE
WUWUHTADEN
TITIKTIERNI
GHIUHINI
The
ninthnu
THE GIFT OF
Bradford Perkins
PREFACE.
The following pages are intended to afford a some-
what detailed narrative of the events of the campaign
in Belgium during the four days June 15-18, 1815.
Military criticism, as far as possible, is excluded ; and
where it is essential the writer has in general preferred
to use the words of those entitled to speak with an
authority to which he has no claim.
To excuse the addition of another detailed account
of the Campaign and Battle of Waterloo to the already
redundant writings on the subject, the writer may be
pardoned for citing his own experience. Having occa-
sion to acquaint himself with these events, he found, on
consulting the standard authorities, that no existing
narrative set forth accurately the general features of
the campaign and the four battles included in it. The
popular notions concerning them he found to be mostly
derived from accounts prepared at the time, hastily
and from inadequate information, yet which secured a
standing from which they have never been dislodged.
In many later writings national vanities and prejudices,
disingenuous statements by the original actors or in
their behalf, suppressions of evidence since brought to
vi
PREFACE.
light, anecdotes flattering or the reverse, obscurities
generated by controversy, the use of haphazard con-
jecture in the place of exact knowledge--all these have
combined to make the accepted story of Waterloo unin-
telligible and misleading. But of late years honest and
capable investigators have collated the Waterloo litera-
ture of many countries and sifted out the truth from the
overlying falsehood. None of them, it has so happened,
has put the result of his labour into the form of con-
secutive narrative; yet they have made it possible for
others to do so. The collecting of such an account is
what has been attempted in the following pages.
As to the Campaign and Battle of Waterloo, the in-
dispensable source of information is the History of the
War in France and Belgium in 1815, by Captain
William Siborne. The elaborate maps and plans of
that work, its tables showing authentically and in de-
tail the strength of all the armies engaged, its un-
abridged transcript of orders by the several command-
ers, and the author's painstaking accuracy and tho-
roughness, together with a fair-mindedness very unusual
among national-history writers, render it possible to
follow his account almost implicitly--as far as it goes.
In his narrative of events that were known to him
Siborne made his book exhaustive, and his descriptions
of particular passages in battles are frequently clear and
spirited, so that many of them are here cited literally.
But his work is incomplete as to some essential facts
which have been brought to light since he wrote (in
1844), and his general method of narration, as well as
his structure of sentences, is so diffuse and involved
in a word, he is so phenomenally destitute of the power
PREFACE.
vii
of expression--that it is often only by repeated readings
that one can get at the purport of what he had to say.
Added to this drawback, Siborne wrote in the capacity
of a semi-official historiographer; so that the disclosure
of his opinions about men and events was hampered by
restraints of a quasi-diplomatic nature, while his blind
adulation of the Duke of Wellington's military infalli-
bility invalidates many of his judgments. In brief, no
full knowledge of the Waterloo Campaign can be ob-
tained without use of Siborne's materials, but a clear
understanding of it cannot be extracted from his pages
without extraneous aid--the aid, moreover, of writers
greatly his superiors in military knowledge.
The means of reaching a full comprehension of the
outlines of the campaign are afforded in the Waterloo
Lectures, a Study of the Campaign of 1815, by the late
Colonel Charles C. Chesney. This book—which does not
comprise a narrative of the events it analyses and discusses
—was first published in England in 1868 ; translations
into French and German introduced it to the military
students of the Continent; and, as the product of their
criticisms, and the consequent additions engrafted into
its third edition (1874), we have in it the embodiment
of what had been done up to that time in Waterloo
criticism by the writers of England, Prussia, France,
Austria, and Belgium. Without reciting the incidents of
the campaign, it corrects the errors, settles the doubts,
supplies the omissions of previous narrators, and-
doubtless by design, though it is nowhere so declared—
completes the information which is deficient in Siborne's
story. The book is especially noteworthy for its mer-
ciless and irrefragable exposure of the mendacity with
viii
PREFACE.
which Napoleon, followed by Thiers, sought to shift
upon Marshals Ney and Grouchy the blame for the
French overthrow at Waterloo. It presupposes a
familiarity with the details of the campaign; but it, or
its equivalent, is essential to a mastery of these details.
For the battle itself, it has nowhere been outlined
so firmly as in the Notes on the Battle of Waterloo, by
General Sir James Shaw Kennedy, posthumously pub-
lished in 1868. The author—who in 1815 was Captain
Shaw-served on the Duke of Wellington's staff during
the battle, and had an exceptional insight into its de-
termining incidents, as well as an important part in at
least one of them. His analysis and clear exposition of
the several phases of the action afford a complete inter-
pretation of what all previous accounts presented
chaos of disconnected and incoherent struggles. Like
Chesney, he was a master of those higher principles of
military science in which Siborne was little skilled, and
had the gift of demonstrating their application to the
comprehension of the unlearned in his art. But his
pages
afford no more than a bare outline sketch of the
grand events of the day, told with a brevity that
amounts to curtness, and he leaves the details to be
filled in from other sources.
Only one other of the books on Waterloo need be
particularly mentioned. This is the Histoire de la
Campagne de 1815, by Lieutenant-Colonel Charras—a
work in which an accomplished military theorist goes over
the events with nearly the fulness of Siborne, throwing
upon them very often entirely new lights. Charras had
commanded in the French army in Algeria; he had
held high position in the War Office at Paris under the
PREFACE.
ix
Republic; he was driven into exile and bitter hostility
to Bonapartism by Napoleon III, and thus found at
once the incentive, the opportunity, and the leisure to
produce a work which is in its way a masterpiece.
Aware of the hitherto unused stores of facts in the
French War Office records, he had them searched and
summarised for hiin by friends in Paris; the War
Minister of the Netherlands gave him access to all their
archives ; he studied all previous writings on the sub-
ject; during a three years' residence at Brussels he
made repeated and careful surveys of the ground fought
over ; he sought information from participants in the
campaign, French, Belgian, English, and Prussian ; and,
as the result of all this laborious examination, he pub-
lished, in 1857, a work which was instantly recognised
as authoritative, which cleared up much that was pre-
viously obscure and reversed many opinions that had pre-
viously been treated as settled, and which has never been
controverted in any material respect. A reader who
should confine himself to a single book upon Waterloo
ought, beyond all question, to make choice of Charras's.
Yet it is to be read with a certain caution. It was
written expressly and avowedly for the disparagement
of the military reputation of Napoleon. The writer
does not like Thiers, on the other side-suppress, per-
vert, falsify; he writes honestly, and fortifies his asser-
tions; yet he is distinctly pleading a cause, and his
reader must be continually on his guard. In another
respect his representations must be received with allow-
ance : he wrote, as it were, as the guest and under the
auspices of the Belgian Government; and he has re-
quited this hospitality by softening, so far as extreme
X
PREFACE.
ingenuity availed, the ignominious part which Belgium
played in the war. One other respect in which the
book differs from its predecessors is that the writer
thoroughly realised that Napoleon, at the time of the
Waterloo campaign, was in a state of health that inca-
pacitated him from such exertions, physical or intellec-
tual, as he had made in former wars. Charras has in-
deed perceived and said thus much ; but he has not
shown-perhaps it could not be shown except by evi-
dence that has been produced since he wrotemthat
Napoleon's condition was of itself sufficient, apart from
other causes, to bring about the miscarriage of his
enterprise.
The other works here followed are sufficiently cha-
racterised in the notes upon the pages where they are
cited, and it will be sufficient in this place to enumerate
the titles of the more important in an order approxi-
mating to that of their relative usefulness and trust-
worthiness :-
Col. Charles C. Chesney-Waterloo Lectures: a Study of
the Campaign of 1815.
General Sir J. Shaw Kennedy-Notes on Waterloo.
Captain William Siborne-History of the War in France
and Belgium in 1815.
Lieutenant-Colonel Charras--Histoire de la Campagne de
1815: Waterloo.
Duke of Wellington-Memorandum on General Clause-
witz's Campaign of 1815.
George Hooper - Waterloo.
Erckmann-Chatrian-Waterloo.
General Baron de Jomini—Life of Napoleon.
-Political and Military Sum-
mary of the Campaign of 1815. (An elaboration of a
chapter in the preceding.)
PREFACE.
xi
General Sir Edward Cust--Annals of the Wars of the
Nineteenth century.
Sir Archibald Alison History of Europe.
Sir Walter Scott-Life of Napoleon Buonaparte.
-Paul's Letters to his Kinsfolk.
Capt. J. W. Pringle-Remarks on the Campaign of 1815.
(Printed as an Appendix to Scott's Napoleon.)
J. G. Lockhart-Life of Napoleon.
Adolphe Thiers-History of the Consulate and the Empire.
Rev. G. R. Gleig-Story of the Battle of Waterloo.
Rev. John S. C. Abbott- History of Napoleon Bonaparte.
William Hazlitt-Life of Napoleon Bonaparte.
Victor Hugo-A passage in Les Misérables on the Battle
of Waterloo.
The recently published Letters of Metternich, Tal-
leyrand, and Mme. de Rémusat add nothing to our
knowledge of this campaign. Since this book was com-
pleted Mr. John C. Ropes has published in the Atlantic
Monthly (June, 1881) an article entitled Who Lost
Waterloo ? in which he puts the blame of the defeat
upon Grouchy, because his march to Wavre was con-
ducted on the east of the river Dyle, “outside of” the
Prussians; whereas, if he had crossed the river at
Mousty early on the morning of June 18, and taken
the interior line for his advance, thus interposing be-
tween the Prussians and the Grand Army, Napoleon
might then have employed his whole force against
Wellington's unsupported army, and have beaten it
by 3 P.M. This course, says Mr. Ropes, would certainly
have been taken by “ Davoust, whom [Napoleon] might
have had, and ought to have had, in Grouchy's place.”
The documents given in the course of the following
narrative, however, prove, as it seems to the writer',
beyond room for doubt, that the falsc direction of the
xii
PREFACE.
march and its fatal consequences were chargeable solely
to Napoleon, and to his unprecedented apathy about
ascertaining the purposes of Blücher. Moreover, Mr.
Ropes does not touch upon the consideration that
Wellington would not have accepted battle except upon
the absolute certainty of Blücher's co-operation. One
very damaging fact, nevertheless, he seems to substan-
tiate against Grouchy-his "wilful concealment” and
“persistent denial,” during nearly thirty years, of an
order in which Napoleon warned him against a possible
union of Blücher with Wellington, and enjoined upon
him the importance of preserving constant communica-
tion with headquarters.
Charras's warning of the importance of regarding
the dates of this campaign may explain the prominence
which has been given them throughout this work. He
says :
“ We are obliged to enter into minute details, but it is an
inconvenience inherent in the recital of this campaign, so short
in its duration. Hours here had, so to say, an influence as
great as days in other wars, and it is necessary to fix them
with precision, to write with the watch on the table, to avoid
being led astray by statements tending to mislead (s'égarer
à la suite des récits intéressés à l'inexactitude).”
To secure the absolute precision in this respect, by the
neglect of which so much error has been imported into
the story of this campaign, the expedient has been
adopted of stating not only the day, but, whenever
possible, the hour of each incident so prominently that
they cannot be overlooked and may readily be com-
| This suppressed order is inserted in its proper place in the narrative,
page 148, note 88.
PREFACE.
xiii
pared. When a date is no better than presumptive
or conjectural, it is accompanied by a note of interro-
gation (?); when it has been in dispute, the justification
of the one adopted is given in a footnote; when stated
without qualification, it is to be understood that, in the
writer's opinion, there is no room for doubt respecting
it.
There remains one further explanation of a peculiar
arrangement adopted in the composition of this work.
The text was designed to form as nearly as possible a
continuous and chronological record of events; at the
same time, there was much in the nature of parenthesis,
of explanation, of illustration, of anecdote, of contro-
versy, that ought not to be excluded. Such matters
have been treated in notes which leaving the text com-
plete in itself-furnish a repository for a miscellaneous
store of Waterloo fact and fiction, some of it important,
some trivial, but all, as it seemed to the compiler, having
claim to attention. The advantage of an uninterrupted
narrative must be his apology for the unusual array of
footnotes
D. G.
NEW YORK: July, 1881
PLANS.
ANGLO-ALLIED ARMY
to face page 201
REMAINS OF ANGLO-ALLIED CAVALRY
99
323
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
tory.
THOSE events of the earlier part of the Hundred Days 1 Introdue-
which are essential as an introduction to the campaign
of Waterloo may be briefly summarized. Leaving Elba
--which for nearly ten months had been his place of
exile—at the end of the winter of 1815, Napoleon landed Feb. 26,
on the coast of France on the first day of spring, pre- March 1.
pared to reclaim his forfeited throne.2 His advance
toward the capital, unpromising in some of its earlier
incidents, soon became a triumphal progress; one after
another of those sent to turn back his invasion joined
his standard-chief among them Marshal Ney, with
whose defection the Bourbons lost all hope of support March 14.
by any part of the army ;-Louis XVIII fled as he drew March 19.
near, betaking himself first to Lille, and then establish-
ing his court at Ghent; and Napoleon, having gained
back his Empire without shedding a drop of blood, re-en
tered the Tuileries amid the rapturous applause of his March 20.
adherents. The restored Emperor lost no time in ap-
plying himself to the settlement of his government, and
1 "The Hundred Days" are com- consisted of 500 grenadiers of his
puted from March 13, 1815, when Guard, 200 dragoons, and 100 Polish
Napoleon assumed the government, to lancers-all of whom were soldiers
June 22, the day of his second abdi- of the old Grand Army who had
cation,
followed him to Elba. The cavalry
Napoleon's entire following, were unmounted, and carried their
when he disembarked at Cannes, saddles on their backs.
B
2
2
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
tory.
Introduc- particularly to the execution of four imperative tasks-
(1) the establishment of his power in France itself; (2)
the creation of armies and the material of war ; (3) the
adjustment of the national finances; and (4) the organi-
zation of the diplomatic relations and civil administra-
tion of the government.
(1) In the assertion of his power at home Napoleon
lost no time. Royalist uprisings were on foot in southern
France even before he had reached Paris, and quickly
overspread Guienne, Languedoc, Provence, and Bor-
deaux. But Imperial troops were promptly dispatched
from Lyons, with instructions to “put an end to the civil
war at whatever cost ;” and so energetically were these
carried out that, on April 29th, a salute of 100 guns from
all the fortresses of France announced that the Imperial
authority was everywhere established. Almost in-
stantly, however (May ist), the Marquis de la Roche-
jaquelain made a descent upon the coast of La Vendée,
and aroused so general an insurrection among the
peasantry that his followers soon numbered 20,000
armed men ; and the prolonged struggle which ensued,
though ultimately abortive, served to retain in the west
the 17,000 French veterans sent to quell it, and lessened
by so much the Emperor's strength at Waterloo.
(2) The military force of France had gone almost to
pieces under the Bourbons. The arsenals had been
emptied by the drains of previous campaigns and the
abstractions of the invading armies ; the fortresses along
the exposed eastern frontier had been stripped by the
Allies, who took 12,000 pieces of cannon from 53 for-
tresses; and equipments of every kind were wanting for
At once double forces of workmen were
employed at all the manufactories of arms, and 20,000
muskets a month were thus produced, while this inade-
quate supply was increased by establishing bodies of
the army.
NAPOLEON'S TASK.
3
tory.
workmen at different points, and by calling in the old Introduc-
arms, repairing, and re-issuing them; all foundries were
engaged in casting guns; horses were bought at all the
fairs and from the peasants; every commune was called
upon to furnish its proportion of the clothing and uni-
forms for a battalion; and by the end of May equip-
ments were provided for 220,000 troops. As to the
army itself, Napoleon found at the end of March only
100,000 troops of the line, and these “ re-organized” by
the Bourbons upon a pre-Revolutionary model. His
first step was to re-form the old regiments, to give them
back the old numbers and the eagles which spoke of
their past glories, and to recall to their standards by
proclamation the veterans who had been pensioned or
discharged under the Restoration. At the same time
he ordered the formation of the 3d, 4th, and 5th bat..
talions of every old regiment of infantry and of the 4th
and 5th squadrons of every regiment of cavalry, of 30
new battalions of artillery, 10 of waggon-train, 20 regi-
ments of the Young Guard, and 20 of marines ; and, by
the reorganization of the National Guard and other
measures, he arranged to have by October ist an effective
force of 800,000 men, and counted on having ultimately
an armed establishment numbering, of all kinds,
2,500,000. The actually effective field forces on June
ist were about 200,000.8
(3) The financial difficulties which confronted Napo-
leon seemed little short of insurmountable, and might
3 The strength with which Na- 198,000. It may be observed in ge-
poleon entered upon the Waterloo veral that quotations of figures in
campaign has usually been stated at this parrative, when not otherwise
higher numbers than 200,000. Si- accounted for, are taken from Si-
borne, for instance, gives it borne, corrected by Chesney or
217,000. But Col. Chesney, in Charras when occasion requires.
his Waterloo Lectures, after examin- The distribution of the troops above
ing Charras's scrutiny of the War referred to will be found in note 6,
Bureau records at Paris, sets it at page 9.
as
B2
4
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Introduc-
tory.
have proved wholly so, had the Empire been given a
new lease of life. The economies of Louis XVIII had
left some 40,000,000 francs in the treasury, with nearly
as much to come in from bills about to mature for the
sale of national wood ; but the first six weeks' expendi-
tures of the Imperial government served to exhaust the
cash in hand, though it was husbanded by getting sup-
plies by military requisition, when possible, or by paying
with orders on the treasury at distant dates—a proce-
dure which ultimately brought no small trouble to the
restored Bourbons. For present needs, it proved that
arrears of taxes were almost irrecoverable, and that
capitalists—who, with all people of substance, had no
faith in the stability of the Empire-declined to make
advances on any terms. In this exigency, the sinking-
fund—which had remained intact through all previous
emergencies, and which yielded 4,000,000 francs per
annum--was sold after much solicitation to an unwil-
ling association of bankers for 31,000,000 francs in
ready money ; bills about to fall due were discounted
at rates as high as 18 per cent., and the revenues of
future years forestalled in various ways ; so that during
April and May 80,000,000 francs were raised. This
sufficed to meet the unavoidable needs of the Empire
until it went down in the crash of Waterloo.
(4) Napoleon's efforts to establish diplomatic rela-
tions with the Powers of Europe were---as, indeed, he
foresaw must be the case-wholly unproductive. Their
determination to suppress him had been proclaimed
before he remounted his throne. When the news of his
departure from Elba reached Vienna, there was still in
session there that Congress of the Allied Powers which
had originally assembled to readjust the affairs of
Europe, left in a chaotic state on the downfall of the
Empire; and its meetings had been prolonged by the
March 7.
NAPOLEON'S TASK.
5
tory.
men.
war.
dissensions among the Powers themselves and their Introduc-
jealousies respecting the territories to be partitioned
among them,-insomuch that the peacemakers seemed
not unlikely to go to war with one another, and still
retained on foot armies aggregating nearly a million of
At first the representatives at Vienna were in
doubt as
to Napoleon's probable movements, and
imagined that he would betake himself to Naples,
where his brother-in-law Murat was making ready for
But soon they received intelligence that he had March 9.
landed in France, that troops had joined him, that he
was moving toward Paris; and then it was clear that
he aimed at nothing less than resuming the sovereignty
of France. The Vienna plenipotentiaries quickly indi-
cated the intentions of their governments by issuing the Merch 13.
following declaration of outlawry:
“ The Powers which signed the Treaty of Paris, re-assembled
in Congress at Vienna, informed of the escape of Napoleon
Bonaparte and of his entry with an armed force into France,
owe it to their own dignity and to the interest of nations to
make a solemn announcement of their sentiments on the occa-
sion. By thus breaking the convention which had established
him in the island of Elba, Bonaparte has destroyed the sole
legal title on which his existence depended; and by appearing
again in France with projects of confusion and disorder, he has
deprived himself of the protection of the laws, and has mani-
fested to the universe that there can be neither peace nor truce
with him. The Powers consequently declare that Napoleon
Bonaparte has placed himself without the pale of civil and
social relations, and that, as an enemy and disturber of the
tranquillity of the world, he is abandoned to public vengeance.
They declare at the same time that, firmly resolved to maintain
entire the Treaty of Paris of the 30th of May, 1814, and the
dispositions sanctioned by that treaty, they will employ all the
means at their disposal to secure the preservation of general
peace, the object of all their efforts; and, although firmly per-
suaded that the whole of France will combine to crush this last
6
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Introduc-
tory.
mad attempt of criminal ambition, yet, if it should prove other-
wise, they declare that they are ready to unite all their efforts,
and exert all the powers at their disposal, to give the King of
France all necessary assistance, and make common cause against
all those who shall compromise the public tranquillity.
[Signed] METTERNICH, TALLEYRAND, WELLINGTON, HARDENBERG,
NESSELRODE, LÖWENHEIM."
In the spirit of this declaration, moreover, a Treaty
March 25. of Alliance was presently concluded, by which Russia,
Prussia, Austria, and Great Britain engaged to unite
their forces against Napoleon; to furnish 180,000 men
each for the prosecution of the war, of which at least
one-tenth was to be cavalry, with a fair proportion of
artillery ; and, if necessary, to draw forth their entire
military forces. Inasmuch as the Continental Powers
Accompanying these measures
of the sovereigns was a popular up-
rising throughout Europe, of wbich
Charras gives this picture :-“Ger-
many was seized with enthusiasm
and with fiy as in 1813. The
desks of the church and of the uni-
versity were changed anew into tri-
bunes whence there resounded every
instant the appeal to arms for the
safety of the country. The profes-
sor's again quitted their robes for uni-
forms. Their pupils resumed the
musket. The songs of Arndt, of
Körner, the popular Tyrtauses of
Germany, once more awakened the
echoes of town and country. Jour-
nals, pamphlets, proclamations thick-
ened, and succeeded one another
without intermission, exciting me-
mories of injuries endured, of blood
shed, of fortunes ruined, kindling all
the brands of batred, launching me-
Hace and insult, not only ayainst
Napoleon, but also, alas! against
France.-There were the exactions
of Berlin and Hamburg, the exces-
sive and endless requisitions, the
contingents devoured by the war;
there was the grand iniquity of the
Continental blockade, imposed and
maintained by Napoleon against the
stranger but violated by himself, for
his own profit, along the boundaries
of the Empire; there were Rome,
Holland, Oldenburg, the Hanseatic
towns, etc., incorporated with France,
in time of peace, in despite of trea-
ties; there were the violations of
neutrality, the assassination of Vin-
cennes, the ambush of Bayonne, the
invasion of Spain, the peoples given
in appanage to the brothers, the sis-
ters, the lieutenants of Napoleon ;
there were also the evils inseparable
from every war which were invoked
to arouse the nations against him
who had sought, who again sought,
the monarchy of Europe, and against
the French people-his accomplice,
they said.—This unanimity had never
before existed.
The striſe
was at hand, imminent. Europe was
engaging her whole power; it was
NAPOLEON'S TASK.
7
tory.
were utterly bankrupt, Great Britain undertook to Introduc-
enable them to put their armies in motion by advancing
them subsidies exceeding £11,000,000. Within six
months at the latest, the Allies calculated forces
amounting, after all reasonable deductions, to 600,000
men could be brought to invade France from every
side, and once again to concentrate under the walls
of Paris. = With the Allies in this warlike temper, all
Napoleon's efforts to negotiate with them were in vain.
His circular letter to the sovereigns—which began in April 1.
the usual style, “Sir, my brother, and professed an
earnest desire for peace --- received no answer; all
Caulaincourt's diplomatic overtures were similarly ig-
nored, and his bearers of dispatches arrested or turned
back; and at last he was confidentially informed that it
was useless to try to make the Allies depart from their
determination. Napoleon, therefore, made ready to
repel the attack which it had proved impossible to
avert, and resolved to do this by falling in the first
instance upon the troops which the Allies had assembled
in Belgium.
necessary, therefore, that the chief peal solemnly to France, to her whole
of the Empire, so suddenly restored, energy, in the name of her imperilled
should lose not a day, not an hour, independence.”
in preparing the national deſence. 5 The full text of the Treaty is
Days were months, months years, at given by Siborne.
The subsidies,
this terrible epoch. He needed cou- which England undertook to pay in
rage instantly to proclaim the supreme monthly instalments, are thus enu-
gravity of his circumstances, to ap- merated by Alison :
.
Austria .
Russia
Prussia
Hanover
Spain
£1,796,220 | Portugal. £100,000 Minor Powers . £1,724,000
3,241,919 Sweden
521,061 Miscellaneous .
837,134
2,382,823 Italy and
206,590
Nether-
In all. £11,035,232
147,333
lands
78,152
事
​.
Portugal and Sweden, however
alone among the states of Europe,-
refused to furnish any contingents.
6 Brialmont summarizes in the
following terms the Allies' plan of
military operations :-"Schwartzen-
berg was about to pass the Rhine in
two columns--the right at Mannheina
8
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Introduc-
tory.
In the arrangement of his civil affairs Napoleon had
found difficulties only less than in his foreign relations.
and Germersheim, the left at Basle were to regulate their movements
and Rheinfelden. The one was to according to the progress of the Rus-
move upon Châlons by Marne, the sians and the Austrians, and to take
other by St. Dizier.
The right the road toward Laon, debouching
column was to connect itself with by Maubeuge and Auvergne. As to
the Prussian army, which had orders the Austro-Sardinians, they were in-
to pass the Sarre above the point structed to march upon Lyons, to
where Schwartzenberg passed it, ascend for a while the course of the
the Moselle between Thionville and Loire, and to fall in upon the left of
Metz, the Meuse near to Verdun. Schwartzenberg." The operations
The points of direction for the Rus- actually accomplished by these seve-
sians were Chalons-sur-Marne and ral Allied forces are summarized by
Rheims. Kleist's corps was to ob- Siborne in the Supplement to his
serve and attack the forts of the History of the War in France and
Meuse in the direction of Sedan. Belgium. Their respective strength
Finally, Wellington and Blücher was as follows:-
Anglo-Allied Army, under Wellington
105,950
Prussian Army
Blücher,
116,897
German Corps d'Armée
Kleist
26,200
Army of the Upper Rhine Schwartzenberg
254,492
Russian Army
Barclay de Tolly 167,950
Army of Italy
Frimont.
60,000
Total Allied Armies in the field, June, 1815 · 731,489
.
.
.
.
6
Napoleon's possible lines of action
under these circumstances are thus
enumerated by Brialmont :-" First,
he might negotiate, though that pro-
ceeding offered no chance of success.
[Its failure has already been detailed
in the text.] Second, he might
remain upon the defensive, and ac-
cept the attack of the Allies near
Paris and Lyons. But this would
be to deliver over half of France to
the enemy, to throw the populace
into consternation, and discourage
the troops. Third, he might advance,
against the Anglo-Prussians, and
beat them before the other contin-
gents could come up. But this was
to precipitate the war, while as yet
no army had been brought together
strong enough to maintain the con-
test with fair chances of success.
This latter inconvenience, however,
appeared less serious than the others.
At all events, the Emperor suffered
himself to be carried away by one
urgent consideration :- The plan
of anticipating the Anglo-Prussians,'
said he,
was alone in conformity
with the genius of the nation, and
with the spirit and principles of the
war in which he was engaged; and
it would get rid of the fearful incon-
venience which attached to the second
project, viz., the abandonment of
Flanders, Picardy, Alsace, Lorraine,
Champagne, Burgundy, Franche-
Comté, Dauphiné, without firing a
shot.?” According to Charras, Napo-
NAPOLEON'S TASK.
9
tory.
Enthusiastic as his partizans appeared at his return, few Introduc-
of them were willing to accept the dangerous honour of
holding office under him ; and it was with great diffi-
culty that he overcame the reluctance of the eight men
who formed his cabinet-Cambacérès, Davoust, Caulain-
court, Fouché, Carnot, Gaudin, Mollière, and Decrès :-
while he could only officer the interior departments of
government by appointing persons previously discarded
in disgrace or whose mutual jealousies and sympathies
leon made a serious modification in of being powerful nowhere. А.
his original plan.
6 While he sum-
grave fault, which bo was about, but
moned the corps of Gérard from the too late, to attempt to correct !” – Of
frontier of the Moselle to that on the troops with which Napoleon
the North," says Charras," he left purposed operating, only the Grand
the corps of Rapp in Alsace, and Army, which he led in person, was
thus voluntarily deprived himself of a in an effective condition.when he
force of above 20,000 men, who would was obliged to take the field. The
be powerless where he left them, but other corps were but the nuclei of
who, if led into Belgium, would have future armies, for which recruiting
weighed heavily in the balance of
was going on in the interior. The
He falsified this principle so position of each of these, together
justly laid down, so often and so with their strength in the beginning
happily applied, by himself-to con- of June and as it would have be-
centrate his forces upon the princi- come a few weeks later, was as fol-
pal point, and not to endeavour to lows:-
have them everywhere, at the cost
war.
Commander Headquarters
Strength
in June
Prospec-
tire
strength
.
.
Grand Army
Army of the Rhine e:
Alps
Jura
Var
Eastern Pyrenees
Western Pyrenees .
La Vendée
Napoleon
Rapp
Suchet
Lecourbe
Brune
Decaen
Clauzel
Lamarque
Strasburg
Grenoble
Altkirch
Marseilles
Perpignan
Bordeaux
122,401
36,000
15,000 40,000
4,500 18,000
5,300 17,000
3,000 23,000
3,000 23,000
17,000
.
The Armies of the Rhine and the
Alps, here mentioned, were to be
increased by above 200,000 men, and
to form the second line and support
of the Grand Army in Napoleon's
further operations. In all, Napoleon
had in the field, in the middle of
June, but 206,200 men, to oppose to
the 731,489 whom the Allies had
then in arms.
IO
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Introduc-
tory.
April 30.
June
4.
with conflicting factions disposed them to serve him only
so far as was conducive to their own ulterior designs.
Through such instrumentalities he had to reconcile, as
best he might, the discordant parties which distracted
France, to establish a representative constitution, and to
organize the legislative body. Scarcely had the decree
been issued, providing for the election of deputies to the
Chamber of Representatives, when it appeared that the
substantial citizens declined to take any part in the con-
test, and the deputies returned were for the most part
political adventurers, demagogues, and enthusiasts, little
better in the aggregate than those who held sway dur-
ing the Revolution, and many of them the creatures of
Fouché. At the meeting of the Chamber for organiza-
tion it. became evident not merely that there was a
strong opposition, but that it existed with the conni-
vance of some of the ministers themselves. Subsequent
sessions disclosed a set determination on the part of the
deputies to magnify their own functions as the represen-
tatives of the people, to thwart the Imperial authority
at every step, to make even matters of military policy sub-
servient to their views—in short, to render themselves,
if opportunity served, the supreme source of power ;
and this disposition on the part of the legislature was
accompanied by such processions and other demonstra-
tions by the mob of Paris as to awaken fears that the
Revolutionary excesses were to come again. Such was
the state of things in his capital when, on the eve of his
departure for the army, Napoleon delivered his farewell
address to the Chambers. In moderate yet earnest
terms he adjured them to preserve harmony in their
counsels and a single regard to the welfare of the state.
«The crisis in which we are engaged,” said he, “is a
terrible one : let us not imitate the Greeks, who, pressed
on all sides by barbarians, made themselves the mock of
June II.
ANGLO-II
-
ALLIED POSITION.
tory.
posterity by engaging in abstract discussions at the mo- Introduc-
ment the battering-ram was thundering at their gates."?
=He then ended his twelve weeks of administrative
labour by appointing a provisional government, under
the presidency of his brother Joseph, and, after a night
spent in the cabinet, left Paris at daybreak. In two days June 12,
he was at his headquarters with the Grand Army at June 14.
Beaumont, and issuing the orders for the advance on the
morrow which was to open the campaign of Waterloo.
The armies of the Allies which Napoleon was about Prepara-
to attack occupied all southern Belgium, and guarded the Cam-
paign.
the whole French frontier from the Forest of Ardennes
on the east to the seaports on the North Sea. It had so
liappened, as an outgrowth of the doings of the Congress
at Vienna, that, at the time of Napoleon's return from
Elba, both British and Prussian troops were in that
region—the English to occupy the frontier fortresses of
the newly created Kingdom of the Netherlands until it
could be fairly organized, and to prevent any disorders
arising from the strong Gallican sympathies of the
Flemings and their hatred of the union with Holland
which had been forced upon them; while Prussia had
kept a corps of 30,000 men under Gen. Kleist in her
7 “Bitter words," is Charras's been ready to rally round its chief
characterization of Napoleon's part- and conquer with him, it would have
ing address to the Chambers, “but been better to await the enemy at
not without grandeur." His embar- the foot of Montmartre. But when
rassments from these legislative ob- interests and opinions were divided
structions influenced the military and political paasions ran high, and
plans which have been referred to in a factious legislative body was excit-
note 6, page 8. Jomini, in his Life ing divisions and animosities in the
of Napoleon, puts into the Emperor's capital, it would have been danger-
mouth this determining motive for ous there to await an invasion. A
an offensive campaign :-“If there victory beyond the frontiers would
had been no political factions in procure me time and silence my po-
France, and the entire nation had litical enemies in the interior."
I 2
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Prepara: just acquired provinces along the lower Rhine. Wel-
the Cam- lington lost no time in hastening to the seat of the
paign.
Rucre
NORTH
SEA
Scale of Miles.
5
10
20
30
Antwerp
Postend
Bruges
N
Nieuport
Ghent
NRVICRA
Vures
Courtray
Macstricht:
Deni
Tungsrce
ENTO
Louvain
BRUSSE'LS
Oudenarde
ſora
Grawnout
b Vaterloo
Enghien
vít.st. Scan
Warra
Athi
Brainc, le Comuto
Soignies
Geinbloux
Sonorte
Roculo
Gassalica
Jlonso
Charleroi
Namur
Liege
Lilleo
nienappe
Nielles
Tournay
R. At cuse
Tuy
R. Sambro
Thuin
se
Blaubeuge
Ciney
lo Dinant
Beaumont
O Philippville
Cainbray
wan
Circt?
[April 4.] coming war and making his headquarters at Brussels ;
[ April 17.] and Blücher, following him, presented himself a fortnight
later at Liége, and established headquarters at Namur.
8 The partitions of territory made the Flemings only endured the
by the Congress of Vienna had Dutch yoke until they were able to
given rise to such jealousies and assert their independence in the Re-
threatenings of war among the con- volution of 1830, when England had
tracting parties that, except France, again to take the leading part.in
all the Powers had retained their creating the Kingdom of Belgium
armies upon a war footing. Among and furnishing it with a King in the
the unfortunate new creations was person of Prince Leopold of Saxe-
this Kingdom of the Netherlands, Coburg, widower of the Princess
consisting of Holland and Belgium, Charlotte, June, 1831). In the
of which Prince Frederick William spring of 1815 the Belgian fortresses
of Nassau had just been made King were held by some 12,000 British
(March 23, 1815), and of which troops, upon which, as a nucleus, the
England had constituted herself new King of the Netherlands was
kind of guardian and protector, until forming an army of his own-the
it should attain years of maturity- entire force being under the command
(which, in fact, it never did, since of the heir apparent, the Prince of
ANGLO-ALLIED POSITION.
13
paign.
From the direction of their respective bases of supply it Prepara-
naturally resulted that the Prussians took position along the Cam-
the easternmost portion of the line to be guarded, the
English toward the sea coast; and thus the point of
junction between the extreme right of the Prussian
army and the English left fell nearly where the frontier
was crossed by the great highway from northern France
to Brussels, along which Napoleon designed his advance
upon that capital. In other words, Blücher—assuming,
and correctly, that Napoleon would never attempt the
passage of the rugged country of the Ardennes--
watched the frontier from the western limits of the
forest and the River Meuse as far west as Binche, be-
tween Charleroi and Mons; and the line of observation
thence to the sea was taken up by Wellington. The
territory thus occupied by the two armies was 100
miles from east to west and 40 from south to north, and
the duties of both were fourfold—(1) Each must pre-
serve, atits outermost wing, communication with its own
country and base of supplies ; (2) the inner wings must
communicate with one another, both for mutual sup-
port and in order to preserve unbroken the long line of
supplies which England was affording to the armies
throughout Eastern Europe ; (3) each army must be
so posted as to be able to concentrate expeditiously at
any menaced point of invasion; and (4) close watch
was to be kept along the whole line of every approach
by which the invader might come. Within the length
Orange. The Prince, however, placed take his own messenger, reaching
himself under the orders of the Duke Brussels on April 4. Here he re-
of Wellington, who had left Vienna mained, urging upon the Evglish go-
(March 29), where he was serving vernment the necessary war prepara-
as England's representative in the tions and making dispositions for the
Congress, as soon as possible after coming struggle.
learning of Napoleon's return, and • The necessity of this laborious
travelled at such speed as to over- watchfulness arose from the defen-
14
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Prepara-
tions for
the Cam-
paign.
of the frontier several roads led from France to Brussels ;
and Napoleon, screening his movements behind the
strong line of frontier fortresses held by the French,
might emerge suddenly upon any one of these. Wel-
lington had reasons for apprehending that the French
would strike first at his right flank-for, beside having
on his hands the care both of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands and of the fugitive Bourbon court at Ghent,
he held it of prime importance to preserve Ostend and
the communication with England by which his men and
munitions were arriving ;—and he therefore strengthened
the field works in that part of his line, and quartered in
that direction a considerable proportion of the troops
which were ultimately needed on his extreme left. But
he did not on that account neglect precautions for con-
centrating rapidly elsewhere. At the central point of
Brussels, his headquarters, the Duke held a heavy re-
sive policy to which Wellington and lington had arranged to invade
Blücher were constrained by the France on July 1st. Charras quotes
agreement among the Allies, that no this assertion by Wagner and Da-
forward movement should be made mitz, to contradict it by letters from
until the great masses of troops, now Wellington to Schwartzenberg (May
widely scattered throughout Europe, 9, June 2) and to the Czar Alexan-
could be assembled at connecting der (June 15).
- Before commenc-
points along the French frontier and ing operations in the North," Charras
combined in a concentric movement, says, “ Wellington and Blücher were
in overwhelming numbers, upon to wait until the Russian, Austrian,
Paris. Wellivgton, on first taking and other armies were advanced to
command, entertained ideas of as- such a point in French territory,
suming the offensive ; and, as soon that the Anglo-Prussians could sup-
as Austria had destroyed Murat in port and be supported by them.
Italy, he wrote to Schwartzenberg Now, the Russians and Austrians
(June 2), urging the immediate ad-
were not to commence hostilities
vance of the Army of the Upper until July ist.” War, it is to be re-
Rhine, and saying that he was ready, membered, had not been declared ;
and Blücher eager, to begin hostilities. and the commanders in Belgium had
Before there was time to act on this l'eceived "absolute instructions to
Napoleon made his attack, = The
respect the French frontier until the
Prussian writers on the campaign signal for hostilities should be given
have stated that Blücher and Wel- by the sovereigns."
ANGLO-ALLIED POSITION.
15
paign.
serve under his own command, while the advanced Prepara-
corps of his army could be reached by roads radiating the Cam-
thence to their interior points of communication-
Oudenarde, Grammont, Ath, Enghien, Soignies, Nivelles,
and Quatre Bras ;-—so that, by advancing with his reserve
to whichever of these might be attacked, and putting his
other troops in movement, he could assemble two-thirds
of his entire disposable force within 22 hours at the
point threatened by the enemy.
In like manner,
Blücher-with his headquarters at Namur, and the
points of concentration for his corps at Fleurus, Namur,
Ciney, and Liége—could concentrate each corps at its
own headquarters within 12 hours, or his whole army
upon any one of them within 24 hours. To concentrate
the English army on its left and the Prussian on its
right, that is at their point of junction, would of course
require a longer time than to assemble either at any
point within its own line—a feature which no doubt in-
fluenced Napoleon's plan of the campaign. Beyond
these general provisions, the commanders had drawn up
in advance specific instructions for the management of
each detachment of troops in the event of every move-
ment of the enemy that could be foreseen. For instance,
more than a month before the invasion took place, the
commander of the Prussian corps stationed at the junc-
tion of the two armies had issued orders to his brigade [May 2.]
officers how to meet the very attack which afterwards
was made upon them in the first advance of the French. .
It had moreover been agreed between Wellington
and Blücher that a battle was likely to be fought about
the ground of Quatre Bras or Ligny, and decided that
in case of necessity they should fall back and reunite
before the Forest of Soignies ; and accordingly the field
of Waterloo was mapped out by English officers a week (June 8. ]
before the invasion, and the map was used by the Duke
16
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Prepara-
tions for
paign.
the day before the battle to designate the positions the
the Cam- brigades and regiments should hold on the morrow.
Confident in the thoroughness of their dispositions and
of the vigilance of the outposts that watched for the
enemy's movement, the Allied commanders determined
to make no premature change in their arrangements
until the French mode of attack should be thoroughly
developed—a policy which, at the time, was attributed
to their being taken by surprise.
The two armies of the Allies were very differently
constituted. Prussia had on foot at the time war be-
came imminent a standing army, complete in all arms,
and near at hand, of which it was only necessary to
move forward such a part as was needed to support
Kleist's corps already on the ground. The troops of
which Bliicher thus found himself at the head varied in
quality. Nearly half, both infantry and cavalry, were
Landwehr hastily trained under the new system which
Scharnhorst had devised when Germany rose against
French domination ; and the regular troops comprised
a large proportion of recruits who filled the great gaps
made by the campaigns of Germany and France in the
ranks of the patriot volunteers of 1813. But all were
of one race and one tongue and under the same disci-
pline; and all burned to avenge the wrongs their
country had endured from the French; all, moreover,
had enthusiastic admiration for their leader and confi-
dence in him. =Wellington, on the contrary, had been
forced to improvise a fortuitous collection of nonde-
script organizations that formed, when assembled, what
he went so far as to call “ a villainous army.” Before
leaving Vienna to take command, he had written to
Lord Castlereagh, urging him to reinforce the
the Netherlands as much as possible, especially in
[April 6.] cavalry and artillery. On reaching Brussels, he wrote
[March
26.]
army in
THE ARMIES.
17
again, describing the preparations as most unsatisfac- Prepara-
tory,—for the troops of the new Kingdom of the the Cam-
Netherlands were raw levies, wholly inefficient, while paigu.
the Belgian portion of them were evidently disaffected,
and the British infantry sent him consisted largely of
recruits hastily raised or second battalions collected
from garrisons, his own Peninsular veterans having
been for the most part shipped off to America.10 “It
appears to me,” wrote the Duke confidentially," that you
" The 3d
was one
10 Some notion of the character of fit for active service, and ordered the
a portion of the British troops is Colonel to march them off the
conveyed in the Earl of Albemarle's ground, and to join a brigade then
Fifty Years of my Life. At the about to proceed to garrison Ant-
time he received his commission as werp. Tidy (the Colonel command-
ensign in the 14th regiment, in April, ing] would not budge a step. Lord
1815, the autobiographer tells us, “I Hill happening to pass by, our colo-
still wanted two months of sixteen." nel called out, 'My lord, were you
This lad at once went to Belgium satisfied with the behaviour of the
and to his regiment, which had no 14th at Corunna ?' 'Of course I
fewer than 16 ensigns.
was; but why ask the question ?'
battalion of the 14th Foot, which I Because I am sure your lordship
now joined,” he says,
will save this fine regiment from the
which in ordinary times would not disgrace of garrison duty.' Lord Hill
have been considered fit to be sent went to the Duke, who had arrived
on foreign service at all, much less that same day at Brussels, and
against an enemy in the field. Four- brought him to the window. The
teen of the officers and 300 of the men legiment was afterwards inspected
were under twenty years of age. by his Grace and their sentence re-
These last, consisting principally of versed. In the meanwhile a prig-
Buckinghamshire lads fresh from the gish staff officer, who knew nothing .
plough, were called at home the of the countermand, said to Tidy in
Bucks, but their un-buckish appear- mincing tones, 'Sir, your brigade is
ance procured for them the appella- waiting for you. Be pleased to
tion of the Peasants.' On reach- march off your men.' 'Ay, ay, sir,
ing Brussels, the Ensign relates, the was the rough reply, and, with a
battalion was “inspected by an old look of defiance, my colonel gave the
General of the name of Mackenzie, significant word of command, '14th,
who no sooner set eyes on the corps
TRONT ! Quick march.'
than he called out, 'Well, I vever From benceforth our regiment
saw such a set of boys, both officers formed part of Lord Hill's corps.”
and men.'
The General This body of raw striplings will be
could not reconcile it to his con- heard of, later, as doing good service
science to declare the raw striplings
at Waterloo.
C
ТО
THE
18
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Prepara-
tions for
the Cam-
paign.
have not taken a clear view of your situation. .
How we are to make out 150,000 men, or even the
60,000 of the defensive part of the Treaty of Chaumont,
appears not to have been considered. If you could
let me have 40,000 good British infantry, besides those
you insist upon having in garrisons, the proportions
settled by treaty that you are to furnish of cavalry, that
is to say the eighth of 150,000, including in both the
old German Legion, and 150 pieces of British field-
artillery fully horsed, I should be satisfied and take my
chance for the rest. As it is, we are in a bad way."
[April 21.) A fortnight later he complained that, instead of 150
pieces of artillery, he had but 84, of which only 42
were British, and that even for these, though he was
authorized to buy horses in Belgium, the government
furnished no drivers, whom he must supply from the
infantry, which could by no means afford to spare
them.11 Perhaps it was for this reason that he never
11 The solicitude here expressed porting them to the shore. The
by the Duke about his artillery de- English naval officer of the port said
serves note, both because of the un-
that the Duke's orders were peremp-
der-estimate of its importance which tory to land the troops without de-
has been attributed to him, and of lay, and send the ships back for
the sufferings which befell his army more; so he ordered the sailors to
at Quatre Bras and at Waterloo throw horses, saddlery, and harness
from the French ascendancy in that into the sea, whence the gunners
arın. = Some illustrations of the ex- fished out at low tide what they
perience of the artillery and of the could secure, and caught the horses,
curious army management which which had gone off in search of
prevailed under Wellington's com- forage; and there the troop was left
mand, are recorded in the Journal unfed and unsheltered through a
of the Waterloo Campaign which stormy night on a strange sea-coast,
was kept from day to day by the because no one would take the re-
English Captain (afterwards Gene-
sponsibility of directivg them whither
ral) Cavalié Mercer, who commanded to go. Captain Mercer, however,
one of the 6-horse batteries attached got his troop again into its originally
to the cavalry corps. His battery five condition, and in one of the in-
was shipped in April at Harwich, spections of the troops which the
and reached Ostend to find that no two commanders-in-chief used to
means had been provided for trans- make, it attracted their attention.
THE ARMIES.
19
66
brought up from Antwerp three batteries of 18-pounders, Prepara-
guns of position," which were sorely needed at La the Cam-
paign.
Haye Sainte. About his staff also the
About his staff also the government gave
him equal annoyance, appointing, in the stead of the
officers whom he had himself educated in the Peninsula,
novices who were pushed forward by family influence.
Complaining that certain aids had not been sent him
whose assistance he had desired, he wrote : “ It is quite [April 29.]
impossible for me to superintend the details of the
duties of these departments myself, having already more
to arrange than I am equal to ; and I cannot intrust
them to the young gentlemen of the staff of this army.
Indeed, I must say, I do not know how to employ
them."12 The same redundancy of staff officers pre-
“ Instead of proceeding straight store, and the troops supplied with
through the ranks, as they had done guns instead. Colonel Sir G. Wood,
everywhere else," says Mercer, “each instigated by Whingates, called on
subdivision—nay, each individual the Duke to ask permission to leave
horse-- was closely scrutinised, Blü- him his rockets as well as guns. A
cher repeating continually that he refusal. Sir George, however, seeing
had never seen anything so superb the Duke was in a particularly good
in his life, and concluded by exclaim- humour, ventured to say, 'It will
ing, 'Mein Gott, dere is not von break poor Whingates' heart to lose
orse in dies batterie vich is not goot his rockets.' 'Damn his heart, sir !
for Veldt Marshall' and Wellington let my orders be obeyed,' was the
agreed with him. However," adds answer thundered in his ear by the
Mercer, “except asking Sir George Duke, as he turned on the worthy
Wood whose troop it was, his Grace Sir George.” In some way not l'e-
never even bestowed a regard upon corded, a compromise must have
me as I followed from subdivision to been effected, for Sir Augustus
subdivision." One
incident Frazer, commander of the British
from Mercer will serve to illustrate horse-artillery, wrote, in
a letter
at once the Duke's irrational preju- dated Brussels, May 5: "Major
dice against all innovation and the Whingates' rocket troop has received
effectual means he took of repelling guns instead of the arm à la Congrève,
that personal affection which both of which it retains Soo." This resi-
Blücher and Napoleon won from due, as will be seen in the sequel, did
their officers and men:-“Captain good service at Waterloo.
Whingates having joined the army 12 A little later, the Duke wrote
with the rocket troop, the Duke, (May 8) to the same effect to Lord
who looked upon rockets as nousense, Stewart:~"I have got an infamous
ordered that they should be put into army, very weak and ill-equipped ;
molte
C2
20
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Prepara-
tions for
the Cam-
paign.
vailed even more unfortunately among the troops of
the several Continental states represented in Welling-
ton's motley array–Hanoverians, Brunswickers, Nas-
sauers, Dutch-Belgians,-each of which insisted upon
maintaining its own regimental organization and serving
only under its own officers, while the tactics of each
differed from those of the others. Thus the Duke led
in reality no compact army, but a coalition of hetero-
geneous forces. One-third only of these were British, of
whom many now saw their first campaign ; the King's
German Legion were hardened Peninsular veterans ;
and the Brunswickers, led by their Duke, were expected
to acquit themselves well; but the remainder consisted
of recruits not fitted for the field, and of the Nassau
and Dutch-Belgian troops, in whose fidelity to the
Allied cause no confidence could be placed. Such was
the composition of what Wellington terms “the worst,
army ever brought together ; ” yet it contained regi-
ments and brigades of which he wrote, after Waterloo,
I never saw the British infantry behave so well.”
The strength of the three armies, in their several
arms, at the opening of the campaign, was as follows :-_13
Anglo-Allied
Army
Prussians
Total Allies
French
1
Infantry
Cavalry
Artillery
Engineers, train, etc.
82,062
14,482
8,166
1,240
99,715
11,879
5,303
181,777
26,361
13,469
1,240
84,235
21,665
10,901
5,600
Total
105,950
116,897
222,847
122,401
Guns
196
312
508
350
and a very inexperienced staff. In they have not sent a message to Par-
my opinion they are doing nothing liament about the money. The war
in England. They have not raised a spirit has therefore evaporated, as
man; they have not called out the I am informed.”
militia either in England or Ireland; 13 The following details of the
are unable to send me anything; and effective strength and composition of
THE ARMIES.
2)
The force which Napoleon led was composed of the Prepara
flower of the French army. One-third of it was made the Cam-
paign.
each of the three armies are taken of the corps and their commanders
from Siborne's History of the War in will serve for reference during the
France and Belgium in 1815, Appen- remainder of the narrative.
dixes VI, VIII, and IX. The lists
ANGLO-ALLIED ARMY.
FIELD MARSHAL THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.
.
.
.
4,300)
3,088
0
3,581/ 6,669
-
IST CORPS-THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.
Men
Ist Division-Maj. Gen. Cooke
ist British Brigade Maj. Gen. Maitland
1,997
}
2d
Maj. Gen. Sir John Byng 2,064
4,061
Artillery
Lt. Col. Adye
3ū Division-Lt. Gen. Count Alten
5th British Brigade Maj. Gen. Sir Colin Halkett . 2,254
2d Brigade King's Ger-
6,970
man Legion
Col. von Ompteda .
1,527
Ist Hanoverian Brigade Maj. Gen. Count Kielmansegge 3,189)
Artillery
Lt. Col. Williamson
20 Dutch-Belgian Division—Lt. Gen. Baron de Perponcher
Ist Brigade
Maj. Gen. Count de Bylandt . 3,233
2d
H.S.A. Prince Bernhard of
7,533
Saxe-Weimar
Artillery
Maj. von Opstal
3d Dutch-Belgian Division-Lt. Gen. Baron Chassé
Ist Brigade
Maj. Gen. Ditmers
2d
Maj. Gen. d'Aubremé
Artillery
Maj. van der Smissen
Total ist Corps, guns 48, men 25,233
2D CORPS-LT. GEN. LORD HILL.
20 DivisionLtGen. Sir H. Clinton
3d British Brigade Maj. Gen. Adam
2,625
Ist Brigade King's Ger-
6,833
man Legion
Col. du Plat
1,758
3d Hanoverian Brigade Col. Hew Halkett
· 2,454)
Artillery
Lt. Col. Gold
4th Division-Lt. Gen. Sir Charles Colville
4th British Brigade Col. Mitchell .
1,767
6th
Maj. Gen. Johnstone
2,396
7,212
6th Hanoverian Brigade Maj. Gen. Sir James Lyon 3,049)
Artillery
Lt. Col. Hawker
Ist Dutch-Belgian Division-.Lt. Gen. Stedmann
Ist Brigade
Maj. Gen. Hauw
:} 6,389
2d
Maj. Gen. Berens
Artillery
Dutch-Belgian Indian
Brigade.
Lt. Gen. Anthing
3,583
Detachments, etc.
16
0
.
.
.
.
.
0
.
Total 2d Corps, guns 40, men 24,033
22
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Prepara-
tions for
the Cam-
paign.
up of what M. Thiers called “ the novices of 1813 and
1814"-soldiers, that is, who had gone through the
2,582
2}
RESERVE.
Men
5th Division-Lt. Gen. Sir Thomas Picton
8th British Brigade Maj. Gen. Sir James Kempt . 2,471
9th
Maj. Gen. Sir Dennis Pack 2,173 7,158
5th Hanoverian Brigade Col. von Vincke
2,5141
Artillery
Maj. Heisse
6th Division-Lt. Gen. Hon. Sir L. Cole
roth British Brigade . Maj. Gen. Sir John Lambert. 2,567
4th Hanoverian Brigade Col. Best
5,149
Artillery
Lt. Col. Bruckmann
British Reserve Ar-
tillery
Maj. Drummond
7th Division
7th British Brigade
1,216.
British Garrison troops
2,017
Brunswick Corps—H.S.H. the Duke of Brunswick
Advanced Guard Maj. von Rauschenplat
672
Light Brigade
Lt. Col. von Buttler
2,688
5,376
Line
Lt. Col. von Specht
2,016
Artillery
Maj. Mahn
Hanoverian Reserve Corps--Lt. Gen. von der Decken
Ist Brigade
Lt. Col. von Benningsen.
2d
Lt. Col. von Beaulieu
30
Lt. Col. von Bodekin
9,000
Lt. Col. von Wissel.
Nussar Contingent-Gen. von Kruse
2,880
.
.
.
.
.
.
4th
.
Total Reserve, guns 64, men 32,796
CAVALRY-LT. GEN, THE EARL OF UXBRIDGE.
.
.
8,473
5th
.
.
.
British and King's German Legion
Ist(Household) Brigade Maj. Gen. Lord E. Somerset . 1,286
2d (Union)
Maj. Gen. Sir W. Ponsonby
1,181
3d Brigade
Maj. Gen. Sir W. Dörnberg
1,268
4th
Maj. Gen. Sir J. Vandeleur 1,171
Maj. Gen. Sir C. Grant 1,336
6th
Maj. Gen. Sir H. Vivian 1,279
7th
Col. Sir F. von. Arentsschildt 1,012
6 British horse batteries attached to the Cavalry
Hanoverian
Ist Brigade
Col. von Estorff
1,682
Brunswick Cavalry
2,604
922
Dutch-Belgian
Ist Brigade
1,237)
2d
Maj. Gen. de Chigney
1,086 3,405
3d
Maj. Gen. van Merlen 1,082
Artillery
Total Cavalry, guns 44, men 14,482
.
.
.
.
.
0
.
.
THE ARMIES.
23
tremendous campaigns of Germany and France --while Prepara-
the two-thirds were veterans, for the most part returned the Cam-
from Russian and German prisons. Napoleon had com-
manded larger armies before, but never one of such
paign.
ARTILLERY,
· British
48
King's German Legion
.
526
Hanoverian
Brunswick.
Men
10 foot batteries, guns 54, men 3,630
8 borse
1,400
5,030
I foot
6
2 horse
I 2
2 foot
I 2
465
8
I horse
8
510
32
2
16
667
I
Dutch-Belgian
4 foot
968} 1,635
Total Artillery, guns 196, men 8,166
Engineers, Sappers and Miners, Waggon Train, Staff Corps 1,240
Grand total, guns 196, men 105,950
.
.
SUMMARY
Infantry
Cavalry
Artillery
Guns
Engineers
etc.
1,240
British
King's German Legion
Hanoverian
Brunswick ,
Nassau
Dutch-Belgian
23,543
3,301
22,788
5,376
2,880
24,174
5,913
2,560
1,682
922
5,030
526
465
510
102
18
I2
16
3,405
1,635
48
Total.
82,062 | 14,482
8,166
196
1,240
PRUSSIAN ARMY.
FIELD MARSHAL PRINCE BLÜCHER VON WAHLSTADT.
IST CORPS-LT. GEN. VON ZIETEN
.
.
ist Brigade.
2d
3d
4th
Reserve Cavalry
Brigade of
Men
8,647)
7,666
27,887
4,721)
6,853
.
0
Gen. von Steinmetz
Gen. von Pirch II. .
Gen. von Jagow
Gen. von Henkel
Lt. Gen. von Röder
Gen. von Treskow
Lt. Col. Lützow
Col. von Lehmann
:
.
:}1,925
+
Reserve Artillery.
8 foot batteries.
I howitzer
3 horse
1,019
Total ist Corps, guns
:
24
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Prepara
tions for
the Cam-
paign.
supremely fine material. Fervently devoted to their
Emperor, with the highest creed of military loyalty,
2D CORPS -GEN. VON PIRCH I.
.
5th Brigade.
6th
.
.
1
Men
6,851)
6,469
6,224
25,836
6,292
7th
.
8th
Reserve Cavalry
Brigade of
:
Gen. von Tippelskirchen
Gen. von Krafft
Gen. von Brause
Col. von Langen
Gen, von Jürgass
Col. von Thümen.
Col. Count Schulenburg
Col von Sohr
Col. von Röhl
.
4,468
.
.
.
.
.
Reserve Artillery
7 foot batteries
1,454
3 horse
.
.
.
•
•
3 horse
Total 2d Corps, guns 80, men 31,758
3D CORPS-LT. GEN. VON THIELMANN.
9th Brigade
Gen. von Borcke
6,752
Ioth
Col. von Kümpfen .
4,045
lith
Col. von Luck
20,611
3,634
I2th
Col. von Stülpnagel
6,180
Reserve 'Cavalry
Gen. von Hobe
Brigade of
Col. von der Marwitz
2,405
Col. Count Lottum
Reserve Artillery
Col. von Mohnhaupt
3 foot batteries
:}
} 964
Total 3d Corps, guns 48, men 23,980
4TH CORPS-GEN. COUNT BÜLOW VON DENNEWITZ.
13th Brigade
Lt. Gen. von Hacke
6,385)
Gen, von Ryssel
6,953
Gen. von Losthin
I6th
Col. von Hiller
6,162
Reserve Cavalry
"
Gen. Prince William of Prussia
Brigade of
Gen. von Sydow .
Col. Count Schwerin
Lt. Col. von Watzdorf.
Reserve Artillery.
Lt. Col. von Bardeleben
8 foot batteries
: 1,866
3 horse
Total 4th Corps, guns 88, men 30,328
Grand total, guns 312, men 116,897
14th
15th
.
5,88125,381
.
3,081
.
+
.
.
SUMMARY.
Infantry
Cavalry
Artillery
Guns
Ist Corps d'Armée
2d
1,925
27,817
25,836
20,611
25,381
4,468
1,019
1,454
964
1,866
96
80
48
88
3d
4th
2,405
3,081
Total
99,715 11,879
5,303
312
THE ARMIES. .
25
filled with an absolutely infuriated hatred of their foes, Prepara-
and confident in their own invincibility, the Grand Army the Cam-
paign.
FRENCH ARMY.
A
THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON.
IMPERIAL GUARD-MARSHAL MORTIER.
.
Lt. Gen. Friant
Lt. Gen, Morand
•
Old Guard
Middle Guard
Young Guard
Ist Cavalry Division
2d
Artillery
Lt. Gen. Duhesme :
Gen. Guyot
Gen. Lefebvre-Desnouettes
Men
4,000
4,000
4,000
2,000
2,000
2,400
Gen Devaux
.
.
.
.
.
4th
.
0
.
.
.
7th
.
Total Guard, guns 96, men 18,400
IST CORPS-LT. GEN. COUNT D'ERLON.
Ist Division
Gen. Alix
2d
Gen. Donzelot.
3d
Gen. Marcognet
17,600
Gen, Durutte .
Ist Cavalry Division
Lt. Gen. Jaquinot
1,400
Artillery
1,564
Total ist Corps, guns 46, men 20,564
2D CORPS-LT. GEN. COUNT REILLE.
5th Division
Gen. Bachelu.
6th
Prince Jerome Napoleon
Gen. Girard
19,435
9th
Gen. Foy
2d Cavalry Division
Lt. Gen. Piré
1,865
Artillery
1,861
Total 2d Corps, guns 46, men 23,161
3D CORPS-LT. GEN. COUNT VANDAMME.
Ioth Division
Gen. Hubert
lith
Gen Barthezène
13,200
8th
Gen. Lefol
3d Cavalry Division Lt. Gen. Domont
1,400
Artillery
1,292
Total 3d Corps, guns 38, men 15,892
4TH CORPS—LT. GEN. COUNT GÉRARD.
12th Division
Lt. Gen. Pecheux
13th
Lt. Gen. Vichery
12,100
14th
Gen. Bulot
6th Cavalry Division. Lt. Gen. Morin
1,400
Artillery
1,292
Total 4th Corps, guns 38, men 14,792
6TH CORPS-LT. GEN. COUNT LOBAU.
19th Division
Lt. Gen, Simmer
20th
Lt. Gen. Jeannin
9,900
21st
Lt. Gen. Teste
Artillery
1,292
:}
.
.
.
.
.
0
Total 6th Corps, guns 38, men
II,192
26
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Prepara-
tions for
the Cam-
paign.
was beyond doubt the most formidable band of warriors
that had ever moved into the field.14
2d Corps
RESERVE CAVALRY-MARSHAL GROUCHY.
Men
Ist Corps
Lt. Gen. Pajol
4th Cavalry Division Lt. Gen. Soult
5th
:} 2,500
Lt. Gen. Subervie
Artillery
300
Lt. Gen. Excelmans
9th Cavalry Division.
Lt. Gen. Strolz
Ioth
Lt. Gen. Chastel
:} 2,500
Artillery
300
3d Corps
Lt. Gen. Kellermann
with Cavalry Division Lt. Gen. L'Héritier
12th
Lt. Gen. Roussel.
} 3,300
Artillery
300
4th Corps
Lt. Gen. Count Milhaud
13th Cavalry Division
Lt. Gen. Wathier
:} 3,300
14th
Lt. Gen. Delort
Artillery
300
Total Reserve Cavalry, guns 48, men 12,800
.
.
•
Grand total
guns 350, men 122,401
SUMMARY.
Infantry
Cavalry
Artillery
Guns
.
96
46
46
Imperial Guard
Ist Corps d'Armée
2d
3d
4th
6th
Reserve Cavalry
Waggon-train, Engineers,
I 2,000
17,600
19,435
13,200
I 2,100
9,900
4,000
1,400
1,865
1,400
1,400
2,400
1,564
1,861
1,292
1,292
1,292
1,200
>>
ور
38
38
38
48
1
.
11,600
etc.
5,600
1
Total
84,235 21,665
10,901
350 5,600
Charras' figures differ, but not very widely, from Siborne's, giving the
following totals . 1 89,415 | 22,302 | 12,371 1 344 | 3,500
.
14 Oharras says that the youngest was of only two months' standing.
of these troops had seen service since The regiments had not the cohesive
the early days of 1813, and formed force and the unity which troops only
the greater part of the army: the acquire by prolonged community of
others had bad from three to ten or work in time of peace, or, still better,
twelve years' service. But he points from the perils of war. In June of
out the following elements of weak- the previous year they had under-
.“ The formation of the bri- gone a complete reorganization ; in
gades, divisions, and corps d'armée December there had been amalga-
ness :-
NAPOLEON'S PLAN.
27
Napoleon's plan for the campaign was to advance as Prepara-
unexpectedly as possible upon the direct road through the Cam-
Charleroi to Brussels—the road which passed between paign.
Wellington's and Blücher's armies ;-to overwhelm the
nearest enemy, the Prussians, and then to fall
upon
the
Anglo-Allied
army
before it could assemble in strength ;
to drive the two asunder and destroy them in detail ;
to take Brussels, summon the Belgians to his support,
and reannex the country to the Empire, with the
boundary of the Rhine ; to awaken the small German
states to movements in his favour; to disconcert the
projected advance of Eastern Europe upon France, or,
uniting his Grand Army with his own nearest corps, the
Army of the Rhine, to assail the approaching invaders
both in front and flank; to restore confidence in the
Empire throughout France; to force the Allies to open
negotiations; perhaps to cause a change of ministry in
England-at all events, to gain the time, which was of
vital importance to him, for calling out the full military
strength of France. That his blow might be dealt sud-
denly, Napoleon veiled the movements of his columns
behind the chain of frontier fortresses in his hands,
mated with them a mass of men re- who were skilled, in their addresses
called from leave or returned from and proclamations and orders of the
the prisons of the enemy; in April day, in wronging the deposed master
and May a new amalgamation had and adoring the master in the as-
taken place; and the changes had cendant—they could not believe in
been very numerous also among the their fidelity to the Imperial flag.
staff of officers. Chiefs, officers, sub- They suspected them of meditating
officers, soldiers, had not yet acquired some grand treason ; and these vague
thorough knowledge of one another. but persistent suspicions agitated and
The soldier had unbounded con- pervaded the high regions of the
fidence in Napoleon-but not for general staff, as well as the lesser
most of his chiefs. These men whom grades where obscure officers served
he had seen, time after time, in less the former coming from the mili-
than a year, pass with equal enthu- tary household of Louis XVIII, the
siasm from the Emperor to the others lately the objects of the most
Bourbons and the Bourbons to the inconsiderable royal favour."
Emperor; these courtesans of fortune
28
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Prepara-
tions for
the Cam-
paign.
June 13.
June 14.
while, to mislead the enemy as to the direction of their
concentration, the forces of National Guards who lined
the entire frontier were strengthened, and the outposts
tripled toward the west, thus confirming Wellington's
belief that the advance would be upon his right and
deterring him from a closer junction with Blücher.
Charleroi was the point designated for crossing the
river Sambre and taking the highroad to Brussels, only
34 miles distant; Solre, Beaumont, and Philippeville,
back of Charleroi and just within the French frontier,
were the starting points for the three columns into
which the French Army was divided. The march of
the several corps from various quarters in the rear was
So well timed that all reached their destinations at
almost the same hour, excepting only the corps of
Gérard, which was delayed. Next day the columns
bivouacked at the places whence they were to begin
their advance—the left (consisting of D’Erlon's and
Reille's corps) at Solre; the centre (Vandamme's and
Lobau's corps, the Imperial Guard, and the reserve
cavalry) at Beaumont, the headquarters; the right
(Gérard's corps, with a division of cavalry) at Philippe-
ville. Thus, believing the enemy ignorant of their
approach, and sheltering their camp fires behind hill-
ocks, that their presence might not be disclosed, the
French passed the last night before the opening of the
war ; for Napoleon had issued his orders for the ad-
vance of the whole army at 3 o'clock the next morning.
The Allies, however, were not taken wholly by sur-
prise. Both sides were in possession of abundant secret
intelligence, which enabled each to calculate very nearly
correctly the real strength of the other, and to a certain
extent the state of his preparations and his designs ; 15
15 Oharras found, in the course
of his researches in the War Office at
the Hague, an illustration of the
Allies' thorough information as to the
ÉVE OF THE CAMPAIGN.
29
and there had for several days been warnings that the Prepara-
blow was about to fall, as well as assurances that the the Cam-
French would not move before July ist. Aside from
the spies, distinct notice had been sent Wellington from [June 12,
his outposts before Tournay that the enemy was mus-
tering in force; and Zieten, the Prussian corps com-
mander near Charleroi, sent him warning of the gather- June 14.
ing of the two great camps at Solre and Beaumont,
betrayed by their camp fires on the first night of the
French assembling. “On the 13th and 14th," wrote
Baron Müffling, who was constantly with Wellington at
headquarters, “ it was positively known that the enemy
was concentrating in the neighbourhood of Maubeuge.
The Duke of Wellington did not deem it expedient to
make any alteration in his position until the enemy
should further develop his mode of attack, as from
Maubeuge it might be either upon Mons, Binche, and
Nivelles, or upon Charleroi.” So, on the night of June
14th, in the words of Chesney, we find “the Englishı,
save only their reticent chief and a few trusted officers,
resting unconscious of the gathering storm before
them.” 16=The Prussians were less quiescent. Gen.
paign.
enemy's strength. This was a note, who brings them, and upon whose
dated Ghent, June 10, from Clarke, sentiments we can rely.”
Duke of Feltre, Louis XVIII's War 16 It was the fashion of the
Minister, to Gen. Constant de Re- earlier English writers upon Water-
becque, chief of staff to the Prince loo-Scott, Lockhart, Alison, for
of Orange. It gave in detail the example-to explain Wellington's
strength of the Imperial Guard and inaction by his reliance for informa-
of the ist, 2d, 3d, 4th, and 6th tion upon the ubiquitous Fouché.
corps of the French army, and made That accomplished liar gives the
their aggregate 120,000 men (see story in his own Memoirs as follows:
note 13, page 26). Clarke wrote: “My agents with Metternich and
“The person who sends me these Lord Wellington had promised mar-
details, and who is instructed and vels and mountains: the English ge-
perfectly sure, fearing to be compro- neralissimo expected that I should
mised, has not been willing to give at the least give him the plan of the
them in writing. They have been campaign. I knew for certain that
confided to the memory of the oſlicer the unforeseen attack would take
30
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Prepara-
tions for
paign.
Zieten had warned Blücher, at the same time that he did
the Cam- Wellington, of the enemy's approach. Blücher at once
(11 P.M.) sent out orders to his corps commanders
to concentrate in the direction of Fleurus_Bülow to
June 14:
a
place on the 16th or 18th at latest. Wellington's staff, writes in his Notes
Napoleon intended to give battle on on Waterloo : “They were not sur-
the 17th to the English army, after prised, they knew of the movements
having marched right over the Prus- of the French quite in time to have
sians on the preceding day. He enabled them to assemble their
had the more reason to trust to the armies before Napoleon passed the
success of that plan, that Wellington, frontier. They acted on a different
deceived by false reports, believed principle, and determined to continue
the opening of the campaign might in their cantonments until they knew
be deferred till the beginning of positively the line of attack. It may
July. The success of Napoleon, safely be predicted that this determi-
therefore, depended on a surprise, nation will be considered by future
and I arranged my plans in con- and dispassionate historians as
formity. On the very day of the great mistake, for in place of waiting
departure of Napoleon I despatched to see where the blow actually fell,
Madame D-, furnished with notes the armies should have been instantly
written in cipher containing the put in motion to assemble.” Baron
whole plan of the campaign. But Müffling, also a friendly critic, says:
at the same time I privately des- « If the Duke had left Brussels on the
patched orders for such obstacles at 14th, at nine o'clock on the 15th he
the frontier, where she was to pass, would have heard the cannonade.
that she could not arrive at the In that case Napoleon would have
headquarters of Wellington till after fallen into the Caudine forks on the
the event. This was the real ex- 16th.” = Baron Miffling, it should be
planation of the inconceivable secu- explained, was the Prussian Military
rity of the generalissimo, which at Commissioner with Wellington's
the time excited such universal as-
army, and served as the medium of
tonishment.” This story has been con- confidential communication between
tradicted on Wellington's behalf by the Allied Marshals and their staffs
his near friend, Lord Ellesmere, who so that no one could surpass bim in
denied that he at any time put con- kuowledge of the course of events, as
fidence in Fouché; and it is entirely the Prussian corps and brigade com-
ignored by the school of writers manders were instructed to furnish
such as Siborne and Gleig—whose him, for the information of the Duke,
adulation of the Duke of Wellington with the same reports of the enemy's
amounts to a conviction of his infalli- movements that they sent to Blücher.
bility, and who in this case applaud The English were similarly repre-
his refusal to act " prematurely." sented in Blücher's staff by Col. Sir
But more judicious critics, though Henry Hardinge, afterwards Gen.
his admirers, censure his delay. Sir Lord Viscount Hardinge.
J. Shaw Kennedy, who was
;
בס
NAPOLEON'S HEALTH.
31
June 14:
march from Liége to Hannut; Pirch, from Namur to Prepara-
Sombreffe ; Thielmann, from Ciney to Namur. Zieten the Cam-
was to await the advance of the French upon the paiga
.
Sambre, and, if compelled by superior numbers, to
retreat as slowly as possible upon Fleurus and the three
other corps there assembled.
there assembled. Zieten’s dispositions had
already been made to meet precisely the attack now
threatened, and he awaited it without any alterations.17
health.
[Note on Napoleon's health. The subject of Napoleon's Napoleon's
health, bodily and mental, seems never to have received the
attention due to it as a determining factor in the problem of this
campaign. If it can be established that he was then labouring
under the recurrence of a malady which temporarily incapaci-
tated him—at times almost wholly-from physical or mental
exertion, then we shall have an adequate solution of incidents
which his most competent critics-Jomini, for instance-have
felt themselves compelled to dismiss as "inexplicable” and as
wholly irreconcilable with his known methods of warfare.
Why this very simple explanation of the fast-accumulating
shortcomings in the conduct of this magnificently conceived
enterprise should have been generally overlooked by the dis-
putants of both parties is plain enough. Those who tell the
story from the French side have taken their text from Napoleon
himself, who—even if he realized in what condition he had
been-was constitutionally incapable of admitting that bis
miscarriage was due to any want of power in himself. Thiers,
and the Napoleonists in general, have followed the example of
their master in assigning the cause of his misfortune to a
malignant destiny, to combinations of events which it passed
the power of man to control—such as the elements,--or to
derelictions of his lieutenants, rather than admit that Napoleon
was wanting to himself.
English writers, on the other hand, have been as unre-
on
17 66 An order of Zieten's," says
Charras, “ dated May 2d, had laid
down the movements for his troops
in the different cases of attack that
could be foreseon ; and it is exact
to say that their manouvres
June 15th were the application of
this order."
32
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Note :
Napoleon's
health.
+
servedly the adulators of Wellington as the French of Napoleon.
A theory that their hero triumphed over, not the great captain
who had subjugated Europe, but an enfeebled and failing Na-
poleon, was one which they could not patiently entertain, or
would examine only to repudiate it with contempt.
Besides, it is only since the standard histories of these
events were written- even since Charras distinctly indicated
the cause, but without substantiating it by proofs,—that the
evidences of Napoleon's temporary suspense of power have been
adduced from sources which are not to be questioned.
Chesney–who is one of the most honest and dispassionate,
as he is certainly the ablest of the English critics of this cam-
paign-has undertaken to pronounce judicially upon this point,
and has declared the view taken by his countrymen. He says:
“Certain French writers, among whom it is painful to number
Charras, are disposed to impute a large share of their country's
disaster to some supposed falling off of the physical energy
and mental powers of the Emperor." Chesney offers to refute
this by alleging that “ his [Napoleon's] warlike capacity had
never been more splendidly displayed than during that part of
the struggle with the Allies of the spring of 1814 known as
the Week of Victories. The General of Arcola and Rivoli," he
continues, was not more full of resource, nor more sudden
and deadly in his strokes, than he of Montmirail and Champ-
aubert." Chesney then refers approvingly to a note in Thiers'
Consulate and Empire, in which, as he declares, the French
historian has “sufficiently shown that he [Napoleon] was physi-
cally capable of fully bearing the fatigues incident to a bold
aggressive campaign.”
Thiers' statements in the note referred to are as follows:
“ Contemporary testimonies as to Napoleon's health during these
four days are very contradictory. His brother, Prince Jerome,
and a surgeon attached to his staff, both assured me that Na-
poleon was suffering at that time from an affection of the
bladder. M. Marchand, attached to his personal service, a man
whose veracity cannot be doubted, assured me of the contrary.
Whatever may have been the state of Napoleon's health
at this period, it did not in any way interfere with his activity,
as may be seen from what follows. I have verified the account
NAPOLEON'S HEALTH.
33
health.
of his movements by numerous and authentic witnesses, among Note:
whom the principal was Gen. Gudin. ... Gen. Gudin was at Napoleon's
that time seventeen years of age, and, as first page, brought
his horse to the Emperor. He did not leave Napoleon for a
moment, and the correctness of his memory, as well as his
truthfulness of character, justify me in placing implicit confi-
dence in his assertions.” As Gudin will presently be cited in a
very different sense, this testimony of Thiers to his trustworthi-
ness is noteworthy.
The statement of Charras to which Chesney takes exception
is this :-“Napoleon was old before his time (vieux avant l'âge).
Long exercise of absolute power, the prolonged efforts of
boundless ambition, excessive labours in the cabinet and in
war, the emotions and anguish of three years of unheard-of
disasters, the sudden fall of that Empire which he had deemed
established for ever, the hateful idleness of exile, a twofold
malady whose attacks became more frequent and more aggra-
vated, had radically altered his vigorous organisation.-His eye
flashed with the same brilliancy; his gaze had the same power;
but his heavy, almost obese, body, his swollen and pendant
cheeks, indicated the arrival of that time of life when a man's
physical decline has commenced. He submitted now to the
demands of sleep, which he had lately mastered at his will.
The fatigue of long journeys on horseback or of rapid riding
had become insupportable to him.-He preserved the same
facility, the same abundance, the same force of conception;
but he had lost perseverance in elaborating thought, and, what
was worse, promptness and fixity of resolution. Like certain
men in the decline of age, he loved to talk, to expatiate, and
he wasted long hours in barren words. He hesitated a long
time in taking a resolve ; having taken it, he hesitated to act;
and in the action itself he hesitated again. Of his old-time
tenacity he retained only a frequent and already very mournful
obstinacy in seeing things, not as they were, but as he thought
it to his interest they should be. Under repeated blows of
defeat, his spirit had become broken. He had no longer that
confidence in himself which is an almost indispensable element
in the success of grand enterprises : he even doubted his for-
tune, which, for fifteen years, had lavished such prodigious
D
34
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Note:
• He even
favours on the General, the Consul, the Emperor.
Napoleon's felt - it is himself who avows it—an abatement of spirit:
bealth.
he had the instinct of an unpropitious issue.'
Chesney's repudiation of Charras' view was published in
1868. Had he been aware of facts subsequently made known
-in the Histoire et Mémoires of the Count de Ségur, pub-
lished in 1873, and the narrative of Gen. Gudin, upon whom
Thiers relies, which is printed in the Earl of Albemarle’s Fifty
Years of my Life, published in 1876,—he could scarcely have
gainsaid the accuracy of Charras' summary of Napoleon's
physical and moral condition. An article in the London
Quarterly Review (July, 1875) embodies this information on the
subject, à propos of the disclosures in Ségur's Mémoires :-
Before the end of 1810, when he was in his forty-second year,
he had contracted an inconvenient degree of embonpoint, and
he told M. de Ségur's father that he could not ride the shortest
distance without fatigue. Nor was this the worst. He was
obliged to be constantly on his guard against a painful malady,
an access of which might prostrate him at any moment when
he required the unimpaired energies of both mind and body.
There were four or five occasions on which the destinies of the
Empire, of the world, were more or less influenced by this com-
plaint. [The reviewer then quotes as follows from Ségur]:- It
is certain that at Schönbrunn, shortly after the great efforts of
Essling and Wagram, towards the end of July, a malady that
has remained mysterious suddenly attacked him. The most
intimate of his chief officers knew its nature and have kept it
secret. The others are still ignorant of it; but the entire
sequestration of the Emperor during eight days, mysterious
conferences between Murat, Berthier, and Duroc, their evident
anxiety, and their prompt summons of Corvisart and the prin-
cipal physicians of Vienna, all proves that serious alarm pre-
vailed at the Imperial headquarters.'” The reviewer then
relates, on Ségur's authority, how," at Borodino, Ney, Davoust,
and Murat called simultaneously for the Young Guard. “Let
it only show itself, let it only follow in support, and we answer
for the rest.' Their messenger, Belliard, returned in alarm and
haste to announce the impossibility of obtaining the reserve
from the Emperor, whom he had found at the same place, with
NAPOLEON'S HEALTH.
35
an air of pain and depression, a dull drowsy look, the features Note
drawn, giving his orders languidly and indifferently.” Ney
Napoleon's
health.
burst out in indignation at his master's inaction, when Murat
interposed. According to Ségur, “He [Murat] remembered
seeing the Emperor the day before, when reconnoitring the
front of the enemy's line, stop frequently, get off his horse,
and, leaning his brow against a cannon, remain there in an
attitude of pain." Next is detailed his similar incapacitation at
Dresden, August 28, 1813. Then how, "a few days before he
left Paris for Waterloo, the Emperor told Davoust and the
Count de Ségur père that he had no longer any confidence in
his star, and his worn depressed look was in keeping with his
words."
As to the nature of this malady, the Quarterly reviewer
says: “Two short extracts from attestations signed by Ywan,
his body surgeon, confirmed by Mestivier, the body physician
during the Russian campaign, will suffice.” He then quotes, in
French, the passages thus translated :—“The Emperor was ex-
tremely susceptible to atmospheric influence. It was essential
for him, in order to preserve the equilibrium, that the skin
should always perform its functions. As soon as its tissue
became hard (tissu était serré), whether from moral or atmo-
spheric cause, the appearance of irritation manifested itself with
an influence more or less grave, and the cough and suppression
(ischurie) declared themselves violently. All these symptoms
yielded to the re-establishment of the functions of the skin.
He was subject to moral influences, and the spasm ordi-
narily operated on the stomach and the bladder. The displace-
ment from being on horseback augmented his sufferings. He
experienced mishaps of this kind at the time of the battle of
Moskowa.” Napoleon himself, the Quarterly reviewer further
notes, told the elder Ségur, in 1812, that “ from his youth he
had suffered from attacks, getting more frequent, it is true, of
this infirmity, which he believed to be merely nervous."
Bearing in mind the testimony thus cited as to Napoleon's
physical condition, it is not too much to claim that the
instances of his prostration which will be enumerated in the
course of the narrative are quite sufficient to account for
the constantly recurring delays and the general slackness in
D 2
36
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Note:
health.
the French operations which brought to destruction this admi-
Napoleon's rably conceived campaign and noble army. To facilitate col-
lection of the evidence on this important subject, there may be
given here a reference to the pages on which such evidences
are described-note 24, page 47; n. 31, p. 56; n. 63, p. 115;
n. 72, p. 125; text, p. 127; n. 138, p. 220; n. 148, p. 235;
n. 256, p. 403.
At the cost of anticipating the narrative, it may be said
that the facts established, in every case by the testimony of
eye-witnesses, are as follows:- That, on the evening of the first
day of the campaign (June 15), Napoleon was so overwhelmed
with fatigue” that he took to his bed before 9 P.M., which is
stated in a letter written at the time and at his own command
by Baron Fain to Joseph Bonaparte; that (on the testimony of
Gen. Reille to Count Ségur) on the morning of June 16th-
when hours were of the utmost value- Napoleon was sunk in
prostration and languor, unable to attend to the affairs of the
army; that (on the testimony of Gen. Grouchy, corroborated
by the tacit assent of Soult and the entire headquarters staff),
in the evening of the same day, he went to bed immediately
after the close of the battle of Ligny, and was in such condi-
tion that none of his staff dared enter his chamber to procure
his sanction for vitally important orders; that (on the same
authority), on the morning of June 17th, there was the same
impossibility of getting access to him to secure orders that
ought to have gone out at daybreak, while that tendency to
barren expatiation described by Charras caused a further delay
of those orders until noon—a delay which enabled Blücher to
effect his junction with Wellington at Waterloo ; that (on the
testimony of Gudin, as reported by the Earl of Albemarle), on
the morning of the battle of Waterloo (June 18th), Napoleon
secluded himself until nearly noon, and thus lost the hours
during which he might have overwhelmed the Anglo-Allies
before the coming up of the Prussians; that (on the relation
of his staff officers, Turenne and Monthyon, to Ségur), during
the progress of the battle, he remained motionless for long
intervals, seated at a table, frequently sinking forward upon it,
asleep; lastly, that (on the same authority), during the flight
after the battle, he was so far sunk in the same state of drowsi-
FIRST DAY-FRENCH ADVANCE.
37.
health.
ness, that he could only be kept in his saddle by Bertrand's and Note:
Monthyon's riding on either side and holding him on his horse. Napoleon's
If these facts are admitted, the allegation by Thiers and
Chesney that Napoleon" was physically capable of fully bearing
the fatigues incident to a bold aggressive campaign ” is simply
monstrous.]
At the first gleam of day 18 Napoleon, accompanied by The Cam-
his brother Jerome, was seen to step out upon a balcony Waterloo,
at Beaumont, and carefully examine the promise of the June 15.
weather-an important matter to him, since rain, in
the heavy plains of Belgium, would seriously impede
the rapid movements of his cavalry and artillery upon
which he counted so much. All seemed fair as the
hour arrived for the prescribed advance—the left 3 4.M.
column, from Solre upon the bridge over the Sambre,
at Marchiennes, two miles above Charleroi ; the centre
from Beaumont; and the right from Philippeville, upon
Charleroi itself. But the left alone was in motion at
the appointed time, Rielle's corps (the 2d) marching
down the right bank of the Sambre, and its advanced
division, under Prince Jerome, soon coming in contact 4 A.M.
with the Prussian outposts at Thuin, whom it drove in,
skirmishing vigorously, upon Marchiennes and the head
of the bridge. In the centre Gen. Pajol's corps of light
cavalry, the advanced guard, moved off in accordance
with its instructions, and forced back the enemy's skir-
mishers until it came upon the Prussian rearguard at
the Charleroi bridge, where, being unsupported, it was
checked. The infantry corps which should have fol-
lowed in support of Pajol was that of Vandamme (the
18 As many events during this
campaign are fixed with reference
to “daybreak," "suurise," "sunset,"
etc., it is well to bear in mind that
on June 18th, at the Observatory of
Brussels, the sun rose at 3.48 and
set at 8.14.
Louvain
BRUSSELS
R.Dyl
Dylon
w
Tirlemont
FOREST
OF
R./ Lasno
SOIGNIES
Halo
Waterloo
Kronimont Wavro
Bier seisomook
Hannut
Jean yLasno. Ottignies
smiley
Thuy
Dion'le Nont
Bruine
Dhain
Eimalo
Tubize)
Lauec balt.St. Ost Lambert
Vieux Sort
Baraque
l'lanolshvili
Mousty
Maransart
Tieur Sart
Coronix
Sini
Nil St. Vincent
o Perwex
Genapper Nt Sto
Guible
Sart-les-Walhain
Boubral
Braine le Comte
Nivelles
Gentinnes
© Saurepieres
Mellery
Quatre
Grand Lues
Bras
Marbais
Ulilly
Soignies
Gembloux
Frasnes.
Bry
Sombrer
Wagucleo
Lo-Mazy
O Senefto
Nellet
St Anland
Fleurus
ORoeul
Gosselies
augenics
Lambusart
Ligny
Namur
Jumet
Gilly
Old Roman Road
Charleroi
Pontaino
1 Evequo o
Chatelet
©
Binche
Marchiennes
Lobbes,
Thuin
R:
Meuse
R. Samobor
Dinant
Solle
Beaumont
O
Philippeville
Scale of Miles
10
உட்பட்ட
15
20
Charlemonto
O Givet
FIRST DAY-FRENCH ADVANCE.
39
3d); but he had received no orders, the officer who The Cam-
bore them having been injured on the way; so that the Waterloo.
entire 3d corps lay quietly in bivouac until Lobau's June 15.
corps (the 6th)—which, with the Guard and the reserve
cavalry, formed the remainder of the column-came
marching upon their rear, and, acquainting Vandamme
with his duty, got his troops at last in motion. The 6 a.m.
right column was led by Gérard, whose corps (the 4th)
had been tardy in coming up from Metz to the original
rendezvous; so that Napoleon in issuing his orders the
night before had qualified those to Gérard, instructing
him to move with the others at 3 o'clock“ if the divisions
which compose this corps d'armée are together.” He
had, however, to wait two hours beyond this time for
his rear divisions to come up, and, when otherwise
ready to move, was checked by the serious discovery
that the commander of his leading division, General de
Bourmont, with two of his colonels and his staff, had
deserted to the enemy. To report this fact to Napoleon
and to receive his changed orders, which were to cross,
not by the bridge of Charleroi, but by that of Châtelet,
four miles to the eastward, so protracted Gérard's
advance that the 4th corps did not get wholly across the
Sambre that day and had no share in its operations. Thus
began, at its outset, that series of delays which in their
aggregate ruined Napoleon's brilliantly conceived Cam-
paign of Waterloo.19 Meanwhile, the left and centre
19 Vandamme's delay, character- and in illustration of the French staff
ized by Napoleon as un funeste organization he quotes from the Duke
contretemps," is charged by Tbiers to de Fezensac, who served upon it from
Soult's failure to send a duplicate 1806 to 1813. Long journeys on
and triplicate of the orders, as had duty,” he says,
were made in car-
been done by Berthier, his prede- riages charged at the post rate; but
cessor as Chief of Staff. Chesney in some officers put the money in their
reply justifies Soult only by showing pockets, and obtained horses by re-
that Berthier had on certain occa-
quisition. • . As for messages taken
sions taken no greater precautions, on horseback, no person took the
40
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The Cam- columns had swept back all the Prussian pickets on the
Waterloo. south side of the Sambre, and reached the bridges.
June 15.
5 A.M.
pains to inquire if we had a horse seek to charge him with the tardy
that could walk, even when it was co-operation of the English, and to
necessary to go at a gallop. The exonerate Wellington. = Bourmont's
order must be executed without treason and its consequences have
waiting for the means. This been much misrepresented in conse-
habit of attempting everything with quence of a misstatement of the time
the most feeble instruments, this of his desertion. Napoleonist writers
wish to overlook impossibilities, this used to date the event on the 14th,
unbounded assurance of success, and give it importance by alleging
which at first helped to win us advan- that the Allies were thus informed
tages, in the end became our destruc- of the intention of the French to ad-
tion. . . To ask for a guide would vance on the 15th. Napoleon's own
have been of no more use than to ask bulletin of the 15th states that it
for a horse. An officer always had occurred on that day, and Thiers ex-
an excellent horse, kuew the country, pressly contradicts the old version.
was never taken, met no accident, The Rev. John S. O. Abbott narrates
and got rapidly to his destination; the incident in his happiest vein:
and of all this there was so little “This man [Bourmont], considering
doubt that often a second message the cause of Napoleon now desperate,
was thought unnecessary."
This in the basest manner deserted, and
testimony is important because of carried to the Allies, as his peace-
the endless series of miscarriages by offering, the knowledge of the Em-
all parties in this campaign, attributed peror's order of march. Napoleon,
to lost or delayed dispatches. On a perfect master of himself, received
this same June 15th Gen. Zieten the tidings of this untoward defec-
sent word to Wellington at 4 A.M. tion with his accustomed tranquillity.
that he was attacked in force.
Blücher welcomed the traitor Bour-
staff service must have been poorly mont cordially, and the Bourbons
arranged,” says Chesney, “since the loaded him with honours. This
officer who bore this important news event rendered it necessary for Napo-
did not reach Müffling until 3 P.M., leon to countermand some of his
having taken apparently eleven hours orders, that he might deceive the
to traverse a distance which an or-
enemy.” The cordial reception is
dinary pedestrian might have covered thus described by Siborne: “When
in the same time." In the same General de Bourmont was presented
manner Gen. Steinmetz, the western- to Blücher, the latter could not re-
most of the Prussian brigadiers, sent frain from evincing his contempt for
warning of the attack to the nearest the faithless soldier; and to those
English commander at 8 A.M., but who endeavoured to appease him
the message does not seem to have and to impress him more favourably
reached Brussels before evening. It toward the general by directing his
is on the score of this alleged attention to the white cockade which
failure on Zieten's part to warn the be wore in a conspicuous fashion, the
Duke that Gleig and other writers Prince bluntly remarked, 'Einerlei,
66 His
FIRST DAY----FRENCH ADVANCE,
41
That of Marchiennes was barricaded and defended by The Cam-
some battalions of Pirch's brigade, with two guns; but, Waterloo.
after several attacks, it was carried, and Reille's corps June 15.
began the passage of the river, the Prussians falling 10 A.M.
back, some upon Gilly, others directly upon Fleurus.
At the bridge at Charleroi, Zieten, with the mass of the
2d brigade (Pirch's), made a resolute stand until Pajol's
light horse were reinforced by some marines and sappers
of the Young Guard whom Napoleon had hurried up
by a side road to take the place which should have been
filled by Vandamme: then the bridge was carried, and
at noon the French were in possession of Charleroi and 12 M.
of both banks of the river above it.
Possession of Charleroi gave the French access to
the two important roads which diverge from it-the
one, the great road running north to Brussels, the other,
more eastwardly, through Fleurus and Sombreffe to
Gembloux. About thirteen miles out of Charleroi on
the Brussels road is Quatre Bras, and at an equal dis-
tance on the eastern road is Sombreffe, through which
two villages runs, east and west, another chaussée which
connects Namur with Nivelles. The ground bounded
by these three roads formed what has been termed the
“Fleurus triangle,” and it became the key to Napoleon's
was das Voll für einen Zettel an- bers of Bourmont's staff who joined
steckt! Hundsfott bleibt Hundsfott!'” in his desertion--says: “The division
(“All the same, whatever ticket one abandoned by Bourmont was furious.
stitches on him! A scoundrel stays Gérard rode at a gallop among their
a scoundrel ! ") The countermand ranks, and endeavoured somewhat to
of orders could in no possible way calm them, assuring them that this
«deceive the enemy: it simply abominable defection could not in
diverted Gérard's march from the
any respect affect the results of the
Charleroi road and bridge, already operations of the army.” Bourmont,
obstructed by Vandamme's delay, to he adds, did not reach Charleroi
another bridge otherwise unused, until 8 A.M. on June 15th--at which
and is noteworthy only for the ad- hour the Prussian army was already
ditional loss of time it involved. moving in concentration.
Charras_after naming the five mem-
42
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
June 15.
The Cam- future operations, since the Namur-Nivelles road served
paign of
as the communication between the Allied armies, and if
the French could but hold Quatre Bras and Sombreffe
(or Ligny) the Allies were severed, and could only
reunite by falling back upon another position in the
rear.20 Napoleon now only waited for his centre column
to defile over the bridge to direct it against the Prus-
sians retreating upon their point of concentration at
Fleurus ; and at the same time he purposed pushing his
left wing upon the Brussels road, to cut off the Prussians
from the English and to seize Quatre Bras. At the
time when he made his own way out of Charleroi, he
found Reille's column on his left pushing the retreat
toward Gosselies both of that portion of Pirch's brigade
which it had dislodged from Marchiennes and also of the
brigade of Steinmetz (the ist),—which had formed the
extreme Prussian right, as far westward as Binche, a
force in all of some 10,000 men.
The Prussians held
I P.NL
20 Wellington and Blücher fully were the Allied views beforehand.
realised the importance of this posi- Yet, at 3 P.M. on the 15th, but one
tion. “Ata meeting held by them Prussian corps was near the ground,
at Tirlemont on the 3rd May,” says and saving one division (Perponcher's
Chesney, “they had discussed the Dutch-Belgians), not a man of Wel-
possibility of the enemy's advance lington's army within reach of it,
through Charleroi in such an attempt
whilst the head of a column of 40,000
to sever their armies, and had agreed Frenchmen had passed the Sambre
as to the movements to be under- at Marchiennes, and that of another
taken to counteract so dangerous an of pearly 70,000 was entering Char-
attack. . . . In the given case, the leroi !” It has generally been stated,
Prussian army was to assemble be- following Siborne, that the Allies'
tween Sombreffe and Charleroi, the intended points of concentration
English between Marchiennes and were at the two northern angles of
Gosselies. Had these positions the triangle, Quatre Bras and Som-
been attained, the Allied armies breffe, with their wings several miles
would have nearly touched, and asunder; but the position above in-
bave guarded all the approaches from dicated, some miles farther south-
the Sambre into the Fleurus triangle, ward, and within the triangle, would
so that whichever one Napoleon at- have brought them into close sup-
tacked would be aided by a flank porting distance.
attack upon him by the other. Such
FIRST DAY-FRENCH ADVANCE.
43
Gosselies tenaciously, and it was not until Napoleon had The Cam-
sent forward successive reinforcements of all arms from Waterloo.
his centre that Reille succeeded in ejecting them ; when June 15.
Steinmetz moved off in a well-conducted retreat, his
rear protected by cavalry and artillery, in the direction
of Fleurus, thus leaving open, so far as the Prussians
were concerned, the road to Brussels. The Emperor
had waited to see this accomplished and his left secured
by the advance of Reille, in whose 'support D’Erlon's
corps, now considerably in the rear, was ordered to
follow along the Brussels road. He was about to take
the Fleurus road, and to direct the more serious conflict
already commenced in that direction between his centre,
under Vandamme and Grouchy, and the Prussians
under Pirch, when he was joined by Ney, who had just
arrived from Paris Amid hasty words of greeting, 7 P.d.
Napoleon invested the Marshal with the command of the
left column, and gave him verbal orders to continue the
advance toward Brussels.21 On the right, whither Na-
21 It was just before Napoleon's of the several divisions and regiments,
departure from Paris that he wrote even of the names of their officers, or
to the Minister of War (June 11), their whereabouts. The instructions
“Summon Ney. If he wishes to be at for this advance are said by Thiers
the first battle, let him report on the to have been conveyed in the follow-
13th at Avesnes, where my head- ing manner:—"
“Do you know Quatre
quarters will be.” Reaching Beau- Bras ?' said Napoleon to the Mar-
mont late in the night of the 14th, shal. "I should think so,' replied
Ney was unable to follow the Empe- Ney; 'I fought in this locality in my
ror next morning, because his own youth, and I remember that it forms
horses had not arrived, and he could the nucleus of all the roads.' Go
not procure any until he learned then,' replied Napoleon, "and take
that Marshal Mortier had " fallen ill"
possession of this post, by which the
in the town-mistrusting Napoleon's English might join the Prussians.
success, as Brialmont intimates. Send a detachment in the direction
From him Ney bought two horses, of Fleurus to make observations.'"
as did his first aide-de-camp, Col. This is the starting-point of Thiers'
Heymès, when the two followed the laboured falsification of Ney's subse-
army. The command thus suddenly quent course. There were four wit-
given him was not a little perplexing, nesses to the interview—Napoleon,
since he was ignorant of the strength Sout, Ney, and Heymès : Ney was
44
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
paign of
Waterloo.
June 15.
2 P.D.
3 P.M.
The Cam- poleon now rode, the Prussians had checked the French
centre in its advance upon Fleurus. Gen. von Pirch,
when forced out of Charleroi, had retired, in accordance
with Zieten's orders, to Gilly, a village on the road to
Fleurus two miles from the bridge of Châtelet; by which
Gérard's right column ought long since to have crossed
and so taken Zieten in flank. Here Pirch had abundant.
time, after concentrating the 2d brigade and effecting
a junction with a detachment of the 3d (Jagow's) at
Châtelet, to take up a strong position across the road,
which he blockaded by an abatis ; for Vandamme,
originally late in reaching Charleroi, had to wait for the
passage of his corps over a single bridge, and Grouchy,
who had gone forward to reconnoitre, was deceived as
to the strength of the Prussians, concealed as they were
by some woods, and sent to the Emperor for further
instructions. Thus it was not until Napoleon, riding
across from the Brussels road, made a reconnoissance
in person and gave orders for the attack, that the en-
gagement began. It had already become warm, when
Zieten—who had by this time effected the concentration
of Jagow's and Henkel's brigades, which Pirch was
covering—sent orders for a retreat upon Fleurus; and
this was successfully accomplished, although the retiring
columns were repeatedly charged by the four squadrons
6 P.D.
killed before the controversy arose ;
Soult told contradictory stories about
it, and cannot be credited; and the
question of veracity lay between
Heymès, who denied that instruc-
tions were given to take Quatre
Bras, and Napoleon himself. To
“ lie like a bulletin ” had long been a
current by-word, as the universal
estimate of Napoleon's veracity when
detailing his military doings. The
Rev. Mr. Abbott improves even upon
Thiers, and alleges that Napoleon
said, “Concentrate there your men.
Fortify your army by defensive field
works. Hasten, so that by midnight
this position, occupied and impregna-
ble, shall bid defiance to any attack.”
Chesney's searching examination of
the subject, a digest of Charras's,
leaves no room to doubt that the sup-
posed order to occupy Quatre Bras
on June 15 was a pure afterthought,
maintained subsequently by persist-
ent falsehood.
FIRST DAY-FRENCH ADVANCE.
45
de service which accompanied the Emperor, and which The Cam-
he himself launched against the Prussian rear under the Waterloo.
lead of Gen. Letort of his own staff; but Letort received June 15.
a mortal wound, and the French cavalry were repulsed
by a charge of the Brandenburg dragoons sent against
them by Zieten, and with an interchange of artillery
fire the affair ended. The arrival of Steinmetz's brigade
at St. Amand, a village behind Fleurus, completed the 11 P.M.
concentration of the Prussian ist corps. Zieten's re-
treat on this occasion—the manner in which he col-
lected his corps scattered from Dinant to Binche, a
length of more than forty miles, and retarded the ad-
vance of overwhelming numbers from daybreak till late
at night, over a distance of some fifteen miles has been
considered by military critics a model of such opera-
tions. Thus ended the day's conflict on the French
right.
On the left Ney had taken command of the column 7 P.M.
committed to him just after Reille had driven Steinmetz
from the Brussels road at Gosselies. Ney followed up
the retreat with Girard's 22 division of Reille's corps,
which pursued them toward Fleurus as far as the village
of Wangenies, where Girard remained for the night,
22 Some confusion has been in-
troduced into accounts of this cam-
paign through the similarity of the
names of Gens. Girard and Gérard
both of whom are called Girard in
the American edition of Gleig's
Story of Waterloo, while both are
called Gérard in that of Hazlitt's
Life of Napoleon, and in that of
Thiers’ Consulate and Empire Girard
is spoken of by both names indiscri-
minately, though Gérard is correctly
styled. Gen. Girard, who fell at St.
Amand la Haye, commanded the 7th
division of Reille's' ad corps d’armée:
Count Gérard commanded the 4th
corps. = In like manner, among the
Prussians Gen. Pirch I, commander
of the 2d corps, is to be distin-
guished from Pirch II, commander
of the 2d brigade of Zieten’s ist
corps. = It may also be noted that
the division of Reille's corps which
Prince Jerome was, by courtesy, said
to command throughout the com-
paign, was really directed by Lieut.-
Gen. Guilleminot; and confusion has
arisen from the interchange of these
names as the commander.
46
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 15.
The Cam- his troops touching those of Vandamme and Grouchy,
Waterloo
. and thus maintaining the connection between Napoleon
and Ney. Already Bachelu’s division of infantry and
Piré's of cavalry had pushed on toward Quatre Bras;
and now Ney, leaving Reille with his two remaining
divisions in reserve at Gosselies, followed them with
two cavalry regiments of the Guard which the Emperor
had left him, but with injunctions not to expose them
in action and a promise to replace them next day with
5 P.M. Kellermann's reserve corps of heavy cavalry. But before
Ney could overtake his troops, Piré's lancers had come
upon the foremost of the outposts of the extreme left
of the Anglo-Belgian army—a brigade of Gen. de Per-
poncher's Dutch-Belgian infantry division, under the
command of Prince Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar,—
who were posted in the village of Frasnes, two miles
south of Quatre Bras.23 The lancers drove in the
pickets, and, following them through Frasnes, attacked
a battalion which, with a battery of Dutch horse-
artillery, was drawn up in its rear; but they were met
by so stout a fire of musketry and grape that they were
forced to draw off until Bachelu's infantry came up to
their support, when the combined force compelled the
battalion to retreat. This it did as far as the wood of
Bossu, which filled the south-eastern angle of the cross-
roads of Quatre Bras, when it threw itself into the
woods and covered the right flank of the remainder of
Prince Bernhard's brigade, which he had drawn up to
hold the Namur-Nivelles road, and which showed so
strong a front and opened so hot an artillery fire that
the French were checked. Ney came up at this time,
and reconnoitred in person. It was rapidly growing
8 P.M.
23 The village of Frasnes, on the
west of the Brussels road,—not the
hamlet on the Heights of Frasnes,
which is on the other side of the
road, and nearer to Quatre Bras.
FİRST DAY-BRUSSELS.
47
dark; he could not discern the number of the enemy, phie part
who were partly hidden in the wood ; his men and Waterloo
.
horses were exhausted by seventeen hours' march ; and June 15.
the firing from the direction of Fleurus showed him that
he was already far in advance of the centre column,
and in danger of being caught between the English
and Prussian armies. He determined therefore not to
take ground beyond Frasnes, and, leaving his troops
there, rode back to Gosselies, where he gave necessary
orders to Reille, and then returned about midnight to 12 P.2I.
Charleroi, where he supped with the Emperor, who had
also returned thither,24 and remained in conversation
with him for two hours; after which, without taking
rest, the Marshal again rode back to Gosselies, to con- June 16,
cert with Reille the movements of the troops on the 34.M.
coming day.
In Brussels the day had passed very differently.
For many weeks this capital had been the scene of
constant gaiety, for here were assembled the Duke's
staff and the families and friends of many of his officers,
and it had also formed the rallying-point of number-
less English tourists whom the approach of war had
frightened from France and the Continent to this
seductive resting-place, where the stir of military
preparations only added zest to the daily round of
holiday life. But the 15th of June was a marked
day in the English society in Brussels, which was
all astir about the great ball to be given in the
21 “At 8 o'clock," says Charras, leon's order, by Baron Fain to
"he [Napoleon] returned to Charle- Joseph Bonaparte, and dated Charle-
roi, where were his headquarters in roi, June 15, 9 P.M.
The incident
the same house Zieten occupied in is noteworthy in consideration of
the morning. 'Overwhelmed (accablé) Chesney's assertion, on Thiers' assur-
with fatigue, he threw himself on ance, that Napoleon "was physically
his bed to repose for some hours. capable of fully bearing the fatigues
The last sentence is quoted by Char- incident to a bold aggressive cam-
ras from a letter written, at Napo- paign” (see note, page 32).
»
48
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The Cam- evening by the Duchess of Richmond, and only its
Waterloo. anticipation occurred to vary the ordinary course of
things.25 The Duke of Wellington was unaware that
anything unusual was taking place until, in the middle
of the afternoon, the Prince of Orange came in from
the outposts to dine with him, and brought to him a
vague report that there had been fighting in the
June 15.
3 P.M.
25 Thackeray draws, in Vanity Darius, such a brilliant train of
Fair, a picture of life in Brussels be- camp-followers as hung round the
fore the campaign opened, from train of the Duke of Wellington's
which the following touches are army in the Low Countries, in 1815;
taken :-" In the meanwhile the and led it dancing and feasting, as it
business of life and living, and the were, up to the very brink of battle.
pursuit of pleasure, especially, went A certain' ball which a noble
on as if no end were to be expected to Duchess gave at Brussels on the 15th
them, and no enemy in front. When of June, in the above-named year,
our travellers arrived in Brussels, in is historical. All Brussels had been
which their regiment was quartered, in a state of excitement about it;
a great piece of good fortune, as all and I have heard from ladies who
said, they found themselves in one of were in that town at that period,
the gayest and most brilliant little
that the talk and interest of persons
capitals in Europe, and where all the of their owu sex regarding the ball,
Vanity Fair booths were laid out was much greater even than in re-
with the most temptivg liveliness spect of the enemy in their front.
and splendour. Gambling was here The struggles, intrigues, and prayers
in profusion, and dancing in plenty ; to get tickets were such as only
feasting was there to fill with delight English ladies will employ, in order
that great gourmand of a Jos : there to gain admission to the society
was a theatre where a miraculous of the great of their own nation."
Catalani was delighting all hearers : Thackeray gives glimpses of the ball
beautiful rides, all enlivened with itself in the course of his story; but
martial splendour; a rare old city, very circumstantial details of its
with strange costumes and wonder- splendours, and of the incidents con-
ful architecture. .. Every day necting it with the campaign, are
during this happy time there was given in Charles Lever's once popu-
novelty and amusement for all par- lar novel, Charles O'Malley, the Irish
ties. There was a church to see, or Dragoon. Here are introduced most
a picture gallery-there was a ride of the sensational anecdotes current
or an opera. The bands of the regi- in their day, but long since disproved,
ments were making music at all and personal descriptions of nearly
hours. The greatest folks of Eng- all the general officers of the Allied
land walked in the Park—there was armies, for most of whom it would
a perpetual military festival.
be easy to substantiate an alibi.
There never was, since the days of
.
FIRST DAY BRUSSELS.
49
morning near Thuin, but that the French had sub- The Cam-
sequently disappeared from there. After consultation Waterloo.
with Baron Müffling—who now came in with Zieten's June 15.
delayed dispatch of 4 A.M.26_the Duke determined
that the French design was not yet sufficiently de-
veloped to fix his own point for concentration, and
he contented himself with issuing orders for the whole 5 P.M. (?)
of his troops to assemble at designated points and
hold themselves in readiness to march, and at the same
time he sent to inquire of the outposts before Mons
whether any movement of the enemy had been noticed
in that direction. Later in the evening, as he was
about setting out for the ball, he received a dispatch
from Blücher announcing that Napoleon had crossed
the Sambre, and one from Mons stating that all the
French in that quarter had moved toward Charleroi.
He then issued a second order, directing the concen- 10 P.M.
tration of the troops in the direction of Nivelles, and
proceeded to the ball.27
26 See note 19, page 40.
27 The first orders had directed
an assemblage of the divisions and
brigades adapted to a concentration
toward the left flavk. The second
order was in full as follows:
“ After Orders, 10 o'clock, P.11., Brux-
elles, 15th of June, 1815.-The 3rd
division of infantry to continue its
movement from Braine-le-Comte
upon Nivelles. The first division
to move from Enghien upon Braine-
le-Comte. The ad and 4th divisions
of infantry to move from Ath and
Grammont, also from Audenarde,
and to continue their movements
upon Enghien. The above move-
ments with as little delay as possible.
WELLINGTON." – It should be noted
that the first order-without date as
to the hour, which has been stated
all the way from 4 o'clock to 8-
contains this instruction, which the
second order does not modify:
« The Prince of Orange is requested
to collect, at Nivelles, the 2d and 3d
divisions of the army of the Low
Countries: and should that point
have been attacked this day, to
move the 3d division of British in-
fantry upon Nivelles, as soon as col-
lected. This movement is not to
take place until it is quite certain
that the enemy's attack is upou the
right of the Prussian army, and the
left of the British arny." This
would have made Nivelles the
easternmost point occupied by the
British force, and have wholly aban-
doned Quatre Bras, already held by
Prince Bernhard's brigade of the ad
division, the only point through
JE
50
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The Cam-
paign of
Of the famous ball—where “all went merry as a
Waterloo. marriage bell”-it need only be said that, at the Duke's
June 15.
Night.
which the English and Prussians by the date of the orders issued be-
could communicate ; and would have fore the ball. The Rev. Mr. Abbott,
left Ney an unimpeded road to with- however, seems to know all about it,
in fourteen miles of Brussels. The and relates the circumstances with
commander of the division, Gen. his wonted vivacity. “In the midst
Perponchor, saw the mistake; and, in of the gaiety," he tells us, "as Wel-
the absence of the corps-commander, lington was conversing with the
the Prince of Orange, who had Duke of Brunswick in the embrasure
gone with the Duke from dinner to of a window, a courier approached,
the ball, he took it upon himself to and informed him, in a low tone of
retain his hold upon Quatre Bras- voice, that Napoleon had crossed
a step which was approved by the the frontier, and was, with his army,
Prince, who, says Chesney, “reached within ten miles of Brussels. Wel-
Braine from Brussels before 3 A.M., lington, astounded by the intelli-
having been treated with some petu- gence, turned pale. The Duke of
lance by Wellington for his display
Brunswick started from his chair so
of anxiety as to the advance of the suddenly that he quite forgot a
French against his corps." The child slumbering in his lap, and
Prince's anxiety seems wore credit- rolled the helpless little one violently
able than the Duke's prolonged in- upon the floor. The news instantly
action; but Siborne gives another spread through the ball-room. Wel-
version of the incident. Rejoining lington and all the officers hastily
to the allegations once in vogue that retired. The energies of the Iron
the Duke was “surprised” by the Duke were immediately aroused to
French advance, and unaware per- their utmost tension. Bugles sounded,
haps that the Prince had just been drums beat, soldiers rallied, and the
dining with his commander, Siborne whole mighty host, cavalry, artil-
says, " The only real surprise which lery, infantry, and field-trains, were,
the Duke experienced on that occa- in an hour, careering through the
sion was in finding the Prince of dark and flooded streets of Brussels."
Orange, on the night of the 15th, at The Rev. Mr. Abbott's mode of col-
the Duchess of Richmond's ball, lecting his historical data is curi-
when he delicately suggested to His ously illustrated in this passage. The
Royal Highness the expediency of idea of the Duke of Brunswick's
his returning to his corps.” = The being in a window obviously comes
story of a “surprise,"if not otherwise from the lines in Childe Harold
exploded, would have been disproved
" Within a window'd niche of that high hall
Sate Brunswick's fated chieftain."
A subsequent stanza, done into description of the army's departure
proso, furnishes the veracious divine's from Brussels, while ono of its lines,
" And the deep thunder peal on peal afar,"
FIRST NIGHT-BRUSSELS.
51
Night.
desire, it was attended by the officers who had been The Cam-
invited, especially by those of his personal staff, but Waterloo.
that it was hinted to division and brigade commanders June 15.
and those from the outposts that they should take their
leave early and repair to their respective commands.
On various pretexts, they gradually retired ; but Wel-
lington remained until a late hour, and returned thanks
after supper to the health of the Prince Regent pro-
posed by the Prince of Orange, when he too departed,
and the company soon broke up. “ There might have
been one hour's quiet in the streets of Brussels. The
rattle of carriages was over. Light after light had been
extinguished in chamber and in hall, and sleep seemed
to have established its dominion over the city, when a
bugle call, heard first in the Place d'Armes on the
summit of the Montagne du Parc, and taken up and
echoed back through various quarters of the town,
roused all classes of people in a moment.
window in the place heads were protruded, and a
thousand voices desired to be informed if anything was
the matter; for though they put the idea from them,
few had lain down that night altogether free from
uneasiness, and now the bugle's warning note seemed
to speak to their excited imaginations of an enemy at the
gates. Anxious, therefore, and shrill were the voices
From every
is the foundation for his statement the statement that "for three days
that everything went " careering and nights the rain had fallen almost
through the dark and flooded streets without intermission." As a matter
of Brussels." Now, Lord Byron's of fact, the weather had been singu-
“ thunder" was a metaphorical re- larly fine, and, except for the beat,
ference to the sound of cannon--an continued to be so until after night-
anachronism, by the way, since there fall of June 16th, when it rained at
was no artillery firing within hear- Ligny, but not at Quatre Bras or
ing-distance of Brussels until the Brussels. Mr. Abbott's page, how-
next day,
but Mr. Abbott has ever, continues to be "flooded" from
taken it for the thunder which ac- this time forward.
companies rain, and builds upon it
I 2
52
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 15.
2 A.M.
The Cam- which demanded to be informed of the cause of this
Waterloo. interruption to their repose. But there was little need
to answer them in words: the bugle call was soon
Night.
followed by the rolling of drums and the screaming of
bagpipes. By-and-by regiments were seen, by the dim
light of the stars, to muster in park, square, street,
and alley—horses neighed-guns rumbled over the
causeways-drivers shouted-and over all was heard, ,
from time to time, the short quick word of command,
which soldiers best love to hear, and obey with the
greatest promptitude. The reserve, in short, was getting
under arms, each brigade at its appointed alarm-post;
and by-and-by, one after another, as they were ready,
they marched off in the direction of the forest of
Soignies."
" 28. Day was approaching as Picton's division
marched out of Brussels on the Quatre Bras road, the
Duke of Brunswick's corps shortly following—their direc-
tions being to advance as far as the point beyond the
Forest of Soignies where the roads diverge to Quatre Bras
and Nivelles. Toward the latter point were coming at the
same time the scattered detachments of their comrades
on their right. Thus, at last, the Duke of Wellington
was moving to establish, if it were not too late, his
support of his ally, a full day after the enemy's attack.29
28 The quotation is from Gleig. course seemed faultless in the eyes of
The picture of the bustle and stir, his countrymen who in those days
the partings, the grief of the wives recounted his achievements.
and sisters and children left in
Grace," says Siborne,.“was deter-
Brussels, the terrors and suspense of mined to make no movement until
the non-combatants who remained the real line of attack should become
there for the next three momentous manifest; and hence it was that, if
days, is drawn in chapters XXIX to the attack had been made even at a
XXXII of Vanity Fair as none but later period, his dispositions would
Thackeray could draw it. Lever gives have remained precisely the same.”
incidents in Charles O'Malley which This may be termed “a statement
are spirited and convey a lively idea of the fact, but no justification of
of the prevalent excitement, but are it," which is the expression Chesney
not historically valuable.
applies to Hooper's similar remark
20 The Duke's prolonged delay of that Wellington, “never precipitate
16 His
FIRST NIGHT THE PRUSSIANS.
53
The Prussian concentration was far more advanced The Cam-
paign of
at nightfall than was that of the English many hours Waterloo
.
later.
The time gained by Zieten's masterly retreat June 15.
.
had enabled Pirch's (20) corps and Thielmann's (3d)
corps to be near at hand. In accordance with the
orders of the day before, Pirch was already on his way
or nervous, contented himself with is afforded by the letters of Sir
issuing orders about 5 P.M. for the Augustus Frazer, who, as the com-
assembly of each division." Gleig mander of the British horse-artillery,
goes even further, and makes his ought at this juncture to have been
attendance at the ball the theme of among the nearest to the front. In
admiration. Of the suggestion made a letter dated Brussels, June 15,
him, that the Duchess of Richmond IO P.M., he mentions that “ Bona-
be advised to postpone her entertain- parte is at Maubeuge, that he has
ment, this writer observes, “He about 120,000 men there, that he
rejected the counsel with a good- has advanced in the direction of
humoured joke, observing that it Binche," and more to the same effect.
would never do to disappoint a lady He then proceeds, “ Admitting all
of her Grace's merits; and thus, as this to be true, we may have a battle
bis habit was, wrapped up the most the day after to-morrow. The Duke
important political considerations in has gone to a ball at the Duchess of
an apparent regard to the punctilios Richmond's, but all is ready to move
of civilised life. The Duke knew at daybreak. Of course all depends
that Brussels and Belgium generally on the news which may arrive in the
would take the alarm soon enough; night. By way of being ready, I
and he was too prudent to precipitate shall go to bed and get a few hours'
the event." Kennedy, though an sleep. It is now half-past 11.” Next
admirer of the Duke's, says of his morning, in a postscript dated 6 A.M.
evening's stay in Brussels, "The at which time Ney ought to have
Duke was throwing away golden been attacking the Belgian troops at
minutes. By riding himself toward Quatre Bras-Frazer writes, “I have
Charleroi at the first alarm, he would sent to Sir George Wood's to hear if
have seen for himself that this was we are to move, which I conclude
no feint, and by next morning as- we are of course to do. ... I have
sembled troops sufficient to check just learned that the Duke moves in
Ney and aid Blücher.” Continental half an hour. Wood thinks to
critics agree as to the absurdity of Waterloo, which we cannot find on
his keeping his headquarters so far the map: this is the old story over
distant as Brussels, after it was again. ... The whole place is in a
known that the French were gather- bustle. Such jostling of baggage, of
ing,--that is, aſter Juve 12th or 13th. guns, and of waggons. It is very
The example of the commander-in- useful to acquire a quietness and
chief of course found imitators. A composure about all these matters;
curious illustration of the extreme one does not mend things by being
deliberation of the English officers in a hurry."
54
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
paign of
Waterloo.
June 15.
Night.
The Cam- from Namur to Sombreffe, and Thielmann from Ciney
to Namur, when the orders issued by Blücher imme-
diately upon hearing of Zieten’s being attacked quickened
their advance; and Pirch was at Mazy, four miles from
Sombreffe, by dark, and Thielmann at Namur, ten miles
further off
, each with orders to advance at daybreak;
so that two hours' march would bring Pirch, and five
hours Thielmann, to the position already taken up by
Zieten at Ligny. But Bülow's corps (the 4th), through
a series of misapprehensions and delays, was still at
Liége, sixty miles away; and late in the night Blücher
learned that he would thus be deprived of the support
of 30,000 men on whose presence he had counted for
the morrow's battle.30
The French on their part showed an utter relaxation
90 To understand Bülow's error nearest, need not hurry; and Gnei-
requires consideration of the time at senau, Blücher's chief of staff, had
which the orders were sent. The given him no intimation that there
Ist order, to concentrate his troops was urgency. He was in the act of
at Liége so as to be able to reach executing the ist order when the ad
Hannut in a day's march, was sent arrived, so late in the morning that
on June 13th, but did not reach him he could not have altered the move-
until 5 A.M. on the 15th. The ad ments of his troops till late in the
order, sent on the 14th, to concen- afternoon; so he postponed its execu-
trate at Hannut, arrived at 10.30 A.M. tion until next day, reporting to
on the 15th. The 3d order, sent on headquarters that he would be at
the 15th at 10 A.M., to Hannut, Hannut by noon of the 16th. The
where he was supposed then to be, 3d order lay waiting for him at
directed him to advance to Gembloux. Hannut until the bearer of the 4th
The 4th, sent also viâ Gembloux to found it and carried both on with
Hannut and carried ou to Liége,
him to Bülow-too late to be of
directed his advance from Gem-
Bülow's messenger, an-
bloux to Sombreffe. Thus each nouncing his intention to reach
order presupposed the prompt execu- Hannut on the 16th, meanwhile
tion of those before it. Now Bülow reached Namur at 9 P.M. on the
at the outset believed that there 15th, and found that Blücher had
would be no hostilities until a for- moved his headquarters to Sombreffe,
mal declaratiou of war was made; he whither it was forwarded. Bülow
imagined that the concentration of and Gneisenau were both in fault,
the army was to take place at the former for his delay, the latter
Hannut, so that his corps, lying for the vagueness of his despatches.
any use.
FIRST NIGHT-THE FRENCH,
55
at the close of the day which went far to compensate The Cam-
for Wellington's delays and Blücher's loss of an entire Waterloo.
corps d'armée from his expected strength. All over the June 15.
Night.
Fleurus triangle their forces lay sprawled wherever the
darkness had overtaken them. The position of the
heads of their columns was all that could be desired.
At daybreak Ney could seize Quatre Bras, and Napoleon
destroy one by one the three still ununited Prussian
corps, if only their forces were well in hand and their
action prompt. But Ney's column was scattered in
detached bodies all along the road from Frasnes back to
Marchiennes, a distance of twelve miles ; for D'Erlon's
corps, which should have acted in close support of
Reille’s, had not yet come forward from the river. Of
the centre column, the heavy cavalry of the Guard, two of
Grouchy's four reserve cavalry corps, and all of Lobau's,
bivouacked on the south of the Sambre at Charleroi.
Half of the right column also, Gérard's corps, had not
yet passed the bridge at Châtelet. Napoleon's orders
had been explicit that the whole army was to have
crossed the river before noon. Yet through the night
some 35,000 men lay on the wrong side of the stream;
and it was plain that hours of daylight would be required
to get the troops together for action. The plan of
sundering the Allied armies had indeed already been
accomplished ; but any further advantage to result from
the carefully prepared surprise was slipping away
through these accumulating delays.
The dawn found the troops of each of the three June 16.
armies astir and moving to effect their own concentra- 3 to 4 A.M.
tion in anticipation of the enemy's. Napoleon, who had
risen early, awaited at Charleroi reports of the Prussian
movements about Fleurus, his troops meantime con-
tinuing the passage of the Sambre at both Charleroi and
56
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 16.
6 A.M.
The Cam- Châtelet, and joining the main body, though still
Waterloo. waiting for orders to move to the front. Intelligence
presently arrived from Grouchy that the Prussians
Zieten's and Pirch's corps--were deploying before
Fleurus; and some time was consumed by the Emperor
in defining the dispositions for the day's movements and
8 to 9 A.M. sending out the necessary orders for putting the troops
in motion. By these orders the army was formed into
two wings, each to operate on one side of the Fleurus
triangle. On the left Ney was given the two corps he
had had the day before-Reille's and D’Erlon’s-to-
gether with Kellermann's corps of reserve cavalry; and
he was ordered to move upon and occupy Quatre Bras,
preparatory to further operations. On the right
Grouchy was put in command of Vandamme's and
Gérard's corps and the three remaining corps of reserve
cavalry, with which he was to take up a position at
Sombreffe, to push forward an advance guard to
Gembloux, reconnoitring the roads, especially that to
Namur, and establishing his connection with Ney.
One corps, Lobau's, was left in reserve at the junction
of the roads near Charleroi, to advance upon either as
need might require; and the Guard followed the
Emperor, who at noon drove up in his carriage to
the troops of the right, which, passing Fleurus, now
evacuated by the Prussians, were drawn up before
Blücher's position.31
12 A.V.
31 Napoleon's loss of half a day cept that, in the Prussian front,
at so important a time as this is thus Grouchy and his outposts were on the
commented upon by Hooper:—“The alert, eagerly watching the gathering
French army was aroused from its of masses of troops above the plain
slumbers at daybreak on the 16th. of Fleurus. It is written that the
... The sun rose, and the hours old soldiers and there were many
sped on, but no order of movement in the army of Napoleon-stood in
came from the Imperial headquarters. not mute astonishment at this in-
Six o'clock arrived, seven struck. activity. We have shown that Na-
The army remained motionless, ex- poleon, his wearied troops having
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
57
The two battles which raged simultaneously this The Cam-
day must be described separately,
paign of
Waterloo.
June 16.
Quatre Bras had remained during the night in Quatre
Bras.
rested for five hours, might have 15th as far as Sombreffe and Quatre
concentrated, one mass near Fleurus, Bras, which were to be the pivots of
and another in front of Gosselies, by all his after movements. But, to
5 in the morning. Yet at 7, some secure the success of his wisely com-
say at 8, not a man had moved from bined plan, it beloved him to repair
the bivouac of the preceding night.-- with activity and promptness, at day-
This inactivity is admitted to be one break on the 16th, what had been left
of the puzzles of the campaign. Na- incomplete the night previous. Un-
poleon, whose motions were wont to fortunately for him, this was not
be so swift, was now a laggard. executed with that activity that or-
Every keen observer, fresh from the dinarily distinguished him. We are
story of his earlier and even his latest forced to avow that the manner in
campaigns, has noted with amaze- which he employed this morning of
ment, with a kind of sorrowful the 16th will ever remain a problem
astonishment, the inactivity of the for those who best understand it.
most active of great captains. And, ... The Emperor of 1809 would not
as we may note, in nothing was that have failed to be in person at Fleurus
inactivity shown so much as in bis by 8 o'clock in the morning, to judge
absolute neglect to obtain accurate of the state of things, and to verify
information. The consequence of the report Grouchy had sent him at
this neglect was twofold :- 1st, it 6 o'clock, announcing the presence
produced the greatest hesitation in of strong Prussian columns that
the adoption of any decisive plan ; were debouching from Sombreffe on
2d, it led bim to issue orders to his St. Amand.” = The explanation of
executive officers which it was im- this incomprehensible thing is given
possible they could execute. He in the Mémoires of Ségur, published
did not obtain the information for in 1873:-"At Charleroi, on the
bimself, nor believe the intelligence morning of the battle of Fleurus
sent in by Grouchy and Girard. [Liguy], the Emperor having sent
Hence the protracted halt on the for Reille, this general, on seeing
morning of the 16th, hence the him, was affected by a painful sur-
battle on the afternoon of that day, prise. He found him, he told me,
fruitful only in another bulletin. seated near the fireside, in a state of
The long delay enabled Blücher to prostration, asking questions lan-
occupy the position of Ligny, and guidly, and appearing scarcely to
Wellington to march a sufficient listen to the replies; a prostration to
number of troops upon Quatre Bras which Reille attributed the inaction
to frustrate, to repulse Ney.” = Jo- of one of our corps upon that day,
mini, in his Summary, speaks in and the long and bloody indecision of
similar terms :-"Napoleon had to
this first battle.” (See note, pp. 31-
renounce the idea of pushing on the 37.)
.
58
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
4 A.M.
5 A.M.
6 A.M.
possession of Prince Bernhard's brigade of Dutch-
Belgians which had repelled the advance of Piré's
lancers and Bachelu's infantry the evening before.
In the early morning the other brigade (Bylandt's) of
Perponcher's division began coming up from Nivelles,
battalion by battalion, and presently Gen. Perponcher
himself arrived and commenced an advance to recover
the ground lost on the previous day. As his men were
driving in the French outposts, the Prince of Orange
rode in from Braine-le-Comte, and taking the command,
continued the skirmish until his troops came upon the
French supports at the Heights of Frasnes, and the
action ended with the Prince establishing his line within
less than a mile of the village. The Duke of Welling-
ton with his staff--who had left Brussels at 8 o'clock-
next came upon the ground and reconnoitred the
enemy, whom he found motionless at Frasnes and
apparently not in great strength. Having formed the
opinion that nothing serious was to be apprehended in
this quarter, and receiving information that the mass of
the French army was moving upon the Prussian posi-
tion, the Duke rode off to confer with Blücher.32 He
IT A.M.
32 Charras-observing that "some self and soldiers for the attainment
writers have represented Wellington of so important an object. Oonfid-
as reaching Quatre Bras thoroughly ing in this valorous lieutenant, the
agitated and wild (tout ému, tout Duke of Wellington took his way
effaré)”—made inquiries of an otlicer along the highroad from Brussels to
who at this time accompanied the Namur, in order to consult with
Prince of Orange. The officer said, Marshal Blücher." The degree of
"He was as cold as ice-as if the confidence which the Duke placed
French had been a hundred leagues in the Prince two years before was
from us." Thiers makes the Duke shown by a letter which he wrote
and the Prince of Orange arrive from Freuela, in Spain, to Lord
together at Quatre Bras, instead of Bathurst, May 18, 1813:-“The
five hours apart.
" The Prince of Prince of Orange appears to me to
Orange,” he proceeds, " had promised have a very good understanding, he
the Duke of Wellington to make has had a very good education, his
every effort for the defence of Quatre manners are very engaging, and he
Bras, and even to sacrifice both him- is liked by every person who ap-
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
59
Bras.
June 16.
found the Field Marshal, with Gneisenau, in the wind- Quatre
mill of Bussy, between Ligny and Bry, studying the
French dispositions for attack in the plain below them
and on the heights beyond. These confirmed his im-
pression that Napoleon purposed exerting his strength
against the Prussians; and he offered to assist them
either by bringing his troops in their rear to act as a
reserve, or by joining their right and falling upon the
left flank of the French. Gneisenau preferred the
former plan, and the Duke, though he thought other-
wise, assented ; and turned back to Quatre Bras with
proaches him: such a man may be- Lady Charlotte Bury, 'is good-
come anything ; but, on the other humoured and civil, but he has no
hand, he is very young, and can have dignity. The Flemings are surprised
no experience in business, particularly to see his English aides-de-camp run
in the business of revolutions ; he is up to him and slap him on the back.'
very shy and diffident; and I don't . . My brother (Viscount Bury,
know that it will not be a disad- then captain in the ist Foot Guards,
vantage to him to place him in a and one of the Prince's staff] and
situation in which he is to be at the Henry Webster ... both admitted
head of great concerns of this de- this cavalier behaviour to their chief,
scription; and that too much is not but added that it was entirely the
to be expected of him." The Prince Prince's own fault. He was a mere
was now two years older—that is boy, delighting in rough practical
22 years of age,-and “the business jokes--but not complaining when
of revolutions " bad made him heir
he sometimes got a Roland for his
apparent to the new kingdom of the Oliver.” = On the whole, it seems
Netherlands, and aspirant to the clear that the position enjoyed by
hand of the English Princess Char- the Prince of Orange was not unlike
lotte, and so a personage for whom a that sought by the Three Kings of
high position must be provided; but Chickeraboo in the Bab Ballads :
it was not because of the Duke's
confiding in this valorous lieuten-
“ Great Britain's navy scours the sea,
ant” that the Prince was made com-
And everywhere her ships they be.
mander of the ist corps of the
She'll recognize our rank, perhaps,
Anglo-Allied army. = The esteem in
When she discovers we're Royal
which he was held, at this period,
Chaps.
by those about him is indicated by a
“If to her skirts you want to cling,
passage in the Earl of Albemarle's
Fifty Years of my Life, describing
It's quite sufficient that you're a
king
his presentation to him when the
She does not push inquiry far
Allies entered Paris after Waterloo :
To learn what sort of king you are.”
“The Prince of Orange,' writes
60
>
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
2 A.M.
the assurance, “ Well, I will come, provided I am not
attacked myself.” 33
Ney had left Napoleon late in the night without
receiving any positive orders for the day's operations.
Riding at once to Gosselies, he ordered Reille to assemble
his two remaining infantry divisions--Bachelu's having
3 A.M.
93 The interview of Wellington some assistance from the Duke. 'I
and Blücher in the windmill is thus set out,' he says, ' but I had not pro-
related by Gleig :-" The Duke is ceeded far when I saw a party of
said to have expressed with charac- horse coming toward me, and, ob-
teristic good-breeding, yet firmness, serving that they had short tails, I
his disapproval of Prince Blücher's knew at once that they were Eng-
arrangements : 'Every man' (such lish, and soon distinguished the
is the substance of the words which Duke. He was on his way to the
the Duke is said to have spoken) Prussian headquarters, thinking they
knows his own people best; but I might want some assistance; and
can only say that, with a British he instantly gave directions for a
army, I should not occupy this ground supply of cavalry.
“ How are they
as you do.' Blücher, however, re- forming ?” he inquired. “In column,
presented that his countrymen liked not in line," I replied; "the Prussian
to see the enemy before they engaged soldier, Blücher says, will not stand
him; and adhered to the opinion that in line.” “Then the artillery will
St. Amand and Ligny were the keys play upon them, and they will be
of his position. And the Duke was beaten damnably," was the comment
at once too wise and too much under of the Duke.'" Still another version
the influence of a right feeling to is given by Sir Edward Cust, in his
press his point.
It is said that
Annals of the Wars of the Nineteenth
the Duke, as he cantered back to his
Century :—"After parting from
own ground, turned to a staff officer Blücher at the windmill of Bry, he
deeply in his confidence, and said, [Wellington] met Gen. Gneisenau,
Now mark my words : the Prus- and ventured to point out to him
sians will make a gallant fight; for that the force collected at the ex-
they are capital troops and well com- treme right of the position appeared
manded; but they will be beaten. scarcely sufficient for its defence,
I defy any army not to be beaten The chief of the staff happened to be
placed as they are, if the force that gifted with a considerable share of
attacks be such as I suppose the self-sufficiency, and treated the Eng-
French under Bonaparte are.'" Gleig lish General's criticism with indiffer-
repeats substantially this same story ence. When, however, the Prussian
in a note to his translation of Brial- Quartermaster-General rode away,
mont. Hooper gives this variation: Wellington, turning to Hardinge,
“Lord Hardinge, then Sir Henry, .. said, 'I fear you fellows will
had been requested by Blücher to get well thrashed there when the
proceed to Quatre Bras and solicit French advance.''
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
61.
Bras.
June 16.
already gone forward, and Girard having remained near Quatre
Fleurus, whither he had pursued the Prussians—and to
advance to Frasnes. Thither he proceeded himself and
attempted to get what information could be had as to
the number and position of the enemy, and also of his
own regiments and their commanders, of which he as
yet knew little. While Col. Heymės, the only staff
officer who had accompanied him to the front, was
preparing this return by going from regiment to regi-
ment, the Marshal sent messengers to Marchiennes with
earnest instructions to expedite the march of D’Erlon,
who ought to have joined him the day before, and then
proceeded to make a personal reconnoissance of the
enemy and his movements. Finding before him the
Prince of Orange with a whole Dutch-Belgian division,
he sent an officer to report to the Emperor that he was
confronted by masses of men. At this time he received
his first despatch of the day from the Emperor, stating
that Kellermann's cavalry corps had been ordered to
Gosselies to his support instead of the cavalry of the
Guard, and asking information as to the enemy's strength
and his own.34 A subsequent order, together with a
54 The orders sent Ney on this these can be ascertained. Their full
day have been so misrepresented, and text (in French) will be found in
bear so materially upon his military Siborne, chapter v. and Appendices
conduct, that it is best to summarize XVI, XVII, XX, XXI, XXII.
them, with their dates, so far as
ORDER.
Received
by Ney.
8 AM
Sent from
Headquarters
Ist Order. From Soult, Major General, at Charleroi to
Ney.-Kellermann, with the 3d corps of cavalry, has
been ordered to march to Ney's support. Lefebvre-
Desnouettes's cavalry of the Guard is to rejoin the Im-
perial Guard. Has D’Erlon's corps joined him ? What
are the exact positions of D'Erlon's and Reille's corps,
and of the enemy?
9 A.M. (?) 20 Order. From Soult.-Ney is to combine D'Erlou's,
Reille's, and Kellermann's corps. With them to take
position at Quatre Bras. To reconvoitre the roads to
62
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
letter dictated by the Emperor, instructed him to
advance with D’Erlon's and Reille's infantry corps and
II A.M.
Received
by Ney.
II A.M.
ORDER.
Sent from
Headquarters.
Brussels and Nivelles, “from which the enemy is
probably retiring.” To establish a division of cavalry
at Genappe, and another at Marbais to cover the in-
terval between Sombreffe and Quatre Bras. The
Emperor is going to Sombreffe. Grouchy, with 2 in-
fantry and 3 cavalry corps, will occupy Gembloux
9 1.M.(?) 3d. Letter from Napoleon to Ney, written after the
2d Order, but received first.-An amplification of
Soult's (20) official order, “but I wish to write you in
detail, because it is of the highest importance.” Napo-
leon, after taking Fleurus, will push on to Gembloux,
when he will decide upon his further operations, “per-
haps at 3 P.M., perhaps this evening.” Ney by that
time to be ready to march upon Brussels, with Napoleon
and the Guard: “I wish to be at Brussels to-morrow
morning.” Ney's wing of the army now consists of
4 divisions of Reille's corps, 2 divisions of light cavalry,
and 2 of Kellermann's cavalry, which ought to amount
to 45,000 or 50,000 men. “You see sufficiently the
importance of taking Brussels. A movement so
prompt and so abrupt (brusque) will isolate the Eng-
lish army from Mons, Ostend, etc. I desire your dis-
positions to be so made that at the first order your 8
divisions shall be able to march rapidly and without
obstacle upon Brussels.”
10 A.M. 4th Order. From Soult, in answer to Ney's dispatch
that the enemy were present in force.—Unite the corps
of D’Erlon, Reille, and Kellermann, “who starts in-
stantly to join you. With this force you can deliver
battle and destroy all the enemy's force that can be at
hand. Blücher was yesterday at Namur, and it is not
possible that he has sent troops to Quatre Bras; so you
have only to do with what comes from Brussels.”
Grouchy is about to move on Sombreffe (Ligny), and
the Emperor is setting out for Fleurus.
II.30 A.M.
2 P.M. 5th Order. From Soult, at Fleurus.--The Prussians have
drawn up a few troops (un corps des troupes) between
Sombreffe and Bry. Grouchy will attack them at 2.30.
Ney is to attack whatever is before him and drive it
off vigorously, then to wheel toward the right column
and aid in “enveloping” the Prussians. If the Em-
peror pierces them first, he will manoeuvre toward Ney. (?) 5 P.M.
II A.M.
1
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
63
Bras.
June 16.
Kellermann's cavalry upon Quatre Bras, to push recon- Quatre
noissances on the roads diverging thence, to establish a
division with some cavalry at Genappe, and another at
Marbais to cover the interval between Quatre Bras and
Sombreffe. The Emperor further explained in his letter
that, after disposing of the Prussians on his right
which he spoke of as an easy task, allowing probably
for the presence of Zieten's corps only—it was his
intention to push on to Brussels, and that he desired
Ney to be prepared to join him promptly in this move-
ment, “ perhaps at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, perhaps
in the evening,” as he desired to reach Brussels in the
morning. The force placed under Ney's command the
Emperor estimated at from 45,000 to 50,000 men. Ney's
present force, however, was less than 10,000 men; and
he immediately sent back orders to D'Erlon and Reille
to come forward, D'Erlon to take post at Frasnes and
send one division to Marbais, while Reille was to advance
to Genappe. Scarcely had he sent off these orders when
a despatch was brought him from Reille, who said-
dating at Gosselies, 10.15 A.M.--that he had just received 11.30 4.M.
a message from Girard, who was still near Fleurus, that
heavy masses of the Prussians were taking ground in
that part of the field; and that in consequence of this
ORDIR.
Received
by Ney.
Sent from
Headquarters.
3.15 P.M. 6th Order. From Soult, beyond Fleurus.—The battle is
being waged hotly. Ney is to “ manoeuvre instantly
80 as to envelop the Prussian right and fall upon his
Their army is lost, if you act vigorously: the
fate of France is in your hands. Do not hesitate
an instant." .
real'.
6 P.M.
Comparison of these orders with the
events of the day as they actually
occurred will entirely dispel the
generally propagated idea that Ney
lost the day through irresolution or
sluggishness or an omission to use
“his superior force.” The contro-
versy cannot be entered upon here
further than to say that Chesney and
Charras thoroughly demolish the dis-
ingenuous suppressions and perver-
sions by which Thiers and the Napo-
leonists try to save the Emperor's
reputation at the expense of the
Marshal's.
64
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
II A.M.
intelligence--for the proposed advance must bring his
right flank dangerously near the enemy,-he would
hold his men in readiness to march, but would not
move until further orders from Ney. The Marshal,
who had just received Napoleon's order to unite the
three corps and attack the force before him—these
orders (the 4th) being in response to his own despatch
stating that the enemy were before him in strength,
again sent back, summoning Reille and D’Erlon to
support him at once. Reille had anticipated this
message, and commenced his march to Frasnes, a
distance which it took two hours to traverse, after
which his troops had to form and deploy. Strengthened
by Foy's and Bachelu's divisions, but anxious for
D’Erlon's support also, Ney abstained from any vigorous
attack, but began pushing forward his light troops.
The Prince of Orange, meantime, had made ready to
impede this advance and to hold Quatre Bras until the
arrival of the reinforcements he was momentarily
expecting from Brussels and Nivelles. This he was
able to do until the time when Ney, calculating that
D’Erlon's corps must be so close at hand that the sound
of artillery would bring him quickly into action, ordered
the attack in force with which the actual battle began.35
I PJ.
2 P.J.
35 The hour of 2 P.M. is stated by is again considered in connection
Charras as that at which the battle with the alleged simultaneous open-
began. “We fix it,” he says, “ from ing of the battle of Ligny (see note
the Dutch reports and from English 52, page 95), which Oharras dates
writers interested in contradicting at 2.30. = The forces on either side
these. Reille," he continues, refer- varied so much from time to time,
ring to that general's Notice Histo- as successive reinforcements came
rique sur les Mouvements du 2° Corps up, that it is necessary to state them
pendant la Campagne de 1815," says at those intervals :-
toward 2 o'clock.''
This question
At 2 P.M.-
French.
Anglo-Belgian.
15,750
6,832
Cavalry
1,865
Guns
16
Infantry
本
​38
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
65
The Prince of Orange, though compelled to give Battle of
ground before the greatly outnumbering force which Bras.
June 16.
2 P.M.
At 3.30 P.M. (after Picton, Van Merlen, and the Duke of Brunswick
came up) -
French
Anglo-Belgian
Infantry
15,750
18,000
Cavalry
1,865
2,004
Guns
38
28
At 4.30 (?) P.M. (after Kellermann came up)-
Infantry
15,750
Cavalry.
3,765
as before.
Guns
44
At 5 P.M. (after Alten came up)-
Infantry
15,750
24,234
Cavalry
5,165
2,004
Guns
50
40
At 6.30 P.M. (after Cook and the Brunswickers came up)-
Infantry
29,639
Cavalry.
as before
2,004
Guns
68
.
0
.
All these figures except those for 20,000, all infantry, and Ney had more
2 P.M. are in excess of the actual than double the number of troops, of
number of fighting men, because the whom 5,000 were cavalry, with 116
succeeding statements are got by guns." Alison's whole account of
adding the number of each reinforce- this battle, in his first edition, is a
ment to the number previously in marvel in its way. It is comprised
the field, without allowance for in three paragraphs, the first of
killed and wounded. In the case of which has six sentences : of these
the Anglo-Allied army the cavalry six, four are wholly incorrect, con-
was absolutely worthless, and the taining no less than eleven material
Dutch-Belgian infantry - 7,500 in misstatements of fact, = A work in
number,—of little service at the out- which accurate statements on such a
set, deserted wholly as the action point ought to be found The New
became serious; so that both these American Cyclopædia, edition 1863,
items may fairly be deducted from article Waterloo-puts Ney's force at
Wellington's strength. = Ney's force 40,000; says that he made his attack
has been grossly overstated. Never “after fatal hesitation ;” and adds
exceeding 21,000 men after all rein- that D'Erlon's corps, “through Ney's
forcements had arrived, its strength misapprehension of Napoleon's orders,
is put by the earlier English writers, was kept marching throughout the
Lockhart for instance, at 45,000.
whole day, between the two French
At a much later day Alison wrote armies, without rendering assistance
of the English force at 2 P.M. that to either." The revised edition of
“their whole force, with the Bel- the Cyclopædia (1876) omits the r'e-
gians, did not exceed at that time mark about D'Erlon's march, but re-
66
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Quatre
Bras.
moved upon him, was anxious to hold if possible the
line of heights crossing the Charleroi road at right
angles about three-quarters of a mile south of Quatre
June 16.
Baraque
F70912 Vivelles
To Brussels
QUATRE BRAS
色​,
WOODY
OF
M.BOSSU
Hedge
Namen
Gemioncourt
發
​Hedge
Piermont
Herre
Fronn
Bras. At three points along these heights—the village of
Piermont on his left, the farm of Gemioncourt adjoining
the Charleroi road in his centre, and the wood of Bossu
on his right—he gathered troops enough to make a stand
varies materially from Siborne. He
states Ney's strength at 2 o'clock-
peats the other two misstatements.
Charras has gone into these figures
very carefully as to the French, and
Bachelu's division
Foy's division
Cavalry Pire's division
.
Infantry {
10
9 battalions 4,103 men.
4,788
1,865
.
Ney's first reinforcement, Charras says, was at 3 o'clock, as follows:-
Infantry-Guilleminot's (Jerome's) division
7,819 men
Kellermann, according to Charras, did strength), whereas Siborne gives a
not come up until after 6 P.M., and strength equal to that of two brigades.
then brought only I of his 4 brigades Charras, no doubt, is correct. (See
(of which Cbarras does not give the vote 45, p. 84.)
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
67
Quatre
when his general line was forced back thus far. The Battle of
French had pushed the Dutch troops into the wood; a Bras.
part of Bachelu's division was well advanced toward June 16.
Piermont; and, though a Dutch battalion had suc-
ceeded in holding Gemioncourt against several attacks,
the Prince's position had become extremely critical and
its tenure almost hopeless, when he saw on the ele- 2.30 P.M.
vated ground behind Quatre Bras the scarlet masses of
English reinforcements advancing by the Brussels road.
This was Picton's 5th infantry division, consisting of
Kempt's 8th and Pack's 9th British brigades, accom-
panied by Best's 4th Hanoverian brigade. Leaving
Quatre Bras on their right, the division moved down
the Namur road and were drawn up along it, the
leading regiment, the 95th, having
the 95th, having been hurried 3 P.M.
forward to retain, if possible, possession of Piermont. 36
36 Picton's was the first division of wisdom of the Duke's policy of put-
the reserve to march from Brussels, ting off everything until the last
which it had left about 2 A.M. But moment. A specimen of its conse-
Wellington still retained so much of
quences is given in the journal of
his doubt about his safety on his Capt. Mercer, already quoted. He
right, that he ordered it to halt at had been careful to provide the ra-
Waterloo until he could acquaint tions and forage for the men and
himself with the condition of things horses of his battery, as well as
at the front, and decide whether to waggons and drivers for their trans-
directit upon Quatre Bras or Nivelles. portation. But the farmers had
During its halt the division was begged for their waggons, that they
passed by the Brunswick troops, might get in their ripening crops,
which kept on as far as Genappe, and Mercer assented, upon the com-
where they halted until overtaken mune authorities becoming respon-
by Picton. The latter's orders to sible for their prompt return when
move upon Quatre Bray reached him wanted. Mercer was roused early
about 12 o'clock, and enabled him to in the morning of the 16th by orders
arrive barely in time to avert the to march instantly to Enghien : he
loss of that position,--an event which was obliged to set off without his
must certainly have taken place had provision train or food for his ani-
Reille's two divisions reached Ney mals, and only recovered it after the
half an hour earlier. = A succession battle of Waterloo—when most of
of similarly opportune reinforcements the horses were dead. Reaching
throughout this day illustrated the Enghien and finding no further
F 2
68
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
The Duke of Wellington—who had returned from his
meeting with Blicher just before Picton's arrival —
ordered up a British regiment to hold Gemioncourt and
its enclosures, which were still defended by a Dutch
battalion led by Perponcher and the Prince of Orange;
but the French directed a destructive artillery fire
upon the Dutch, while their light troops carried the
farm before the English aid could arrive; and Gemion-
court thenceforward became the centre of the French
position.37 Van Merlen's light brigade of Dutch-Belgian
cavalry, who had just entered the field, advanced in
support of their retreating countrymen ; but they were
charged and routed by Piré's lancers, who pursued
them along the highroad toward Quatre Bras, whither
the fugitives carried with them Wellington himself,
who, however, succeeded in checking their flight
behind the cross-roads, re-forming them, and getting
them back to the front,38 The Dutch infantry, mean-
you, sir !
orders, Mercer applied to General nonade now heard from Quatre Bras,
Vandeleur, commander of a brigade where they arrived after nightfall
in the cavalry corps to which his and the close of the battle.
battery was attached, for instructions 37 It would seem to be at this
where to go.
“Whether naturally period of the battle that the incident
a savage," Mercer observes, " or that occurred thus related by Thiers :
he feared committing himself, I " The brilliant Prince of Orange, an-
know not; but Sir Ormsby cut my noyed by their fire, had the hardi-
queries short with an asperity totally hood to attempt to capture our bat-
uncalled for. 'I lmow nothing about teries. He endeavoued to commu-
I know nothing at all nicate his courage to the battalion
about you!'
'But you will, per- protecting his artillery, and lead
haps, have the goodness to tell me them against our cannon.
Whilst
where you are going yourself?' 'I he headed the charge, waving his
know nothing at all about it, sir! I hat, Gen. Piré sent forward one of
told you already I know nothing at his regiments, which, attacking the
all about you!!!” Left to his own battalion in flank, drove it back, un-
lights, Mercer moved eastwardly horsed the Prince, and very nearly
until he fell in with Sir Hussey made him prisoner.”
Vivian, another brigadier of the 38 Charras-wlo repaid the hos-
same corps, and joined his hussars, pitality of the Belgians in affording
moving at all speed toward the can- him a refuge from the persecutions
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
69
while, had been forced to abandon three of their guns, Batttle of
and follow their comrades into the wood of Bossu, into Bras.
which the pursuing French also penetrated and con- June 16.
tinued during the remainder of the action to dispute
its possession. On their extreme right also the French
had established themselves in Piermont, anticipating
the English regiment sent to hold it; but they failed
in an attempt to push across the Namur road and take
a thicket just in advance, their possession of which
would have cut off communication between the English
and Ligny. Thus Ney's position had become well
established along the line which the Prince of Orange
had desired to hold—his extreme left occupying the
southern portion of the wood of Bossu, his centre at
Gemioncourt, his right secure in Piermont, though
never able to press beyond it. All along his front ran
a narrow valley bordered on each side by hedgerows
that gave shelter to the skirmishers who preceded his
columns of attack, while the plateau back of Gemion-
of Napoleon III, by glorifying their battery was nearly annihilated. The
share in this campaign-describes dragoons sought vainly to break
the performance of their cavalry at down this vigorous blow by resuming
this juncture. Van Merlen, he says, the charge of the hussars. After a
had a Dutch regiment of hussars and lively encounter, in which they min-
one of Belgian light dragoons; with gled boldly with their adversaries,
the former of which, at the command they turned bridle, and galloped to
of the Prince of Orange, he charged rally in the rear of Quatre Bras.
two French battalions, which were They were not again to form line
supporting their skirmishers, while during the day, for, unfortunately,
the hussars were to be supported by an English battalion, deceived by the
artillery and by the Belgian dra- similarity of their uniform to that of
goons. « The attempt,” says Char- our (the French] chasseurs, greeted
ras,
not fortunate. The them with a murderous volley as
[French] Colonel de Faudras charged they approached the Namur road."
upon the hussars with the 6th chas- Charras here follows Gen. Perpon-
seurs, followed by the 5th lancers; cher's report in the Belgian War
put them to rout; scattered next the Office. The incident of the mistaken
supporting infantry; dispersed and uniform reappears henceforth with
sabred the artillery, of which one
wearisome frequency.
vas
70
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
court afforded a commanding situation for his well-
served artillery. = Wellington, on the north of the
valley, had disposed of his forces thus:-his extreme
left in the thicket opposite Piermont, near the passage
of the Namur road over the valley; next, toward the
right, Kempt's and then Pack's brigade, formed along
and in advance of the Namur road, carried on the line
as far as Quatre Bras, supported by Best's Hanoverians
in a second line; and in Quatre Bras and in the wood
of Bossu were the Dutch-Belgians. The timely arrival
of the corps of the Duke of Brunswick, who closely
followed Picton, enabled Wellington to strengthen his
line throughout its whole extent, but particularly in
the wood, where the approaching sound of the fire
showed that the Dutch were giving ground before the
advance of the French tirailleurs. The Duke of Bruns-
wick himself, therefore, was requested to take up a
position to the right-front of Quatre Bras, his left
resting on the Charleroi road and his right communi-
cating with Perponcher's division, part of which was
deployed along the eastern skirt of the wood; and the
infantry thus advanced was supported by the Bruns-
wick hussars and lancers, in their rear; so that a check
seemed provided against any such charge down the
Charleroi road as that which had already scattered the
Dutch horsemen.=The French, from the time of Picton's
arrival, had directed against his infantry a heavy can-
nonade in order to disturb its formation ; and now they
drew up a battery on the heights west of Gemioncourt,
from which, as well as from a cloud of skirmishers in
advance, an incessant fire was poured into the Bruns-
wickers; so that these raw troops were sorely tried by
the rapid succession of casualties in their ranks, and
were only held to their duty by the example of firmness
set by their Duke, who calmly and almost carelessly
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS,
71
June 16.
rode up and down in front of their line, smoking his Battle of
pipe and giving his orders as imperturbably as if on Bras.
parade.
Ney had by this time perfected his arrangements
for a general attack. Preceded by the strong line of
skirmishers who had been for some time engaged with
Picton's light troops in the valley, and supported by a
most destructive artillery fire from the heights, two
heavy columns of French infantry descended into the
valley east of Gemioncourt. Wellington — seeing in
what an isolated position the Brunswick corps would
be left by this advance along their one flank and that
in the Bossu wood on the other-determined not to
await the attack, but to meet it. Retaining only the
92d regiment of Highlanders at their post on the
Namur road at Quatre Bras, he ordered Picton to
advance. Both brigades moved forward in line, over-
lapping and outflanking the heads of the French
columns, and the opponents were rapidly nearing one
another when the French fire slackened, their ranks
hesitated, became disordered, and the British, bursting
into a cheer, charged them with the bayonet and drove
them, broken and routed, through the hedgerows and
enclosures of the valley. On the English left one of
Kempt's regiments (79th Highlanders) pursued the
enemy up the opposite slope to his own position, and
had to be recalled, disordered by its own success, to
the general line now formed along the northern hedge
row : on the right the 42d Highlanders and 44th regi-
ment approached nearly to Gemioncourt, in which, and
behind the nearest hedges, the French sought shelter.
39 The account in the text follows court at the bottom of the ravine, its
English authorities, chiefly Siborne. banks bordered by thick hedges, and
Charras describes the charge thus: a little beyond another ravine, less
“To get at Picton's position, Bache- marked, but also furnished with
lu had crossed the rivulet of Gemion- hedges impenetrable at many points.
39
72
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
On the western side of the Charleroi road, meanwhile,
things had gone very differently. The French battery
on the Gemioncourt heights commanding the plain had
stormed incessantly upon the Brunswick troops below,
until their Duke-who, in his haste, had marched with-
out his artillery-sent to Wellington for cannon, and
was furnished with four pieces; but in a few minutes
two were dismounted and the other two disabled by the
superior fire of the French. Now, too, there appeared
along the edge of the wood of Bossu a battalion of
French infantry in line, supported by two columns of
infantry, and this again by cavalry; and at the same
time cavalry began to move down the Charleroi road.
The Duke of Brunswick, finding his hussar regiment
cramped in its movements by the small space between
the wood and the road, ordered it to cross the road
and remain near Quatre Bras ready for action, while he
put himself at the head of his lancers and charged the
enemy's infantry; but these replied with so hot a fire
are
He passed these obstacles, but with vines, and appeared along with them
difficulty, and disorder resulted in on the opposite slope. But, arrived
his columns. He had forced back
there, he was fired upon at short dis-
the English skirmishers, and had tance by the regiment forming
reached the summit of the slope of Bachelu's left column, the 108th. .
the second ravine, and was taking The English
battalions
stand upon the plateau, when he l'e- checked; and the lancers and chas-
ceived a hail of balls and musketry, seurs, seizing the opportunity, fling
almost at the muzzle, from Picton's themselves upon them and throw
first line of six battalions, which, half them into disorder. The French
reclining in the grain, finger on the line reforms under the protection of
trigger, had waited the approach of this brilliant charge, and, in its turn,
their adversaries. Under this terri- thrusts back the enemy, bayonet at
ble fire, Bachelu's regiments--whose their back, into the ravine, and forces
ranks were still deranged, and whose them to regain the plateau. But
artillery could not protect them, be- Bachelu attempts no more to repass
cause they were within its range,
the rivulet. This first encounter
wavered and hesitated. Picton saw with the British soldiers had been
it, and, prompt to resolve as to exe- very bloody. The rapines and their
cute, charged them with the bayonet, borders were covered with dead and
threw them back beyond the two ra- wounded, blue coats and red.”
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS,
73
Quatre
that the lancers were dispersed and sought refuge in Battle of
Quatre Bras. Finding himself overborne by numbers, Bras.
the Duke now attempted to withdraw his infantry June 16.
toward that of the English beyond the road ; but the
French infantry pursued closely, the storm of round shot
tore through the column, and the approaching cavalry
completed the dismay of these raw troops, and they
broke and fled, while their Duke, gallantly attempting
to rally them, was struck from his horse, mortally
wounded.40 To cover their retreat and at the same time
10 The Duke of Brunswick was In token of the disasters that had
struck by a musket-ball which entered befallen him and his house, and of
his right wrist, and passed diagonally his resolve to avenge the insult
through his body. He was raised offered to his dying father, or to die
by the single staff officer with him, in the attempt, he clothed his little
and carried by some of his soldiers army in black, and as if these dusky
across the Charleroi road to the rear habiliments were not sufficiently ex-
of the Allied line. Here he revived pressive of his feelings, he gave them
sufficiently to ask for his second in a death's-head and cross-bones as the
command, and for some water, but sole device on their arms and accou-
none could be had. No surgeon trements. Scarcely had be taken
could be found, until the approach the field when the armistice, which
of the fighting necessitated his being followed the defeat of the Austrians
carried still further to the rear, at Wagram, left him in the heart of
where the staff-surgeon of the corps Germany without an ally.” He then
on examination found that he was
fought his way to the coast and to
already dead.--For years before the an English squadron that took him
opening of this campaign, the Duke and his men to England. Lord Al-
and his troops had received much at- bemarle describes him as being, in
tention in England. The Earl of 1809," a sad and somewhat stern-
Albemarle, describing his being pre- looking man, with sunken eyes and
sented to the Duke by the niece of bushy eyebrows, and — what was
the latter, the Princess Charlotte of then seldom seen in England-a pair
England, says :—“Early in the year of mustaches.” At the opening of
[1809] the Duke entered into a treaty the campaign of 1815, the “Black
with the Court of Vienna, engaging Brunswickers ” again came into pro-
to bring into the field 2,000 men to minence, and Sir Augustus Frazer,
act in concert with the Austrian in a letter dated Brussels, May 22,
Emperor against Napoleon. He
sent home this description of them :
soon succeeded in raising a corps of Z"I have just returned from a re-
1,200 men, principally university view at Vilvorde of the Brunswick
students, whom hatred of a foreign troops: they made a very fine ap-
yoke had rallied round his standard.
pearance. The Duke of Brunswick
74
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
to check the advance of the French cavalry down the
Charleroi road, the Brunswick hussars were ordered
forward from Quatre Bras. Disordered at the outset
by a straggling fire on their right flank from the still
advancing French infantry, they quailed before the
rapid onset of the chasseurs in their front, and, without
striking a blow, turned and fled toward Quatre Bras, so
closely pursued by Piré's men that, to the English regi-
ments on the east of the road, both friend and foe
appeared, during the hurried moment of their sweeping
by, to constitute a single body of Allied cavalry, and
only a few of the old soldiers of the 42d and 44th
regiments discovered the truth in time to direct an
oblique fire upon the passing flank of the French. The
head of Piré's column dashed on in hot pursuit of the
Brunswickers toward Quatre Bras, receiving, as they
passed the 92d Highlanders, a staggering volley, that
caused most of the squadrons to draw back and retire
in good order ; but the impetus of the leaders carried
them on—almost riding down the Duke of Wellington,
was at their head. The troops con- shot through the breast while lead-
sisted of a regiment of hussars, 2 ing a charge at Auerstadt, on the
squadrons of lancers, 2 corps of rifle- bloody day of Jena, nine years before,
men, 7 battalions of infantry, a troop -caused certain poetical tributes to
of horse artillery, and a battery of be paid to his memory, as by Byron
artillery-in all about 7,000 men. in Childe Harold (page 415); but
The Brunswickers are all in these were comparatively few and
black, the Duke having, in 1809, reserved, as his personal character
when the Duchess died, paid this tri- was bad. The absence of his name
bute of respect to the memory of his from Scott's Field of Waterloo is
wife. There is something romantic conspicuous, both because that poem
in this. They are to change their uni- contains a necrological list for Quatre
form when they shall have avenged Bras, and because of the conspicuous
themselves on the French for an in- manner in which Scott had previously
sult offered to the remains of the rendered poetical homage to the
Duke's father. Is this chivalry, or father (see page 433). Southey's
barbarity ? " = The Duke's death in reference to the Duke's death will
battle, as so many of his house had be found in note 77, page 136.
fallen--notably his father, who was
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
75
who escaped by calling upon the nearest of the High- Battle of
landers to lie down in the ditch lined by that regiment, Bras.
and leaping his horse over them,—and they dashed in June 16.
among the houses of Quatre Bras, cutting down the
fugitives and stragglers who had sought refuge there,
until they became aware of their isolated position.
Singly and in knots they then endeavoured to ride back,
breaking from the rear through the line of the 92d;
but few, if any, escaped; and an officer of chasseurs
who rode upon Wellington, then in rear of the High-
landers, had his horse killed under him and was shot
through both feet, just as he was about reaching the
Duke. The rearmost portion of the attacking column
had not partaken in this headlong dash, but, as they
passed beyond the flank of the two foremost of the
British regiments, wheeled sharply to the right, in
order to charge them in rear. The 420 Highlanders-
the nearest and the first to recognise that the enemy's
horse were upon them—hastened to form square; but
before the rear faee could be completed the lancers
penetrated it, but not to destroy it, for to a man they
were either bayoneted or taken ; while the completed
square beat off all further assaults. The 44th had a
still more singular experience, for the French were
close upon their rear before their approach was sus-
pected, and there was no time to form square. “Lt.-Col.
Hamerton instantly decided upon receiving them
in line. Hamerton's words of command were,
* Rear rank, right about face !'~ Make ready!'-a
short pause to admit of the still nearer approach of
the cavalry.)— Present !'- Fire !
The effect pro-
duced by this volley was astonishing. The men, aware
of their perilous position, doubtless took a most delibe-
rate aim at their opponents, who were thrown into
great confusion. The lancers now commenced a
76
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
Battle of flight toward the French position by the flanks of the
44th. As they rushed past the left flank, the officer
commanding the light company, who had very judi-
ciously restrained his men from joining in the volley
given to the rear, opened upon them a scattering fire ;
and no sooner did the lancers appear in the proper
front of the regiment, than the front rank began in its
turn to contribute to their overthrow and destruction.” 41
Thus ended Ney's first general attack. It had swept
away the Dutch-Belgians and Brunswickers, but his
veterans had made little impression upon the British
regiments. It was at this juncture that Kellermann
brought up the first of the promised reinforcements---
Gen. L'Héritier's division, 1,900 strong, of heavy cavalry.
The battle now assumed a singular phase—becoming
one of superb artillery and cavalry against infantry of
no less good a quality, but almost unsupported. For
the demonstrated worthlessness of the Brunswick and
Dutch-Belgian cavalry had shown English and French
alike that no account whatever need be made of them;
the Allied artillery was entirely over-matched by the
superior position and quality of the French
guns, which,
for some time yet, were also nearly doubly numerous ;
while the French infantry, in the absence of D’Erlon's
corps, was so far absorbed by the operations on the
41 The quotation is from Siborne, suddenly menaced and its flanks un-
who is enthusiastic over the achieve-
supported, to have instantly faced
ment. “Never, perhaps," he com- only one rank about, to have stood
ments, "did British infantry display as if rooted to the ground, to have
its characteristic coolness and steadi- repulsed its assailants with so steady
ness more eminently than on this and well-directed a fire that num-
trying occasion. To have stood in bers of them were destroyed-this
a thin two-deep line, awaiting and was a feat of arms which the oldest
prepared to receive the onset of hos- or best disciplined corps in the world
tile cavalry, would have been looked might have in vain hoped to accom-
upon at least as a most hazardous plish."
experiment: but, with its rear so
SECOND DAYQUATRE BRAS.
77
extreme wings as to be of little avail in the principal Battle of
struggle east of the Charleroi road. In this part of the Bras.
field the English infantry were subjected to a most de- June 16.
structive artillery fire, the French gunners on the heights
having got their range with a fatal precision that dealt
destruction through their ranks, and only remitting their
fire when their own cavalry moved to the charge.
Kellermann's newly arrived horsemen, united with those
already in the field, first swept down upon the two
squares previously assailed, which received them with
the same steadiness as before. Picton, seeing that suc-
cour could come from no other source, took the unpre-
cedented course of attacking cavalry with infantry, and,
uniting the Royals and 28th regiment, moved toward a
point where he could throw in a flank fire in support of
the 44th, when he suddenly formed square just in time
to receive a body of lancers who dashed upon him
through a field of rye so tall as to conceal their ap-
proach from men on foot. A like advance and forma-
tion was made by the regiments to the left, until a chain
of
squares connected Quatre Bras with the 95th regiment
still in the woods opposite Piermont on the extreme left,
the Hanoverians holding the line of the Namur road in
the rear. Upon these squares the French horse de-
livered charge after charge, driving in upon one, two,
or all of the faces simultaneously ; making a rush where-
ever they hoped to find a weak point, and riding through
and through the intervals, until chasseurs, lancers, and
cuirassiers became so inextricably mingled that they
were obliged to retire and re-form, without having suc-
ceeded in breaking a single square. But no sooner had
the cavalry drawn off than the tremendous cannonade
began afresh, while a musketry fire was opened from
the French light troops behind the hedgerows; and,
worse than all, it was discovered that the English had
78
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
Battle of nearly exhausted their ammunition. Over and over
this succession of onsets occurred, varied only by one
unexpected charge in which a body of lancers cut down
a Hanoverian battalion near the Namur road, but were
driven back in disorder by other Hanoverians when
they attempted to take the road itself. Along the
Charleroi road also a heavy body of cuirassiers made a
dash upon Quatre Bras, routing once more and finally
the Dutch-Belgian horse ;42 but they were checked
ward way.
as
42 As this is the last appearance this campaign was over now. They
of the Dutch-Belgians at Quatre had formed a part of the division
Bras—for the infantry part of them under the command of his Sovereign
had by this time got themselves out apparent, the Prince of Orange, and
of the Wood of Bossu—it may be as respected length of swords and
well to follow them on their home- mustachios, and the richness of uni-
Siborne had this ac- forms and equipments, Regulus and
count of them from officers of the his comrades looked to be as gallant
Ist British division :-" On a near a body of men ever trumpet
approach to the field the latter fell sounded for.—When Ney dashed
in with various groups of Dutch- upon the advance of the Allied
Belgian infantry retiring in great troops, carrying one position after
disorder and precipitation. Perceiv- the other, until the arrival of the
ing that they were neither wounded great body of the English army from
nor dispossessed of their arms, they Brussels changed the aspect of the
questioned some of them as to the conflict at Quatre Bras, the squadrons
cause of their retiring. From one among which Regulus rode showed
party they received a reply that their the greatest activity in retreating
commanding officer was killed, and before the French, and were dis-
therefore it was useless to remain; lodged from one post and another
from another, that they did not come which they occupied with perfect
there to fight, but merely to witness alacrity on their part. Their move-
the advance of the French ; and ments were only checked by the ad-
from a third, that Napoleon would vance of the British in their rear.
certainly be victorious, and that it Thus forced to halt, the enemy's
would therefore be absurd to con- cavalry (whose bloodthirsty obsti-
tend against him.” For the reappear- nacy cannot be too severely repre-
ance of the Belgians in Brussels we hended) had at length an opportunity
must turn again to Vanity Fair, in of coming to close quarters with the
whose pages Thackeray recounts the brave Belgians before them; who
return of one of the warriors to preferred to encounter the British
his sweetheart in her own kitchen, rather than the French, and at once
on the evening of June 16:4" As turning tail rode through the Eng-
far as his regiment was concerned, lish regiments that were behind them,
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
79
and driven back in confusion by the 92d High- Battle of
landers, still holding the ditch beside the road. Bras.
June 16.
and scattered in all directions. The could find the means of departure,
regiment in fact did not exist any they fled. . . . Louis the Desired
more. It had no headquarters. Re- was getting ready his portmanteau
gulus found himself galloping many [in Ghent], too. It seemed as if
miles from the field of action, en- Misfortune was never tired of wor-
tirely alone... [In the kitchen in rying into motion that unwieldy
Brussels.] His regiment had per- exile.” Natural as it was for the
formed prodigies of courage, and English to aim bitter jests at the
had withstood for a while the onset Belgians, they might bear in mind
of the whole French army. But they two things—Ist, that it was England
were overwhelmed at last, as was which had supervised the creation of
the whole British army by this time. the mongrel Kingdom of the Nether-
Ney destroyed each regiment as it lands, greatly to the disgust of the
came up. The Belgians in vain in- subjects compelled to serve under
terposed to prevent the butchery of it, and who had good grounds for
the English. The Brunswickers were thinking that it was none of their
routed and had fled their Duke was quarrel; and, 2d, that it was these
killed. It was a general débâcle. He same derided Dutch-Belgians who
sought to drown his sorrow for the had held Quatre Bras against the
defeat in floods of beer. ... Although. French for a full day before a single
Regulus had vowed that he was the English bayonet or sabre-thanks to
only man of his regiment, or of the the sagacious arrangements of the
Allied army almost, who had escaped Duke, dining and ball-going in Brus-
being cut to pieces by Ney, it ap- sels—had been moved to its defence.
peared that his statement was incor- At the time it was the fashion
rect, and that a good number more among the English—following the
of the supposed victims had survived example of Wellington, who sup-
the massacre. Many scores of Re- pressed as far as possible all mention
gulus's comrades had found their of the conduct of these troops—to
way back to Brussels, and—all agree- extol the bearing of their Belgian
ing that they had run away_filled allies. In Charles O'Malley, which
the whole towu with the idea of the echoed the popular sentiment of the
defeat of the Allies. The arrival of day, we read of the position of things
the French was expected hourly ;
at the time Picton's division came
the panic continued, and preparations up, “Bravely and gloriously as the
for flight went on everywhere. .
forces of the Prince of Orange fought,
Addresses were prepared, public the day, however, was not theirs.”
functionaries assembled and debated This curious attempt to pervert the
secretly, apartments were got ready, truth is considered, in reference to
and tricolored banners and triumphal
the conduct of the Dutch-Belgiang
emblems manufactured, to welcome at Waterloo, in note 158, page 245.
the arrival of His Majesty the Em- The fugitive French royalists had
peror and King.-The emigration the same impressions. Bourrienne's
still continued, and wherever families Mémoires contain a letter from the
80
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
As the result of this period of the battle-when the
cavalry was again withdrawn, to re-form for another
charge, and the batteries recommenced playing upon the
squares,—the position of the English was critical in the
extreme. On their right the wood of Bossu was almost
wholly in the hands of the enemy, who was concentrat-
ing there a force of infantry and artillery to turn their
flank, seize Quatre Bras, and cut off their retreat to
Brussels ; on their left they were already hard pressed
by greatly outnumbering light troops from Piermont,
evidently mustering for a serious attack on that flank
also; and in the centre, where their ammunition was
almost expended and their ranks frightfully thinned by
the pitiless cannonade, it was seen that a fresh attack
from the cavalry was impending. Most fortunately for
them, reinforcements were at hand—-Gen. Alten, with
Sir Colin Halkett's 5th British brigade and Kielman-
segge’s ist Hanoverian brigade, and accompanied by a
British and a Hanoverian foot battery, each of six guns,
--amounting in all to above 6000 men Halkett-in
answer to a message from Pack that his brigade was out
of ammunition and must abandon its position unless im-
mediately supported—sent the 69th British regiment to
the eastern side of the Charleroi road, to support the
remains of the 42d and 44th, now consolidated into a
single battalion. With the rest of his brigade he moved
into the space between the road and the Bossu wood,
thus encouraging the Brunswick infantry to remain in
that part of the field, which they were about abandon-
ing precipitately. Kielmansegge's brigade strengthened
Marquis de Bonnay, Louis XVIII's loss as the letter says, Bonaparte and
minister at Copenhagen, in which he his 80,000 men. You must excuse
says of the news from Quatre Bras, me for not deploring the loss of the
“ The Prince of Orange must have Duke of Brunswick, who was not
acquired great honour by sustaining good for much except on the day of
the shock and repulsing, with great
Battle of
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
5 P.M.
battle."
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
81
Quatre
the wasted centre and the menaced left flank. Ney also Battle of
had received a reinforcement, Gen. Roussel's division of Bras.
Kellermann's cavalry, 1400 strong; but he was much June 16.
impressed by his great inferiority in infantry since the
Allies' last reinforcement; and once more he sent back
to D’Erlon a peremptory order to support him without
a moment's delay. At the same time he prepared to
follow up his advantages at the wings by directing
another general attack against the English centre, and
for that purpose massed his cavalry in great strength
along both sides of the Charleroi road. Gen. Halkett
had detected the preparations for this movement, and, as
soon as he had completed the dispositions of his own
brigade, rode forward to reconnoitre almost into the
rear of Gemioncourt. The horse were already begin-
ning to move when he galloped back and sent warning to
Pack, and ordered his own 69th regiment to prepare to
receive cavalry—a warning which was also reinforced by
the increased severity of the cannonade from the heights.
“ The 69th regiment was in the act of forming square,
when the Prince of Orange rode up to it and asked
what it was doing. Col. Morice replied that lie was
forming square in pursuance of the instructions he had
received, upon which His Royal Highness remarked
that there was no chance of the cavalry coming on,
ordered him to re-form column, and to deploy into line.
During this last movement a strong body of French
cuirassiers, taking advantage of the surrounding high
corn and of the circumstance of the regiment lying in a
hollow, approached unperceived quite close to the spot,
and, rushing suddenly and impetuously upon a flank,
succeeded in completely rolling up the regiment, riding
along and over the unfortunate men, of whom great
numbers were cut down, and in the midst of the con-
fusion thus created captured and carried off one of the
G
82
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
colours. The 30th regiment, which had also been
deployed into line by the orders of the Prince of
Orange, most fortunately discovered in sufficient time
the approach of cavalry (notwithstanding the extraor-
dinary height of the rye, which greatly impeded all
observation), formed square with remarkable rapidity,
and, reserving their fire until the very last moment,
they completely dispersed and drove off a body of Pire's
lancers which had so suddenly come upon them.” 43 As
to the regiments on the left, the incidents of previous
charges were repeated, none of the squares yielding to
the onset. The cuirassiers who had wrecked the 69th
regiment moved on at the head of a mass of cavalry
upon Quatre Bras ; but by this time the two lately
arrived foot-batteries had taken their post on either side
of the Charleroi road in front of the village, and just at
this moment a battery of horse-artillery of the King's
German Legion came up and wheeled into position at
the intersection of the roads.
posted so as to bear directly upon the French column,
and completely to enfilade the road; and as the cuiras-
siers approached with the undaunted bearing that be-
tokened the steadiness of veterans and with the impos-
ing display that usually distinguished mailed cavalry, a
remarkably well-directed fire was opened upon them :
in an instant the whole mass appeared in irretrievable
confusion ; the road was literally strewed with corses of
these steel-clad warriors and their gallant steeds ; Kel-
lermann himself was dismounted, and compelled, like
many of his followers, to retire on foot.” 44
43 This and succeeding quotations uncovered, to avoid being left on the
otherwise unacknowledged are from
cuirassiers, and returned thus sus-
- Two guns
were
field took hold of the bridles of two
pended between two horses at full
is that Kellermann, “ being thrown gallop.”
from his horse, and with his head
Siborne.
4+ Thiers' version of this incident
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
83
Quatre
Ney was engaged in the direction of this attack, Battle of
and was impatiently awaiting the arrival of D’Erlon's Bras.
infantry to participate in it, when a messenger arrived June 16.
bearing Napoleon's order (the 5th), dated at Fleurus, 5 P.M. (?)
2 P.M., stating that his attack on the Prussian position
would commence at 2.30, and directing Ney to “ drive
off vigorously whatever might be before him," and
bring his forces toward Ligny to aid in enveloping the
Prussians. But Ney had thus far been anything but suc-
cessful in driving off what was before him, and, in the
absence of D’Erlon, he could do little more than con-
tinue the cavalry attacks which had already disordered
Kellermann's ranks and seriously diminished their
numbers. On his extreme right, where he had hoped
to turn Wellington's flank, Kielmansegge's Hanoverians
and a Brunswick battalion had now joined the British
riflemen, and their combined force was steadily bearing
back the French light troops from one enclosure to
another and gaining ground in the direction of Pier-
mont. On his left, however, the Marshal made, with
the force he had been accumulating in the Bossu wood,
a resolute push to seize the Charleroi road at the point
where shelter was afforded by an isolated house with
enclosures some distance in advance of Quatre Bras;
but the French were charged desperately by the 92d
Highlanders, who emerged from their ditch along the
road, dislodged the enemy, and, in spite of a wasting
flank fire from the French horse-batteries, drove him
back into the wood, which the surviving Highlanders
also entered, to escape a charge of cavalry in their
Halkett's brigade, also, and the Brunswickers
were now at hand to hold the part of the field between
the road and the wood. It was when he seemed thus
checked throughout the length of his line that Ney
received the Emperor's most urgent order (the 6th) - 6 P.m.
rear.
G 2
84
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
that sent from before Ligny at 3.15 P.M., announcing
that the battle there was serious, that the fate of France
was in Ney's hands, and enjoining him instantly to fall
upon the flank and rear of the Prussians.45 The bearer
of this order had proved superserviceable. He had
met near Frasnes the head of the ist corps on its march
to Quatre Bras—D’Erlon and his staff having ridden
on in advance of his command,--and had taken upon
himself to order, in the name of the Emperor, that its
movement be directed upon Ligny. He then proceeded
and, overtaking Count D'Erlon, explained to him what
he had done and where the General would find the
head of his corps.46 Ney thus learned that, instead of
45 The order of events detailed in
the text has been almost wholly that
given by Siborne. Charras makes
the very important variation of de-
ferring Kellermann's appearance in
the field until this juncture. At 6
o'clock, Charras says, Ney received
Napoleon's 3.15 P.M. dispatch, telling
him that “the fate of France is in
your hands” (see note 34, page 63).
He thereupon sent for Kellermann,
who brought up only one of his bri-
gades, but left bis ad division and
the dragoon brigade of the ist divi-
sion—which, Charras says, were not
in action, as has been generally re-
presented. “ As soon as Ney saw
him [Kellermann], he galloped to
him, and, maddened by the dispatch
from Fleurus, said, wringing his
hand convulsively : 'My dear Ge-
neral, there must be a great effort
here; this mass of infantry must be
forced. The fate of France is in your
hands; go ! I will support you with
all Piré's cavalry.' This mission
might have brought a frown to more
than one of those men of iron, ac-
customed to launch hurricanes of
cavalry: it astounded, they say, Kel-
lermann himself, the hero of Maren-
go, the leader of many an onset of
heroes; but it did not daunt his
heart.” If Charras is correct, the
previous cavalry charges must have
been made by Pirá’s horsemen only.
46 This version of the order which
caused D'Erlon's falso march differs
from that told by Siborne, and gene-
rally accepted at the time he wrote,
in 1844,—that there were two mes-
sengers, one of whom bore the re-
gular official order (Order 5th, note
34, page 62), the other (Col. Lau-
rent, Siborne calls him) bringing,
about the same time, " a pencilled
note requiring the Marshal to detach
the ist corps toward St. Amand.”
Chesney, however, says, “Charras
has examined the D’Erlon question
fully in the light of the Documents
Inédits, published by Ney's son, and
has established on their evidence the
fact that the corps was turned off
by an excess of zeal on the part of
an aide-de-camp, carrying the ori-
ginal or duplicate of one of the ex-
tant orders of Napoleon, that of a
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
85
the eight infantry divisions on whose support he had Battle of
reckoned for his contest with Wellington, he was likely Bras.
to have but three-since that of Girard and the four June 16.
of D’Erlon had been taken from him. Instantly he sent
after D’Erlon a peremptory order to return toward
Quatre Bras with all speed. But it was already too
quarter past 3 (Order 6th, page 63). instantly; and, after having directed
No fresh order over reached Ney for the general who commanded the
such an oblique movement as that head of the column to use diligence,
made.” Napoleon himself declares I went on to see what was passing
that no such order came from him, at Quatre Bras, where Reille's corps
when-in Gen. Gourgaud's Napo- appeared to be engaged. On the
léon: Campagne de 1815, really Na- further side of Frasnes I met some
poleon's own narrative--he says of generals of the Guard, when I was
D'Erlon's approach to Ligny, “ Na- joined by Gen. Labédogère, who
poleon could assign no reason for showed me a pencilled note which
such a movement.
The move-
he was carrying to Marshal Ney, and
ments of the ist corps are difficult which enjoined the Marshal to direct
to explain. Did Ney misunderstand
my corps upon Ligny. Gen. Labé-
the order to make, when master of doyère informed me that he had
Quatre Bras, a diversion on the rear already given the order for this
of the Prussians ? Or did D’Erlon, movement, changing the direction
between Gosselies and Frasnes, hear- of my column, and he indicated to
ing a hot cannonade to his right and me where I could rejoin it. I at
none from Quatre Bras, conceive once took this route. ... Had Gen.
that he ought to move upon the Labédoyère any business (mission)
cannonade, which he would have to change the direction of my column
left behind him if he followed the before seeing the Marshal? I think
main road onward ? " = The over- not.” Heymès gives the same story,
zealous aide-de-camp, according to except that he makes Colonel Lau-
Brialmont, Charras, and Chesney, rent the messenger, instead of Labé-
was Labédoyère, not Laurent, as doyère. The Duke of Elchingen,
said by Siborne, who says, on a Ney's son, gives an incident which
later page, of a messenger present goes to show that the fault ori-
at Ligny at about this same hour, ginated with the messenger, not with
“ there is reason to believe that it Napoleon :-“Some time after his
was Gen. Labédoyère.” D’Erlon's return from St. Helena," he says,
own account of his false march is " Gen. Bertrand—who had the im-
thus quoted by Charras:-“ About pressions of the Emperor, and was
II or 12 o'clock Marshal Ney sent inspired by his ideas-said to me in
me an order to get my corps under a conversation on the affair of Quatre
arms and direct it upon Frasnes and Bras, "Why did the Marshal send
Quatre Bras, when I should receive D'Erlon to us at St. Amand?'"
further orders. My corps wasin motion
86
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
6.30 P.M.
late-for the lately balanced battle was now decided
by the fresh forces which came up to Wellington's sup-
port. From the direction of Brussels came two batta-
lions of Brunswick infantry and the long-expected
brigade of Brunswick artillery, which, added to the
British and German batteries, produced a marked effect
upon the now outnumbered French guns. Almost at
the same time appeared on the Nivelles road General
Cooke's ist British division, consisting of Maitland's
ist and Byng's ad brigades of Guards, above 4,000 men.
The Prince of Orange galloped to meet them, and—this
time giving the right order--directed them into the
wood of Bossu, which the French had now filled almost
to its northern boundary. The Guards went in with
cheers, and fell upon the enemy with an ardour that
bore all before it, the sharp incessant rattling of their
musketry telling their countrymen beyond the wood
of their steady progress through it, and animating them
to renewed exertions. This determined advance knew
no check until the French were driven thoroughly out
of the wood, and the Guards even pursued them into
the open ground beyond, but in a condition so totally
disordered by the obstructions through which they had
made their way that they were checked by the French
reserves and artillery, and were obliged to fall back
to re-form their ranks. Threatened by a body of French
cavalry from the side of the Charleroi road, the Guards
hurriedly fell into line in the order in which the men
emerged from the wood, and in this rude formation
advanced upon the French infantry in the plain, the
Brunswick guard-battalion coming up from the rear to
form in prolongation of their left. Before they could
unite, the cavalry made a dash upon the left flank of
the Guards, who, in consequence of their promiscuous
array, were unable to form square. The men, equal
SECOND DAY-QUATRE BRAS.
87
Quatre
to the emergency, instinctively made for the ditch skirt- Battle of
ing the wood on their right, lining it with surprising Bras.
rapidity and pouring a volley into the horse which June 16.
turned them back in confusion and drove them past
the Brunswickers, now in square, who in turn delivered
a fire upon their flank that drove them entirely from
this part of the field. The shouts of triumph sent up
by the British on the right were answered by their
countrymen and allies on the far left, who had at last
dislodged the French infantry from Piermont and its
enclosures. They were taken up and re-echoed by the
worn regiments in the centre line, that had borne the
brunt of the battle, when Wellington, as night was
falling, led them forward upon the French position.
Ney saw the hopelessness of prolonging the contest,
and withdrew his whole forces, falling back upon the
heights of Frasnes.47 Wellington occupied the position
17 Of the coming up of Cooke
with the Guards, Oharras says :-
“This deployment of forces would
have determined any other than Ney
on beating an instant retreat. He-
the general of hard-fought days, of
critical hours—he sought still to
maintain his position. He was about
to be compelled, nevertheless, to
yield to the impossible. His artil-
lery is now too feeble ; a charge of
Pire's fails on the plateau; Guille-
minot gives ground under the pres-
sure of the English Guards; and, as
if everything combined to thwart
the intrepid Marshal, news comes
that he can no longer count on
D'Erlon. This unlooked-for intelli-
gence, it is said, brought despair to
midst of projectiles glancing about
him, he was heard to cry, 'You see
these balls! I wish they had all
entered my belly.' = He resigned
himself to order a retreat all along
his line. It was executed in good
order, with the greatest firmness,
disputing the field foot by foot, and
so slowly that it took two hours to
recede half a league. = Toward 9
o'clock the action had wholly
ceased." Though the
of
D'Erlon's corps was absent, a part
of its cavalry, Brialmont says, came
up in time (about 9 o'clock) to cover
the retreat of Jerome's (or Guille-
winot's) infantry, which Cooke's and
Alten's brigades, under Wellington's
direction, were endeavouring to
follow up sharply; and thus the
French were enabled to resume their
morning's position. without further
disaster.
heart of this man, rudely tried
as he had been by the most terrible
crises of war; and, under the cross-
fire of the English batteries, in the
mass
88
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Quatre
Bras.
June 16.
held and lost by the Prince of Orange in the opening
of the battle--the wood of Bossu, Gemioncourt, and
Piermont.
After the battle had been lost, and as the armies
were settling in their bivouacs, Gen. D'Erlon joined
Ney with the ist corps.
9 P.M.
48
Ligay.
The position taken by Prince Blücher after the
Prussian retreat upon Fleurus was one which had
previously been selected, and its whole ground sur-
veyed, in anticipation of the very contingency which
now arose. Its strategic importance—holding the north-
48 The losses in killed, wounded, numbered 1,997 when they entered
and missing of the British, Hano- the wood, there fell during the brief
verian, and Brunswick troops at the remainder of the fight 514 men.
Of
battle of Quatre Bras were 3,463 the total British loss of 2,275, it is
(British 2,275, Hanoverians 369, noteworthy that but 32 were “miss-
Brunswickers 819): the Dutch- ing.” = Among the wounded on this
Belgians were of course all “miss- day, though none but himself sus-
ing,” but their loss was called 1,000 ; pected it at the time, was Gen.
and allowance for the corps which Picton--who had magnificently sus-
aggregated their losses for the whole tained the reputation won in the
campaign, not itemizing for this Peninsular War as commander of the
particular day, brings up the total “Fighting Division.” The discovery
Anglo-Allied loss, as generally stated, was only made after his death at
to 5,200. The French loss was 4,140 Waterloo, when his body was taken
(4,375 according to Charras). The to Brussels and made ready for the
severe treatment received by special grave. On his side, above the hip,
British regiments is shown by the there was found a large bladder of
following figures :-Pack’s brigade, coagulated blood distending the skin,
which endured the most of the evidently the result of a contusion
French cavalry attacks, lost 788 men by a round shot: two of his ribs
out of 2,173; the 92d Highlanders, were broken, and the injury, the
originally 588 strong, lost 286, mostly surgeons declared, must ultimately
in their charge from the Charleroi have proved mortal. Lest he should
road across the plain to the wood of be considered disqualified for the
Bossu; the 69th, the regiment ridden greater battle which he knew to be
down in consequence of the officious imminent, he endured this neces-
meddling of the Prince of Orange, sarily painful hurt for two days
lost 152 out of 516; and of Mait- without disclosing it even to a
land's 1st brigade of Griards, who surgeon.
SECOND DAYLIGNY.
89
eastern apex of the Fleurus triangle and all the roads Ligny.
which converge there from western and northern Bel- June 16.
gium, and from Germany and the Rhine—was ex-
tremely great under any circumstances, but especially
so if Wellington should at the same time hold Quatre
Bras, only six miles distant.49 The position proper to be
maintained by the Prussian army lay along and in
advance of the Namur-Nivelles highroad on either side
of its intersection by the road from Fleurus to Gem-
bloux—that is, upon the chain of heights on the
westernmost of which stands the village of Bry, Som-
breffe being in the centre, and Tongrines on the east.
But the actual conflict of the armies was likely to be
not so much on these heights as in the villages
thickly clustered in the valley at their feet, through
which flows the stream of the Ligny. In the centre
more
49 The full strategic, as distin- diate front of the capital. Supposing
guished from the tactical, value of also that Napoleon's plan had been
Sombreffe (or Ligny) is explained to advance by Mons, the concentra-
by Siborne: “Should it prove ten-
tion of the Prussian forces could not
able, then-considered in conjunc- have been effected upon a
tion with the advance of the Russians favourable point than that of Som-
from the Rhine-the whole line of breffe, whence they could have ad-
the Meuse below Namur, and the vanced in support of their allies,
communications of Aix-la-Chapelle leaving a sufficient portion of Zieten's
and the Prussian States, were effectu- corps to watch the approaches by
ally secured. If, on the other hand, Charleroi : and, finally, had the
either position (Ligny or Quatre French Emperor directed his main
Bras] were forced by the enemy, attack by Namur, the retreat of
then Mont St. Jean and Wavre, upon Thielemann's corps would have se-
parallel lines of retreat toward cured time for effecting the concentra-
Brussels and Louvain, would like- tion of the 1st, 2d, and 3d Prussian
wise offer the means of co-operation corps d'armée, if not also of the 4th,
on the south side of the Forest of while the Duke of Wellington's forces
Soignies; and, supposing Blücher might have assembled at Quatre
willing to risk his communication Bras, for the purpose of meeting any
with the right bank of the Meuse, secondary attack from the Charleroi
concentric lines of retreat upon side, and of forming a junction with
Brussels would bring the two armies the Prussian army
in combined position in the imme-
90
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOU.
Ligny.
June 16.
of the valley, and on both banks of the stream, is
the village of Ligny, which gave its name to the
battle; upon the gentle slopes which bound the valley
on the west are the villages of St. Amand, St. Amand
la Haye, and Wagnelé; on a more rapid descent is
Mont Pontriaux, toward the north-east; and on the
eastern side of the valley, which is steep, are Tongrines,
Boignée, and Balatre. The houses in all these villages
are of stone, with walled or hedged enclosures that
offered great opportunities for defence.
An enemy
Marbais
Pontorieux
71.0
Nizielles
Humree
our
Gondola
Trois Burettes
Το
Sombref
Bry
Point dá Jour
Old Roman Road
Mont
Pontriaux
Co
AMKY
W
agnele
Mill of
o Bussy
St.Amana
la Haye
Hameau de
St. Anand
2
Tongrines
Tongrenelle
LIGNY
Tiroin stellet
St. Amande
Boignée
Balatre
Tomba
do ligny
Wind Mill
Old Road to Nam112
Ligny
The ligny
Wangenies
Tho
Fleurus
Wanferson
Velaino
approaching the Namur road from Fleurus must first
take the villages on his left, for, on the right the
highroad is commanded on either hand by Ligny and
Boignée, and further on would be swept by fire from
Mont Pontriaux and Tongrenelle. Difficult as it was
of access, the Prussian position tactically was weak.
The heights behind Fleurus were much greater than
those on the north of the valley, so that to Napo-
leon every movement of the enemy was carried on
SECOND DAY-LIGNY.
91
50
below him and in full view, whether in the valley or Ligny.
beyond it; and his batteries could play upon the June 16.
remotest part of the Prussian position and cover
every approach by which their supports and reserves
must reach the villages. On the French side also
the make of the ground was such that the distribu-
tion of considerable masses of troops could be effec-
tually concealed. Zieten’s (1st) corps—which had
ended its retreat of the previous day at the villages
nearest Fleurus, and had passed the night in them-
in the morning occupied Bry, St. Amand la Haye, 8 A.M.
St. Amand, and Ligny, and the tract of ground in-
cluded by them,—the main body of the corps being
drawn up on the height of the farm and windmill of
Bussy between Bry and Ligny, while battalions filled
the villages or were posted in their support, and the
cavalry watched the movements of the French. Pirch's
corps (the 2d), on coming up from its halt for the Ir a.m.
night at Mazy, was formed in reserve to that of
Zieten,—the infantry holding the Namur-Nivelles road
from its intersection with the old Roman Road on the
extreme right and extending eastward to the position
designated for the 3d corps about Sombreffe, while
its cavalry was stationed in reserve behind the Namur
road, and the artillery, such as was not in reserve,
joined Zieten's in taking positions likely to command
the approaches of the French. Lastly, Thielmann's
3d corps came up from Namur, and was posted
across the angle formed by the cross-roads, its right
I2 M.
50 Wellington's dissatisfaction subject to these grave disadvantages,
with the Prussian position has been that its right rested upon nothiug,
already noted (note 33, page 60). and its front was so encumbered with
Müffling also found fault with the obstacles that no opportunity of act-
occupation of St. Amand; and ing was afforded to the numerous
Jomini calls the position “detest- and excellent Prussian cavalry."
able.” Brialmont says that "it was
92
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Ligny.
June 16.
at Sombreffe, its left at Balatre. The ground thus
occupied had originally been selected in the expecta-
tion that Bülow's corps also would be present; and
Blücher's plan now was to protract the battle until
either Wellington should join him on his right, coming
from Quatre Bras, or Bülow from Gembloux in his
rear, or, failing both, to hold the villages against the
French until nightfall, when he could choose between
retiring and still awaiting reinforcements, as events
might determine.
Of the French troops destined for the fight at
Ligny, Vandamme's corps had bivouacked for the night
in the wood of Fleurus, with most of the cavalry and
Girard's infantry division equally well advanced; but
some hours of the morning were consumed before the
rear of the columns had come up from Charleroi
sufficiently to debouch from the wood and take up
position before the town. During this operation Napo-
leon rode along the line of vedettes, reconnoitring the
enemy's dispositions, after which he prepared his
orders for the advance and assigned to each corps its
place in the line of battle. The light troops now
moved upon Fleurus and occupied it without resistance
from the Prussian cavalry outposts, which, under a fire
of French artillery, fell back as far as the Tombe de
Ligny ; and the main body of the French army moved
to the designated points of attack. The left column,
which was to take St. Amand, and was drawn up
facing the western side of that village, consisted of
Vandamme's (3d) corps d'armée, with Girard's divi-
sion of Reille’s corps in prolongation of its left, and
Domont's light-cavalry division on the extreme left
flank. The centre was held by Gérard's (4th) corps,
and formed upon the heights fronting Ligny between
that village and the Fleurus highroad, its left near the
II A.M.
II -12 M.
12 M.
SECOND DAY-LIGNY.
93
Tombe de Ligny and its right at an eminence near Mont Ligny.
Pontriaux. The right column, under Grouchy, com- June 16.
prised Excelmans' and Pajol's cavalry corps, and took
post in the rear of Gérard's corps, but at right angles
with it, so as to face up the road from Fleurus and
protect Gérard from any attack from Mont Pontriaux
or Tongrenelle, and also to watch the Prussian left and
divert their attention from the centre; Pajol's corps
also observed the old cross-road to Namur on the
extreme right; and, as the villages of Boignée and
Balatre were occupied by Prussian infantry, Grouchy
took from Gérard's corps two infantry battalions with
which to oppose them. In reserve were the Imperial
Guard on the left of Fleurus, and Milhaud's cuiras-
siers on its right. In further reserve was Lobau's 6th
corps, at this time near Charleroi. =While these dispo-
sitions were being effected Napoleon made a second 12 N.-2.
careful reconnoissance of the Prussian position from the
Fleurus heights, as the result of which he determined
on a vigorous assault on the Prussian right--which
would drive them away from the English and give him
possession of the Namur road;—and he addressed to Ney
the order dated 2 o'clock, informing him that the attack 2 P.M.
would begin in half an hour, and directing him to
co-operate by moving from Quatre Bras upon the
enemy's right and rear. 51
51 “ It is a remarkable fact,” says the guiding spirits on either side
Gleig, " that at the very time when aware of the obstacles which are in
the Emperor was reconnoitring the act of being raised to the accom-
Blücher and meditating these in- plishment of their respective de-
structions, the Duke of Wellington signs.” All of which is one of those
was with Blücher at the mill of purposeless platitudes used by other
Bussy, arranging for the co-opera- writers than Mr. Gleiy to fill the
tion of the two Allied armies. So want of material information. The
strangely is the great game of war really remarkable fact" in this
played when masters in the art are case was that the three generals,
opposed to one another : so little are looking at the same time upon the
94
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Ligny.
After some delay to get Gérard's corps up into position,
June 16.
same battle-field, should all have in the act of taking its position at
drawu wholly erroneous conclusions. the time he made his reconnoissance.
Of the party in the mill of Bussy He had previously written to
Chesney writes, “ All took the wing Grouchy, “The Prussians are not
of Napoleon's army before them for able to bring more than 40,000 men
the whole, and looked on any troops against us : ” he now put aside the
on the Quatre Bras side as a mere assurances of Vandamme and others
detachment. In accordance with that the mass of the Prussian army
this view we find Blücher (as honest- was in the field ; and he wrote to
minded a writer in such matters as Ney, after the reconnoissance, at 2
any in modern bistory), reporting o'clock, describing the force before
the army that attacked him as con- him as only “ un corps de troupes,"
sisting of 130,000 men, that being in whom he could so readily dispose of
fact the estimate of the Grand Army that he purposed being at Brussels
previously gained through spies, and next morning, with his
with his army.
supposed by him to be more accurate Oharras notes a coincidence very
than any guess made by a distant and different from Gleig's inane platitude.
partly smoke-covered view." It was After mentioning Wellington's under-
thus that Wellington, in turn, im- taking to support Blücher, and thus
agined that Ney could oppose to him turn Napoleon's flank, he continues-
no such resistance as would prevent " Remarkable coincidence! Blücher
his succouring Blücher, and left him and Wellington agree upon a man-
doubtful only as to the manner in Quvre which was the counterpart
which Blücher had opposed his of that which Napoleon had pre-
troops to the enemy's artillery fire scribed to Ney some hours before,
(see note 33, page 60). Napoleon, and was about to enjoin upon him
on his part, erred first in his conclu- anew-recommending him to operate
sion that the Prussians were drawn as rapidly as possible with the mass
up in a position perpendicular to the of his troops. But Wellington was
Namur road, with their right flank about to fail Blücher, as Ney was
left uncovered in anticipation of the Napoleon. On either side the lost
English coming up. He also made time could not be retrieved.” = The
no allowance for the presence of strength of the armies in the battle
Thielmann's corps, although it was of Ligny was:
TRENCE
PRUSSIANS
With
Napolcon
Lobau's
Corps
Total
9,900
.
Infantry
Cavalry
Artillery
40,985
13,100
5,926
50,885
13,100
7,218
73,030
8,150
3,437
1,292
Total.
60,011
II,192
71,203
84,617
.
Guns
204
38
242
224
.
SECOND DAYLIGNY.
95
Napoleon ordered the attack upon St. Amand and Battle of
Liyuy.
Ligny.52
June 16.
Vandamme, on the French left, directed Lefol's
division, in three columns, to carry St. Amand; and 2.30 P.M.
the charge was successful, the superior numbers of the
French sweeping out of the village the three Prussian
battalions that occupied it, in spite of their stout resistance
and of reinforcements sent them by Gen. von Steinmetz
from the rear of the village. But when the French, ,
pressing through, attempted to debouch from the outlets
on the side toward Ligny, they encountered a storm
of grape and canister from batteries in their front
that threw them into disorder, and four fresh battalions
of Prussians charged them and succeeded in holding
the lower part of the village, the French remaining in
the higher portion. By this time the cannonade, which
These figures are Siborne's. Ohesney, struck "just as Ney's guns first
following Thiers, gives the French a sounded from the side of Quatre
larger force, calling the troops with Bras." Thus the two battles would
Napoleon 64,000, exclusive of 5,000 appear to have begun simultaneously.
non-combatants of the train, and of But Jomini, in his Life of Napoleon,
10,000 in Lobau's corps, which was makes the Emperor say, in speaking
not engaged on this day. From the of the condition of things at Ligny
Prussian strength should be deducted at 5.30 P.M., "I was becoming im-
1,200—according to Chesney 2,000 patient at hearing nothing of the
---for the losses of Zieten's corps movements prescribed to Ney, nor
during the retreat on June 15. The of his operations at Quatre Bras, for
loss of the French on that day was
the noise of a violent cannonade and
inconsiderable.
the direction of the wind had pre-
52 The time at which the battle vented me from hearing his attack.”
began is thus fixed by Hooper :-“It And on a subsequent page, he says,
is recorded that the quiet of the “Ney . . . did not reach his posi-
sultry summer noon was broken by tion [before Quatre Bras] till 2
the clang of the bell in the church o'clock, . and for the first hour
tower of St. Amand striking half- engaged the enemy in skirmishes;
past 2. Three cannon shots in quick but at 3 o'clock, hearing the can-
but measured succession, fired near nonade at St. Amand, he took the
Fleurus, next broke the stillness- resolution to make a serious attack
the signal for Vandamme to fall on.” upon the Allies.” (See note 35,
Oust, making the same assertion,
further states that the church clock
•
page 64.)
96
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Ligny.
June 16.
had commenced with the batteries covering Van-
damme's advance, had extended all along the lines of
both armies and become tremendous, the Prussians
firing from the heights between St. Amand and Ligny
over the villages and upon the enemy's ranks beyond,
while the French guns, from their more elevated
position and most effectively served, swept away the
Prussian reinforcements as they approached the
villages or showed themselves on their edges. A re-
newed attack by Vandamme dislodged the Prussians
who had still held their ground, and Steinmetz was
compelled to withdraw his brigade—which had already
lost 46 officers and 2,300 men-to a position between
Bry and Sombreffe. Thenceforth St. Amand remained
in the hands of the French.= The conflict which during
this time took place at Ligny was even more furious
but less decisive. The first outbreak of the French
artillery seemed to destroy all before it; and the de-
fenders sought shelter behind stone walls and in hol-
low ways, until they saw Gérard's columns of attack
emerging from the smoke clouds on the opposite
heights. Immediately the Prussian skirmishers lined
the outer enclosures on the eastern face of the village,
and a Prussian column, rapidly deploying, shook the
advancing mass by a volley of musketry, and completed
its disorder by their well-sustained fire. Twice was this
attack repeated by the same assailing column, with
the same result, then a second French column moved
upon the centre of the village, and a third against its
northern end; but nowhere could they effect an en-
trance, and they drew off to prepare for another
assault and to give place to a renewed torrent of fire
from the batteries.53=In the eastern part of the field
53 Erckmann-Chatrian's Waterloo exact account of the doings of the
gives both a graphic and a singularly troops that attacked the villago of
SECOND DAY-LIGNY.
97
peror arrived.
the battle was not urged with much vigour, there being Battle of
Ligny.
only a succession of indecisive disputes between
June 16.
Ligny. The hero serves in a light moved first at a quick step along a
infantr'y division of Gérard's corps, winding road. ... All went smoothly
one of those which had birouacked until we reached a point where the
near Fleurus the night before, and road was cut through a little eleva-
were halted near it when the Em- tion and then ran down to the village.
"A murmur
rau
As we passed through between these
through the whole division–There little bills, covered with grain, and
he is!' He was on horseback, and caught sight of the nearest house, a
only accompanied by a few of the veritable hail of balls fell upon the
officers of his staff. He entered head of the column with a frightful
Fleurus by the highroad, and le- noise. From every hole in the old
mained in the village more than an ruin, from all the windows and loop-
hour while we were roasting in the holes in the houses, from the hedges
grain fields." They march to the and orchards and from above the
rigut and halt again beside the wind- stone walls, the muskets showered
mill of Fleurus, described by Thiers. their deadly fire upon us like light-
“We had hardly halted when the ning. At the same time a battery of
Emperor came out of this mill with
fiſteen pieces which had been for
three or four generals and two old that very purpose placed in a field
peasants in blouses holding their in the rear of the great tower at the
cotton caps in their hands. The left of and higher up than Ligny,
whole division commenced to shout, near the windmill, opened upon us
Vive l’Empereur !' I saw him with a roar, compared with which
plainly as he came along a path in that of the musketry was nothing.
front of the battalion, with his bead Those who had unfortunately passed
bent down and his hands behind his the cut in the road fell over each
back, listening to the old bald peasant. other in heaps in the smoke.
He had grown much stouter The column set off again at a run and
than when he was at Leipzig, and threw itself into the road that led
looked yellow. If it had not been down the hill across the hedges.
for his gray coat and his hat, I should From the palisades and the walls
hardly have recognised him. His behind which the Prussians were in
cheeks were sunken and he looked ambush, they continued to pour their
much older. . . . General Gérard, musketry fire upon us. But woe to
who had recognized him, came up at every one we encountered ! they de-
a gallop. He turned round for two fended themselves with the despera-
seconds to listen to him, and then tion of wolves, but a few blows from
both went into Fleurus. Still we a musket or a bayonet-thrust soon
waited! About 2 o'clock General stretched them out in some corner.
Gérard returned, and our line was A great number of old soldiers with
obliqued a third time more to the gray mustaches had secured their
right. ... The attacking columns retreat, and retired in good order,
were formed just as the clock struck turning to fire a last shot, and then
3; I was in the one on the left, which slipped through a breach or shut a
H
98
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Ligny.
June 16.
Grouchy's and Thielmann's corps for the possession
of Boignée and the parts of Tongrines lying in the
valley. It formed no part of Napoleon's plan at this
time to push the battle on the Prussian left.= Among
the western villages, however, the contest proceeded.
The French held St. Amand, but were effectually
stopped by Zieten's batteries from emerging on its
inner side. St. Amand la Haye was taken by Girard's
division, which Blücher directed Pirch II to dislodge
with his brigade, while at the same time he combined
a considerable force to hold Wagnelé, which was an
important point, as its possession at once secured his
right flank and his communication with Wellington.
Pirch moved from the heights of Bry upon St. Amand
la Haye, but whole ranks of his men were carried off
by the French artillery fire before they could reach
it, and a sharp musketry fire greeted their entrance;
and though they penetrated far into the village and
were supported there by reinforcements from their
rear, no efforts could drive the French out of a large
walled building which formed a sort of link between
this village and that of St. Amand. In the desperate
struggle that ensued Gen. Girard, who directed it,
fell mortally wounded; but the Prussians, utterly dis-
ordered and hard pressed, were compelled to withdraw
and re-form for a fresh attack. This was arranged by
door. We followed them without back. I jumped over the palisades
hesitation ; we had neither prudence where I should have thought it im-
nor mercy. ... From the well-
possible at any other time, with my
barricaded cottages they still poured knapsack and cartridge-box at my
their fire upon us.
In ten minutes back; the others followed my ex-
more we should have been extermin ample, and we all tumbled in a heap
nated to the last man : seeing this, like a falling wall. Once in the road
the column turned down tbe hill again between the hills, we stopped
agaiv; drummers and sappers, officers to breathe. ... All this did not
and soldiers, pell-mell, all went with- tale ten minutes."
out once turning their heads to look
SECOND DAY-LIGNY.
99
Blücher himself, who was so much impressed with the Battle of
Ligny.
importance of securing the western cluster of villages
and directing from them a general assault upon the June 16.
enemy's left flank, that he now repaired to this part
of the field and remained there, summoning up fresh
troops to fill the places of those who had fallen, and
pouring battalion after battalion into the villages,
until the crisis of the battle called him elsewhere.
Tippelskirchen's brigade was formed along the old
Roman road ready to advance upon the rear of
Wagnelé, and on its left was Jürgass' cavalry, pre-
pared to charge into the opening between Wagnelé
and St. Amand la Haye should the French debouch
in that direction, when Blücher galloped up to the
leading battalions of Pirch II and vehemently ordered
them to take St. Amand la Haye. “Children,” said he,
“bear yourselves bravely! Let not the nation' lord
it over you again! Forwards ! forwards, in God's name!"
(“ Kinder, haltet Euch brav! lasst die Nation nicht wieder
Herr über Euch werden! Vorwärts ! vorwärts, in Gottes
Namen ! ") Advancing at a charging pace, with cries
of “ Vorwärts !” they entered St. Amand la Haye with
a rush that rolled the French before them and beyond
the bounds of the village, and were with difficulty
restrained from falling upon their reserves in the rear.54
5.1 Napoleon had noted from his enemy's approach until he was
point of observation at Fleurus the among them. In their surprise they
numbers Blücher was gathering had no weapons but their rammers
against his left wing, and had de- and hand spikes, but with them they
tached a division and a battery of so belaboured the horsemen as to
the Young Guard and Colbert's bri- drive them off. = The lancers sent out
gade of Pajol's lancers in its sup-
this occasion reinforced the
port. A troop of the artillery horse- cavalry already on the left flank to
men came upon a Prussian battery preserve communication with Ney.
that covered St. Amand la Haye As a counterpoise Blücher sent two
while its gunvers were so absorbed of Jürgass' cavalry regiments beyond
in watching the contest for the vil- the Roman road to support Zieten's
lage that they were unaware of the cavalry already in that direction.
on
I 2
100
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Ligny.
June 16.
While St. Amand la Haye was thus held by the
Prussians, their simultaneous attack upon Wagnelé
had failed. The Prussians entered and traversed the
village successfully, but on attempting to deploy
beyond it they encountered a severe fire from French
skirmishers concealed in the thick high grain, and
three battalions were disordered and intermingled ;
whereupon a French column charged them and took
the village, but were checked by the Prussian ar-
tillery fire and infantry reserves when they tried to
pass beyond it. Around these villages the fight con-
tinued to rage furiously, presently extending to the
Hameau de St. Amand, whose position made it a key
to the defence of Wagnelé, St. Amand la Haye, and
St. Amand ; now one side, now the other got an
advantage, St. Amand la Haye changing owners four
times, and only St. Amand remaining constantly in
the hands of the French. Both sides poured in suc-
cessive reinforcements, Blücher almost denuding his
left and centre for the purpose; and both suffered
terribly from the artillery, but especially the Prussians,
whose approaching columns were shattered on the
slopes before they could reach the point of attack.=
While this struggle-indecisive from its nature so long
as both opponents could continue to supply victims-
was taking place in the western villages, an equally
obstinate and even more desperate contest was going on
in the centre.
Gérard, after his first attack upon Ligny had been
repelled, tried a new mode of approach. He advanced
two columns simultaneously-one against the church-
yard in the centre of the village, the other against its
lower end, so as to turn the left flank of the defenders.
Moving stealthily through the tall grain, the French
skirmisher's drew so near, without being perceived, that
SECOND DAY-LIGNY.
101
Ligny.
June 16.
a sudden dash gave them possession of the outer gardens Battle of
and enclosures, where they were quickly joined by the
battalions following. A hand-to-hand conflict ensued,
in which the Prussians of Henkel's brigade were out-
numbered and outflanked, and at first gave ground; but
they were presently rallied by their officers and faced
the enemy, while new troops came up on either side
through the fire of the batteries. The struggle became
intensely exciting shouts of « Vive l'Empereur ! ”
mingling with those of “ Vorwärts !” the incessant
rattling of musketry with the roar of cannon and crash-
ing of shot, while the grandeur of the scene was com-
pleted by the flames and columns of smoke that broke
forth from the burning Castle of Ligny. The Prussians
succeeded in holding their own; then they began gain-
ing ground; then came reinforcements from Jagow's
brigade, before whose furious onset the French gave
way and were driven out of the village, leaving two of
their guns behind them.
behind them. Encouraged by this success, a
Prussian column was formed and advanced from the
village to attack the enemy; but just as they emerged
from the streets they encountered several battalions in
column moving upon them. The Prussians had no room
to deploy, and the French were impatient of the delay;
and for half an hour a musketry fire ensued, causing
much loss on both sides. Supports for the defenders
were hurrying up through the village, when an alarm
was spread that the French had carried the churchyard
in their rear, and musket shots were heard in that direc-
tion. Confused by the unexpected firing in this direc-
tion, and disordered by a blast of grape from a French
battery in their front, the Prussians fell back into the
streets, and the French, now reinforced, poured in after
them. “ The fight throughout the whole village of
Ligny was now at the hottest : the place was literally
I02
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Ligny.
June 16.
crammed with the combatants, and its streets and en-
closures were choked up with the wounded, the dying,
and the dead : every house that escaped being set on
fire was the scene of a desperate struggle : the troops
fought no longer in combined order, but in numerous
and irregular groups, separated by houses either in
flames or held as little forts, sometimes by one and
sometimes by the other party : and in various instances,
when their ammunition failed or when they found them-
selves suddenly assailed from different sides, the bayonet
and even the butt supplied them with the ready means
for prosecuting the dreadful carnage with unmitigated
fury. The entire village was concealed in smoke; but
the incessant rattle of the musketry, the crashing of
burning timbers, the smashing of doors and gateways,
the yells and imprecations of the combatants, which
were heard through that misty veil, gave ample indica-
tion to the troops posted in reserve upon the heights of
the fierce and savage nature of the struggle beneath.
In the meantime the relieving batteries on the Prussian
side, which had arrived quite fresh from the rear, came
into full play, as did also a reinforcement on the French
side from the artillery of the Imperial Guard. The
earth now trembled under the tremendous cannonade;
and as the flames issuing from the numerous burning
houses, intermingled with dense volumes of smoke,
shot directly upward through the light-grey mass which
rendered the village indistinguishable, and seemed con-
tinually to thicken, the scene resembled for a time some
violent convulsion of nature rather than a human con-
flictmas if the valley had been rent asunder, and Ligny
had become the focus of a burning crater." 55 Thus the
battle raged for hours, horribly destructive, but with
85 This quotation and others following are from Siborne.
SECOND DAY-LIGNY.
103
Ligny.
June 16.
nothing determinate about it-Blücher sending into the Battle of
village the brigades of Krafft and Langen to aid what re-
mained of those of Henkel and Jagow, who had gone
before them; and the French adding new assailants in
like manner, until they had filled and to a certain ex-
tent held the part of Ligny on the eastern side of the
stream, while that on the west was mostly in the hands
of the Prussians. = In the western villages similar
struggles were going on. Blücher was looking most
anxiously for the coming of either Wellington or Biilow,
cheering on his men as they went into the contest with
the cry, “Forward, lads! we must do something before
the English join us !” For hours he had thus been
drawing upon his reserves, until there remained to
him but a single intact brigade, Von Borke's, which
he had refrained from moving because it would leave his
centre bare. This state of things Napoleon had care-
fully watched from the Fleurus heights; and he now
prepared to deal the blow that should determine the
battle.
At Fleurus the Emperor had kept with him in re-
serve the Imperial Guard, nearly 20,000 strong, and
Milhaud's corps of heavy cavalry, eight regiments of
cuirassiers. This force-an army in itself, and as yet
perfectly fresh — he made ready to hurl upon the
depleted centre of the enemy, who was now fully occu-
pied with the struggle in the villages. To conceal the
movement, he advanced his reserves behind inequalities 6 P.M.
of the ground that hid them from view and in the rear
of Gérard's corps; and he removed a portion of Gérard's
batteries in order to persuade the enemy that the attack
was languishing in that part of the field. The Guard
were in full march for the passage over the stream of
the Ligny at the northern end of the village, when a
sudden order from the Emperor brought them to a halt.
104 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Ligoy.
June 16.
He had just been warned by Vandamme, through suc-
cessive messages, that a heavy column of all arms was
marching upon the French left-rear, that Girard's divi-
sion had been obliged to withdraw from the attack on
the villages to show a front to the new comers, and that,
unless the reserves could be so disposed as to arrest
their advance, his own corps must evacuate St. Amand.
Napoleon was equally surprised. He anticipated no
arrival of troops, except from Ney's force, which would
move either from Gosselies upon St. Amand or from
Quatre Bras upon Bry--that is, upon the Prussian right
and rear; and the direction whence the new column
came was such that it seemed to be a diversion in
Blücher's favour by Wellington, who must have secured
some advantage over Ney. Hence he arrested his own
grand attack and sent out aides-cle-camp to reconnoitre
the intruders. Blicher was no less confused. The
movements of the Guard had been so masked as to
appear like a retreat, and the report that Gérard was
withdrawing his guns so confirmed this impression that
the Prussian Marshal was collecting every disposable
battalion for a general onset upon the French left.
Suddenly this new column appeared, and presently
threw out from its left flank a body of cavalry, with
artillery, that skirmished with the cavalry of the ex-
treme Prussian right, near Mellet, west of the Roman
road; and, as the result of this skirmish, prisoners were
soon brought in from whom it was learned that a whole
French corps, D’Erlon's, was at hand. Of a sudden-to
increase the perplexity of the thing--the column was
seen to halt, to remain as if undecided, and then to
withdraw whence it had come. D’Erlon had been over-
taken by Ney's peremptory order recalling him to
Quatre Bras, and just after was joined by the Emperor's
aide-de-camp, who informed him that his presence in this
SECOND DAY-LIGNY.
105
Ligny.
June 16.
part of the field was unlooked for and that there were Battle of
no orders for him ; so the ist corps was marched back
to join Ney.56
To Blücher this turn of events, though
unaccountable, was most welcome, and he went on col-
lecting forces for the attack on the French left. This
was not lost upon Napoleon, who had been reassured by
his aide-de-camp's return from D'Erlon ; and, willing to 6.30 P.M.
have Blücher draw as heavily upon the strength of his
centre as he would, he still deferred ordering the ad-
vance of the Guard. =During this interruption of events
on the west of the battle, Thielmann on the Prussian
left had taken the supposed slackening of Gérard's
efforts against Ligny as a favourable opportunity for
moving upon the French right. He pushed forward his
single remaining cavalry brigade and a horse-battery
along the Fleurus road toward the bridge over the
Ligny, and an artillery combat began with Grouchy's
batteries on the opposite heights. Other Prussian guns
came forward, supported by dragoons, which the French
opposed by planting two guns upon the highroad, while
two regiments of Excelmans' cavalry charged from the
eastern side of the road, routed, and pursued the Prus-
sians, capturing one of their batteries, and following
them toward Point-du-Jour. But Prussian infantry
now lined the walls and bridges along the western side
of the Fleurus road and occupied Mont Pontriaux in
force, while their artillery on the Tongrines heights and
near Tongrenelle opened upon the French, who, thus
menaced in front and on both flanks, withdrew from
56 The facts stated in the text,
together with those already given in
note 46, p. 84, complete the story
of D'Erlon's false march, which lost
the battle of Quatre Bras, and of
which Ney wrote to the Minister of
War (June 25), “Twenty-five or
thirty thousand men were, I may
say, paralysed; and were idly pa-
ráded during the whole of the battle
from the right to the left, and from
the left to the right, without firing a
shot."
106
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Ligny.
June 16.
this part of the field. = In the villages, meanwhile,
neither French nor Prussians knew what was going on
outside, but continued their bloody work without ces-
sation. 6. The exhaustion of the Prussian troops was
becoming more manifest every moment. Several officers
and men, overcome by long-continued exertion, were
seen to fall solely from excessive fatigue. No kind of
warfare can be conceived more harassing to the com-
batants than was the protracted contest in the villages
which skirted the front of the Prussian position. It
partook also of a savage and relentless character. The
animosity and exasperation of both parties were uncon-
trollable. Innumerable individual combats took place.
Every house, every court, every wall was the scene of
a desperate conflict. Streets were alternately won and
lost. An ungovernable fury seized upon the combatants
on both sides as they rushed wildly forward to relieve
their comrades exhausted by their exertions in the
deadly strife,--a strife in which every individual ap-
peared eager to seek out an opponent, from whose death
he might derive some alleviation to the thirst of hatred
and revenge by which he was so powerfully excited.
Hence no quarter was asked or granted by either party.
957
57 A yet more vivid conception
of these scenes than Siborne gives in
the spirited passage quoted above is
embodied in the individual experi-
ence of the conscript of Erckmann-
Chatrian. After the repulse of his
column in its first attack on Ligny,
it is ordered to the second attack.
« The Prussian bullets swept us away
by dozens, and shot fell like hail,
and the drums kept up their 'pan-
pan-pan. We said nothing, heard
nothing, as we crossed the orchard,
nobody paid any attention to those
who fell, and in two minutes after
we entered the village, broke in the
doors with the butts of our muskets,
while the Prussians fired upon us
from the windows. It was a thou-
sand times worse indoors, because
the yells of rage mingled in the up-
roar; on we rushed into the houses
with fixed bayonets and massacred
each other without mercy.
On
every side the cry rose, 'No quar-
ter!' ... We rushed into a large
room already filled with soldiers, on
the first floor of a house ; it was
dark, as they had covered the win-
dows with sacks of earth, but we
و
SECOND DAY-LIGNY.
107
Ligny.
June 16.
Thus this wasting village fight went on. Both Gérard Battle of
and Vandamme had appealed to Napoleon for reinforce-
ments: as night was coming on Krafft notified Gneisenau P.M.
that the Prussians in Ligny could not hold out much
longer, and was answered that the village must be
maintained, at whatever sacrifice, for half an hour more;
and about the same time Pirch II. sent a messenger
could see a steep wooden stairway at the pleasure of revenge was greater
one end, down which the blood was than the pain of their wounds."
running We heard musket-shots They presently go out into the street.
from above, and the flashes each “The fight at the bridge continued.
moment showed us five or six of our The old church clock strikes five.
men sunk in a heap against the ba- We had destroyed all the Prussians
lustrade, with their arms hanging on this side of the stream, except
down, and the others running over those who were in ambush in the
their bodies with their bayonets great old ruin on the left, which was
fixed, trying to force their way into full of holes. It had been set on
the loft.
An old fellow covered fire at the top by our howitzers, but
with wounds succeeded in reaching the fire continued from the lower
the top of the stairs under the storeys, and we were obliged to avoid
bayonets. As he gained the loft he it.” They are driven, fifteen of
let go his musket and seized the ba- them, into the loft of a barn, where
lustrade with both hands. Two the Prussians roll in a bomb below
balls from muskets touching his and explode it: six survive and seek
breast did not make him let go his another stronghold. “It was about
hold. Three or four others rushed half-past six, and the combat at St.
up behind him, striving each to be Amand seemed to grow fiercer than
first, and leaped over the top stairs
Blücher had moved his forces
into the loft above. Then followed to that side, and it was a favourable
such an uproar as is impossible to moment to carry the other part of
describe; shots followed each other the village The houses on either
in quick succession, and the shouts side of the brook were filled with
and trampling of feet made us think troops, the French on the right, the
the house was coming down over our
Prussians on the left. ... It was
heads. Others followed, and when about seven o'clock and near sunset;
I reached the scene .
the room
the shadows of the houses on our
was full of dead and wounded men, side reached quite to the brook,
the walls splashed with blood, and while those occupied by the Prussians
not a Prussian was left on his feet. were still in the sunlight, as well as
Five or six of our men were support- the hillside of Bry, down which we
ing themselves against the different could see the fresh troops coming on
pieces of furniture, smiling ferocious-
The cannonade had never
ly. Nearly all of them had balls or been so fierce as at this moment from
bayonet thrusts in their bodies, but
ever.
the run.
our side."
108
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Ligny.
June 16.
8.30 P.Dr.
from St. Amand la Haye to tell Blücher that his brigade
had exhausted all its ammunition, even that in the
pouches of the dead; to which the Prince—who was
now completing his arrangements for falling upon the
flank of the French-rejoined that the 2d brigade
must not only keep its ground but attack the enemy
with the bayonet. It was now that Napoleon, seeing
the space behind Ligny left bare of Prussian troops,
said to Gérard, “They are lost: they have no reserve
remaining ;” and he issued the orders for delivering
that final attack which the apparition of D'Erlon had
suspended.58
The attack was opened by the rapid advance of
several batteries of the artillery of the Guard, which
directed a tremendous fire upon the Prussians within
and in rear of Ligny; and under its cover Gérard led
his remaining troops to support their comrades in the
village and to dislodge the Prussians from the part of it
across the stream. The latter were giving way before
this renewed attack, and a body of infantry moved to
their relief. As the Prussians were marching, “ they
suddenly perceived, on the French right of the village, a
column issuing from under the heavy smoke that rolled
away from the well-served batteries which had so unex-
pectedly opened upon them, and which continued so
fearfully to thin their ranks; and, as the mass rapidly
advanced down the slope with the evident design of
forcing a passage across the valley, they could not fail to
distinguish, both by its well-sustained order and com-
pactness and by its dark waving surface of bear-skins,
58 It is of this period during Notify the grenadiers that the first
which the Guard had remained halted who brings in a Prussian prisoner
that Charras relates this incident:- shall be shot!' Ferocious words !"
“General Rognet, second colonel of comments Charras," for which, two
the grenadiers, collected the officers days later, there were to be ferocious
and sub-officers, and said to them, reprisals.”
SECOND DAY-LIGNY.
109
June 16.
that they had now to contend against the redoubtable Battle of
Ligny.
Imperial Guard.” The Prussians, however, showed no
irresolution. Seeing that Ligny was turned, instead of
seeking to enter it, they prepared to secure an orderly
retreat for its defenders-an operation which would be
facilitated under cover of the rapidly increasing dark-
ness and the rain which had now set in. They even ad-
vanced against the Guard, as if to check its progress,
but were charged in flank by Milhaud's corps of cuiras-
siers, who came up at this moment by the western side
of Ligny; yet the stand they made, seconded by two
squadrons of Westphalian Landwehr cavalry, enabled the
troops in Ligny to withdraw in squares in the direction
of Bry, defying the efforts of the French to scatter them.
All the Prussian cavalry at hand—three regiments of
Zieten's corps were hurried to the menaced point.
They were numerous enough to encounter the French
horse, and were bravely led ; but in the confusion
caused by the sudden attack and the darkness, their
efforts were unavailing, and two successive charges
failed. Blücher by this time had arrived-sending as
he came an aide-de-camp, Major Winterfeldt, to notify
Wellington that he was forced to retreat ;59__and put
59 Winterfeldt, bearing Blücher's
message, got as far as Piermont on
his way to Quatre Bras, when he
was shot down by Ney's skirmishers,
and in the darkness he lay some time
between their fire and that of the
English before the latter rescued
him. The wounded man considered
too important to be con-
fided to a subordinate, and desired
the officer who came to assist him to
send for the nearest officer of rank.
Müffling in the course of the evening
was informed that an aide-de-camp
had been wounded, but seems to
lave treated the matter as of too
little moment to require looking
after. Hence Wellington's ignorance
until next morning of the result of
the action at Ligny-for which Eng-
lislı writers used to censure Blücher
or Gneisenau. It would seem that the
fault layin thegeneral slackness or in-
ertia in the British army system. But
Chesney holds it to be a
“ mistake,"
for which“
we may censure Müffling
himself, or possibly the stiffness of
character which first took Major
Winterfeldt unnecessarily near the
line of French skirmishers, and, when
his message
I10
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Ligny.
June 16.
himself at the head of his cavalry to lead a third charge,
designed to throw the French back into the valley.
The old hussar's gallantry proved ineffectual, for the
French again held their ground ; and as the cuirassiers
rapidly pursued him when he withdrew his forces to
rally, his horse was killed under him, and the sturdy old
man fell, disabled for the day.60 Further hostilities on
wounded by his owu temerity, made gallant master, made a few conyul-
him keep the message close.” = It sive plunges forward ; but on finding
may be added here that Wellington's that his steed was rapidly losing
regular channel of communication strength, and perceiving at the same
with Blücher also was interrupted; time the near approach of the cuiras-
for Gen. Hardinge, the British repre- siers, he cried out to his aide-de-
sentative at Prussian headquarters, camp, ' Nostitz, now I am lost!' At
had received during the action a that moment the horse fell from ex-
wound, which cost him his left haustion, rolling upon his right side,
hand. Gleig, indeed, states that the and half burying its rider under its
Duke "learned after nightfall, from weight." Count Nostitz jumped
a short note written by Hardinge from his horse, which was also
while he lay mutilated in a cot- wounded, and, holding its bridle in
tage, that the Prussians were over- his left hand, and his sword in his
matched.” Brialmont gives a more right, stood ready to defend his gene-
probable story than Gleig's—that ral. The pursuers swept past, so
Sir Henry Hardinge, after being close that one of them clashed
wounded, "sent by his brother, a against the standing horse, but in the
captain of artillery, liis last report
rush and the darkness never noticed
a verbal one—which reached the the fallen man or his companion.
Duke just as darkness was closing Presently the Prussians rallied and
in. Up to that moment," adds
drove back the French over the same
Brialmont, “Wellington had been ground. As the trampling of hoofs
able to follow, with his glass, the approached, Nostitz threw a cloak
main incidents in the battle." He over the Marshal, and, when the
was without further precise infor- French had again dashed by them,
mation until it was obtained by his succeeded in grasping the bridle of
own patrols next morning.
one of the pursuing Prussian Uhlans
60 “ The Prince's fine gray char- and arresting some of the files fol-
ger," says Siborne,-—"a present from lowing. Five or six troopers by
the Prince Regent of England—was main force raised the body of the
mortally wounded by a shot, in the dead horse, while others raised Blü-
left side, near the saddle-girth. On cher, senseless and immovable, got
experiencing a check to his speed, him upon a horse, and just in time
Blücher spurred, when the animal, to escape a charge of the again
still obedient to the impulse of its advancing French-delivered him to
SECOND DAY-LIGNY.
III
June 16.
the part of the Prussians were limited to movements Battle of
Ligny.
calculated to secure the retirement of broken divisions
and battalions to the rear. Enough troops remained in
good condition to show a firm front at Bry and at Som-
breffe, and to hold the road connecting them. On the
Prussian extreme left, before the angle of the roads
at Point-du-Jour, Thielmann, whose corps had suffered
least, even assumed the offensive,-holding Mont Pon-
triaux in force while the Prussians were crossing the
stream of the Ligny in its front, and repelling the ad-
vance of Lobau's corps, which had come up from its
position in reserve and showed itself in this part of the
field at the close of the battle. Thus nothing in the
nature of a rout took place at any point in the Prussian
and adequate rearguards held the Namur-Nivelles
road from Marbais to Point-du-Jour, covering the gene-
ral retreat which at once began. The French attempted
no pursuit. Napoleon went back to Fleurus for the
night. His troops rested in their bivouacs—Vandamme's
corps (the 3d) in advance of St. Amand, Gérard's
(the 4th) in front of Ligny, the Imperial Guard upon the
heights before Bry, Grouchy's cavalry before Sombreffe,
and Lobau's corps in rear of Ligny.61
line;
II P.M.
the care of the nearest body of infan- taken on either side. Thiers makes
try, who bore him to the rear. = = For the Prussian loss in killed and
the present Blücher was completely wounded 18,000, and by desertion
hors de combat-perhaps indeed for- 12,000 more. The Rev. Mr. Abbott,
tunately for the Allied cause, since, improving again upon Thiers, says
in accordance with the wise forecast that "the Prussians, leaving 10,000
of the Prussian King, the conduct prisoners in his hands, and 20,000
of the retreat now devolved upon weltering in blood, fled, as they had
Gneisenau.
ever been accustomed to do, before
61 The loss of the Prussians in the genius of Napoleon." Thiers,
the battle of Ligny is stated by describing Napoleon's customary ride
Siborne at about 12,000 killed and over the battle-field next morning,
wounded, that of the French between
" Within St. Amand the num-
7,000 and 8,000. The French cap- ber of slain was pretty equally divided
tured 21 guns. Fow prisoners were between the French and Prussians,
says,
II2
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The Cam-
paign of
Waterloo.
June 16.
Night.
The Prussians were the only ones of the combatants
at Ligny or Quatre Bras who showed any activity during
the night,–Napoleon's and Ney's French, as well as
Wellington's British and Netherlanders, reposing quietly
until daybreak. The Prussians availed themselves of
the cover of darkness to the utmost. Before the battle
was
but all the bodies beyond the stream tween the living and the dead. We
were clad in the Prussian uniform.
only laid them on the straw in the
The rising ground behind, as carts. ... I was astonished that so
far as the Mill of Bry, where the ar- many of us had escaped in the car-
tillery of the Guard had attacked the nage, which had been far greater than
Prussian reserve en écharpe, was at Lützen, or even at Leipzig. The
strewn with the bodies of men and battle had only lasted five hours, and
horses, mingled with broken cannon. the dead in many places were piled
But at Ligny the scene was two or three deep. The blood flowed
fearful. There the combat had from under them in streams. Through
taken place in the village itself, the principal street, where the artil-
where men had fought hand to hand lery went, the mud was red with
with all the animosity of civil strife. blood, and the mud itself
The number of the slaughtered Prus- crushed bones and flesh. ... At
sians and French was equal, and, Fleurus we were obliged to separate
save their lifeless bodies, no human the French and the Prussians, because
form was to be seen, all the inhabit- they would rise from their beds or
ants having fled from their homes. their bundles of straw, to tear each
. . In leaving Ligny and ascend- other to pieces.” = The desertions
ing the ground where the Imperial from the Prussian army took place,
Guard had decided the victory, the Siborne says, “ amongst the newly-
slain were almost exclusively Prus- raised drafts from the Rhenish and
sians, or, in making a sad comparison, Westphalian provinces, and from the
we may say that there were two or Duchy of Berg. Of these troops,
three Prussians to one Frenchman." 8,000 men betook themselves to a
Erckmann-Chatrian's conscript pic- flight, which admitted of no check
tues the scene at Ligny in horrible until they reached Liége and Ais-
detail : « We were then distributed la-Chapelle. Among the Rhenish
in squads to superintend the removal troops, particularly those from pro-
of the wounded. Several detach- vinces which had formerly belonged
ments of chasseurs were ordered to to France, there were many old
escort the convoys to Fleurus, as French soldiers; and although some
there was no room for them at of them fought with great bravery,
Ligny; the church was already filled others evinced a bad disposition, and
with the poor fellows. We did not there were instances in which they
select those to be removed ; the sur- passed over to their former com-
geons did that, as we could hardly panions in arms."
distinguish in numbers of cases be-
SECOND NIGHT-PRUSSIAN RETREAT.
II3
Night.
IO P.M.
I A.M.
had ceased orders were sent to the several corps, The Cam-
designating their respective lines of retreat. Gneisenau poigne
Waterloo.
had taken the command the moment he learned of June 16.
Blücher's fall,62 and at once directed the withdrawal of
the army northward to Wavre, under cover of the
troops drawn up before the Namur road. Gen. Von
Jagow occupied Bry until all troops in the western part
of the field had passed to the rear, when he withdrew June 17,
to Marbais, and, joining Pirch's brigade at that point,
proceeded to Tilly. Thielmann's brigades and out-
posts were so widely detached that it was long before 2 A.M.
he could set his columns in motion from the position
he had held throughout the battle, and the sun had
risen when his rearguard marched. By morning Zieten's
and Pirch's corps had collected at Tilly and Gentinnes,
while Bülow, who had come up thus far at nightfall,
lay near by at Gembloux. Thus there remained in the
presence of the enemy only a rear guard of cavalry and
artillery, which continued in observation during most
of the next day. Col. Von Röhl, who superintended
the ordnance department of the army, had been equally
prompt in removing the park of reserve ammunition
from Gembloux to Wavre, whither he at once repaired
to be ready to put the artillery in order for action as
rapidly as it should arrive, --while before day couriers
62 Blücher was carried from the far as to allow a bottle of cham-
field to Gentinues, some six miles in pague, which revived the patient to
the rear, where surgical aid was that extent that lie prepared a dis-
procured. His whole frame had re- patch, and delivered it to the bearer
ceived a severe shock, which for a
with the message,
« Tell the King
time stupefied him; but vigorous that I had a cold night-drink [a
rubbing with brandy proved so effi- nightcap' “ Ich hatte kalt nacht-
cacious that the Marshal presently getrunken "], and that all will end
recovered sufficiently to demand an well." Next day the brave old man
application of the same remedy in- was again at his duties as com-
ternally. This the doctor refused, mander, with undiminished ardour.
but was obliged to compromise so
I
114
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The Cam-
paign of
Jue 17.
4 A.J.
were on their way to Maestricht, Cologne, Wesel, and
Waterloo. Münster, to order up additional supplies. The Prussian
army had received a defeat, and a severe one, in con-
sequence partly of the absence of Bülow's corps, through
orders imperfectly expressed on the one hand and mis-
apprehended on the other ; partly of the defective
position taken up by Blücher ; but especially because
the old Marshal, in his headlong ardour and his eager-
ness to deal a telling blow against the enemy, was
tempted to go beyond the defensive fight which would
have served to maintain his position until darkness
should have brought a respite and an accession of forces
from either Wellington or Bülow, or both. But the
defeat was saved from being a disaster by the admirable
firmness of both officers and men; and further evil
consequences to the Allied cause were averted by
Gneisenau's prompt and orderly retreat upon a line
parallel with that on which Wellington must retire,
thus assuring that junction of the armies which Napo-
leon's scheme had sought to prevent.
Napoleon, as if content with his victory_his last,-
made no effort whatever to grasp the advantages it
offered ; but left the Prussians free to pursue their own
devices without molestation. The original delays in
commencing the battle, aggravated by that caused by
D'Erlon's inopportune appearance and retirement, had
deferred the result of his finely prepared and decisive
grand attack until darkness had set in ; but he had
then at hand the absolutely fresh corps of Lobau, while
the Guard had known no fatigue until the closing
moments of the action, and Grouchy had his cavalry
in readiness to push on instantly. With resources such
as these the Napoleon of former days would never have
relinquished the pursuit of a defeated foe before it had
been reduced to a rout. But, as “not a single officer
SECOND NİGHT-FRENCH INACTION.
115
had come in from Ney, and as Lobau's were the only The Cam-
fresh troops that Napoleon had, the entire Guard being Waterloo.
overcome by fatigue, he thought it better to keep them June
16.
near him, since, if the enemy should again assume an
offensive attitude, he had no other troops with which
to oppose them.” 63
So Napoleon left his soldiers to
Night.
Thiers says,
63 The quotation is from Thiers, command and push out reconnois-
and constitutes his explanation of sances in its immediate vicinity.
Napoleon's much-censured inaction. Early next morning Grouchy again
Even Thiers is constrained to say, repaired to Fleurus, andnotwith-
as to the Prussians, “They ought standing Thiers' assertion that Na-
not to have been allowed a moment's poleon was "up again at 5'-he
rest next day, but constantly pressed, again encountered Soult's refusal
so that those who had left their either to waken his master or to give
ranks should be entirely cut off and orders; and he was compelled to
their army as much reduced by the wait until 8 o'clock before the ap-
pursuit as it would have been by the pearance of Napoleon, who then
battle itself.” Napoleon at Fleurus dawdled away the rest of the morn-
learned, but merely in general terms, ing before he would give his orders
“tbat Ney had only —too late, as it proved, to serve any
succeeded in arresting the progress useful purpose. = Critics more com-
of the English ;" he then prepared petent than Thiers bave recognised
the necessary orders for the morrow, Napoleon's culpability in not push-
and “flung himself on a bed to re- ing the Prussian retreat instantly.
fresh himself by a few hours' sleep. Thus, Jomini, in his Life of Napoleon,
He was up again at 5." Thiers does states that when D'Erlon was per-
not state, however, as does the emptorily recalled by Ney, he left
Marquis de Grouchy, grandson of « the division of Durutte between
the Marshal, in his Mémoires du Villers-Peruin and St. Amand, to
Maréchal de Grouchy,—that Grouchy co-operate if necessary on Bry."
had prepared for the pursuit, as a Then he puts into Napoleon's mouth
matter of course, and held his horse- this apology for his inaction—"I
men waiting orders. Learning, to did not know that Durutte passed
his surprise, that the Emperor had the night on the flank of the Prus-
left the field without issuing any in- sian line of retreat, so near that his
structions for his right wing, Grouchy advanced guards heard distinctly the
followed him to Fleurus, where, in- noise caused by the march of their
stead of obtaining orders, he was told
train and the confusion of their
that Napoleon was ill and asleep, and columns. Had I known this, I should
none of his staff dared waken him. have pushed these troops forward to
Soult, the Major-General, refused to harass the retreat, and, in spite of
take the responsibility of giving any the darkness of the night and the
orders or even counsel, and Grouchy
failure of the intended co-operation
had no resource but to return to his [by Ney], I might have gained much
I 2
116
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The Cam-
paign of
Waterloo.
June 16.
Night.
their rest, and returned to Fleurus for the night, and
thus let slip his last opportunity to destroy his enemies
in detail.
On the Quatre Bras side of the field Ney had nothing
to do but maintain his present position until he should
receive further orders and be informed what the result
had been at Ligny and what the Emperor next intended.
Although deprived in the day's fight of five of the eight
infantry divisions which had been promised him, he had
succeeded in holding back the English from aiding
their allies—which, perhaps, was quite as much as he
could advantageously have attempted in any case, since
the movement upon Blücher's rear which Napoleon
by a well-regulated night pursuit."
Charras follows out this idea.
Having remarked that the results
of Ligny were considerable, though
dearly paid for, he continues, " But,
considerable as they were, they
should have been complete to meet
the exigencies of Napoleon's situa-
tion. The aim of the French ge-
neral ... was to prevent the junction
of Blücher and Wellington; and, so
far, nothing indicated that this had
been attained.” A man of Blücher's
known temperament, Charras urges,
was certain to fall back in such a
direction as to join his ally; "and,
if he effected this, the plan of the
French general was ruined from its
foundation.” He points out the grave
error of not attacking early in the
morning-at the time, that is, when
Reille found Napoleon prostrated at
Charleroi (note 31, page 57),—when
Blücher had only Zieten's corps and
3 of Thielmann's divisions, and must
either have been driven off toward
Namur, or have had his army "put
beyond the condition of enterprising
anything for a long time." He counts
as a second error the neglect to
throw D'Erlon's corps, when it was
at hand, upon the Prussian right,
which would have been decisive.
“Formerly," he says, “Napoleon
would have acted altogether dif-
ferently: now he was enfeebled
(faibli). This is why the ist corps
remained useless ! this is why Blü-
cher escaped disaster !” The third
error was the neglect to use Lobau's
corps. Lastly, the victory, though
delayed, should have been employed
to cut off Blücher from joining Wel-
lington. “This he [Napoleon] should
have prevented at any cost, and he
could have prevented it by a prompt,
vigorous, implacable pursuit of the
beaten army.” = The full explanation
of his failure to act in this manner is
contained in the incident of Grouchy's
finding him ill and in bed at Fleurus,
and in such a mental condition that
Soult dared not disturb himthe
continuance, doubtless, of the state of
depression in which Reille had found
him in the morning (see note 31,
page 57).
SECOND NIGHT-THE ENGLISH.
IIZ
ordered him to make would have exposed his own The Cam-
flank to Wellington's attack, and was not to be thought Waterloo.
of after the strength of the English began to accu- June 16.
mulate.64
Here the night passed quietly except
Night.
for
some unimportant collisions between the pickets of the
two armies.
The English during the night received considerable
reinforcements, chiefly of British cavalry and the re-
mainder of the reserve, bringing up their strength by
morning to about 45,000.65 Wellington had issued
orders directing troops yet to the westward to move
next day upon Quatre Bras and Genappe.
without tidings from Ligny-owing to the neglect shown
to the wounded aide-de-camp who bore Blücher's ines-
sage,--and apprehended a French success in that quarter
which might sever his communication with Blücher.
He was
64 Charras commentary upon “he at dark, thirty hours after his
Ney's work for this day is as fol- first warning, had only present at
lows:-“ Deprived of the aid of Quatre Bras three-eighths of his in-
D'Erlon and of Girard's division, Ney fantry, one-third of his guns, and
rendered an immense service, such one-seventh of his cavalry. Truly,"
as perhaps only he, with his pro- adds the critic, "in holding his own,
digious energy, could render : he the great Englishman owed some-
prevented Wellington from appear- thing that day to Fortune !" Charras
ing on the battlefield of Ligny; he gives a variation of the same idea.
rendered vain the promise of the Speaking of Wellington's delibera-
English general to the Prussian--the tion on the 14th, he says,
“ If he
promise which had decided the latter had had before him the Napoleon of
to await the shock of Napoleon. ... Italy and of Ratisbon, he would have
Ney could have done no more than paid dearly the next day for his pro-
he did ; and he did immensely--it longed sluggishness.” The follow-
must be repeated—in preventing ing observation is Chesney's: "The
Wellington from carrying to Blücher Allies this day, owing to Bülow's
a succour which would certainly have mistake and Wellington's delibera-
given a different issue to the battle tion, only brought into action forces
of Ligny."
actually less than Napoleon's army;
65 The happy-go-lucky manner in but Napoleon's reserving Lobau, and
which the Duke of Wellington's missing D'Erlon, caused him to fight
troops were tumbled into the field, at both points of contact with infe-
anyhow, has appeared from the pre-
rior numbers."
vious narrative. Chesney notes that
I18
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 16.
Night.
The Cam- His possession of Quatre Bras, however, made his posi-
Waterloo
. tion satisfactory in any case-if Blücher had maintained
his position at Ligny, he could join him there in the
morning and assail Napoleon with the united armies ;
if Blücher had been worsted, the Duke, retiring along
his own line of operations, would still unite with him
between Quatre Bras and Brussels.
June 17.
The Prussians continued during the day the retreat
which had been so well advanced in the night. The
movement to Wavre, though it involved great present
inconvenience by the sacrifice of their base of supply
on the Rhine, was the only one by which the Prussians
could form a junction in the first instance with Bülow's
corps, and then with the English, since the conforma-
tion of the country forbade the use of any more westerly
Gneisenau therefore ordered a new line of
route. 66
68 « The natural base of supply for seemed to [Napoleon] more than
the Prussian army being the lower probable that whichever of the Allies
Rhine," Chesney explains, “their was defeated would be naturally
communication to it through the tempted to . . secure his own direct
Fleurus country would turn due retreat. He knew Blücher was too
eastward through Namur and Liége; Practical a soldier not to recognise
while that of Wellington's army, if the immense inconvenience which it
collected in the same district, would would be, in case of prolonged hos-
pass northward by or near Brussels tilities, to abandon the Namur-Liége
to the seaports of Antwerp and line and open a new one from Prus-
Ostend, which connected it with sia to supply his army by.” So
England. The lines would meet in assured was he of this foregone con-
fact at a right angle, the apex of clusion that " we find him writing
which was the cross-roads of Quatre his first letter to Ney on the morning
Bras. If either of the armies sliould of the 17th in the following positive
begin to retire along the line which terms: "The Prussian army has been
led to its respective base, it would put to the rout; General Pajol is
at once be separating from the other; pursuing it on the roads to Namur
and every mile of retreat would give and Liége.' ” = Of the route by way
so much the larger opening between
of Wavre Chesney says,
6 Between
their flanks, and thus increase the the road from Gembloux to Wavre
chances of a French army desiring and that from Quatre Bras to Wa-
to deal singly with them. . . . It terloo, the country is cut up by the
THIRD DAY-PRUSSIAN RETREAT.
119
supply to be opened through Louvain, and the troops The Cam-
to fall back upon Wavre-Zieten's and Pirch's.corps by Waterloo.
the roads through Tilly, Gentinnes, and Mont St. Gui- June 17.
bert; Thielmann's by way of Gembloux ; while Bülow
was to march through Walhain and Corbaix to Dion-
le-Mont, within 3 miles of Wavre, and there to take
a position and throw out rearguards to protect the
concentrated army against the pursuit of the French.
These operations were successfully accomplished with-
out any molestation, and by nightfall the entire Prussian
force was collected about Wavre the corps of Zieten
on the left (western) bank of the Dyle, those of Pirch,
Thielmann, and Bülow on its right --ready in every
respect to resume offensive operations, though with but
a scanty supply of food in consequence of their severed
communications. One mistake was made in the dispo-
sition of the corps--the designation of Bülow's to act
as the rear guard, because of its having not yet been
in action, while, for the same reason, it was to lead
the advance to Waterloo,--an arrangement which in-
volved the loss of valuable hours next day. Cavalry
patrols, toward evening and through the night, were
pushed toward the Namur-Louvain road on the left,
and on the right into the district between the Dyle and
Lasne-one of the reconnoitring parties inoving far
enough westward to observe before nightfall the French
army in its march along the Brussels road. Thus
various heads of the river Dyle, each astonishied to find in this region high
making a deep valley with marshy mountains, profound ravines, like the
meadows on the streams, and ren- chains of the Alps and the Pyrenees,
dering military movements across across which it would be difficult to
the district difficult." Hence the transport artillery." Charras en-
necessity of the détour by way of dorses this observation, saying that
Wavre to Waterloo. Gen. Lamarque, the roads which now make the coun-
in his Notice sur les Cent Jours, says try practicable have been constructed
of this district, “ The country offers
since 1815.
great difficulties : one is thoroughly
I 20
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 17.
27 67
The Cam- Blücher felt himself justified in his characteristic re-
Waterloo. sponse to Wellington's inquiry whether his aid might
be counted upon on the morrow_“I shall not come
with two corps only, but with my whole army; upon
this understanding, however, that, should the French
not attack us on the 18th, we shall attack them on the
19th.
At Quatre Bras in the early morning both English
and French were at a loss to know how to act until
they could get information what had taken place at
Ligny. The Duke of Wellington was on horseback at
dawn, and rode from Genappe to the outposts held by
the cavalry that had arrived since the battle, to learn
what had been ascertained at the front. From Sir
Hussey Vivian, whose (6th) brigade of light cavalry
was posted on the left, he found that the French had
given no sign of movement, while a picket that had
pushed on toward the position of the Prussians brought
intelligence that they no longer occupied it. The Duke
discerned through a telescope French vedettes on the
plain, evidently communicating between Ney's force
and Napoleon's—a circumstance, taken in connection
with the disappearance of the Prussians, which sug-
gested that Napoleon might have passed the Namur
67 Thiers, à propos of Blücher's
doings on this day, and especially of
the letter, exclaims,
" What noble
and energetic patriotism in an old
man of seventy-three!” Thus wrote
the distinguished historian at the age
of sixty-five. It is worthy of note
that he was himself seventy-four
years old when called to the Presi-
dency of France in 1871, to repair
a new overthrow at the hands of
Prussia, = Blücher wrote also to his
family as follows:-"Wavre, June
17, 1815.-Napoleon attacked me
yesterday afternoon, about 3 o'clock,
with 120,000 men of the line. The
fight lasted till the night. Both
armies lost many men. To-day I
have drawn nearer to Lord Wel-
lington, and in a few days there will
probably be another battle. ... We
shall have battles oftener till we are
again in Paris. My troops fought
like lions, but we were too weak.
Two of my corps were not with
me [?]. Now I have drawn them
all to me."
THIRD DAY- WELLINGTON'S RETREAT,
I 2 I
road and be maneuvring upon his left and rear while The Cam-
Ney was to attack him in front. He therefore sent out Waterloo.
a strong patrol of hussars along the Namur road to June 17.
learn how matters stood, and observed that the French
vedettes immediately signalled the movement to their
The patrol advanced into the close vicinity of
the French outposts and heard from Gen. Zieten,
who still remained at Sombreffe, both the result of the
battle of Ligny and the present movements of the
Prussians, and with this information it returned to Wel-
lington. The necessity of a retreat was at once mani-
fest; and its destination was determined by the arrival
of a Prussian officer bringing from Blücher himself,
who had already established his headquarters at Wavre,
tidings that his army was now concentrating at that
point. Wellington immediately wrote back informing
Blücher of his own plans, and proposing to accept
battle on the next day at the position in front of
Waterloo which had been mapped out a week before,68
if the Field-Marshal would support him with two of
his corps. In the retreat which was now ordered to
the great surprise of the men and subordinate officers
of the Anglo-Allied army, who knew nothing of the
battle of Ligny, and supposed that their day's work
would be to dispose of Ney's French in their front,----
Wellington purposed retarding the pursuit by the
French throughout the day, both to gain time for the
necessary slow withdrawal of his main force through
the winding street and narrow bridge of Genappe, and
to insure the co-operation of the Prussians before a
general action could be forced upon him. The move-
ment was so far deliberate that the men were ordered
in the first instance to cook their dinner, while the
Duke attended to dispatches that morning received
rear.
68 See text, page 15.
I 22
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 17.
IO A.M.
The Cam- from England, and issued orders prescribing the line of
Waterloo. march to be taken by his troops still lying toward the
west-those under Lord Hill, at Nivelles to move di-
rectly to Waterloo, and those still farther westward to
go from Enghien to Hal and remain there to cover
Brussels from the south-west. The infantry first moved
to the rear, their retreat being effectually masked by
the outposts of cavalry and light troops still in the
front; and it was not until the main body was well on
its way toward Genappe and another bridge lower
down the stream, that the advance line of skirmishers
--who covered the front from the wood of Bossu,
before Gemioncourt, and to the Namur road east of
11.30 A.M. Piermont-fell back behind the cavalry. These were
drawn up in two lines in the rear of the Namur road, -
the light-horse forming the first line and throwing out
pickets to replace the withdrawn infantry, and the
heavy cavalry being in their rear. With these and the
troops of horse-artillery. as his rearguard, Wellington
remained in position until Napoleon came up with the
mass of his army and, joining Ney, made ready to press
the pursuit.
Ney found himself confronted in the morning not
merely by the army which had repulsed his attack the
day before, but by large reinforcements, whose strength
he had no means of estimating. Assuming that, if
Napoleon had succeeded at Ligny, he would unite with
him in a combined front-and-flank attack upon the
English, but that, if the Emperor had failed, his own
advance would only entangle him between the English
and Prussian armies, Ney necessarily remained at rest
until he could hear from Napoleon. Neither informa-
tion nor orders having been furnished him, he sent to
request them,69 and received in answer a dispatch from
69 « It is difficult to believe,” says Charras, “but there is no doubt
2 P.J.
9 A.M.
THIRD DAY-NEY'S POSITION.
I 23
.
Soult, at Fleurus, of which the following are the essen- The Cam-
tial points :-“ The Prussian army has been put to rout; Waterloo
.
Gen. Pajol is in pursuit of them on the roads to Namur June 17.
and Liége. . . . The Emperor is going to the mill of
Bry, where the road from Namur to Quatre Bras
passes ; it is possible the English army may act in your
front; in that case the Emperor will march directly
upon it by the road to Quatre Bras, while you attack it
in front with your divisions, which ought now to be
united, and this army will be destroyed in an instant.
The intention of His Majesty is that you take
position at Quatre Bras, in accordance with the orders
given you ; but if this cannot possibly be done, send a
detailed account immediately, and the Emperor will
move as I have said ;-if, on the contrary, there is only
a rearguard, attack it and take position. To-day is
required to terminate this operation, to complete the
munitions, to rally stragglers, and to call in detach-
ments. »70 Ney had at this time before him not“ only
a rear guard,” but the entire reinforced army of Wel-
lington ; and he naturally awaited the promised ap-
that, at the time when Flahaut “ to order him [Ney] to march boldly
[Ney's messenger to Napoleon] and speedily to Quatre Bras, when
quitted Frasnes, they did not know the English, seeing 40,000 men ad-
there the result of the battle of vancing along the Namur road,
Ligny, and he brought the first would immediately decamp, fearing
nervs of the combat at Quatre Bras. they might be taken in flank if
From 9 o'clock in the evening till they offered a prolonged resistance.”
9 o'clock in the morning there had Thiers leaves his readers in ignorance
been no communication between the that this advance was to be made
general-in-chief and the commander “ if there is only a rearguard ; " he
of the left wing of his army, sepa-
then proceeds to inveigh against
rated from one another by a distance Ney's inaction. This order Thiers
of less than three leagues. The in- says, was“ given at 7 in the morn-
curiosity was equal on both sides.” ing." A previous note (63, page
70 The French original of the 115), shows the impossibility of
dispatch is given in full in Siborne, this: the following note will il-
Appendix XXVII. Thiers considers lustrate Thiers' trustworthiness as
it sufficient to say of it that it was
to hours.
I 24
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
The Cam- proach of the Emperor by the Namur road. So soon
paign of
as he learned that the Emperor's troops were actually
in motion, he commenced the advance of his own; and
it was at this time that he received the following
dispatch, the second on this day :-
June 17
- To M. the Marshal, Prince of Moskowa,
" 4th Corps d'Armée, at Gosselies.
“ Before Ligny, the 17th at noon.
“ Monsieur the Marshal, the Emperor has just placed in
position before Marbais one corps of infantry and the Imperial
Guard ; His Majesty charges me to tell you that his intention
is that you shall attack the enemy at Quatre Bras, to chase
them from their position, and that the corps at Marbais will
second your operations ; His Majesty is going to Marbais, and
waits your report with impatience.
“ THE MARSHAL OF THE EMPIRE, MAJOR GENERAL,
« DUKE OF DALMATIA."
" 71
71 This dispatch has been quoted yielding to Napoleon's reiterated ar-
in full as an illustration of Thiers'
guments and positive order. Now all
methods of narration. His version this the letter to Ney, the getting
of the dispatch is that Napoleon off a corps of infantry and then the
sent fresh orders to the Marshal Guard, the receipt of Pajol's report,
[Ney] to advance without paying the determination of the orders con-
any regard to the English, whom he
sequent upon it, their delivery to
was to attack in flank if they re- Grouchy, and the dispute about them
sisted.” Thiers now goes on to say, -all this must have taken time,
“ He 9.2.2t ordered Lobau to hasten scarcely less than an hour or an hour
his march to Quatre Bras, and then and a half. The time of the letter,
expedited the departure of the Guard. which began this train of events,
He was preparing to leave himself, was noon." But Thiers has sup-
in order to direct the movement in pressed all reference to the time;
person, when he received a report and he tells us that, aftcr the occur-
from Gen. Pajol, who had been in rence of all the things above enume-
pursuit of the Prussians since dawn. rated, “ Napoleon left the heights of
.. Marshal Grouchy was with him Bry at about eleven in the morning,
at the moment. To him he
To him he gave his and advanced at a gallop along the
instructions verbally "—the famous higlıroad from Namur to Quatre
instructions about which whole li- Bras.” In a foot-note, indicated after
braries of controversy have since the word “ morning," as italicised
arisen, but against which Grouchy above, Thiers says, “I state these
expostulated at the time, only hours on the best authority. Marshal
THIRD DAY-FRENCH DELAY.
I 25
As soon as Ney discovered the withdrawal of the The Cam-
English light troops, and that cavalry only were before Waterloo.
paign of
him, he brought his own cavalry forward and held it June 17.
in readiness to advance upon the Allied front simulta-
neously with the main body of the French army, which
was now moving from Marbais along the Namur road
upon its flank.
The main body of the French about Ligny rested
quietly in their bivouacs during the morning hours,
awaiting orders from the Emperor to set them in motion.
Their cavalry vedettes, within half a mile of Thiel-
mann's rearguard, were unaware when it withdrew
after sunrise, and no attempt was made to discover
what direction the Prussians had taken until they had
retired beyond observation. Then Pajol, with Soult's
(4th) hussar division of his (1st) cavalry corps, under-
took the pursuit; but directed it, not toward Wavre,
but along the road to Namur, upon which Teste’s
(21st) infantry division of Lobau's (6th) corps followed
in support.72 Grouchy, meantime, anxious to begin in
4
A.M.
Grouchy mentions others; but, as dispatch to Ney, already cited, that
will be seen hereafter, he makes con- the Prussians “had been put to
stant wistakes as to the time, and rout" and were flying eastward " to
his assertions in this l'espect are Namur and Liége." According to
completely erroneous.” The persist- Thiers, the order to Pajol—who was
ent system of garbling and false- under Grouchy'scommand—had been
lood, by wlich Thiers follows Na- issued over night, at the same time
poleon in shifting his faults upon as that to Ney, which is in fact dated
Ney and Grouchy, cannot in every June 17th. According to Grouchy
instance be pointed out within the and to his grandson's Memoirs of
limits of these pages. Where this him (see note 63, page 115), all move-
narrative is in conflict with that of ments of the cavalry up to noon of
Thiers, its justification will be found the 17th were made by the Marshal
for the most part in Chesney's expo- on his own authority; since his re-
sure of the great French advocate's peated efforts to get access to the
shameless misrepresentations. Emperor were unsuccessful until 8
72 This misdirection of the pur- A.M., and even then it was impossible
suit was in accordance with Napo- to elicit from him any orders for four
leon's idea, as shown in his first or five hours longer. Thiers rejects
1 26
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 17
.
The Cam- earnest the pursuit for which he had prepared on the
Waterloo. evening before, went at daybreak for the second time
these statements on à priori grounds. upon Wellington in flank and rear
“ Marshal Grouchy," he says in a while Ney assailed him in front,-
note devoted to the topic, "has and thus, perhaps, have realised his
sought to show that it was on the plan of beating the Allies in detail.
17th, and not on the 18th, that time But he lost these hours, which the
had been lost, and, in a very inexact Allies improved to effect their junc-
recital, represents Napoleon as losing tion, so that on the 17th he had
his time in the fashion of a talkative, already also lost the battle of the
idle, and irresolute prince. In this 18th. = The impression made by this
portrait we could scarcely recognise idleness upon the army is embodied
the man who had come from Elba in the homely words of Erckmann-
to Paris in twenty days, who in two Chatrian's conscript:-“The Prus-
days had suddenly established him- sian rearguard had just left Som-
self between the Prussians and Eng- breffe, and it was a question whether
lish, even before they had suspected we should pursue them. Some said
his approach. Nobody will beliere we ought to send out the light-horse
that Napoleon, who when he could to pick up the prisoners. But no
have awaited an attack in Cham- one paid any attention to them.
pagne, had boldly advanced into
The Emperor knew what he was
Belgium, that he might have an doing. But I remember that every-
opportunity of surprising and suc- body was astonished notwithstand-
cessfully combating the armies of ing, because it is the custom to
his enemies, had suddenly become profit by victories. The veterans
weak and irresolute." This incredi- had nerer seen anything like it.
ble thing, however, is precisely what They thought the Emperor was pre-
Napoleon's movements on the worn- paring some grand stroke ; that Ney
ing of June 17th force us to believe. had turned the enemy's line, and so
Napoleon's own words—suppressed forth.” Charras expresses, in more
by Thiers in his garbled account of elegant terms, the same thought as
the first despatch to Ney-show that the conscript:-"Not to pursue the
he intended no vigorous work that vanquished with the sword at his
day; for, after ordering and promis- back, to leave him time to recover
ing to co-operate in the movement himself, to re-form, to bring up rein-
on Quatre Bras, he continues, " La forcements—this was a strange thing
journée d'aujourd'hui est nécessaire to legions accustomed to Napoleonic
pour terminer cette opération, et pour tactics! "The Napoleon whom we
compléter les munitions, rallier les have known exists no more,' said
militaires isolés, et faire rentrer les Vandamme roughly to his officers ;
détachements.” In Napoleon's front 'our yesterday's success will have
was no enemy at all; he could have no result.' Vandamme was become
seized without opposition the defile à railer (frondeur). But Gérard,
of Genappe, by which alone the wholly devoted to his chief, ex-
English could approach the Prus- pressed the same thought in other
sians; he could thus have fallen terms; 'he deplored the incompre-
2
THIRD DAY-FRENCH DELAY.
I 27
>
8 A.M.
to Fleurus to procure orders, but was obliged to wait The Cam-
some hours in the anteroom, when he was informed that Waterloo.
he was to accompany the Emperor to the scene of yester- June 17.
day's battle. The Emperor rode in his carriage first to
St. Amand, then over the field, and through Ligny,
examining the traces of the struggle; he gave direc-
tions for the care of the wounded; he reviewed the
soldiers of most of the corps, assuring them of his
satisfaction with their conduct; 73 he addressed the
Prussian wounded officers upon the past course and
future policy of Prussia-producing a “scene” which,
Thiers says, was "published in all the journals," and
was “calculated to calm the German passions should
victory continue to smile on us for twenty-four hours
longer ;” he then rode to Bry, where she conversed
with his accustomed ease with his generals on various
subjects,—war, politics, the different parties that di-
vided France, Royalists and Jacobins.” He then re-
ceived from a reconnoitring party intelligence that they
had found the English in possession of the Quatre Bras
road, and had seen no movement on the part of Ney;
and upon this he dictated his second, or “noon,” dis- 12 M.
hensible, the irremediable delays.'
The soldier saw in it the operation
of some black treason which para-
lysed his energy, for, in his eyes,
Napoleon was infallible and un-
wearying." Jomini, in his Summary
of the Campaign, treats the delay as
simply inexplicable. He says, "To
those who can recall the astonishing
activity that presided over the events
of Ratisbon in 1809, of Dresden in
1813, and of Champ-Aubert and
Montmirail iv 1814, this time lost on
Napoleon's part will always remain
inexplicable. After a success such
as he had just achieved, it seems that
at 6 in the morning he should have
been upon the heels of the Prussians,
or as well—have fallen with all
his forces upon Wellington.
Undoubtedly the Emperor had
powerful motives for resigning him-
self to such inactivity; but these
motives have never reached us." =
His malady, already described, ac-
counts for it.
73 " His mere presence delighted
them,” says Thiers, " and was a suf-
ficient recompense for all their dan-
gers and sufferings. The time spent
in gratifying and encouraging such
sentiments was certainly not lost.”
I 28
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 17.
I P.M.
The Cam- patch to Ney, ordering an advance by the Marshal,
Waterloo. in which he would co-operate. While Napoleon was
directing the advance of Lobau's corps and the Guard
toward Quatre Bras, he received a report from Pajol,
who had met and captured a stray Prussian battery on
the Namur road and routed with loss a squadron of
horse that accompanied it, but, as he had found no evi-
dence that the main body of the Prussians had passed
in this direction, had turned northward from the
Namur road, as a supporting brigade of Excelmans'
had previously done, finding traces of the enemy to-
ward Gembloux. Napoleon now disclosed his plans of
operation—to Grouchy he gave a force of 33,000 men,
with which he was to pursue the Prussians, while with
the remainder of his army he would himself join Ney
and move upon the English. The instructions given by
Napoleon to Grouchy were verbal, and were to the
effect that he was to follow the Prussians, who-SO
Napoleon as yet supposed--were doubtless on the way
to Namur, to attack them, to keep them in sight, and
to communicate with the Imperial headquarters by the
paved Namur road. Grouchy demurred to this plan,
representing that the Prussians had already a start of
some fifteen hours, that the troops he was to lead
were now so scattered that it would take time to get
them in motion, and that the presumed line of retreat
would carry him constantly farther from the main body
of the French, with little prospect of frustrating any
designs of the Prussians in the direction of the Meuse,
and he urged that he might unite in the Emperor's ad-
vance against the English,--all which was answered by
the Emperor's insisting upon the execution of the order
already given. Leaving Grouchy to the discharge of
his unwelcome task, Napoleon rode westward to join
Ney. On reaching Marbais --whence his troops were
THIRD DAY-NAPOLEON'S ADVANCE.
I 29
already advancing upon Quatre Bras, as were Ney's also The Cam-
from Frasnes,–Napoleon received reports from the Waterloo.
reconnoitring cavalry which caused him to doubt the June 17.
accuracy of his assumption that the Prussians were
moving away from the English, and he dictated to
Marshal Bertrand, in the absence of Soult, a written
order to Grouchy directing his advance toward Gem-
bloux. Riding on again until he met Ney, “Napoleon 2 P.M.
waited with impatience until the troops had defiled at
Quatre Bras, a movement which was not completed
until three o'clock."74
3 P.J.
74 The quotation is from Thiers, Rougeot, as they called the illustri-
and indicates the hour of the Empe- ous Marshal, had got a good scold-
ror's arrival at Quatre Bras--3 P.M.: ing." Chesney, denying that Ney
à previous date, 12 M., has been occasioned any delay by not moving
fixed by that of Napoleon's second earlier, says, “Heymès, who was
order to Ney: the order of events with Ney all this day, has contra-
between these two hours, as given in dicted in the flattest manner the 10-
the text, is precisely that given by tion that the Emperor found any
Thiers, and accords very well with fault with the Marshal for the quietude
the statement that Grouchy's verbal which was the direct consequence of
orders were given at 1 P.M., which is his orders. But such evidence as
the statement of Grouchy himself. this can hardly add force to that
But Thiers, having entirely suppressed which those orders themselves af-
the date of the noon” dispatch, and ford.” = Thiers' idea that the defiling
thus disencumbered himself of that of the French troops through Quatre
time-mark, affirms that Grouchy's Bras was completed at 3 o'clock, is
orders were given before II o'clock correct only as to the vanguard, for
(see note 71, page 124), and makes it was many hours before the mass
this the foundation of his charge of the army had passed. Erckmann-
that Grouchy's delays lost Waterloo. Chatrian's conscript, who is apt to
The French historian has a similar
be more explicit than the more pre-
charge to establish against Ney, and tentious historians, and fully as cor-
he insinuates it by saying of the rect, says of this movement, At 8
Marshal's meeting with the Emperor o'clock we reached Quatre Bras.
at Quatre Bras," He sought to ex- These are two houses opposite each
cuse his tardiness, and Napoleon, not other. . . . They were both full of
wishing to increase his agitation, wounded men. It was here that
contented himself with some not Marshal Ney had given battle to the
very severe remarks. But the sol- English, to prevent them from going
diers, who saw that the Brave des to the support of the Prussians along
braves had committed some fault, the road by which we had just
whispered among themselves that
He had but 20,000
K
cone,
men
130
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The Cam-
paign of
Waterloo.
June 17.
The French troops which led the advance against
the English were Subervie's light-cavalry division, sup-
ported by Milhaud's cuirassiers, with horse-artillery,
-after which were to follow in order D’Erlon's and
then Lobau's infantry corps, Kellermann's cuirassiers, the
Guard, and lastly Reille's corps, who were afforded as
long a rest as possible after their hard fighting of the
day before. As the French horse moved from Marbais
up the Namur road, their approach was observed by
Wellington, who was with his staff, in advance of
Vivian's cavalry, which held the extreme left of the
Allied line, fronting the road and eastward of Quatre
Bras. By this time the English infantry had wholly
passed Genappe, and it only remained for the cavalry
against 40,000, and yet Nicholas also by the Rev. Mr. Abbott, who
Cloutier, the tanner, maintains, to- has argued that all subsequent mis-
day even, that he ought to have haps occurred because Ney did not
sent half his troops to attack the "leave a suitable force behind the
Prussian lear, as if it were not intrenchments to prevent Wellington
enough to stop the English. To from coming to the aid of the Prus-
such people everything is easy, but sians,” and “hasten to cut off the
if they were in command it would retreat of Blücher." Unfortunately
be easy to rout them with four men for Ney, the “intrenchments
and a corporal.” This frightful ex- whose utility in an offensive battle,
ample of Nicholas Cloutier might conducted chiefly by cavalry, is not
have been studied profitably by M. obvious,—as well as the “ suitable
Thiers before lie exposed the defec- force,” were not in his possession.
tive tactics by which Ney lost The force with which Napoleon fol-
Quatre Bras, and pointed out how lowed the English, after joining
that novice in war might, by other Ney's troops with his own, was as
dispositions, have won the day, follows:
D'Erlon's (1st) corps
20,000 men.
Reille's (2d) corps
·
Lobau's (6th) corps (less Teste's division). 7,000
Imperial Guard
19,000
Domont's cavalry of Vandamme's (3d) corps 1,000
Subervie's division of Pajol's (1st) cavalry corps 1,500
Kellermann's (3d) cavalry corps ·
3,500
Milhaud's (4th) cavalry corps
3,500
Total.
71,500 men and 240 guns.
.
16,000 1
1
THIRD DAY-WELLINGTON'S RETREAT.
131
to conduct their own retreat. Skirmishing had already The Cam-
begun between Vivian's pickets and Subervie's advanc- Waterloo.
ing lancers, when Wellington, after consultation with June 17.
the Earl of Uxbridge, the general commanding the
Anglo-Allied cavalry, concluded that it was undesirable
to make a stand against so great a force of all arms as
that which threatened them, while their own infantry
support had passed beyond reach; and the retreat was
ordered. It was made in three columns--the central
column, composed of heavy cavalry and two regiments
of light-horse, took the paved road to Brussels and
the bridge at Genappe; the left-hand column, Vande-
leur's and Vivian's brigades, already in contact with the
enemy, were to fall back, protecting that flank, and
pass the stream by a bridge below Genappe; while the
right column was to follow roads leading to a bridge
higher up the stream than Genappe, a route which
sheltered them from any molestation by the pursuers.
=On the left Vivian's outlying pickets were soon driven
in by a sharp attack from several French squadrons,
which were checked as they drew near by the English
horse-batteries, when the French in turn brought artil.-
lery to their front and opened upon Vivian's brigade.
Vandeleur's brigade was already in retreat, and Vivian
now followed, the French crowding in great numbers
upon both his flank and rear and annoying him with
shells from their batteries. He therefore took advan-
tage of a favourable rise in the ground, and had drawn
up his rearmost regiment to charge as soon as the
enemy should come within reach, when the operation
was most unexpectedly interrupted. “The weather
during the morning had been oppressively hot; it was
now a dead calm ; not a leaf was stirring; and the
atmosphere was close to an intolerable degree; while a
dark, heavy, dense cloud impended over the combatants.
K 2
132
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 7.
The Cam- The 18th hussars were fully prepared, and awaited but
Waterloo. the command to charge, when the brigade guns on the
right commenced firing. . The concussion seemed
instantly to rebound through the still atmosphere, and
communicate, as an electric spark, with the heavily
charged mass above. A most awfully loud thunder-clap
burst forth, immediately succeeded by a rain which has
never, probably, been exceeded in violence even within
the tropics. In a very few minutes the ground became
perfectly saturated, so much so that it was quite im-
practicable for any rapid movement of the cavalry.” 75
75 The quotation is from Siborne. this great rain was generated by the
Thiers says of this sudden burst of enormous consumption of gunpowder
rain, “In a few moments the whole at Ligny and Quatre Bras. Hence-
country was changed into one vast forth the condition of the loads
marsh, through which neither man and ground added double difficul-
nor horse could pass. The troops of ties to the combatants, from Quatre
the different French corps d'armée Bras to Wavre. Victor Hugo's cele-
were obliged to assemble on the two brated screed on Waterloo in Les
paved roads. . . . These were soon Misérables sets no bounds to the
overcrowded, and soldiers of all arms effects produced by the weather at
were mingled in fearful confusion." this time. “If it had not rained,"
The Erckmann-Chatrian conscript he says, " in the night between the
says, “I never saw worse weather, 17th and 18th of June, 1815, the
not even at the retreat from Leipzig fortune of Europe would have been
when we were in Germany. The changed; a few drops of rain, more
rain came down as if from a water-
or less, made Napoleon oscillate. In
ing-pot, and we tramped on with order to make Waterloo the end of
our guns under our
Austerlitz, Providence only required
the capes of our cloaks over the locks, a little rain; and a cloud crossing the
so wet that if we had been through sky at a season when rain was not
a river it could not have been worse ; expected was sufficient to overthrow
and such mud!” The weather had an Empire. Why? Because the
been recognised as a most important ground was moist, and it was neces-
factor in this campaign. From the sary for it to become firmer, that the
time when Napoleon examined the artillery might manoeuvre. Napo-
sky on the morning of June 15 (see leon was an artillery officer, and al-
page 37), it had been fair until now, ways showed himself one: all his
with the exception of the short and battle plans were made for projectiles.
apparently local rain at Ligny the Making artillery converge on a given
night before-caused no doubt by point was his key to victory.
the tremendous cannonade that had Driving in squares, pulverising regi-
gone on through the afternoon, as ments, breaking lines, destroying and
arms, with
ורן.
THIRD DAY WELLINGTON'S RETREAT.
133
Pursuers and pursued were overcome by the fury of the The Cam-
tempest, and attempted nothing beyond skirmishing, Waterloo.
until the English had fallen back as far as the bridge of June 17.
Thuy. Here there was a stoppage, caused by the delay
of the leading brigade, Vandeleur's, in crossing the little
bridge; and Vivian, having sent his battery across and
ordered some of his men to dismount and hold the
further end of the bridge with their carbines, protected
with the 1st hussars the passage of his other two
regiments. This effected, he detached one of his
squadrons toward the bridge; but it was cut off by
bold rush of the French lancers, and compelled to
cross the stream lower down ; while Vivian, as soon as
all was seen to be clear, led the remainder of the
regiment at a gallop to the bridge and across it, closely
followed by the French, cheering as they pursued.
But no sooner had the hussars passed than the French
came under the fire of the dismounted men, who lined
a hedge overlooking the bridge and the hollow road
that ran up from it; while, on the rising ground
beyond, the brigade was drawn up in readiness to meet
them.
Here, accordingly, the French stayed their
pursuit and turned aside to join their main body on
the Brussels road; and Vivian, followed only by a patrol
watching his movements, retired undisturbed to the
position before Waterloo.=The central cavalry column,
meanwhile, had been
so far protected by Vivian's
movement upon its left, which occupied the foremost
of the French, that it was not pressed by the enemy
until it reached Genappe, through which all passed
dispersing masses—all this must be invincible for fifteen years.
Hlad
done by striking, striking, striking the earth been dry, and the artillery
incessantly, and he confided the task able to move, the action would have
to artillery. It was a formidable begun at 6 A.M. It would have
method, and, allied to genius, ren- been won and over by 2 P.M., three
dered this gloomy pugilist of war hours before the Prussian interlude,"
134
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 17
The Cam- except Major Hodge's squadron of the 7th hussars,
Waterloo. which served as rearguard, and was now skirmishing
warmly with the leaders of the pursuit, encountering
them both on the road and beside it, in fields so softened
by the rain that the horses sank to their knees and
sometimes to the girths. Having gallantly protracted
their defence long enough to ensure the safe retirement
of their comrades, the 7th hussars at last effected
their own, troop by troop, and joined the remainder of
the column drawn up behind the town.76 The French
force which had thus overtaken the centre cavalry
column consisted of a mass of lancers and cuirassiers,
some sixteen or eighteen squadrons strong, followed by
the main body of the army under the Emperor himself.
In order to check their advance while entangled in the
difficult defile of Genappe, Lord Uxbridge had drawn
up his two heavy brigades upon an elevation facing the
northern entrance of the town, and some six or seven
hundred yards distant from it, so as to cover the retire-
ment of the light cavalry. Of these, the 7th hussars,
run.
76 The withdrawal of the last filed his men from the left, and they
troops left on the rear of the town passed through town and bridge at a
was conducted with marked gal-
“Dörnberg," says Siborne,
lantry by Lieut. Standish O'Grady, “had been some time riding about
to whom Gen. Sir William Dörnberg, with Lieut. O'Grady, and on taking
the commander of the skirmishers, leave of him, on the French side of
entrusted this duty, with the injunc- Genappe, shook his hand, while his
tion to delay the enemy long enough manner and his observations suffi-
for the skirmishers to draw off, as ciently indicated that he considered
the bridge within the town was so the service to be one of forlorn hope,
narrow that tliey must pass it in file. and that he did not expect ever to
Left thus alone, O'Grady led his see his young friend again. When
troops at a trot up the road and en- the latter rejoined him on the other
gaged the enemy until all English side of the town and reported
horsemen except his own had dis- that he had not lost a man or a
appeared within the street; then, horse, Dörnberg exclaimed, Then
retiring at a walk and occasionally Bonaparte is not with them : if he
balting and fronting, he came to the were, not a man of you could have
corner of the street, into which he escaped.""
.
.
THIRD DAY-WELLINGTON'S RETREAT.
135
on passing through the town, had formed opposite its The Cam-
entrance, while the 23d light dragoons were posted in Waterloo.
their support midway between them and the heavy June 17.
cavalry in the rear. Soon approaching shouts an-
nounced that the French had entered the town, and a
number of their horsemen dashed in loose order from
the mouth of the street, when they were taken to a
man and found to be beside themselves with drink.
Then appeared the head of the French column, a body
of lancers who halted at the outlet on finding them-
selves confronted by the rearguard, and there remained,
the houses confining them on either flank, while the
rear of the column continued to press forward through
the narrow winding street, until it formed a mass so
jammed that movement of any kind was impossible.77
77 The town of Genappe is closely had already proved a serious obstruc-
built along a single street, the high- tion to both armies, and was destined
road from Charleroi to Brussels, the to be a death-trap to the French on
bridge lying within the town, which their flight from Waterloo next day.
is mostly on the Brussels side of the Southey, describing the latter event
stream. The narrow tortuous defile in his Poet's Pilgrimage, says :-
“ That fatal town betray'd them to more loss;
Through one long street the only passage lay,
And then the narrow bridge they needs must cross
Where Dyle, a shallow streamlet, cross'd the way :
For life they fled, -no thought had they but fear,
And their own baggage check'd the outlet here.
"Meantime, his guilty followers in disgrace,
Whose pride however now was beaten down,
Some in the houses sought a hiding-place,
While at the entrance of that fatal town
Others, who yet some show of heart display'd,
A short, vain effort of resistance made ;-
« Feeble and ill-sustain'd! The foe burst through:
With unabating heat they search'd around;
The wretches from their lurking-holes they drew,--
Such mercy as the French had given they found;
Death had more victims there in that one hour
Than fifty years might else have render'd to his power,"
136 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
+
paign of
Waterloo.
Junc 17
The Cam- This delay lasted for about fifteen minutes, when Lord
Uxbridge ordered a charge by the 7th hussars, who
dashed upon the enemy, but encountered an impene-
trable front of lance points, the bearers of which were
so wedged between the houses on either side and the
densely packed horsemen in their rear, that they could
not give way if they would. For some time the hussars
continued hacking at the lancers, the lancers parrying
and thrusting with their weapons, until both Major
Hodge, who led the foremost English squadron, and the
French commanding officer had been killed, and neither
party had gained an inch of ground. The French now
established a battery of horse-artillery on the opposite
side of the stream, under the direction of Napoleon
himself, and the fire tolda so severely upon the hussars
that they were compelled to fall back, and the French,
issuing in numbers from the street, drove them upon
“Here did we inn upon our pilgrim- auberge; but when one of them in
age,” continues Southey in his poetic the morning asked how we had passed
manner, and in a note he adds, in the night, he observed that no one
acknowledged prose,
" At the Roy
ever slept at Genappe-it was im-
d'Espagne, where we lodged, Wels possible, because of the continual
lington had his headquarters on the passing of posts and coal-carts." Of
17th, Bonaparte on the 18th, and the inn, to lapse once more into
Blücher on the 19th. The coach- Southey's poetry, he tells us :-
man told us that it was an assez bonne
They show'd us here
The room where Brunswick's body had been laid,
Where his brave followers, bending o'er the bier,
In bitterness the vow of vengeance made;
Where Wellington beheld the slaughter'd Chief,
And for a while gave way to manly grief.”
As to the nature of Southey's own
grief for the Duke of Brunswick, we
must turn again to his prose-a letter
written from Brussels, Oct. 20, 1815,
to his friend John May, before the
composition of the poem.
Duke," he says,
man in patriotism, but without con-
duct, without principle, without gra-
titude." = The significance of this
record of the Brunswickers' vow of
vengeance will be found in note 255,
page 400,
was a true Ger-
" The
THIRD DAY-WELLINGTON'S RETREAT.
137
their reserve. Here the 7th rallied, attacked again, The Cam-
and drove the lancers back to the town, from which projecte 16
fresh reinforcements for the French poured out, and an June 17.
obstinate combat took place, but with no decisive
result. Lord Uxbridge now resolved to terminate the
affair by ordering a charge of his heavy cavalry, and,
having placed a British horse-battery in position to
answer the French guns beyond the stream, he drew up
the ist regiment of Life Guards behind the 23d light
drag.oons, and recalled the hussars. As these went
about, to retire, the lancers pressed upon them and a
mêlée ensued, from which the hussars extricated them-
selves and, retiring through the ranks of the 23d,
turned from the roadside into a field and re-formed.
The French column in Genappe, elated at the repulse
of the English, sent out loud cries of “ En avant !” and,
while their guns directed an effective fire upon the
British position on the hill, a heavy body of cuirassiers
emerged from the town and rode resolutely up the
slope to charge the light dragoons. Then Lord
Uxbridge ordered the 23d to fall aside to make way
for the passage of the heavy horsemen in their rear.
“ The Life Guards now made their charge. It was
truly splendid : its rapid rush down into the enemy's
mass was as terrific in its appearance as it was destruc-
tive in its effect; for, although the French met the
attack with firmness, they were utterly unable to hold
their ground a single moment, were overthrown with
great slaughter, and literally ridden down in such a
manner that the ground was instantaneously covered
with men and horses, scattered in all directions. The
Life Guards, pursuing their victorious course, dashed
into Genappe and drove all before them as far as the
opposite outlet of the town.”78 This vigorous check to
78 This account of the charge is Siborne's.
Thiers' version of the
:
138 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 17
The Cam- the pursuit had not only ensured time for the un-
Waterloo. disturbed and orderly retreat of the Allied army: it
inspired the pursuers with a salutary respect for the
English horsemen, which caused them to follow with
great circumspection and to volunteer no further
serious attack during the remainder of the march.
For a time, indeed, they endeavoured to get upon
the flank of the retiring column, but they were met
here by the dragoon regiments—the Royals, Scots
Greys, and Inniskillings, who retired by alternate
squadrons, covered by their own skirmishers; but the
soft ground, soaked as it was by the continued rain,
made such manquvring difficult, and the troops of both
armies soon confined their movements to the paved
road, where hostilities were limited to an interchange
of artillery fire.79 Thus the rearguard moved onward
affair is as follows: “ As we left the head of his regiment until it
Genappe, the English hussars charged reached the walls of Paris.—During
our cavalry, but were immediately all these charges Napoleon did not
driven back by our lancers. Lord cease for one moment to direct the
Uxbridge, in his turn, charged our advance-guard himself." = Exception
lancers at the head of the mounted can positively be taken to one part
Guards, and drove them back. But of Thiers' account, that which says
the English Guards were compelled that “the ground was strewn with
to yield before our cuirassiers. In a dead and wounded," most of whom
few minutes the ground was strewn were English. But two English re-
with dead and wounded, the greater giments were engaged on this occa-
number belonging to our enemies. sion, the ist Life Guards and the 7th
Our cannon especially had covered hussars: the English official return
the ground with lacerated human of killed, wounded, and missing on
bodies, most fearful to behold. Dur- June 17th shows that during the
ing these attacks, Col. Sourd, a model entire day the Guards lost but 15
hero, covered himself with glory. men, the hussars 36——a total of 51,
Though his arm was lacerated with of whom 32 were wounded, and pro-
sabre-wounds and half severed from bably did not strew the ground to
his body, he persisted in remaining any great extent. As to the anec-
on his horse. He only dismounted dote of Col. Sourd's heroism, Sir
to have the limb amputated, which Edward Cust does not hesitate to
operation did not diminish either his pronounce it" a bounce.”
zeal or courage, for be mounted his 79 Here again is conflicting tes-
horse immediately, and remained at timony Siborne describes
- the
THIRD DAY-WELLINGTON'S RETREAT.
139
to the position which the Anglo-Allied army had already The Cam-
taken up, and, except for a single brigade yet on its Waterloo:
march from Ghent, completed its array. The arriving June 17.
regiments went, as their predecessors had done, each to
the place appointed for it to hold in the morrow's
action, as laid down in advance by Wellington upon
the map of the field in his possession.80 The 23d light
dragoons alone, still acting as rearguard, halted and
drew up in the hollow of La Haye Sainte, before the
Allied line, to check the French cavalry should it
continue its advance along the Brussels road. But
the French stopped short of this point, and-by the
order of Napoleon, who wished to ascertain whether
the English had really taken position here or intended
to continue their retreat through the Forest of Soignies
-opened a cannonade upon the centre of the English
line where it crossed the Brussels road. Picton, who
stood upon the rising ground in rear of La Haye Sainte, ,
watching the enemy's approach along the highroad,
called up the batteries nearest by, and directed their
fire against the head of an infantry column which
showed itself between La Belle Alliance and La Haye
Sainte, at a point where the road is cut through a
hillock. In this position the guns enfiladed the column,
which was shut in by the steep banks on either flank
[English] guns and rockets con- to retreat." (Retreat, as it reads in
stantly plying the enemy's advance." the American edition, is doubtless
Thiers says, “ Napoleon—who under the printer's perversion of retort.)
torrents of rain gave directions for Again the official returns enable us
all these movements himself-had to judge of the fierce execution which
ordered up twenty-four pieces of the twenty-four guns wrought among
cannon, which kept up an unceasing the living masses.
The entire loss
fire on the retreating columns. The of the rearguard led by Lord Ux-
English, hastening forward, did not bridge amounted, for the whole day
allow themselves time to fire in le- and including the affair at Genappe,
turn, but suffered our balls to do to 6o men and 78 horses, out of a total
fierce execution among their living strength of about 4,500 men.
masses, without making any attempt 80 See pages 15, 16.
140
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The Cam-
paign of
Waterloo.
June 17
Night.
and pressed forward by troops advancing in its rear ;
and for half an hour it continued to melt away under
the fire before it could effect its retreat. By this time
night was falling, hastened by the rain and a heavy
mist; and both armies, throwing out pickets, took up
their quarters for the night, though the excitement of
the opponents continued to find vent in a number of
little cavalry skirmishes that displayed much individual
gallantry, but led to no result.
The English, by their early arrival, had been enabled
to avail themselves of whatever shelter could be pro-
vided in the way of trees, brushwood, or hollows in the
ground, against the continued discomfort of the storm;
and they were permitted to make watch-fires at will,
for which the forest in their rear furnished abundant
material, until, as Napoleon phrased it, “ the horizon
seemed one vast conflagration ;” but they suffered
from want of food, while there was no forage for their
horses. 81
Thus they passed the night, so close to the
still gathering enemy whose attack they were to meet
on the morrow that only a distance varying from a
thousand to fifteen hundred yards separated the
positions of the two armies. During the evening
the Duke of Wellington received Blicher's answer
81 This is the statement of the
English writers, who dwell much
upon it. Thier's affirms that “their
commissariat had provided them with
abundant provisions, though obtained
at a high price.” The Erckmann-
Chatrian conscript says, “ There was
not quarter enough food in the towns
through which we passed to supply
such numbers. The English had
already taken nearly everything.
We had a little rice left, but rice
without meat is not very strengthen-
ing. The English troops received
sheep and beeves from Brussels; they
were well fed and glowing with
health. We had come too late, the
convoys of supplies were belated, and
the next day, when the terrible battle
of Waterloo was fought, the only
ration we received was brandy."
Gleig, describing the destitution of
the English, says of the French that
" the appearance of their bivouacs,
as it was seen by our people on the
following evening, seemed to imply
that provisions were abundant among
them."
THIRD NIGHT AT THE BATTLEFIELD.
141
Night.
to his dispatch of the morning, assuring him of the The Cam-
co-operation of the Prussian army next day. He had Waterloo
with him already in the field 68,000 men, exclusive of June 17.
18,000 whom he still kept ten miles off at Hal, while at
a less distance on his left were 90,000 Prussians, to
confront the 72,000 remaining with Napoleon after the
detachment of Grouchy's 33,000.
Though the French advance-guard, following the
English rear, had moved into their position before dark,
the long columns of the main army were still far
behind, some, indeed, having not yet passed Quatre
Bras at nightfall. “Our troops," says Thiers, “ were in
a deplorable condition. The paved road no longer
sufficed for their numbers, and the infantry, being
obliged to give place to the artillery and the cavalry,
were forced off the sides of the road and had to walk
knee-deep in the slimy Belgian soil. It soon became
impossible to preserve the ranks ; each advanced as he
could or would, following at a distance the column of
artillery and cavalry that occupied the highroad.
Toward the close of the day their sufferings increased
with the continuous rain and darkness." Even when
they reached the end of this dismal march they
experienced only a variation of their miseries ; for they
were forbidden to light fires, lest their position and
numbers should be disclosed to the enemy, and they
slept, if at all, wet and hungry, upon the mud.” 82
W
82 This is the Erckmann-Ohat-
rian description of the night march :
“ The night was dark, and if it had
not been for the ruts, into which we
plunged to our knees at every step,
we should have found it difficult to
keep the road. . . . About eleven
o'clock we reached a large village
called Genappe, which lies on both
sides of the route. The crowd of
waggons, cannon, and baggage was
so great that we were forced to turn
to the right and cross at Thuy by a
bridge, and from this point we con-
tinued to march through the fields
of grain and hemp, like savages who
respect nothing. The night was so
dark that the mounted dragoons,
who were placed at intervals of two
hundred paces like guide-posts, kept
142
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 17
Night.
The Cam- Napoleon-after assuring himself that the English
Waterloo
. purposed giving him battle in the position they had
taken-spent a great part of the night in reconnoitring
it. “ Having left his staff in the rear, he advanced on
foot along the height occupied by the English. Accom-
panied by the Grand Marshal Bertrand, and his first
page Gudin, he moved about there for a long time,
seeking to ascertain the peculiarities of the position.
At every step he sank into the mud, from which he
extricated himself, sometimes by the help of the Grand
Marshal's arm, sometimes by Gudin's, and then con-
tinued his observations with his pocket-glass.” Re-
mounting his horse, he returned to his headquarters
at Caillou Farm,83 and, announcing a decisive battle
shouting, This
* This way, this way!'...
On mounting a little elevation we per-
ceived the English pickets through
the rain. We were ordered to take
a position in the grain fields, with
several regiments which we could
not see, and not to light our fires....
Now just imagine' us lying in the
graid under a pouring rain like regu-
lar gipsies, shivering with cold, .
and happy in having a turnip or a ra-
dish to keep up our strength." - Scott
pictures this night bivouac in the open-
ing stanza of his Dance of Death :
"Night and morning were at meeting
Over Waterloo;
Cocks had sung their earliest
greeting;
Faint and low they crew,
For no paly beam yet shone
On the heights of Mount Saint
John;
Tempest-clouds prolong'd the sway
Of timeless darkness over day ;
Whirlwind, thunder-clap, and
shower
Mark'd it a predestin'd hour.
Broad and frequent through the
night
Flash'd the sheets of levin-light;
Muskets, gleaming lightnings back,
Show'd the dreary bivouac
Where the soldiers lay,
Chill and stiff and drench'd with
rain,
Wishing dawn of morn again,
Though death should come
with day."
The same subject is treated in the
opening of the poem on Waterloo by
George Ewing Scott which wou the
Chancellor's Prize Medal at Cam-
bridge in 1820 (see page 444).
83 Caillou will not be found in
most of the maps of the battle-field,
as it lay too far to the south to be
included in them. It was a rather
rude Flemish farmhouse, on the
eastern side of the Charleroi road,
and opposite to the Maison du Roi,
which was on the western, and is
shown by Charras' large map to be
about a mile and a quarter from La
Belle Alliance, or about half a mile
THIRD NIGHT-AT THE BATTLEFIELD.
143
IO P.M.
2 A.M.
for the next day, directed the generals to make the The Cam-
necessary preparations. It is at this time that Napoleon Waterloo.
is alleged to have sent orders to Grouchy “to keep June 17.
himself as an impenetrable wall between [the Prussians]
and the English ”_orders which, if indeed they were
ever sent, were never received by Grouchy.84 He then
took a few hours' sleep, but was abroad again before
daylight to assure himself that the English were not June 18,
retreating under cover of the night; and it was during
this second reconnoissance that he is said to have
received the dispatch sent him by Grouchy from 3 A.M.
Gembloux at 10 o'clock in the evening, announcing his
intended advance to Wavre at daybreak. To this, as
the Emperor affirmed afterwards, he sent an order re-
iterating the instructions in that of 10 o'clock. Thence-
forth till day Napoleon continued his anxious excursions
to watch the English and examine the promise of the
weather and condition of the ground.
[Note.--The chronological sequence of the narrative, which
has been preserved as far as possible, must be departed from
in describing the operations of Grouchy and the Prussians
on June 17th and 18th. This anticipation of the proper order
of events seems preferable to interruptions of the story of
Waterloo, in order to tell what was passing at the same time
on the side of Wavie.]
Grouchy had been left before Ligny to follow
Blücher with a force of 33,000 men, the utmost that
could be detached from the main army. Napoleon, as
he was about riding off to join Ney in the pursuit of
south of Rossomme. Caillou was
burned by the Prussians when they
learned that Napoleon had slept there.
8.1 The question of these dis-
patches, said to have been sent during
this night, is considered in the ac-
count of Grouchy's movements on
the 17th and 8th, note 88, page
151. Their alleged import is stated
above in the words of Thiers.
144
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
paign of
Waterloo.
June 17.
I P.M.
The Can- Wellington, gave him the following verbal instruc-
tions : “Pursue the Prussians; complete their defeat by
attacking them as soon as you come up with them, and
never let them out of your sight. I am going to unite
the remainder of this portion of the army with Marshal
Ney's corps, to march against the English and to fight
them if they should hold their ground between this and
the Forest of Soignies. You will communicate with
me by the paved road which leads to Quatre Bras." 85
Grouchy—who was less confident than Napoleon that the
Prussians had been “put to rout” and were “flying on
the road to Namur and Liége”_had misgivings about
this order and the vague but responsible duty it im-
posed upon him. He represented to Napoleon that the
Prussians had had since 10 o'clock the night before in
which to make their retreat ; that even its direction was
85 See text, page 128: for the next afterwards attributed to Napo-
date, I P.M., see note 74, page 129. leon are as given in the Mémoires du
The vords of this much-disputed Maréchal de Grouchy, by his grand-
« verbal order " are from Marshal son, the Marquis de Grouchy. = The
Grouchy's Observations sur la “ Rela- force put under the Marshal's com-
tion de la Cumpagne de 1815," publiée mand was as follows:
par le Général Gourgaud. The words
Vandamme's (3d) corps (less its cavalry) 13,400 men
Gérard's (4th) corps
12,200
Teste's (21st) division of Lobau's (6th) corps
3,000
Pajol's cavalry division (half of ist cavalry corps) 1,300
Excelmans' (2d) cavalry corps
3,100
Total, 33,000 men with 96 guns.
This, with the troops under Ney wounded and protect Charleroi ; but
and Napoleon (note 74, page 130), it seems probable that it was over-
made up the entire Grand Army, looked in the orders to move, since
with the exception of Girard's (7th) it belonged properly to Reille's (20)
division, which had been reduced in corps, which was with Ney, and,
the struggle at St. Amand to about having slipped away from that Mar-
2,500 men, and had lost all its gene- shal on the 16th, remained to fight
rals, including Girard himself. It at Ligny on the 17th, acting with
was afterwards said to have been Vandamme's corps, but not included
left in the rear to care for the in it or covered by its orders.
THIRD DAY-GROUCHY'S PURSUIT.
145
unknown; that, if it was toward Namur, it would lead The Cam-
him farther and farther asunder from the main army, Waterloo.
paign of
and against a greatly outnumbering force; that it June 17.
would be some time before the soldiers given him
could be made ready to march ; and he asked that he
might follow the Emperor. But the Emperor refused,
repeated his order, and said, “ Marshal, proceed toward
Namur, for, according to all probabilities, it is on the
Meuse that the Prussians are retiring. It is then in this
direction that you will find them and that you ought
to march.'
Grouchy, thus peremptorily instructed,
prepared to set out as expeditiously as possible ; but
the men, especially of Vandamme's corps, were widely
scattered over the plain : some had gone out foraging ;
others had taken their muskets apart, in order to clean
them after their hard day's use; so that, as Thiers
complains, “it was nearly 3 or 4 o'clock in the after-
noon when this infantry, composed of Vandamme's
and Gérard's corps, set out.” Napoleon, meanwhile, 2 P.M.
had learned from a cavalry reconnoitring party that
traces of the Prussians had been found on the road
through Tilly to Wavre, and he sent back from Marbais
a written order to Grouchy, saying, “March to Gembloux.
You will explore in the direction of Namur and Maes-
tricht, and
you
will
pursue the enemy." Grouchy was
also instructed to ascertain whether the enemy was
“ separating from the English, or bent on uniting with
them to save Brussels, and try the fate of another battle."
The Marshal, by the time he received this order, had
reconnoitred the Namur road sufficiently to satisfy
himself that the mass of the Prussians had not taken
that direction, and he now set his infantry in march for 3 P.M.
Gembloux, riding on himself to overtake Excelmans'
cavalry, which had already passed beyond that point,
and which-in accordance with the order to “explore
L
146 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
paign of
Waterloo.
June 17
The Cam- in the direction of . . . Maestricht
Maestricht ”—he now pushed
forward to Perwez and Sart-les-Walhain. During these
movements the storm raged as violently on this side
of the field as toward Waterloo ; but there was this
important difference, that while the march of the main
army was along a paved highroad, the road to Gem-
bloux was but a narrow lane, which soon became next
to impassable, particularly for the artillery ; so that it
was late in a dark wet night when the tail of the
column reached its bivouac at Gembloux.86 Thus, on
IO P.M.
86 The statement of Gérard
whom Thiers quotes whenever it
bears against Grouchy-shows suffi-
ciently that there was no needless
delay in the march. He says as to
his own corps that "he kept close to
Vandamme, for whom he had to
wait, and the troops arrived as soon
as was humanly possible in the tor-
rents of rain and over frightful
roads." Thiers, however, ignores
this, and constructs three deliberate
falsifications to show that Grouchy
was dilatory-(1) He ante-dates the
hour at which the order for his
march was given from I P.M. to
II A.M., and accounts for his not
moving the infantry till 3 or 4 P.ll.
by saying that it was to give them
rest. “ It would have been better,"
he continues, " to have left at noon.
. . They would have had the ad-
vantage of arriving at Gembloux be-
fore the commencement of the storm
and, having rested three
four hours, could have advanced on
Wavre." (2) In proof that Grouchy
" had no discernment in the direc-
tion of general operations, nor any
of the sagacity essential to an officer
commanding an advance-guard, sent
in search of an enemy," Thiers
affirms that,
on parting from Na-
poleon at Sombreffe, he thoughtlessly
hastened to Namur," and, “whilst
galloping along in this direction,
without a destination, he learned
that” the Prussians were near Gem-
bloux. In order to produce this ab-
surd picture, Thiers has suppressed
Napoleon's explicit, though verbal,
order to “proceed toward Namur,"
as well as the written order in which
he previously told Ney that the
Prussians were in rout” on - the
“
roads to Namur and Liége." (3)
Adopting, with a slight mitigation,
the falsehood of the St. Helena
Mémoires, he says, “It was certainly
very annoying that, whilst the Prus-
sians ought to have been hotly pur-
sued, our troops had advanced but
two and a half leagues during the
day;" and again, “Napoleon thought
meanly of the manner of proceed-
ing adopted by the Marshal, who,
pursuing the enemy during an entire
day, had only advanced two leagues
and a half.” Napoleon's story made
the distance only “two leagues :
Thier's relents to the extent of a
half-league more; but the actual
distance from St. Amand, where
Vandamme's corps lay, to Gembloux,
where they bivouacked, was more
than eight miles, and the distance to
or
THIRD NIGHT-GROUCHY'S PURSUIT.
147
the eve of the battle which was to determine the fate of The Cam-
paiga of
the Empire and of Europe, while the Emperor and the Waterloo.
Duke of Wellington were facing one another at Waterloo, June
17
Blücher had gathered his entire army at Wavre, and Night
had made all things ready to march next morning to
the support of his ally, only eight miles distant. 87
Grouchy, on the other hand, lay with the mass of his
infantry advanced only as far as Gembloux ; while
those troops which had been reconnoitring the Namur
road—Pajol's light-horse and Teste’s division of infantry
were as far back as Mazy, in the vicinity of yester-
day's battle-field ; and his foremost cavalry, in obedience
to the order to “explore in the direction of Namur and
Maestricht,” had diverged far to the east of the line
taken by the Prussians--so that no part of his force was
within less than fourteen miles of Napoleon and the
Grand Army, with swollen rivers and impassable swamps
intervening. Grouchy's uncertainty at this time as to
the course the Prussians really had taken, his belief
that their main strength had gone eastward, and his
entire ignorance that the two corps of Zieten and Pirch
had retired by way of Tilly and Gentinnes to Wavre,
are shown in the dispatch which he addressed early in 10 P.M.
the night to the Emperor.88 Reports came in during
Perwez, where the cavalry advance
rested, was seven miles greater; and
the march of the “entire day," as
Thiers describes it, commenced at
3 P.M., and was conducted through a
narrow flooded lane, during a tem-
pest. Thiers, of course, omits to re-
mark that the loss of the whole
night and of the day up to 1 P.M.
was due, not to Grouchy, but to
Napoleon.
87 See text, pages 119, 120.
88 It will be most convenient to
group here for reference abstracts
of the much-controverted dispatches
which passed, or bave been said to
have passed, between Napoleon and
Grouchy. The first of these-dic-
tated by Napoleon to Bertrand as a
supplenient to the verbal instructions
is said to have been purposely
suppressed by Grouchy during the
controversy that ensued, and to have
been first printed, by accident, in a
biography of him by M. E. Pascallet,
in 1842; and, after having escaped
Siborne, Von Loben Sels, and other
writers, it was used by Charras and
1 2
148
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
paign of
Waterloo.
The Cam- the next four hours, however, which sufficiently con-
vinced him that the enemy had gone toward the north,
June 17.
afterwards by Chesney. The French
originals of the three others which
are extant are given in full 'in
Siborne, chapters VIII. and x.
Sent
Received
June 17,
2 ()P.M.
0
Dispatch
From Napoleon, at Marbais (through Bertrand), to
Grouchy.-“ March to Gembloux, with Pajol's caval-
ry. You will explore in the direction of Namur
and Maestricht, and you will pursue the enemy;
explore his march and instruct me as to his move-
ments, so that I can find out what he is intending to
do. I am carrying my headquarters to Quatre Bras,
where the English still were this morning. Our com-
munication wiil then be direct, by the paved road of
Namur. If the enemy has eracuated Namur, write
to the general commanding the second military divi-
sion at Charlemont to cause Namur to be occupied by
some battalions of the National Guard, and some bat-
teries of cannon, which he will organise at Charle-
mont. He will give the command to some general
officer.-It is important to find out what Blücher and
Wellington are intending to do, and if they propose
to reunite their armies to cover Brussels and Liøge in
trying the fate of a battle. In all cases, keep con-
stantly your two corps of infantry united in a league
of ground, having several avenues of retreat, and post
detachments of cavalry intermediate between us, in
order to communicate with headquarters.—Dictated
by the Emperor in the absence of the Chief of Staff. June 17,
[Signed] The Grand Marshal, BERTRAND."
3 P.M. (?)
From Grouchy, at Gembloux, to Napoleon. "I occupy
Gembloux, and my cavalry is at Sauvenières. The
enemy, about 30,000 strong [he means here Thiel-
mann's corps], continues its retreat.
from all the reports that arrive at Sauveniéres that
the Prussians are divided into two columns, one
taking the route to Wavre, and passing by Sart-les-
Walhain; the other seems directed upon Perwez.
It may, perhaps, be inferred that one part is going
to join Wellington, and that the centre, which is
Blücher's army, is retiring on Liége: another column,
with artillery, having retreated by Namur, Gen.
Excelmans is ordered to push to-night 6 squadrons
on Sart-les-Walhain, and 3 squadrons on Perwez.
According as they report, if the mass of the Prussians
IO P.M.
It appears
THIRD NIGHT-GROUCHY'S PURSUIT.
149
and he sent a second despatch to Napoleon, declaring The Cam-
his purpose to march to Sart-les-Walhain, on the way Waterloo.
Sent
Received
June 18
2 A.M.
Dispatch
retire on Wayre, I will follow in that direction, to
prevent their reaching Brussels, and separate them
from Wellington. If, on the contrary, information
shows that the principal Prussian force has marched
on Perwez, I will direct the pursuit to that town.
June 18,
Blücher ... has not passed through Gembloux.” before
[This means Blücher himself, not the Prussian army.] 10 A.M.
IOP.M. Alleged Order from Napoleon, at the Caillou Farm, to
(?) Grouchy.—That it ever was written rests solely upon
Napoleon's statement at St. Helena. Thiers, adopt-
ing this, gives as its import:-"Grouchy was ordered
to follow the Prussians in order to complete their de-
feat, to watch their proceedings, and, whatever they
might do, to keep himself as an impenetrable wall
between them and the English. ... 'If the Prus-
sians,' he [Napoleon] said in his orders to Grouchy,
'bave turned to the Rhine, you need not trouble
yourself about them, but only leave 1,000 horse to
follow them and make sure that they do not fall back
upon us. If they have taken the road to Brussels
by Wavre, it will be sufficient to send 1,000 horse
after them, and then, as in the former case, do you
return to us, and assist in beating the English. But
if the Prussians have stopped in advance of the Forest
of Soignies, at Wavre or elsewhere, do you take up
your position between them and us, engage them,
keep them in check, and send a detachment of 7,000
men to attack the right [sic] wing of the English in
the rear.''
Never.
June 18, From Grouchy, at Gembloux, to Napoleon.-The letter
is lost, but Napoleon's reply (his I P.M. order of this
day) shows that it announced Grouchy's intention to
move in the morning to Sart-les-Walhain, on the Before
way to Oorbaix or Wavre.
3 A.M. (?) Alleged Order from Napoleon, at the Caillou Farm,
to Grouchy.—This order is apocryphal on the same
grounds as that of 10 P.M. Thiers affirms it to have
been in answer to Grouchy's 10 P.M. letter, and to
have consisted of a repetition of the Emperor's
order.
Never.
10 A.M. From Napoleon, in advance of the Caillou Farm (through
Soult), to Grouchy,—in answer to Grouchy's 10 P.M.
2 A.M.
I P.M.
P.M.
150
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The Cam-
paign of
to Corbaix or Wavre; and he issued his orders for the
Waterloo. advance, directing Vandamme, whose corps lay in front
June 18.
Sent
Received
I P.M.
Dispatch
report—"The Emperor has received your last report,
dated at Gembloux. You tell his Majesty of only two
Prussian columns as having passed through Sauve-
nières and Sart-les-Walhain, although reports speak
of a third very strong column as passing by Gery
and Gentinnes toward Wavre. His Majesty is
on the point of attacking the English army, which
has taken position at Waterloo, near the Forest of
Soignies: accordingly, his Majesty desires that you
direct your movements upon Wavre, so that you may
approach us, connect yourself with our operations,
and secure our communications, pushing before you
the corps of the Prussian army which have taken
this direction, and which may have stopped at Wavre,
where you should arrive as soon as possible. You
will follow the enemy's columns which have gone to
your right with light troops. Do not neglect to
connect (lier) your communications with us.”
4 P.M.
From Napoleon, on the Battle-field of Waterloo (through
Soult), to Grouchy.—“ You have written this morn-
ing at 2 o'clock to the Emperor that you would
march on Sart-les-Walhain; whence (donc) your plan
was to move on Oorbaix or Wavre: this movement
is in conformity with the arrangements which have
been communicated to you: still the Emperor directs
me to say that you should constantly manoeuvre in
our direction: it is for you to see where we are, in
order to guide yourself accordingly, and to connectour
communications as well as to be always prepared to
fall upon any of the enemy's troops that may seek to
annoy our right, and crush them. At this moment
the battle is engaged on the line of Waterloo. The
centre of the English army is at Mont St. Jean; so
manoeuvre to join our right. = P.S.-A letter just
intercepted shows that Gen. Bülow is about to at-
tack our flank. We think we see this corps on the
heights of St. Lambert; so lose not a moment to ap-
proach and join us, and crush Bülow, whom you
will take in flagrante delicto.”
7 P.M.
June 19, From Napoleon, between Quatre Bras and Charleroi, to
Grouchy. A message, announcing the loss of the June 19,
battle of Waterloo,
I A.M.
II A.M.
FOURTH DAY--PRUSSIAN CROSS-MARCH.
151
June 18.
of Gembloux, to move on Sart-les-Walhain at 6 o'clock The Cam-
in the morning, while Gérard, who was in rear of the Waterloo.
town, was to follow at 7.
The Prussians had hitherto maintained unbroken
communication with the English, and they were entirely
unmolested by the French up to the time which Blücher,
by orders sent out during the night, had designated for
commencing the cross-march by which he had under-
taken to bring his strength to the assistance of Welling-
ton. “ The country between Wavre and the field of
Waterloo,” which the Prussian army was now to cross,
is described by Chesney, from personal observation, as
“ broken into rounded hills, with patches of wood upon
their slopes, and traversed by lanes deep and miry in
the hollows. The chief cross-road is that which
passes
over the highest of the hills (on which stands the con-
spicuous church of St. Lambert), falls steeply down into
OLLI On.
An explanation is necessary as to the teeth of the exposure of their falsity
two orders declared to have been by Charras. As Quinet has written
sent, during the night of June 17- later than either, however, we may
18, by Napoleon to Grouchy. These quote what he says (in his work on
were first heard of in the mendacious the same subject, published in 1862],
writings prepared at St. Helena, in to which we believe it would be
which Napoleon endeavoured to difficult to add weight by a word of
shift from himself to his lieutenants
"The two officers sent by
the faults of this campaign--writings Napoleon were never seen by Grou-
which have been credited by many chy. No one has ever been able to
honest-minded students, and have give their names. The orders they
grossly perverted the history of the are asserted to have carried are not
period. It is noteworthy that Thiers to be found registered in the staff
-who contents himself with mis- records. What is still more to the
leading paraphrases of authentic
purpose, in the dispatches which fol-
orders—gives what professes to be lowed Napoleon made no mention
the literal text of this unproducible whatever of these orders of the
document. The case of these night night. He does not insist upon their
orders is briefly summed by up Ches- execution. He does not even refer
ney. “If these tales have passed with to them, contrary to invariable cus-
critics of other nations," he says, tom.' In brief,” concludes Chesney,
we can hardly blame Thiers for ad- “they are manifest inventions,”
mitting them into his history, in the
152
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 18,
The Cam- the valley of the Lasne, at a village of the same name, and,
Waterloo.ascending again to Planchenoit, leads on to the Brussels
and Charleroi road near to the farm of Caillou, where
Napoleon's headquarters were established on the night
of the 17th. A similar road, farther to the north,
conducts more directly by Froidmont and Ohain on to
the crest which formed the front of the English
position.” Blücher purposed using both of these roads
-the leading corps, Bülow's (the 4th), taking the
southern road by St. Lambert and Lasne, upon which
Pirch, with the second corps, was to follow ; Zieten's
(1st) corps was to move on the road to Ohain ; and
Thielmann's (3d) corps was
to act as rearguard,
covering the movement, and, if not embarrassed by
the enemy, was to follow Bülow and Pirch toward
Planchenoit. The quarter in which the Prussians
could best co-operate with their allies must be deter-
mined by the direction of the French attack; and,
while Wellington made an early morning reconnoissance
of the field of Waterloo, Gen. Müffling prepared and
sent to Blücher a scheme for his action in the three
cases likely to arise, which is thus summarised by
Chesney :-
‘(1) Should the enemy attack Wellington's right, the
Prussians were to march upon Ohain, a point beyond his left,
and on the shortest road to it from Wavre; thus arriving with-
out interruption, and supporting him with a reserve equal to
the whole force attacking, and able to act freely on the open
ground before Waterloo, as required.
“(2) Should he attack Wellington's centre or left, one
Prussian corps was to march by St. Lambert and Lasnes, and
take the French on the right flank, whilst another by Ohain
supported the English.
(3) Should the enemy (instead of pressing the English)
march on St. Lambert, the key-point of the country between
Wavre and Waterloo, thus threatening to separate the Allies,
FOURTH DAY-PRUSSIAN CROSS-MARCH.
153
Waterloo.
June 18.
then the Prussians would stand there to receive him in front, The Cam-
whilst Wellington, advancing direct from Waterloo, would take paign of
him in flank and rear."
Napoleon's first movement in the battle seemed to
indicate that the second of these cases was occurring,
and word to that effect was at once sent to Blücher, 11.30 A.M.
whose troops by this time were on their march. The
Prussian cavalry outposts had been early astir, and 3-30 A.M.
before sunrise were as far west as Maransart, exploring
the defiles of the Lasnes, from that point down the
lower course of the stream; while scouring parties
examined the country in the angle between the Dyle
and the Charleroi-Brussels road, almost up to the right
rear of the Grand Army; so that they were interposed
between Grouchy and Napoleon, and the French
messengers could only communicate between the two
by going back as far as the Namur highway. A strong
Prussian detachment of all arms from Bülow's corps,
under the command of Col. von Ledebur, held also the
important point of Mont St. Guibert on Grouchy's left
flank, covering the route by which he would naturally
move to join Napoleon, if such a movement should
be contemplated. Thus no junction between the two
French armies could be effected without opposition.89
89 Hooper concisely summarises allied armies. . . . On the night of
the position of affairs in this respect the 17th Grouchy stood at Gem-
as follows:-" The Prussians bloux, nearly as ignorant of the true
had sent patrols through the whole state of affairs as he was when he
country between the Dyle and the quitted Ligny. He had patrolled on
Lasne. The Prussian dragoons were his right; he had not patrolled on his
in every lane and village; . . . they left. This was a fatal negligence.
reconnoitred the course of the Lasne Napoleon, it is true, had not directed
from Couture to Genval, took note of him, in so many words, to keep a
every defile, road, stream, and wood, good look-out on his left, and
and thereby acquired the invaluable Grouchy did not supply the grave
information that neither Napoleon omission. The division of the
nor Grouchy had sent a single patrol French army into two parts, the
into the country between the two separation of those parts by a wide
154
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The Cam-
The Prussian corps, however, had been badly disposed
Waterloo. overnight, in view of the order of march they were now
to follow. Zieten alone was west of the Dyle, while
Bülow, whose corps was to head the advance, had
acted as rearguard, and consequently was the most
remote from the starting-point.90 He was, in the first
place, somewhat late in setting out to march through
Wavre; and, just after his advance-guard had cleared
the town, a fire broke out in the street leading to the
bridge, and spread with great rapidity. The danger
was extreme, because of the number of ammunition
waggons in the place, and all passage of troops was
stopped for some two hours. From this cause, and the
horrible condition of the roads, though Bülow's leading
brigade reached St. Lambert before noon, the whole of
his column did not come up thus far until the battle of
Waterloo was far advanced. Zieten’s corps, again, had
been posted to the south of the bridge over the Dyle,
and, as it was to take the northern road to Ohain,
its march crossed that of Bülow's column, which
occasioned such delay that it was not fairly under
way before noon, and only reached Ohain when the
condition of the Allies in that part of the field had
become extremely critical. Pirch, starting to pass
through Wavre at about the same time Zieten moved
from the other side of the river, was obstructed by the
crowds and confusion in the streets of the town, until
his rearguard became entangled in that action with the
French which detained Thielmann's corps for the
defence of Wavre, and he was forced to move on with
only half of his command. With these he followed
distance, the neglect of both Napo- fact which peither Napoleon nor
leon and Grouchy to keep up a con- Grouchy knew - completed their
nection with each other by strong share in the preparation for the
patrols, while their enemies were crushing defeat that was to come.”
alert and in close communication-
June 18.
7 A.M.
9 A.DI.
12 M.
3 P.M.
90 Seo text, page 119.
6 P.M.
FOURTH DAYPRUSSIAN CROSS-MARCH,
155
7.30 P.M.
II A.M.
Bülow, joining him in the action in time to decide The Cam-
the taking of Planchenoit, just as the English made the Waterloo.
final advance that swept the French routed from the June 18.
field. Blücher himself had left Wavre after seeing
the troops in motion, and proceeded by way of Li-
male to St. Lambert, being overtaken on his way by
intelligence that Grouchy was moving upon Wavre.
Hereupon he sent instructions to Thielmann to defend
the position in case the enemy was in force—for he
knew nothing of his strength,—but, in the event of the
French crossing the Dyle at another point, or not being
formidable in numbers, Thielmann was then to leave
but a few battalions in Wavre, and bring the remainder
of his corps to act as a reserve to the main army.
Blücher then joined Bülow, the presence of whose
advance-guard on the heights of St. Lambert had
already been descried by the French, and received 12 M.
Müffling's despatch designating the line of advance he
was desired to take-information of which Bülow had
been so much in need that he had sent forward a
messenger to Wellington's headquarters to make the
inquiry, but the messenger had been taken by the
French.91 It was now important to hasten the difficult
Napoleon was about ordering the atmosphere was not very clear,
an important attack by Ney, and different opinions were entertained :
was taking a preliminary view of the some asserting that what had been
field, when, as Siborne tells it, taken for troops were trees; others,
perceived in the direction of St. that they were columns in position;
Lambert an indistinct mass, having whilst several agreed with Soult that
the appearance of a body of troops ; they were troops on the march.'
and, pointing out the object to Soult, To end the suspense, the Emperor
who was near him at the time, asked ordered a strong reconnoitring party
his opinion, whereupon the Marshal to his right, which presently captured
observed that he really conceived it and sent in the messenger, a Prus-
to be a column on the march, and that sian non-commissioned officer of hus-
there was great reason to believe it sars, whom Bülow had sent with a
was a detachment from Grouchy. note to Wellington announcing that
All the staff directed their telescopes he was at hand, and asking instruc-
upon the point indicated ; and, as tions. Napoleon thus had the alarm-
91
66 be
156 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
paign of
Waterloo
June 18.
passage of the Lasne and gain a foothold on the farther
side before the French could oppose the movement, and
Blücher became especially impatient to accomplish this
when one of the cavalry exploring parties brought in
word that the Wood of Paris, lying beyond the stream,
was unoccupied by the French, and that their right
flank, beyond it, was wholly uncovered. Bülow,
accordingly, and his two infantry divisions and the
cavalry, which were all that had yet come up, set them-
selves to cross the valley—a task which to any other
general than Blücher would have been an impossibility.
“ The rain ... had transformed the valley of the
Lasne into a perfect swamp. The miry and watery
state of the roads between Wavre and St. Lambert had
caused so many stoppages and breaks in the columns
that they were frequently lengthened out for miles.
Blücher showed himself on every point of the line
of march, encouraging his exhausted soldiers. . . . As
ing certainty that 30,000 Prussians terloo, although he associates it with
were upon his flank, and he sent off a later period of the battle, as was
10,000 troops to the menaced point, quite in accordance with the belief
and added to his 1 o'clock order to then prevalent in England, that the
Grouchy (see note 88, page 150), the Prussians only came up when the
postscript calling upon the Marshal conflict was already decided. Ad-
to "crush Bülow, whom you will dressing Napoleon, Scott says-
take in the act.” The order only
Dost thou turn thine eye
reached Grouchy at. 7 P.M., when he
was fully engaged with Thielmann,
When coming squadrons gleam afar,
And fresher thunders wake the war,
and when the battle of Waterloo
was past redemption. · Thiers' notion
And other standards fly ?
of the possibilities of this order is
Think not that, in yon columns file
characteristic:-“ An officer at a
Thy conquering troops from distant
gallop could reach Grouchy in less
Dyle-
than two hours, and bring him within
Is Blücher yet unknown?
reach of the two armies in less than
Or dwells not in thy memory still
three. Grouchy could thus arrive
(Heard frequent in thine hour of ill)
before 6, far too early an hour to
What words of hate and vengeance
have the battle decided." = It is no
thrill
doubt this apparition of Bülow that
In Prussia's trumpet tone ?”
Scott describes in his Field of Wa-
FOURTH DAY-GROUCHY'S PURSUIT.
157
79 92
the ground yielded to their pressure, both cavalry and The Cam-
infantry became dispirited ; and when the artillery Waterloo. .
were fairly checked by the guns sinking axle-deep, June 18.
and the men, already worn down by fatigue, were re-
quired to work them out, their murmurs broke forth in
exclamations of-We cannot get on. “But we must get
on !' was old Blücher's reply; “I have given my word
to Wellington, and you will surely not make me break
it. Only exert yourselves a few hours longer, children,
and certain victory is ours.'
The veteran's energy
proved adequate, and, after long exertions, the advance-
guard surmounted the western slope of the valley and
occupied the Wood of Paris, on either side of the road 4 P.a.
from Lasne to Planchenoit. Blücher desired to have
troops enough in hand to render his attack effective;
but the delays in the rear, the sight of the enemy's
moving troops, the roar of the cannon, the urgent ap-
peals that came from Wellington, exhausted his patience;
and he ordered the deployment of the scanty force 4.30 P.M.
with him--two infantry divisions and the cavalry of
Bülow's corps.=From their entrance upon the field, the
doings of this part of the Prussian army become part of
the battle of Waterloo.
Grouchy during the night had issued orders for the
timely movement of his troops in the morning. Pajol,
with Soult's cavalry and Teste's infantry divisions, was
directed to march at 5 o'clock from Mazy to Grand Lees;
Vandamme, who was in advance of Gembloux, was to
proceed at 6 to Sart-lès-Walhain ; Gérard, in the rear
of the town, was to follow him at 7. Pajol set off at the
appointed time ; Excelmans' corps of heavy cavalry~- 54.M.
regiments of dragoons—was somewhat late in moving 81.N.
toward Bülow's rearguard ; and Vandamme and Gérard
were still more tardy in leaving their quarters, and then 9 A.M.
92 Siborne.
158
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 18.
The Cam- marched slowly along a single bad country road, Gérard's
paign of
Waterloo. corps being frequently compelled to halt whenever de-
lays occurred to Vandamme's column in front. 93
93 In the matter of this tardy previous arrangements for the dis-
start on the morning of June 18 tribution of provisions, the troops did
Thiers multiplies falsifications of not more till 8, 9, and 10.” Paren-
plain facts with incredible reckless- thetically it may be observed (1) that
ness. His main purpose in the whole the troops of Napoleon's, of Welling-
of this portion of his History is to ton's, and of Blücher's armies were
prove that Grouchy's delays, not all short of provisions on this day,
Napoleon's, lost Waterloo : in his and that Grouchy's commissariat
own words, “ It must, we repeat, be could not well be better off than
admitted that Marshal Grouchy was theirs; (2) that the statement that
the real cause of our defeat;" and the troops were as late as 10 o'clock
he goes on to ask, “If the time was in the morning rests on this foot-
insufficient (for Grouchy to come up note—some scores of pages back of
at Waterloo], whose fault was it but the passage cited, and appended to
Grouchy's, who had lost five or six one of the dozen or more allusions
hours on the afternoon of the 17th, which Thiers, more suo, makes to the
and four on the morning of the topic~" Some of the troops did not
I8th ?" Now the dates already leave Gembloux until 10. These de-
cited in the narrative show that it tails," he adds, are attested by
was due to Napoleon, not Grouchy, letters in my possession, written by
that the French cavalry was with- inhabitants of the town." As if
held from pursuing the Prussians " some of the troops” of every long
after their defeat at Ligny on the column were not necessarily hours
nightof June 16; that it wasNapoleon later than those which head the ad-
who trifled away the whole morn- vance; and as if the tail of Gérard's
ing--that is, all the fair weather- corps-which numbered 12,200 men,
of the 17th; that it was Napoleon and lay in rear of the town-could
who positively assumed that Blücher have left Gembloux" until hours
was flying toward Namur, Liége, after the obstructing corps of Van-
and Maestricht; and who insisted damme had done so. Thiers' notions
upon the orders that carried Grouchy of military affairs are notoriously ac-
to the eastward of the proper line of counted worthless by those competent
pursuit. Coming to the morning of to pass judgment upon them: that his
the 18th, Thiers consolidates into a statements of what purports to be
few lines three distinct falsehoods : fact are much worse is illustrated by
" At 2 in the morning he [Grouchy] these three explicit falsehoods con-
wrote to announce his definite inten- tained in the brief citation above :-
tion of going to Wavre at daybreak (1 and 2) That Grouchy's 2 A.M. letter
[que, définitivement, il marcherait sur announced “his definite intention of
Wavre dès la pointe du jour]. . going to Wavre at daybreak." That
But, unfortunately, he did not issue letter (see note 88, page 149) was
his orders until between 6 and 7 in lost; has never been seen since that
the morning, and, not having made day, so that neither Thiers nor any-
FOURTH DAY-GROUCHY'S PURSUIT.
159
10.30 A.M.
Excelmans was the first to come upon the enemy, a The Cam-
part of Bülow's rearguard, which he overtook near Waterloo. .
Neuf-Sart, on its march toward Wavre to join its corps, June 18.
already moving on the cross-march to St. Lambert; and
he sent word to Grouchy that the Prussians were con-
tinuing their retreat through Wavre for the purpose of
drawing nearer to Wellington. Grouchy, on reaching
body else could tell what it contained of the soldier. Troops that have had
except from Napoleon's answer (his a long day's march in mire and rain,
I P.M. letter), which begins, “You and a rest imperfect for lack of shelter,
have written ... that you would cannot always be got to take their
march on Sart-les-Walhains," and rough morning's meal and start on
goes on to say that Grouchy's “ plan a new movement as early as the ge-
to move on Oorbaix or Wavre ... neral desires. Clausewitz, who amid
is in conformity with the Emperor's deep theory reverts constantly to the
views." There is nothing about (1) practical conditions and difficulties
moving" at daybreak," and (2) the of the warfare he had witnessed, sheds
move was to be to Sart-les-Walhains, a plainer light here than any other
leaving the advance to Wavre for critic. He points out that from the
after consideration. But though the field of Ligny, by Gembloux, to
letter to Napoleon is lost, Grouchy's Wavre, is a march of more than
orders to Vandamme, issued at the twenty miles, and that the distance
same time, are in existence and are was accomplished by Grouchy in just
quoted by Charras, and instructed 24 hours, under very unfavourable
Vandamme to move at 6 A.M. to Sart- conditions of roads and weather. In
les-Walhain, making no reference to their best days he finds Napoleon's
Wavre, unless it be contained in these troops, under such circumstances,
words: “I think we shall go farther
often did not make over ten miles.
than this village," meaning Sart-les- Such conditions, he adds, reduce
Walhains. (3) Grouchy issued his marching to a half, or even a third,
orders in the night, directing the of what is laid down in the closet as
movement at 6 and 7 A.M.-_a very possible. And hence he concludes
different thing from Thiers' assertion that Grouchy is not to be repre-
that“ he did not issue his orders until hended for slowness of movement,
between 6 and 7." Leaving Thiers' albeit he might possibly have acce-
mendacities, it is well to hear the lerated his march slightly had he not
opinion of acknowledged military kept the bulk of his troops in one
authorities upon the march declared column.” It would be idle to say
to be so sluw. Chesney writes of anything upon Clausewitz's standing
this—“He [Grouchy] moved at least as a strategical authority; but with
as early as the Prussians; and the reference to his knowledge of this
facts bring plainly into view that particular march it must be remem-
element in war so often ignored by bered that at this time he was acting
the historian, the condition and will as Thielmann's chief of staff.
160 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 18.
II A.M.
II.30 A.M.
The Cam- Sart-les-Walhains, had procured breakfast for himself
Waterloo. and staff at the house of the village notary, and was
joined there by Gérard, who had ridden on in advance
of his corps. They were still at table when some of the
officers who were walking in the garden heard from the
westward the distant rolling of a heavy cannonade.
Grouchy, Vandamme, Gérard, and others at once
gathered in the garden, and all agreed that Napoleon
had come upon the English army, and was now in action;
and they learned from their host that the firing was
evidently near the Soignies forest. apparently toward
Mont St. Jean or Planchenoit.94 Grouchy, on receiving
Excelmans' tidings, had ordered the continuance of the
advance to Wavre; and Vandamme's column, following
Excelmans' horse, were by this time as far in that direc-
tion as Nil St. Vincent. A discussion now arose what
course should be pursued—whether to turn the army
to its left on reaching Corbaix, and, crossing the Dyle
94 Charras relates that “ Gérarı), lifted, it became more distinct; then,
on coming up to Notary Holbaert's suddenly, it assumed such intensity
house at about 11.30 A.D., entered, that, so to say, the earth trembled.
and was conversing with Grouchy, There could be no doubt that it was
at breakfast, when Col. Simon Lor- the resounding of a violent cannon-
rière, chief of staff of the 4th corps, ade. The Notary Holbaert and the
entered, and announced that he had guides, on being consulted, indicated
heard firing. At this news the Mont St. Jean as the point whence
Marshal and Gérard went out and it sounded. It was noon, or a little
placed themselves in the middle of later.” The St. Helena Mémoires
the garden, in an arbour built upon represent Excelmans as one of the
a little mound. Gens. Balthus and listeners, and as saying, “ We must
Valazé, the former commanding the march toward the fire. . . I am an
engineers, the latter the artillery of old soldier of the army of Italy,”
Gérard's corps, were there, listening etc. etc. “But at this moment,"
in silence to the noise which had at-
says Charras, " Excelmans was not
tracted the attention of Simon Lor- at Sart-les-Walhains; and he did
rière. A fine rain was falling; this not see Grouchy on the day of June
sound was feeble ; to catch it better, 18. He has himself so stated in a
several officers had bent their ears to letter addressed (1820) to the son of
the ground. But after a while, the the Marshal."
rain having ceased and the clouds
FOURTH DAY-GROUCHY'S PURSUIT.
161
by the bridges at Mousty and Ottignies, to take the road The Cam-
to Maransart and Planchenoit; or to adhere to the Em- Waterloo.
peror's orders to follow the Prussians, whom they now June 18.
knew to be at Wavre.95 Gérard, supported by Van-
damme, was ardently in favour of moving at once to-
ward the firing ; Gen. Baltus, commander of the artillery,
objected on the score of the impossibility of transport-
ing the guns and ammunition through the swamps about
the numberless heads of the Dyle, to which Gen.
Valazé, Gérard's commanding engineer, replied that he
had three companies of sappers who could overcome
many of the obstacles ; and Gérard undertook to get
the guns across, and urged that at least he might be
allowed to go with his own corps. But Grouchy per-
95 It should be noted that Napon about it:—"This deplorahly ambi-
leon's 10 A.M. order, written as he guous dispatch" [the ambiguity he
was preparing for the battle, and attributes with his wonted iteration
now on its way (see note 88, page to Soult],"interpreted in its true
149), instructed Grouchy to " direct sense and according to the position
your movements upon Wavre, so that of affairs, could only mean that, in-
you may approach us, pushing stead of following the Liége road,
before
of the Prussian where the Prussians had been sought
army which have taken this direc- for a short time, Grouchy should
tion, and which may have stopped at turn towards Brussels, it being
Wavre, where you should arrive as known with certainty that the
soon as possible." There can be 10 enemy had taken that direction
doubt, therefore, of Napoleon's view which the despatch mentioned under
at that time of Grouchy's proper the general name of Wavre . . . The
course, or of the Marshal's good man must certainly be mentally
judgment in trying to determine his blind who could not understand such
master's wishes. Thiers none the orders. It was evident that Wavre
less censures Grouchy for doing pre- was only a general expression siyni-
cisely what Napoleon directed, fying the direction of Brussels in op-
though before Grouchy knew that he position to that of Liége." Surely
had done so, and for adhering to his such gross casuistry is enough to
original judgment after the arrival strip its author of any lingering
of the dispatch confirmed it. The shred of respect for Thiers the
dispatch was too well kuown statesman, that might palliate this
through long controversy to be sup- unscrupulous partisanship of Thiers
pressed, according to his usual cus- the historian.
tom; but this is what Thiers does
you
the
corps
MI
162
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOU.
June 18.
2 P.J.'
The Cam- sisted in adhering to the orders the Emperor had given
Waterloo
. him, adducing also the reasons that a march of fourteen
miles, over unknown but certainly difficult ground, and
with his right flank constantly exposed to the enemy,
could scarcely bring them to the Emperor in time to be
of any service on that day, while the Prussians were as
likely to be awaiting him at Wavre or retreating to
Louvain as they were to be marching toward Welling-
ton; and—in spite of Gérard's impassioned and at last
offensive remonstrances--he directed the continuance of
the advance on Wavre already in progress. Accord-
ingly, the march went on, until, at Baracque, near
Wavre, Excelmans' horse and Vandamme's infantry came
upon Pirch's rearguard, as it was following his advance
brigades through Wavre on their march westward. By
this time also, farther on the French left, that detach-
ment of Bülow's corps which had been left under Le-
debur's command at Mont St. Guibert 96 was moving
northward to follow its corps toward Waterloo, and
now found itself almost cut off from the Prussian army
by Excelmans' advance. With the assistance of some
of Pirch's cavalry and horse-artillery, Ledebur made his
way to the body of Pirch's rearguard behind Baracque;
and the combined Prussian force, under the command of
Gen. von Brause, made a successful stand against Van-
damme until all was ready for their continued retreat.
Then Brause crossed the Dyle at Bierge, destroying the
bridge and burning a mill on the river-bank which
covered it, and, leaving a regiment of cavalry and two
battalions of infantry to guard this part of the stream,
proceeded toward Waterloo. Thielmann was now left
alone at Wavre, and with but a part of his corps ; for
he had judged from the languor of the French advance
and their omission to occupy the passes of the river
2.30 P.M.
3 P.M.
$15 Sce text, page 153.
BATTLE OF WAVRE.
163
from Mousty to Limale that it was only a weak detach- The Cam
ment that had come upon him ; and, in accordance with Waterloo
Blücher's instructions for such a case,97 he had con- June 18.
sidered a few battalions sufficient to hold Wavre, and
had ordered the mass of his corps to follow the general
movement to the right, so that two of his brigades were
already in full line of march westward. As Vandamme's
corps came up, and it became evident how great a force
he must encounter, Thielmann sent to call back his
retiring troops ; but so many of them had already passed
beyond his reach that he was left with but 15,200 men to
check the progress of 33,000 whom Grouchy was as-
sembling against him.98 The Prussian general's task
was to hold six bridges by which the French might
cross the Dyle and move to their Emperor's assistance
-the two highest at Limale, the next at Bierge, two
within the limits of Wavre, and one below the town at
the suburb of Bas Wavre. Vandamme opened the Battle of
action by directing a heavy cannonade upon the Prussian
position in that part of the valley about Wavre itself,
while his light troops quickly got possession of the
suburb of the town on the eastern bank, which the
Prussians did not seriously attempt to hold. Grouchy
was directing this attack when he received his first 4 P.l.
communication from the Emperor since the beginning
of his march-the orders sent at 10 o'clock in the
morning, which had been thus long in transit because
Wavre.
4 P.M.
97 See text, page 155.
08 As Thielmann in the course
of the action became aware how
heavily he was overmatched, he sent
to Blücher for aid. Each of the con-
tending generals had occasion on this
day to make epigrammatic rejoinders
to demands for reinforcements, and
Blücher's was made now. " It is not
at Wavre," said the old Field Mar-
shal, “buti at Waterloo, that the
campaign is to be decided.” His con-
stancy in thus relinquishing a section
of his army to probable destruction,
that he might fulfil his obligations in
the main action, received emphatic
encomiums from his English allies.
AC 2
164
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Wavre.
June 18.
the corps
the occupation of the intervening country by the Prus-
sians had forced the bearer to make a long circuit
through Quatre Bras and Sombreffe.99 The order was
distinct in its instructions to “push before you
of the Prussian army which have taken this direction,
and which may have stopped at Wavre ;” so far, too,
as Grouchy was yet aware, the entire Prussian army
might be in or about Wavre; and he was, moreover,
already committed to a combat from which he could
99 For the order see note 88, to Gembloux, and from Gembloux to
page 149; and for Thiers' interpreta- Wavre, where, in consequence of
tion of it, note 95, page 161. Its Marshal Soult's dilatoriness, he had
history is given by Thiers at inter- not arrived until four o'clock. He
vals throughout a great many pages, brought the despatch of which we
principally as follows:-"He [Na-. have already spoken, and which, un-
poleon] sent for Zenowicz, a Polish fortunately, was most ambiguous.'
officer, appointed to hear his message, Having spent as many words upon
and leading him to a height from it as it was humanly possible, Thiers
which they could see the country proceeds to divest the despatch of
round, he said, turning to the right, its ambiguity by his elucidation,
'I expect Grouchy on this side; I already quoted (note 95, page 161),
await his arrival impatiently; go to that the word “ Wayre” is “only a
him, bring him with you, and do not general expression signifying the di-
leave him until his corps d'armée rection of Brussels." He then leverts
debouches on our line of battle.' Na- to Napoleon's words to the Pole, and
poleon ordered this officer to march proceeds: "Grouchy could only see
as quickly as possible, first getting in the written and verbal order that
from Marshal Soult a written order, he was to advance to Wavre itself.
which would give more in detail the 'I was right,' he said to his lieutenant,
orders he had just issued verbally, in coming to Wavre. Gen. Gérard's
... The Polish officer . . . lost an excitement knew no bounds, and was
hour waiting for Marshal Soult's manifested both in word and gesture.
written despatch. This ambiguous 'I told you,' he said to Grouchy,
despatch was not worth the time it that if we were ruined we should
cost., At this moment [i.e. when have to thank you for it.' This was
Grouchy was beginning the attack followed by most irritating remarks,
ou Wavre] arrived the Polish officer
and Adjutant Zenovicz retired, that
Zenovicz, who should have left La
by his presence le might not make
Belle Alliance at half-past ten, buthad matters worse.
Marshal Grouchy
been detained an hour longer through persisted in his opinion, and, as if to
Marshal Soult's fault, and who, to carry out his instructions still more
avoid being captured, had retrograded rigidly, he ordered a vigorous attack
to Quatre Bras, whence he had pro- to be made on Wavre."
ceeded to Sombrelle, from Sombrelle
BATTLE OF WAVRE.
165
not disengage himself, since his only way to “ approach Battle of
us," as the Emperor's order phrased it, lay through the
enemy in his front. He urged on the action, therefore,
with all possible vigour. Its details need not be entered
upon here--where it is only important with reference
to its influence on the battle of Waterloo_further than
to say that Thielmann, compensated for his inferior
numbers by holding only enough light troops at each
menaced point to resist sudden assault until supports
could be brought up from the rear, and made good his
hold upon all the bridges throughout the afternoon.
Grouchy's determined efforts to pass the river had been
uniformly foiled by the skill and valour with which the
enemy defended their favourable position, and the fight 7 P.M.
still continued, when he received Napoleon's order of
I P.M., with the postscript announcing Bülow's approach
and calling upon him to counteract it.100 He could do
no more than renew his attacks, one of which, on the
bridge at Limale, proved successful, and the crossing of
the river was secured. But Thielmann, on finding his
position turned, brought up troops from his reserve
which checked the advance of such French as had
passed the river until darkness put an end to the con- Night.
test. Grouchy, ignorant of what had passed at Waterloo,
spent much of the night in perfecting his dispositions
for renewing the attack next day. Thielmann, on the
contrary, had learned that the Allies had gained a com-
plete victory; and, supposing that Grouchy would im-
mediately retreat, began before day an attack upon the June 19,
French before Limale. Grouchy was, however, by this
time greatly superior in strength on the west bank ; he
defeated Thielmann in three successive attempts to
make a stand against him, taking Bierge and Wavre
itself; and, after seeing the Prussians move off in retreat, 10 A.M.
Wavre.
June 18.
3 A.D.
100 See note 88, page 150.
166
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Wavre.
June 19.
II A.M.
he was preparing to march himself upon Brussels, when
he learned what had befallen the Grand Army at
Waterloo. A messenger, sent by Napoleon after mid-
night, while flying toward Charleroi, brought news of
the disaster, and added that the remains of the army
were to gather at the Sambre. Grouchy's advance at
once stopped. He at first meditated following the main
Prussian army; but, knowing his force to be inadequate
to meet the strength that could be directed against him,
he promptly began a retreat to Namur, which he reached
the next day, and thence passed by Dinant and Givet
into France. 101
June 20.
June 23
Grouchy's
Move-
ments.
[Note on Grouchy's absence from Waterloo.—The nature of
the foregoing narrative restricted it to the account of what
Grouchy actually did on the momentous 17th and 18th of June.
It is impossible to leave this part of the subject, however,
without considering the charge, originated by Napoleon and
adhered to by Napoleonists, that Grouchy's failure to do cer-
tain other things caused the result of Waterloo, with all its
consequences upon the fall of Napoleon, upon France, and upon
Europe.
The events, dates, and orders embodied in the narrative
clearly establish these conclusions as to what passed before
the beginning of the battle of Waterloo—that Napoleon's ne-
glect to give the orders for the pursuit of the Prussians, which
Grouchy sought vainly to obtain, retarded the beginning of that
pursuit from 10 or 10.30 P.M. of June 16th till 3 P.M. of June
17th; that the fifteen hours' start thus obtained was so em-
ployed by Blücher as to put his junction with Wellington on
101 The Prussian loss at Wavre on
June 18-19 was 2,476: of the French
no returns were given, but they were
estimated as not greatly different.
Along the French wounded was
Gen. Gérard, who, Thiers relates,
“ feeling a presentiment that at that
inoment the French army was being
defeated for vant of assistance,
rushed in despair on the mill of
Bierge, The illustrious general,
whose advice would have saved
France, had it been followed, sought
death and nearly found it. A ball
passed through his body, he fell, but
the bridge was not carried.”
GROUCHY'S MOVEMENTS.
167
Move-
ments.
the 18th beyond peradventure ; that, when Grouchy was at last Grouchy's
sent in pursuit, Napoleon directed him upon a course far to the
east of that the Prussians had taken; so that, while Blücher
was approaching Wellington, Grouchy was diverging from Na-
poleon; and that on the night of the 17th and morning of the
18th Blücher was at the selected point, beyond the impassable
district round the head waters of the Dyle, where but eight
miles separated him from Wellington, whereas Grouchy was at
the same time fourteen miles from Napoleon, with swamps and
swollen streams between them. The narrative, however, has
not brought out, except indirectly, one important precaution
in which both Napoleon and Grouchy were gravely and equally
remiss, throughout the period thus far considered and to the
end-neither made any attempt to connect their inner flanks by
cavalry patrols, and so they were absolutely ignorant of what the
country between them contained—that country being in fact
in possession of the more vigilant Prussians. Both Napoleon
and Grouchy were abundantly, indeed superbly, equipped with
cavalry ; but they used their strength so little that the Prus-
sians' horse scoured the whole region between the two French
armies and into their very rear, so much so that communication
by messengers could only be had by a detour round three sides
of a quadrangle, from the field of Waterloo at one end by way
of Quatre Bras and Sombreffe to Wavre at the other; Grouchy,
not exploring on his left flank, was unaware of the passage of
the two entire corps of Zieten and Pirch through Gentinnes to
Wavre; Napoleon, not reconnoitring beyond the right of his
actual position, left the Wood of Paris on his very flank to be
occupied without hindrance by Bülow, whom a few squadrons
might have checked in the valley of the Lasne. To this ne-
glect, finally, it was due that Napoleon never suspected Blücher's
cross-march until the Prussians showed themselves on the
heights of St. Lambert; and Grouchy, on his side, was un-
aware of it when he began the battle of Wavre. From this
joint neglect and consequent ignorance, it is not too much to
say that nothing could have been done after the morning of
June 18th, by either Napoleon or Grouchy, which would arrest
the junction of Blücher and Wellington or avert the catas-
trophe. It is true that Napoleon's orders directed Grouchy to
168
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Move-
ments.
Grouchy's preserve the communication between the armies (see 2 P.M.
order of June 17th, note 88, page 148), and that in this re-
spect he was remiss; but there was equal need of vigilance
on the part of Napoleon, who did absolutely nothing toward.
preserving communication with his lieutenant.
It appears, then, that, down to the time of the opening of
the battle of Waterloo, Grouchy must be exonerated from any
blame for avoidable delay in his operations; but must be
censured, along with Napoleon, for negligent patrolling of the
country through which he advanced. Next comes the charge
made by Napoleon and his eulogists, that Grouchy was crimi-
nally stupid in not turning aside from Wavre as soon as he
knew battle was joined, which he learned at Sart-les-Walhains
at 11.30 A.M., from the sound of cannon. Thiers, the foremost
of the Napoleonist writers, states the case thus:-“It was
Marshal Grouchy's duty to prevent this junction [of Blücher
and Wellington]. A glance at the chart will show that nothing
could be easier than to effect this. . Grouchy was as near to
Napoleon as Blücher was to Wellington, ... The cannon,
which was soon to make the country around re-echo with its
thunders, ought to have been the most unmistakable of all
orders ... to join Napoleon." Now, Ist, Grouchy at this
time--owing to the failure to reconnoitre—was no more aware
than was Napoleon that Blücher was marching toward Wel-
lington ; 2nd, Napoleon, saying that he was himself about to
follow and fight the English, had sent Grouchy to follow and
fight the Prussians. Was Grouchy therefore, when the cannon
told him that Napoleon was fighting the English, as he had
expected to do, to desist on that account from fighting the
Prussians ? Napoleon answered this absurd notion conclusively
in his 10 A.M. order, when, concluding his own arrangements for
the fight, he said to Grouchy, “Direct your movements upon
Wavre.” Nothing is left, therefore, of Thiers' position except
his assertion that it was "easy" for Grouchy to check the
Prussians, and that he was “as near to Napoleon as Blücher
was to Wellington.” The map shows at a glance that Grouchy's
march from Sart-les-Walhains to Planchenoit would be more
than twice as long as Blücher's from Wavre to Ohain; but the
map cannot show the far greater difficulties of the route. Even
GROUCHY'S MOVEMENTS.
169
Move-
ments.
before the great storm of the 17th and the following night, the Grouchy's
Prussians had preferred to fall back all the way to Wavre, with
the expectation of the additional cross-march, rather than try
to pass this almost impassable country (see note 66 ad finem,
page 118). These obstacles are considered by Thiers only so
far as to say that the armies were separated by “the Dyle, an
insignificant little river flowing from Genappe to Wavre".
which scarcely suggests what it'eventually cost Grouchy to pass
the Dyle when Thielmann held the bridges, as he or another
would in any case have done, or how long the passage of the
Lasne defied Bülow. Thiers arrives at the alleged ease of the
proposed march in another way :-“ The owner of the château
where Grouchy was breakfasting said that the battlefield was
at about a distance of between 3 and 4 leagues (which was, of
course, sheer guess-work], and that they could reach it in less
than 4 hours. A guide who had been long in the French
service promised to lead the army to Mont St. Jean in 31
hours or perhaps less. The inhabitants of the locality said it
would require 3 hours or 4 at the utmost to accomplish this
march. Let us allow 5, which is a great deal for such enthu-
siastic troops, and, supposing they set out at noon, they would
arrive at 5 in the afternoon. Gérard's corps would arrive an
hour later, that is at 6, but the very sight of Vandamme's
corps would have produced the desired effect, which Gérard's
would only have to complete.” 102 The curious diversity of
speculations on this point and its practical test are thus stated
by Chesney: “As Quinet points out, Napoleon at St. Helena
assumed that the Marshal was 2 hours' march from Waterloo,
Gen. Valazé (Grouchy's engineer) 3 hours, Gérard 47, and
Jomini 5; whilst Charras makes the distance 8 or 9 hours.
102 On another page the Philadel- that Grouchy, who had been at Som-
phia edition makes Thiers say that breffe at I o'clock, “thoughtlessly
Grouchy at Gembloux was only hastened to Namur," and was back
6 [leagues] from Napoleon, a dis- again by 3 o'clock. As the distance
tance that could be traversed by a involved is above 30 miles, it seems
pedestrian in three-quarters of an probable that " to "
should read
hour”—a mistranslation, of course,
" toward." There are so many such
for “three or four hours.” On the lapses in this edition as to make it
page preceding, the translator, by a a dangerous guide-even if it were
similar felicity, makes Thiers affirm otherwise in its French integrity.
170
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Move-
ments.
no
Grouchy's To settle this vexed question, Quinet procured an itinerary of
the actual road proposed for Grouchy's troops, and found that a
single passenger on foot, walking quickly from Sart-les-Wal-
hains to Planchenoit, takes five hours and a half. From this
he very properly concludes that the estimate of Charras is by
means an excessive one for the movement of a corps
d'armée." Bülow began his march from Nil St. Vincent,
Chesney continues, " at 7 A.M., lost two hours owing to the fire
in Wavre, and collected his whole corps at Planchenoit at 5.30,
having actually occupied in the operation 81 hours. Grouchy,
at Sart-les-Walhains, had just 3 miles further to move as the
crow flies, and it was near noon when the march was proposed.
Tried by the test of the Prussian marching, the proposed ad-
vantage of his flank movement fails as certainly as if examined
by the simpler proof of Quinet." 103 Instead of this march to
join the Emperor, Thiers and others have held that Grouchy
might have surprised the Prussians on their cross-march and
attacked them in flank. Whereto Chesney quotes Jomini's
reply as follows: "The Prussian Marshal, after having observed
Grouchy's force, would have judged the divisions of Pirch and
Thielmann sufficient to hold it back whilst with those of
Bülow and Zieten he aided Wellington to decide the victory.'
To this opinion we [Chesney] need only add the remark that
Thielmann alone did actually for six hours afford Grouchy
that resistance to offer which Jomini declares would at the
most have occupied his corps and that of Pirch. . . . In no
case could Grouchy, according to a fair theoretical view, have
in any way stopped more than two of the four Prussian corps;
and, judging from the actual facts as they occurred, he could
hardly have stopped more than one.”
If the facts and deductions stated in this note are correct,
it follows-(Ist) that Napoleon's delays allowed the Prussians
fifteen hours for their undisturbed retreat from Ligny-time
une
103 It deserves to be mentioned
that the assailants of Grouchy in this
affair descended to the expedient of
falsifying the map to support their
assertions. Charras observes that
Gérard attached to the book in which
he attacked his commander 6
carte très-inexacte du théâtre des opé-
rations de Grouchy."
GROUCHY'S MOVEMENTS.
171
Move-
ments.
enough to ensure their junction with the English ; (2d) that Grouchy's
Napoleon sent off Grouchy, against his earnest protest, to
march in a false direction ; (3d) that Napoleon and Grouchy
were equally remiss in that failure to reconnoitre which kept
both of them in ignorance of the Prussian cross-march until
the battle of Waterloo was well advanced ; (4th) that Grouchy
could not, after he knew of the cross-march, have prevented
half, or perhaps three-fourths, of Blücher's army from joining
Wellington. Mathematically stated, the censure for this result
should therefore be apportioned in the ratio of one part to
Grouchy and five parts to Napoleon. This summary of over
sixty years' criticism of this much-controverted march may be
fitly closed by putting in juxtaposition the conclusions drawn
by two of the ablest antagonistic disputants:-
THIERS, History of the Consulate and the Empire.
“ Marshal Grouchy's fault can only be lessened by taking
into consideration the great services he had formerly performed
and his truly loyal and devotedly good intentions. As Napo-
leon said, Grouchy was as useless to the army on that fatal day
as though an earthquake had engulfed him and removed him
from all participation in human affairs. His neglecting the
duty imposed on him, that of preventing the Prussians from
joining the English, was the real cause of our overthrow."
CHESNEY, Waterloo Lectures : a Study of the Campaign
of 1815
“The notion that Grouchy is responsible for the Waterloo
defeat must be dismissed, by those who choose to weigh the
evidence, from the domain of authentic history to the limbo
of national figments. . . . In plain truth, never has a single
reputation been so grossly sacrificed to save national vanity as
in this matter of Grouchy and Waterloo. So far from earning
for him blame, the Marshal's conduct, weighing all the circum-
stances of the campaign, should have crowned his old age with
honour. That the result has been so different is due simply to
172
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
1
Move-
ments.
Grouchy's the popular demand by the French for a scapegoat which
should bear the shame cast upon them by their defeat, and to
the readiness with which Napoleon supplied it in his lieu-
tenant."]
1
Waterloo.
field.
The village of Waterloo—which gave its name to
The Battle- the battle from the accidental circumstance that it was
thence the Duke of Wellington dated the despatch
announcing his victory, together perhaps with its easier
pronunciability by English tongues than the names of the
places where the contest in fact was waged 104_is situated
ten miles south of Brussels on the great highroad from
the capital to Charleroi and northern France, and lies
just at the southern limit of the Forest of Soignies,
which the road has hitherto traversed.105 Nearly two
104 Waterloo is one of those battles ance, call it Hougomont, call it La
-like Blenheim, or the Battle of the Haye Sainte, call it Papelotte-any-
Nile, or Bunker Hill—whose adopted thing but Waterloo?!” Thiers speaks
designations are misnomers. Accord- in similar terms. The explanation
ing to Victor Hugo's digression on is simple—that the Duke of Wel-
the Battle of Waterloo in Les Misérc- lington, after the close of the battle,
bles, “ Were ever the sic vos non vobis withdrew to Waterloo, and there
applicable, it is most certainly to this prepared and thence dated and sent
village of Waterloo, which did no- the despatch announcing the victory.
thing and was half a league away 105 The poetical allusions which
from the action. Mont St. Jean was cluster about Waterloo frequently
cannonaded, Hougomont burned, Pa- associate themselves rather with its
pelotte burned, Planchenoit burned, scenes than with the incidents about
La Haye Sainte carried by storm, to be described, and therefore occur
and La Belle Alliance witnessed the unavoidably in anticipation of the
embrace of the two victors; but narrative. As the text, however, is
these names are scarce known, and complete in itself, no apology is
Waterloo, which did nothing during deemed necessary for the attempt to
the battle, has all the honour of it." group here such expressions as throw
Southey uplifts a similar testimony: light upon either the events or the
in his notes to The Poet's Pilgrimage current sentiment of the time. Two
to Waterloo, he observes, “Our guide of the enthusiastic British poets of
was very much displeased at the the day made a careful itinerary of
name which the battle had obtained the scenes of the campaign shortly
in England. "Why call it the Battle after its conclusion, Scott recording
of Waterloo ?' he said, call it
his impressions in his Field of Water -
Mont St. Jean, call it La Belle Alli- loo, Southey in The Poet's Pilgrimage
WATERLOO—THE BATTLEFIELD.
173
miles south of the village of Waterloo is that of Mont Waterloo.
St. Jean, where the road forks, the chaussée to Quatre The Battle-
field.
to Waterloo, while Byron's hero of Soigvies is supposed to be a remnant
Childe Harold's Pilgrimage gives ex- of the Forest of Ardennes, famous
pression to the most fervent and in Boiardo's Ojlando, and immortal
impressive rhapsody that the theme in Sbakespeare's As You Like It. It
has elicited, but lends to it little of is also celebrated in Tacitus as being
local colouring. On the contrary, the spot of successful defence by
Byron even withholds its popular the Germans against the Roman en-
designation from the Forest of Soi- croachments.” Byron's mention of
gnies, preferring to "adopt the name the word is in bis description of the
connected with nobler associations march of the British troops from
than those of inere slaughter," which Brussels to Quatre Bras in the night
he explains thus :-" The Wood of of June 18th :-
'And Ardennes waves above them her green leaves
Dewy with nature's tear-drops, as they pass,
Grieving, if aught inanimate e'er grieves,
Over the unreturning brave,---alas !
Ere evening to be trodden like the grass
Which now beneath them, but above shall grow
In its next verdure, rolling on the foe,
And, burning with high hope, shall moulder cold and low.”
Southey is more explicitly geographical, in the following manner :-
“Southward from Brussels lies the field of blood,
Some three hours' journey for a well-girt man;
A horseman who in haste pursued his road
Would reach it as the second hour began.
The way is through a forest deep and wide,
Extending many a mile on either side.
"No cheerful woodland this of antic trees,
With thickets varied and with sunny glade ;
Look where he will, the weary traveller sees
One gloomy, thick, impenetrable shade
Of tall, straight trunks, which move before his sight,
With interchange of lines of long green light.
“Here, where the woods, receding from the road,
Have left, on either hand an open space
For fields and gardens, and for man's abode,
Stands Waterloo, a little, lowly place,
Obscure till now, when it hath risen to fame,
And given the victory its English name.”
Southey then goes on with nine more stauzas about the Waterloo church
174
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
field.
Bras and Charleroi continuing southward, while that
The Battle- diverging westwardly leads to Nivelles. Both of these
roads cross the battlefield, but it is the Charleroi road
upon which, still south of the village of Mont St. Jean,
stands the farm of the same name, which is the spot so
designated in descriptions of the battle. This farm of
Mont St. Jean is in the immediate rear of the centre of
the Anglo-Allied position, and may be called the north-
ern limit of the field.106 Continuing its straight course
and graveyard, much as might be
expected. Scott gets over the same
ground more lightly :-
“Fair Brussels, thou art far behind,
Though lingering on the morning
wind,
We get may hear the hour
Peal'd over orchard and canal,
With voice prolong'd and measur'd
fall,
From proud St. Michael's
Our woodland path has cross'd;
And the straight causeway which
we tread
Prolongs a line of dull arcade
Unvarying through the unvarying
shade
Until in distance lost.
“ A brighter, livelier scene succeeds;
In groups the scattering wood
recedes,
Hedge-rows, and huts, and sunny
meads,
And corn-fields glance between.
tower;
“And, lo, a bamlet and its lane :-
Let not the gazer with disdain
Their architecture view ;
For yonder rude ungraceful shrine,
And disproportioned spire, are
thine,
Immortal Waterloo ! "
Thy wood, dark Soigvies, holds us
now,
Where the tall beeches' glossy
bough
For many a league around,
With birch and darksome oak
between,
Spreads deep and far a pathless
screen,
Of tangled forest ground.
Stems planted close by stems defy
The adventurous foot-the curious
eye
For access seeks in vain :
And the brown tapestry of leaves,
Strewd on the blighted ground,
receives
Nor sun, nor air, nor rain.
No opening glade dawns on our
way,
No streamlet, glancing to the ray,
This unornamental church whose
legendary origin in the time of
Charles II of Spain is recited by
Southey-has been supplemented by
a much more considerable structure,
which is filled with monumental in-
scriptions to those who fell in the
battle
106 Southey was last heard from
in the Waterloo churchyard : he con-
tinues, geographically:-
WATERLOO—THE BATTLEFIELD.
175
field.
beyond Mont St. Jean, the Charleroi road surmounts à Waterloo.
range of low heights, which cross it at right angles and The Battle-
along the brow of which was posted the front line of
the English army; it passes then, mostly on an embank-
ment, but in one spot through a cut, over an undulating
“Soon shall we reach that scene of mighty deeds,
In one unbending line a short league hence;
Aright the forest from the road recedes,
With wide sweep trending south and westward thence;
Aleft along the line it keeps its place,
Some half-hour's distance at a traveller's pace.
“ Behold the scene where slaughter had full sway !
A mile before us lieth Mount St. John,
The hamlet which the Highlanders that day
Preserved from spoil; yet as much further on
The single farm is placed, now known to fame,
Which from the sacred hedge derives its name."
The last line is Southey's poetical
method of indicating La Haye
Sainte, which is mentioned in greater
detail presently. Scott, in the pas-
sage which follows, not only reaches
La Haye Sainte, but from it sur-
veys the valley below, looking toward
the French position on its southern
limit:
Scarce a forest straggler now
To shade us spreads a greenwood
bough.
Forms an opposing screen,
Which, with its crest of upland
ground,
Shuts the horizon all around.
The soften'd vale between
Slopes smooth and fair for courser's
tread.
Not the most timid maid need
dread
To give her snow-white palfrey
tread
On that wide stubble-ground;
Nor wood, nor tree, nor bush, are
there,
Her course to intercept or snare,
Nor fosse nor fence are found,
Save where, from out her shat-
ter'd bowers,
Rise Hougomont's dismantled
towers."
It may not be amiss to mention that
Scott's poem had been published, and
a copy of it sent to the Laureate, at
the time when that alleged Poet was
engaged upon his own production,
Yet one mile on-yon shatter'd
hedge
Crests the smooth hill whose long
smooth ridge
Looks on the fields below,
And sinks so gently on the dale
That not the folds of Beauty's veil
In easier curves can flow.
Brief space from thence the ground
again,
Ascending slowly from the plain,
176 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
field.
Waterloo. shallow valley which lies at the foot of the northern
The Battle- heights, and reaches a similar ridge which, crossing the
road from east to west like the former, constitutes the
southern bound of the valley, and furnished the plateau
whereon the French army was drawn up, facing the
English and in a general way parallel with it: it is at
Mont St, Jean
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the inn and farmhouse of La Belle Alliance-the centre
of the French line, and the spot where Napoleon re-
mained during most of the action that the road
reaches the southern heights, whence it continues on its
way southward to Genappe and Charleroi.107 This Char-
leroi-Brussels road having thus been laid down as a
107 Southey's geography, in the
last quotation, made what, as a pa-
triotic Briton, he calls “Mount St.
John,” to be a mile in advance of
some unspecified point in its rear,
and stated-by a considerable exag-
geration of the distance, if he spoke
of the farm of Mont St. Jean, but
with
reasonable accuracy if he
meant the village—that the sacred
hedge” as much futher on,"
and he next proceeds liberally to
almost double the actual distance
thence to the French lines :-
was
WATERLOO-THE BATTLEFIELD.
177
field.
sort of base line—bisecting as it were the battlefield, Waterloo.
the positions of the two armies, and the valley separat- The Battle-
ing them,—no clearer means of locating the prominent
points in the battle can be found than the homely illus-
tration employed by Victor Hugo. “Those who wish
to form a distinct idea of the Battle of Waterloo,” he
says, “need only imagine a capital A laid on the ground.
The left leg of the A is the Nivelles road, the right one
the Genappe [i.e. Charleroi] road, while the string of
the A is the broken way running from Ohain to Braine-
la-Leude. The top of the A is Mont St. Jean, where
Wellington is ; the left lower point is Hougomont, ,
where Reille is, with Jerome Bonaparte; the right lower
point is La Belle Alliance, where Napoleon is. A little
below the point where the string of the A meets and
cuts the right leg is La Haye Sainte; and in the centre
of this string is the exact spot where the battle was
concluded. It is here that the lion is placed, the invo-
luntary symbol of the heroism of the Old Guard. The
“ Straight onward yet for one like distance more,
And there the house of Belle Alliance stands,
So named, I guess, by some in days of yore
In friendship or in wedlock joining hands :
Little did they who call'd it thus foresee
The place that name should hold in history !"
In lieu of “the Poet's" sagacious public-house, his widow married the
guess," Siborne gives in definite farmer of Triwotion ; but, losing him
prose the story how the inn got its shortly afterwards, she consoled ler-
name :-"On the other side of the self by taking for a third husband a
road, and commencing opposite the peasant who lived in the other house
end of the garden of La Belle Alli- alluded to as since occupied by De
ance, stands the farm-house of Tri- Coster; but here again death inter-
motion ; and about 300 yards fur- rupted her happiness, when she once
ther on the road is a house, the same more embraced the married state,
that was occupied in 1815 by Jean and espoused the auberyiste of her
Batiste de Coster, who, during the first house, which from that time
battle, served Napoleon in the capa- obtained among the neighbouring
city of a guide du pays. Upon the peasantry the title it now bears-la
death of a former landlord of this belle rillince."
N
178
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
field.
Waterloo. triangle comprised at the top of the A, between the two
The Battle- legs and the string, is the plateau of Mont St. Jean :
the dispute for this plateau was the whole battle. The
wings of the two armies extend to the right and left of
the Genappe and Nivelles roads. . . . Behind the point
of the A, behind the plateau of St. Jean, is the Forest
of Soignies. As for the plan itself, imagine a vast
undulating ground : each ascent commands the next
ascent, and all the undulations ascend to Mont St. Jean,
where they form the forest.” 108
108 The only point in Victor surmounted by a bronze figure of
Hugo's description which need be the Belgic lion. The top of the
dwelt upon at present is the Monu- mound is the favourite point from
ment, as it will not be referred to which to view the field. It was the
again. This much-derided work of absence of any such emblem at the
art stands upon the spot where the time of his visit to Waterloo that
Prince of Orange was wounded in Byron records in the opening stanza
the battle, and consists of a conical of the celebrated passage in Childe
mound nearly 200 feet in height, Harold :-
“Stop!—for thy tread is on an Empire's dust.
An earthquake's spoil is sepulchred below!
Is the spot mark'd with no colossal bust?
Nor column trophied for triumphal show?
None; but the moral's truth tells simpler so.
As the ground was before, thus let it be ;-
How that red rain hath made the barvest grow!
And is this all the world has gain'd by thee,
Thou first and last of fields ! king-making Victory ? "
Victor Hugo enlarges upon the claimed, "My battlefield has been
monument and its surroundings- altered. Where the huge pyramid
Everybody is aware that the un- of earth surmounted by a lion now
dulations of the plain in which the stands, there was a crest which, on
encounter between Napoleon and the side of the Nivelles road, had
Wellington took place are no longer a practicable ascent, but which, on
as they were on June 18th, 1815. the side of the Gepappe road was al-
On taking from this mournful plain most an escarpment. The elevation
the materials to make a monument, of this escarpment may still be
it was deprired of its real relics, and imagined by the height of the two
history, disconcerted, no longer re- great tombs which skirt the road
cognises itself; in order to glorify, from Genappe to Brussels: the Eng-
they disfigured. Wellington, on lish tomb is on the left, the German
seeing Waterloo ten years after, ex- tomb on the right. There is 110
WATERLOO-THE BATTLEFIELD.
179
field.
The position of the Anglo-Allied front line lay along Waterloo.
the crest of the northern heights, for a distance of some The Battle-
two miles from wing to wing. The direction of the
heights themselves was from east to west,receding by
a slight curve toward the north at the eastern end of
the line, and by an abrupt turn to the north at their
western limit, the Nivelles road ;-but the position held
by the troops took somewhat the form of a shallow
crescent, whose horns protruded from the heights and
rested upon advanced posts, at either end of the valley,
which they held in force—a cluster of farms and ham-
lets on the east, and the stronghold of Hougomont on
the west. Disregarding for the present these posts in
advance of the wings, the front line may be said to
follow throughout its whole extent the course of a
country road which-entering the field from Wavre
and Ohain on the east-runs along the brow of the
heights, crosses the Charleroi-Brussels road at right
angles before Mont St. Jean and then the Nivelles road
(forming in the section between these two the string of
Victor Hugo's A), and emerges from the western limit
of the field before the village of Merbe Braine, thence
running onward to Braine-la-Leude, which, though occu-
pied by troops, lay outside of the scene of conflict.
This road, though unpaved, was in good condition, and
afforded uninterrupted communication laterally between
the different corps of the army, and it was “bounded
French tomb,—for France the whole abrupt. The incline was so sharp
plain is a sepulchre. Through the that the Evglish gunners could not
thousands of cart-loads of earth em- see beneath them the farm situ-
ployed in erecting the mound, which ated in the bottom of the valley,
is 150 feet high and half a mile in which was the centre of the fight.
circumference, the plateau of Mont On June 18, 1815, the rain had ren-
St. Jean is now accessible by a dered the steep road more difficult,
gentle incline; but on the day of the and the troops not only had to
battle, and especially on the side of climb up, but slipped in the mud."
La Haye Sainte, it was steep and
N2
1 80
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
field.
Waterloo. by a quickset hedge in some parts, and deeply sunk in
The Battle others, forming a kind of fossé, covering so completely
the entire English position that one might be tempted
to believe it expressly fashioned for the occasion.”109 The
heights themselves sloped not only in front toward the
valley where the battle was to take place, but also in rear,
into a hollow parallel with it, which intervened between
the position-heights and the extended plateau of Mont
St. Jean. On this reverse slope the troops that were to
bear the shock of the contest upon the crest. might find
shelter from the French cannonade during the intervals
of fighting; and in the hollow the supports and reserves
could be moved without discovery by the French, who
were thus compelled to deliver their charges against a
foe who was to a great extent unseen—as Thiers terms
it, “ in ambush.” The country in rear of the position
proper was perfectly open, and offered no obstructions
to the movement of troops of all arms.” 110
109 The quoted clauses are from road was, and still is, a trench for
Thiers. Victor Hugo describes this the greater part of the distance; a
road more careſully :-“All along hollow trench, in some places twelve
the centre of the crest of the plateau feet deep, whose scarped sides were
ran a species of ditch, wbich it was washed down here and there by the
impossible for a distant observer to winter rains. On the day of
guess.
We will state what this the battle, this hollow-way, whose
ditch was.
Braine-la-Leude is a existence nothing revealed, a trench
Belgian village, and Ohain is another; on the top of the escarpment, a rut
these villages, both concealed in hol- hidden in the earth, was invisible,
lows, are connected by a road about that is to say, terrible.” This omi-
a league and a half in length, which nous conclusion is for purposes of its
traverses an undulating plain and author's own, which will appear
frequently buries itself between hills, presently (note 188, page 287).
so as to become at certain spots a 110 The description of the English
ravine. In 1815, as to-day, this position as taken from the ground
road crossed the crest of Mont St.
may be supplemented by the account
Jean ; but at the present day it is of its appearance from the French
level with the ground, while at that side of the field, as seen by the Erck-
time it was a hollow-way. The two mann-Chatrian conscript. He stands
slopes have been carried away to on the eastern side of the Charleroi-
form the monumental mound. This Brussels road, near La Belle Alli-
WATERLOO-THE BATTLEFIELD.
181
field.
The position of the French army was determined by Waterloo.
that of the Anglo-Allies, and was so far similar to it The Battle-
that its front line lay along the brow of a crescent-
shaped range of heights, with its wings bowed forward
so as to approach Hougomont on its left and the
eastern cluster of farms and villages on its right. The
first line of the right wing followed the course of a
country road leading from the villages of La Haye and
Papelotte to La Belle Alliance on the Charleroi road :
the front of the left wing was in part along a lane which
leaves the Charleroi road some 200 yards in rear of
La Belle Alliance and follows the top of the heights as
66 On
We saw
4 .
ance-almost the position from which (Brussels] road it was bordered with
Napoleon watched the battle.
thick hedges of holly and dwarf
our front,” he says, "there was an beech which are common in that
immense elevated naked plain on country. Behind these were posted
which the English were encamped. masses of redcoats who watched us
Behind their lines at the top of the from their trenches. In the front
hill was the village of Mont St. the slope was like a glacis. This
Jean, and a league and a half still was very dangerous.
further away was a forest which that the cavalry on the plateau in
bounded the horizon.
When we
the vicinity of the main road, after
observed their line a little more having passed the hill, descended
closely-it was from 1,500 to 2,000 before going to Mont St. Jean, and
yards from us.we could see the we understood that there was a
broad well-paved road which we had hollow between the position of the
followed from Quatre Bras, and English and that village; not very
which led to Brussels, dividing their deep, as we could see the plumes of
position nearly in the centre. It the soldiers as they passed through,
was straight, and we could follow it but still deep enough to shelter heavy
with the eye to the village of Mont reserves from our bullets." The
St. Jean and beyond quite to the completeness of the shelter which
entrance of the Forest of Soignies. Wellington's troops found on the
This we saw the English intended to reverse slope is illustrated by a sen-
hold to prevent us from going to tence of Hooper's, when describing
Brussels. On looking carefully we one of the attacks by the French :-
could see that their line of battle “ The front of the Allies' position, as
was curved a little toward us at the seen from La Belle Alliance, pre-
wings, and that it followed a road sented the strange spectacle of a line
which cut the route to Brussels like of batteries apparently unsupported
On the left (west] it was a by infantry or cavalry."
deep cut, and on the right of the
a cross.
182
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
field.
Waterloo. they curve forward around the south and south-west
The Battle- of Hougomont until it crosses the Nivelles road in a
north-west direction and takes its way toward Braine-la-
Leude. The French heights were loftier than those
occupied by the Allies, and afforded an admirable posi-
tion throughout their whole extent for the abundant
artillery upon which Napoleon counted so largely; but
they were without any such reverse slope as that which
gave shelter to the second line of Wellington's army.
The only remaining peculiarity connected with the
French position which it is necessary to speak of here
is a “hollow-way” 111 by which the winding road that
marked the line of the French left wing entered the
Charleroi-Brussels road in rear of La Belle Alliance :
the high ground at this point of junction required
the road to pass through a cut which formed an
impassable gulf for cavalry approaching from the
front.
The valley between the Allied and French positions
varied in width from 900 to 1500 yards, the distance
from La Belle Alliance, measured along the Brussels
road, to the “Wellington tree” in the Allied position
opposite being 1400 yards. The causeway of the Char-
leroi road formed the watershed east and west-the
watercourses winding north-westwardly beyond Hougo-
mont and then northwardly on the west of Merbe
Braine into the river Senne, which flows through Brus-
sels ; while on the east of the highroad the streams
111 The term "hollow-way” is hedges, houses, or embankments.
employed by English writers on this It does not, at least necessarily, im-
battle—by Scott, Siborne, Gleig, ply anything in the nature of a tunnel
Kennedy, and the translator of or even of a depression below the
Thiers, for example-to designate natural surface, but is applied with
any means of passage, from a foot- a very perplexing latitude to any
path to a boulevard, which is on- roadway having lateral barriers. It
closed on the sides to a considerable is here adopted of necessity and under
height, whether by walls, fences, protest.
WATERLOO-THE BATTLEFIELD.
183
field.
B B
la 3
rising within the valley, as well as in the rear of the Waterloo.
French heights and of the town of Planchenoit, take The Battle-
their course north-eastwardly into the Dyle and the
Lasne, which unite under the former name and pass
through Louvain. These streams indicate the direction
and vanishing points of the valley—on the west it is
lost in a cross-valley which begins in rear of the heights
occupied by the French left wing, passes northwardly
across the Nivelles road west of Hougomont, ends the
Allied heights abruptly midway between Hougomont
and Merbe Braine, and passes northwardly beyond
Braine-la-Leude: to the eastward the valley winds on in
the direction of Wavre, passing from the battlefield
behind the villages of Papelotte, La Haye, Smohain, and
Frischermont, where it is filled with woods, and then
becomes the bed of the
streams which obstructed
the approach of the Prus- A
sians from Wavre.
4
[The annexed diagram F.
F
indicates
approximately
the principal features of
the valley and its sur-
roundings.]
The valley descended
from the positions of the
opposite armies by slopes
generally easy ; but its
surface was more or less undulating, and, along what
may be termed its longitudinal axis, rose into an elevation
which crossed the Charleroi road midway between La
Haye Sainte and La Belle Alliance. Through this elevation
the road passed by a cut—“ hollow-way”—with steep
embankments on eitheir hand, and the obstruction thus
offered to the movement of troops became of importance
A
D2
P
01
N
05
al
06
A4, Allied position,
FF, French position.
CB, Charleroi-Brussels road.
NB, Nivelles-Brussels road.
I, Hougomont.
2, La Haye Sainte.
3, Mont St. Jean.
4, Eastern villages-Papelotte, La Hayo,
Smohain, and Frischermont.
5, La Belle Alliance,
6, Planchenoit.
P, Prussian approach from Wavre.
184
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
tield.
at several stages of the battle. This elevation-besides
The Battle- running longitudinally through the valley from Hougo-
mont to within 700 yards of Papelotte—was cruciform,
sending out lateral spurs, of which the southern reached
La Belle Alliance, while the northern passed midway
between Hougomont and La Haye Sainte, and joined
the heights of the Allied position at the spot now occu-
pied by the Belgian lion. Thus the arms of the cross,
if the elevation may be so described, afforded a plane
surface along which the French army might charge the
Allied right-centre without descending into the valley,
and the southern arm and also the eastern portion of
the upright overlooked La Haye Sainte on its western
and southern sides in such a manner that the French
could advance their batteries within 250 yards of the
farm and 600 yards of the Allied centre—that is, of the
“ Wellington tree,” which stood at the south-western
angle of the Charleroi and Wavre roads.112 Except for
this elevation, the valley was a rolling fertile plain in a
high state of cultivation, with standing crops of grain, but
clear of fences, hedges, ditches, or other obstructions to
military movements, with the exception of the buildings
and villages, with their enclosures, whose possession
was to be struggled for.
Of three of these posts within the valley-Hougo-
mont, La Haye Sainte, and the eastern cluster of
villages—the tenure of the first two was of vital im-
portance, and the third quite essential, to the mainte-
nance of the Allied position. Hougomont-closing in
112 The importance of this cen-
tral cruciform elevation is dwelt upon
by Kennedy, and it is shown in a
rude map, taken from Sergeant-
Major Cotton's account of the battle,
which he embodies in his own Notes
on Waterloo. Its absence from pre-
vious maps goes far to account for
the obscurity of the descriptions of
the attacks on La Haye Sainte and
the French cavalry charges against
the Allied centre and right wing.
Brialmont's mapindicates it, but less
distinctly than Kennedy's.
WATERLOO THE BATTLEFIELD.
185
field.
8
xxxxxx
Nivelles Road
0
0
G
wN
A
F
as it were the western entrance of the valley, and in Waterloo.
close proximity to the converging lines of the two The Battle-
armies-was a highly defensible position, and was held
in force. Its entire enclosure formed an irregular quad-
rangle, which may be called 1700 feet square, and was
bounded partly by more or less impervious hedges,
backed by ditches, and partly by walls of stone and
brick, as indicated in the diagram. The buildings were
situated in the north-
west angle, and were a
farmer's house, looking
north upon a spacious
farm-yard, which was
enclosed by barns, sta-
bles, and other out-
houses, with boundary
walls filling the inter-
vals between them; and
on the south the châ-
teau of Hougomont,
which faced a court-
yard, that was bounded
in part by a chapel,
the gardener's house, and stables, and otherwise by
walls. The court-yard and farm-yard were connected by
passages through the buildings and doors in the walls,
and also by gateways into the hedged lane on the west
which continued the avenue shaded by tall elm trees
that led from the Nivelles-Brussels road. Adjoining the
buildings on the east was a strongly walled garden, and
on the north and east of this were apple-orchards en-
closed by hedges, and on the northern (or Allied) side
by a double hedge forming a “hollow-way.” Another
“hollow-way” of a specially dangerous nature was
formed between the southern wall of the garden and a
1, Farmyard.
G, Garden.
2, Farmer's house, etc. 0, 0, 0, Orchards.
3, Château, etc.
F, F, Fields.
4, Courtyard.
W, Woods.
X X X X X Trees.
Hedges.
Walls.
186
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
field.
Waterloo. tall strong hedge 30 yards from it,-for the hedge con-
The Battle- cealed the wall from the French who charged it, ex-
pecting to find no other obstacle, and came face to face
with the insurmountable wall, loopholed for musketry.
The barriers on the French side of the fields and wood
were hedges, with ditches in their rear, impassable by
cavalry or artillery or formed infantry. The quad-
rangle enclosed by the outer hedges was about 1700 feet
long on each side: the walled enclosure about the build-
ings and courts, 280 feet from north to south and
150 feet from east to west: the walled garden 600 feet
long east and west, 300 feet north and south ; the
avenue of trees about 700 feet long from the north-
western gateway to the Nivelles road: the distance
between the Hougomont enclosures and those of La Haye
Sainte was 1000 yards. The site of the buildings was
slightly elevated above the surface of the valley, and
there was a gently sloping decline toward the Nivelles
road and the Allied position; at the eastern end of the
orchard the ground was high, almost on a level with
the front lines of the armies ; but on the French side it
fell away rapidly into the valley.113=The next of the
113 The hot fight of which it was point-explains that “For the anti-
the scene, and the survival of its quarian Hougomont is Hugo-mons;
ruins as a memorial, have caused it was built by Hugo, Sire de Som-
Hougomont to become one of the meril, the same who endowed the
most notable features of the battle- sixth chapelry of the Abbey of
field. The circumstance that the Villers." With his allusion to this
French style it Goumont suggests spot—whose name he twice couples
that the prefixed aspirated syllable with a rhyme of the school of Strat-
may have been a legacy of its Eng- ford-atte-Bowe Scott closes his
lish defenders; but Victor Hugo- Field of Waterloo :-
who is likely to be informed on the
“ Farewell, sad Field, whose blighted face
Wears desolation's withering trace ;
Long shall my memory retain
Thy sbatter'd huts and trampled grain,
With every mark of martial wrong,
That scath thy towers, fair Hougomont !
WATERLOO—THE BATTLEFIELD.
187
Allied strongholds was La Haye Sainte, a farm-house Waterloo.
with outbuildings standing in advance of the centre of The Battle-
field.
Yet, though thy garden's green arcade
The marksman's fatal post was made,
Though on thy shatter'd beeches fell
The blended rage of shot and shell,
Though from thy blacken'd portals torn,
Their fall thy blighted fruit trees mourn,
Has not such havoc brought a name
Immortal in the rolls of fame?
Yes-Agincourt may be forgot,
And Cressy be an unknown spot,
And Blenheim's name be new:
But still in story and in song,
For many an age, remember'd long,
Shall live the towers of Hougomont
And Field of Waterloo."
Scott, in one of Paul's Letters, totally escaped. I understand the
written at the time of his visit, says: gentleman to whom this ravaged
“The grove of trees around Hougo- domain belongs is to receive full
mont was shattered by grapeshot compensation from the government
and musketry in a most extraordi- of the Netherlands." = Of Southey's
nary manner. I counted the marks inordinately prolix tribute about one-
upon one which had been struck in third of the stanzas may be quoted
twenty different places, and I think for their realistic and guide-book
there was scarce any one which had properties.
“A goodly mansion this, with gardens fair,
And ancient groves and fruitful orchard wide,
Its dovecot and its decent house of prayer,
Its ample stalls and garners well supplied,
And spacious bartons clean, well-wall’d around,
Where all the wealth of rural life was found.
“ That goodly mansion on the ground was laid,
Save here and there a blacken'd, ruined wall,
The wounded who were borne beneath its shade
Had there been crush'd and buried by the fall;
And there they lie where they received their doom-
Oh, let no hand disturb that honourable tomb !
“Contiguous to this wreck, the little fane,
For worship hallow'd, still for worship stands,
Save that its Crucifix displays too plain
The marks of outrage from irreverent hands.
188
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
the position. The dwelling, a strongly constructed brick
The Battle- house, stood upon the western side of the Charleroi
field.
Alas! to think such irreligious deed
Of wrong from British soldiers should proceed !
“ Toward the grove, the wall with musket-holes
Is pierced : our soldiers here their station held
Against the foe, and many were the souls
There from their fleshly tenements expell’d.
Six hundred Frenchmen have been burnt close by,
And underneath one mound their bones and ashes lie.
“ Now, Hougomont, farewell to thy domain!
Might I dispose of thee, no woodman's hand
Should e'er thy venerable groves profane ;
Untouch'd and like a temple should they stand,
And, consecrate by general feeling, wave
Their branches o'er the ground where sleep the brave.
Thy ruins, as they fell, should aye remain-
What monument so fit for those below?
Thy garden through whole ages should retain
The form and fashion which it weareth now,
That future pilgrims here might all things see
Such as they were at this great victory.”
That Southey's sentiment, that tor is most naturally and strongly
Hougomont should be allowed to arrested by the chapel, which, al-
remain as the battle left it, has been though it immediately adjoined the
shared by others appears from an burning château, survives the wreck
illustration in Appleton's Picturesque around it, and inclines him to listen
Europe (Vol. III., page 333), show- without a sneer to the guide when,
ing the courtyard, ruins of the châ- pointing to the scorched feet of the
teau, and the gardener's house as they wooden figure of the Saviour of
stand to-day. = Sibome, writing of mankind in the interior over the
them about 1844, said, “The barn in entrance, he ascribes the preservation
the courtyard has indeed been again of the sanctuary to the miraculous
roofed, and the gardener's house is interposition of Providence. A sanc-
now occupied by the farmer; but the tuary indeed it proved to such of
château itself and the buildings sur- the wounded as took refuge within
rounding the old farm-yard present its walls, who were thus spared from
to the eye nothing more than crum- tho agonizing death that befell their
bling walls, scattered stones, bricks, suffering comrades in the other build-
and rubbish. A portion of the tower, ings, which became a prey to the
with its winding staircase, still ex- devouring flames, and from which it
ists. But the attention of the visi-
was impossible, under the circum-
WATERLOO—THE BATTLEFIELD.
189
field.
F
3
road at the foot of the heights forming the Allied Waterloo.
position, and 750 feet in advance of the “Wellington The Battle-
tree.” The house itself formed the north side of a
square, stables the western side, and a barn the south-
ern, while a brick wall along the roadside completed
the solidly bounded enclosure. The interior of the yard
was 120 feet from north to south, 135
feet from east to west. On the north
G
of the house was a garden, enclosed
on the side toward the road by a wall
in prolongation of the eastern end of
the house, and on the northern (or
Allied) and western sides by a stout
hedge,—the garden being in area about 0
200 feet square. South of the farm-
yard and barn, and running down into
the valley for a length of 700 feet, was
an orchard about 230 feet in width,
which was separated from the Charleroi
road and bounded on the south and
west by hedges, the long sides of
which connected with the farm-yard
wall. Though much inferior to Hougo-
mont in size and capability for defence, the buildings
and quadrangle of La Haye Sainte constituted a redoubt
which its defenders would probably have held securely,
but for the heedlessness of the soldiery and official
negligence. A door and a large gate opened from the
yard upon the highroad ; there were doorways from
Charleroi- Brussels Road
I, Farm-house.
2, Stable.
3, Barn.
G, Garden.
0, Orchard.
Hedges.
Walls.
stances of the moment, to extricate enclosures continue unaltered and re-
but a small proportion. In the tain the self-same aspect." = Victor
great garden it is not easy to trace Hugo's visit was in 1861, and his
its original design. ... The wood description of it in Les Misérables is
has altogether vanished. This of the kind which young ladies call
constitutes the only material devia- " weird"; but it is too long for
tion; the orchards and remaining transcription.
190
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
field.
the barn and stables to the fields on the west, and a
The Battle- door on the northern side of the house led into the
garden ; but there was no outlet from the garden in the
direction of the Allied position. On the night before
the battle the men on arriving broke up the great barn-
door for fire-wood; and, as the carpenters were ordered
off, with their tools, to Hougomont, there was no means
of replacing it, while the mule that carried the trench-
ing tools had been allowed to stray away, and not so
much as a hatchet was forthcoming. Thus the little
garrison found itself insecurely fenced on the side of
the
enemy,
and with no direct means of access from its
own army. On the opposite side of the Charleroi road
from La Haye Sainte, and about inidway between it and
the Allied heights, was a sand-pit capable of contain-
ing some 150 riflemen, and which was concealed from
distant observation by the tall grain around it. From
the south-western angle of the farm buildings to the
north-eastern angle of the Hougomont enclosure, also
from the rear of the sand-pit eastwardly in front of the
Allied heights and toward Papelotte, ran hedges that
afforded considerable protection to the Allied lines-
no doubt the “ sacred hedge” that gave the farm its
name.111=The places at the eastern extremity of the
114 Southey's celebration of La Haye, which is quite a different
Haye Sainte--not, as le calls it, La place—is as follows:-
“When thou hast reach'd La Haye, survey it well;
Here was the heat and centre of the strife
This point must Britain hold whate'er befell,
And here both armies were profuse of life :
Once it was lost,--and then a stander-by
Belilte had trembled for the victory.
1
“ La Haye, bear witness ! sacred is it hight,
And sacred is it truly from that day;
For never braver blood was spent in fight
Than Britain here hath mingled with the clay.
WATERLOO—THE BATTLEFIELD.
191
field.
battlefield did not play any such part in the day's Waterloo.
struggle as to require a detailed account of their physi- The Battle-
cal peculiarities. Papelotte and La Haye were farms,
having strongly built residences and outbuildings, walled
and hedged after the fashion of the country. Smohain
was a small village, lying a little to their south-east,
about the sources of a stream of the same name which
ran into the Lasne. Their importance came only from
their situation in advance of the extreme left wing of
the Allies, which was without any other support, and
was extended eastwardly in anticipation of the arrival
of the Prussians in that direction. These advanced
posts were occupied only by enough troops of not the
best quality to withstand an attack until support could
be sent them; and they witnessed little more than some
desultory skirmishing until the coming up of the Prus-
sians made the position of value to the French. Fri-
schermont was the name of a village lower down the
stream that rises in Smohain, and also of a château
standing upon a wooded promontory that occupies the
angle between that stream and the Lasne, so that it was
in the line of an advance from the direction of Wavre
upon Planchenoit. Both the village and the château
were so far south as to be in prolongation of the French
Set where thou wilt thy foot, thou scarce canst tread
Here on a spot unhallow'd by the dead.
“Still eastward from this point thy way pursue.
There grows a single hedge along the lane, -
No other is there far or near in view :
The raging enemy essay'd in vain
To pass that line,ma braver foe withstood,
And the whole ground was moisten'd with their blood."
Southey says so much here of “Bri- fended it were Germans, and that
tain's” connection with La Haye their gallantry was frustrated by
Sainte that it becomes worth while the supercilious negligence of the
to remark that the troops who de- British headquarters staff.
192
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
field.
Waterloo. position, and were supposed to be held in observation
The Battle- by the cavalry on their right flank; but this was so
negligently done that Prussian patrols were able to
penetrate thus far without molestation and survey the
dispositions of troops in the valley beyond.115 Innu-
merable isolated houses and some villages dotted this
extremity of the valley, but were of little account in
the action. Planchenoit, in the right-rear of the French
position and so close to the Charleroi road that its
posses-
sion by an enemy would cut off their retreat, is a village
situated at the head of the ravine through which the
Lasne flows. It was both difficult of access, if the ravine
was well held, and defensible in itself from the con-
struction of its houses and walled gardens, and espe-
cially of its churchyard, which was surrounded by a
stone wall surmounting a steep embankment. It lay so
low in the valley that, from the Allied position, only
the church-spire could be discovered rising above the
French heights in its front.116
115 Southey contents himself with He has last been at La Haye Sainte,
one stanza upon this part of the field. and " inclines" hither:
“Hence to the high-wall’d house of Papelot,
The battle's boundary on the left, incline ;
Here thou seest Frischermont not far remote,
From whence, like ministers of wrath divine,
The Prussians, issuing on the yielding foe,
Consummated their great and total overtbrow."
116 The Erckmann-Chatrian con- far as the eye could reach, and was
script's observations upon the Eng- scattered over with little villages.
lish position may be supplemented We could even see the little
by his general survey of the valley : village of St. Lambert, three leagues
-"On the slope of the ravine on one distant ou our right. . . . We took
side, behind the bedges and poplars in all this grand region, covered with
and other trees, some thatched roofs a magnificent crop just in flower,
indicated a hamlet: this was Planche- at a glance. ... I could see (La
noit. In the same direction, but Haye Sainte] plainly from where we
much higher, and in the rear of the stood. It was a great square: the
enemy's left, the plain extended as offices, the house, the stables, and
-
A
WATERLOO—THE ARMES.
193
The total strength of the three armies which par- Waterloo.
ticipated in the Battle of Waterloo, at any time during the
the day was as follows:--
Armies.
barns formed a triangle on the side their left wing on the road leading
toward the English, and on our side to Wavre, about a hundred paces
the other half was formed by a wall from the hill on our side, were the
and sheds, with a court in the farms of Papelotte and La Haye,
centre. It was built of brick occupied by the Germans, and the
and very solid. Of course the Eng- little hamlets of Smohain, Cheral-
lish had filled it with troops, like a de-Bois, and Jean-Loo.... Now
sort of demilupe, but if we could you can all see the position of the
take it we should be close to their English on our front, the road to
centre and could throw our attacking Brussels which traversed it, the
columns upon them, without remain- cross-road which covered it, the
ing long under their fire. . . . A plateau in the rear where the reserves
little farther on, in front of their were, and the three farms, Hougo-
right wing was another little farm- mont, Haye Sainte, and Papelotte,
stead and grove.
It was covered
in front, well garrisoned. You can
by an orchard surrounded by walls, all see that it would be very difficult
and farther on was the wood. The to force.” = Nothing connected with
fire from the windows swept the the battlefield of Waterloo seems to
garden, and that from the garden have impressed beholders more than
covered the wood, and that from the its limited area. Southey, having
wood the side-bill, and the enemy
noted the little distance from Mout
could beat a retreat from one to the St. Jean to La Belle Alliance, con-
other. . . . And lastly, in front of tinues-
"Beyond these points the fight extended not,
Small theatre for such a tragedy !
Its breadth scarce more from eastern Papelot
To where the groves of Hougomont on high
Rear in the west their venerable head,
And cover with their shade the countless dead."
.
Victor Hugo says on the same point: portion established :-Loss of men at
Altogether, we will assert, there Austerlitz, French 14 per cent., Ruis-
is more of a massacre than of a sian 30 per cent., Austrian 44 per
battle in Waterloo. Waterloo, of all cent.; at Wagram, French 13 per
pitched battles, is the one which had cent., Austrian 14 per cent.; at Mos-
the smallest front for such a number kowa, French 37 per cent., Russian
of combatants. Napoleon's three- 44 per cent. ; at Bautzen, French 13
quarters of a league, Wellington's per cent., Russian and Prussian 14
half a league, and 72,000 combatants per cent, ; at Waterloo, French 56
on either side. From this density per cent., Allies 31 per cent. :-
:--total
came the carnage. The following for Waterloo 41 per cent., or out of
calculation has been made and pro- 144,000 fighting men 60,000 killed.”:
0
194
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
Anglo-Allied Prussians Total Allied
French
The
Armies.
.
Infantry
Cavalry
Artillery
49,608
12,408
5,645
41,283
8,858
1,803
90,891
21,266
7,448
41,950
15,765
7,232
Total men
67,661
51,944 119,605
71,947
Guns
156
104
260
246
0
.
During the earlier hours of the battle the Anglo-
Allied army was without support from the Prussians,
and had to withstand the materially greater force of
the French-greater by far in fighting capacity than in
disparity of numbers. It was not until the day was
well advanced that the Prussians came up in strength,
and thus reversed the inequality. By successive arri-
vals, they brought the following additions to the Allied
strength
Infantry
Cavalry
Artillery Total Men Guus
12,043
2,720
1,143
15,906 | 64
13,338
1
13,338
|
part of Zie-
Up to 4.30 P.11. part of Bü-
low's (4th) corps
Up to 6 P.M. remainder of
Bülow's (4th) corps
ten’s (1st)
Up to 7 P.M. Corps
Pirch's (2d)
corps
Total to 7 P.M.
2,582
11,670
274
4,526 16
part of
13,320
4,468
386 18,174 24
41,283
8,858
1,803
51,944 104
On the side of the French, so soon as the approach
of the Prussians was discovered (that is, about 1 o'clock)
a detachment of cavalry was sent off to the menaced
point, and these were presently followed by Lobau's
entire infantry corps, and these again by the Young
Guard; so that not more than 56,000 of the French
army were at any time in action against that com-
WATERLOO—THE ARMIES.
195
Armies.
manded by Wellington.=The quality of the opposing Waterloo.
armies ought to be taken into account, no less than the
their numerical strength. The excellence of the French
Grand Army, composed of veterans of many campaigns,
following tried leaders, who in turn knew quite well
what their soldiers could do, had been already demon-
strated both at Quatre Bras and at Ligny. 11
117
- The
117 Siborne, when reviewing the Our infantry behaved most admir-
l'esults at Quatre Bras, says, ably, setting good examples to our
defeat sustained by the French was Belgian and German allies.” Those
certainly not attributable in the who were wounded at Waterloo
slightest degree to any deficiency on were thus described by Sir Charles
their part of either bravery or disci- Bell in a letter printed in Lockhart's
pline. Their deportment was that of Life of Scott :-“I have just re-
truly gallant soldiers, and their turned from seeing the French
attacks were all conducted with a wounded received in their hospital
chivalric impetuosity and an admir- [at Brussels], and, could you see
ably sustained vigour, which could them laid out naked, or almost som
leave no doubt on the minds of their 100 in a row of low beds on the
opponents as to the sincerity of their ground—though wounded,exhausted,
devotion to the cause of the Emperor.” beaten, you would still conclude with
Sir Augustus Frazer, a witness of me that these were men capable of
the action, wrote from Quatre Bras marching unopposed from the West
on the morning of June 17th :- of Europe to the East of Asia.
“The enemy's lancers and cuirassiers Strong, thickset, hardy veterans,
are the finest fellows I ever saw; brave spirits and unsubdued, as they
they made several bold charges, and cast their wild glance upon you-
repeatedly advanced in the very teeth their black eyes and brown cheeks
of our infantry. They have severely finely contrasted with the fresh
paid for their spirit; most of them sheets—you would much admire
are now lying before me.
their capacity of adaptation. . . . It
but had a couple of brigades of is a forced praise ; for from all I have
British cavalry, we should have seen and all I have heard of their
gained a decided advantage. We
fierceness, cruelty, and bloodthirsti-
had but one Belgian regiment of ness, I cannot convey to you my
hussars and some Brunswick hussars, detestation of this race of trained
and both felt their inferiority and banditti." = Thiers summarizes the
made weak efforts against the sentiments of the opposing armies
enemy's cavalry, who, pressing them at the opening of the battle as fol-
amongst our very infantry, made a lows:--" The English were calm,
mingled mass of the whole. I have confident in their courage, their po-
never seen a botter fire than at some sition, their commander, and in the
times of yesterday, nor seen more of approaching Prussian reinforcement.
what is called a mêlée of troops.
The French-we mean the soldiers
Had wo
o 2
196
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
The
Armics.
The English portion of the Allied infantry which
had fought at Quatre Bras had shown a firmness which
was simply indomitable, and the cavalry rearguard
during the retreat had manifested a resistless ardour that
justified full confidence in their efficiency. But even
this brave infantry, which met charges with the steadi-
ness of veterans, consisted mostly of second battalions
that had never manæuvred in presence of an enemy;
so that Wellington explicitly directed his generals on no
account to follow up any success by advancing from
their line, but to be content in every case with holding
their position. The brilliant dash of the cavalry was in
accordance with the besetting fault of rashness for which
the British horsemen were noted.118 Moreover, these
and inferior officers--in the most F. L. Maitland, in bis Narrative of
exalted state of enthusiasm, thought the Surrender of Buonaparte and of
neither of the Prussians nor of his Residence on board H.M.S. Bel-
Grouchy, but only of the English lerophon. In the course of a couyer-
that they saw arrayed before them; sation among the officers who accom-
and all they asked was to be allowed panied Napoleon to England, “ One
to attack the enemy, trusting for of them said "The [English] cavalry
victory to themselves and the fertile is superb.' I [Maitland] observed,
genius of him who commanded them 'In England we have a higher opinion
-a genius that had hitherto- been of our infantry,' 'You are right,
equal to any emergency."
said he; "there is none such in the
118 In speaking of the headlong world; there is no making an im-
charge in which the British heavy pression on them. You may as well
brigades destroyed themselves at attempt to charge through a wall,
Waterloo, Gleig observes, "It is and their fire is tremendous,' Au-
an old subject of blame by conti- other of them observed, 'A great
nental officers that English cavalry, fault in your cavalry is their not
if successful in a charge, never know having their horses sufficiently under
where to stop. It is even asserted by command. There must be something
Marshal Marmont, in his work on wrong in the bit, as on one or two
The Art of War, that so well known occasions in a charge they could not
was this disposition to himself and stop their horses. Our troops opened
others that they have repeatedly, by to the right and left, let them pass
feigned retreats, drawn British through, and then closed their ranks
squadrons into positions where a fire again, when they were either killed or
of musketry from some copse on the taken prisoners.
Wellington him-
roadside has destroyed them.” Simi- self said of the cavalry," I considered
lar testimony is quoted by Captain our cavalry so inferior to that of the
WATERLOO-THE ARMIES.
197
fine troops, with the equally good German veterans of the Waterloo.
Peninsula, constituted little more than a third of Welling- The
Armies,
French, from want of order, although the infantry for some time in squares,
I consider one squadron a match for and we had the French cavalry
two French squadrons, that I should walking about us as if they had been
not have liked to see four British our own. I never saw the British
squadrons opposed to four French; infantry behave so well.” Similar
and as the numbers increased, and terms were used by the Duke to Sir
order, of course, became more neces- John Malcolm at Paris in July
sary, I was more unwilling to risk 1815, when, according to the Life
our cavalry without a greater supe- and Correspondence of the latter,
riority of numbers." = Of the infantry, Wellington said, “People ask me
Baron Müffling, writing chiefly with for an account of the action. I tell
reference to his observation of the them it was hard pounding on both
Waterloo army, says, "There is not, sides, and we pounded the hardest.
perhaps, in all Europe an army su- There was no maneuvring. Buona-
perior to the English in the actual
parte kept up his attacks, and I was
field of battle. That is to say, an glad to let it be decided by the troops.
army in which military instruction There are no men in Europe that can
is entirely directed to that point as fight like my Spanish infantry; none
its exclusive object. The English have been so tried. Besides," he
soldier is strongly formed and well added with enthusiasm, “my army
fed, and nature has endowed him and I know one another exactly.
with much courage and intrepidity. We have a mutual confidence, and
He is accustomed to severe discipline, are never disappointed.” = These, it
and is very well armed. The in- is to be observed, are the words
fantry oppose with confidence tlie
of private communications, not of
attack of cavalry, and show more in- official dispatches. Referring to Tel-
difference than any other European lington's official expressions, Ches-
army when attacked in the flank or ney remarks, “The brave infantry,
.. On the other hand, there whose constancy in battle helped to
are no troops in Europe less expe- place him high on the roll of world-
rienced than the English in the light famous commanders, met with scanty
service and in skirmishes ; accord- praise from his lips, though their
ingly they do not practise that ser- conduct won them tributes of admir-
vice themselves. The English army ation from foe and from ally."
in Spain formed the standing force Kennedy--who himself devised the
round which the Spanish and Portu- arrangement of the squares that
guese rallied.
Such an army repelled the French cavalıy-says,
as the English is most precious for “The surpassing and extraordinary
those they may act with, as the tenacity of the British infantry was
most difficult task of the modern art beyond all calculation, beyond all
of war is to form an army for pitched praise, and was the sheet-anchor by
battles.” Of their conduct in this which the Duke was enabled to ride
battle Wellington wrote afterwards out the storm. Full scopa was thus
(July 2) to Lord Beresford, "I had given for the cavalry and artillery to
lear.
198
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
The
Armies.
ton's army; and the composition of the miscellaneous
residue was most unsatisfactory. At Quatre Bras the
Dutch-Belgian troops had shown that, either from dis-
affection or from abject cowardice, they were worse
than worthless; and, beyond this most numerous con-
tingent, there were many raw levies of whom little
service could be expected. The different nationalities
were represented in the Anglo-Allied army as follows:
Infantry
Cavalry Artillery
Total men
Guns
78
British
King's German Legion
Hanoveriaus
Brunswickers
Nassauer's
Dutcl-Belgians
15,181
3,301
10,258
4,586
2,880
5,843
1,997
495
866
2,967
526
465
510
23,991
5,824
11,220
5,962
2,880
17,784
18
12
16
13,402
3,205
1,177
32
Total
49,608 | 12,408 | 5,645
67,661 | 156
« One
This entire force-with which Wellington had to make
good his stand against Napoleon until Blücher should
come to his support—has been estimated as equivalent
to about 40,000 British troops.119
display their surpassing gallantry and and I could form a fair estimate of
excellence.
... The King's German
the value of the others, as compared
Legion were also troops of very great with British troops.” Napoleon's
excellence; but the British and the often-quoted estimate was:
King's German Legion troops, actu- Englishman could be counted as one
ally in the action, were alarmingly Frenchman, and two Hollanders,
few in number."
Prussians, or men of the Confedera-
119 Kennedy calls it equivalent tion, for one Frenchman.” Welling-
to a British army of 41,000, calling ton summarized the whole collection
the British and King's German
as
" the worst army ever brought
Legion 30,000, and the remainder together ;” and he distributed them
worth 11,000. “It may be said," after the manner poetically indi-
he explains, “that this is a fanciful cated by Southey, who alludes to
estimate; but it is not really so. I the fears entertained about them, by
deduct, first, the part of the Dutch- the British officers who had observed
Belgians who did not fight at all; them, and continues--
"Not so the leader, on whose equal mind
Such interests hung on that momentous day;
So well had he his motley troops assigned
That, where the vital points of action lay,
WATERLOO-WELLINGTON'S POSITION.
199
The Duke of Wellington's position extended along Waterloo.
the Wavre road upon the northern range of heights Anglo-
about one mile to the east and an equal distance to the Position.
west of the Charleroi road-a length which he had
men enough to occupy strongly.120 [The order, strength,
There had he placed those soldiers whom he knew
No fears could quail, no dangers could subdue.
“Now of the troops with whom he took the field,
Some were of doubtful faith, and others raw;
He stationed these where they might stand or yield;
But where the stress of battle he foresaw,
There were his links (his own strong words I speak)
And rivets, which no human force could break.
“O my brave countrymen, ye answer'd well
To that heroic trust! No less did ye,
Whose worth your grateful country aye shall tell,
True children of our sister Germany,
Who, while she groan'd beneath the oppressor's chain,
Fought for her freedom in the fields of Spain.”
The last reference, it may be ex- that the Dutch-Belgian troops could
plained, is to the King's German not be depended upon; proof enough
Legion, who brought their high dis- exists that the people of those
cipline from the Peninsular War. countries are capable of the most
As to the Belgians, they are not heroic and persevering exertions
justly to be blamed for not fighting in when engaged in a cause that they
this quarrel, if their refusal was on care to support; but under the cir-
the ground of resentment at the cumstances in which they were
abominable political traffic of which placed on this occasion, they were
the Allies had made them the vic- without confidence, were not acting
tims. They had abundant cause to in a cause which they cordially sup-
detest the alliance and the alien ported, and showed that it was not
government which it had put over one in which they wished to oppose
them, and to abhor, above all others themselves seriously to French
of the Allies, England, and Welling- troops.” Charras enforces the same
ton himself as the representative view much more strongly.
Englishman. Most English writers 120 «The pop-military reader,"
on TVaterloo have assumed their con- Kennedy explains, “should be in-
duct to have been due to cowardice; formed, so as to be able to judge
but Kennedy, who was on the ground, of the manner in which Wellington
does not share this view. "It would and Napoleon occupied their respec-
be an error," he says, “to suppose tive positions at Waterloo, that 3,000
that it was from any want of courage infantry or 1,760 cavalry, drawn up
200
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Allied
Position.
Waterloo. and relative position of the different corps in the Allied
Anglo-
and French armies are shown in the annexed diagram,
as they stood at the commencement of the battle. Taken
in connection with the map (p. 176), this will explain
the subsequent movements.]121 The extreme left of the
Allied front was held by Vivian's hussar brigade, and
was, in military dialect,“ in the air"—that is, protruded
into the open country, without natural or artificial pro-
in a single rank, occupy one Eng- graphs upon The Battlefield (pages
lish mile of front, that is, each in- 172 et seq.), and in the text above.
fantry soldier occupies 21 inches of (2) The Charleroi and Nivelles roads,
front, and each horse 36 inches of shown as parallel in the diagram,
front; consequently, when British in fact converged to a point back of
infantry occupy, in two lines, that Mont St. Jean, so that the lines of
is, in four ranks, a field of battle troops were coutracted within the
extending one mile in front, 11,200 angle, and followed an arc of a
men are required, and a fourth part circle at the circumference, as if the
of the whole infantry, all the cavalry, diagram were folded like a fan, with
and a part of the artillery should be those roads as its radial ribs. (3) The
in reserve, so that to occupy a posi- respective Allied and French troops
tion properly requires 20,000 troops actually faced one another severally,
for each mile of front. Now, sup-
as shown in the diagram, except
posing that Wellington's and Napo-
those on the west of the Nivelles
leon's fronts of battle each extended road, as is explained in the text and
over. two miles and a half, they
in note 126, p. 204. (4) The letters
would require 50,000 men each to
suffixed to the names of the Allied
occupy the ground as a field of battle,
commands signify :-E, British;
and this at once shows conclusively B, Brunswick; K, King's German
that each of these great commanders
Legion ; H, Hanoverian ; N, Nassau;
occupied his position very strongly." DB, Dutch-Belgian. (5) The num-
Nothing on a smaller scale ber prefixed to these initials is that
than the excellent large plans accom-
of the brigade in the service desig-
panying Siborne's work can actually nated. (6) The number affixed to
map the position of the troops, and
the initial letter shows the strength
to accomplish this Siborne has been
of the particular body of troops.
obliged both to omit the topographi- (7) The names of corps commanders
cal features and to limit the area of
are in CAPITALS, of division
the field shown to a very undesir-
commanders in SMALL CAPITALS, of
able extent. The diagram will set
(infantry) brigade commanders in
forth the position of the armies, with
ordinary type, of cavalry command-
the following explanations:-(1) The ers in italics. E.g.
signifies
first line of each army followed the «Vivian's 6th British cavalry brigade,
cross-roads described in the para- containing 1,244 men."
121
Vivian
6 E-1244
[To face page 2016
Collaert-DB Div.
Reserve.
For explanation of Diagram
see note 121, p. 200.
Merbe
Braine
Brunswick
Cavalry and Infy.
5452
Cumberland
FussC7's
H-497
Mont St.
Jean
Alentsschild
7 K-622
ANGLO-ALLIED ARMY.
2d line.
Grant
5 E-1162
Dörnberg
3 E-1268
Somerset
I E-1226
Ponsonby
2 E-1181
UXBRIDGE
Kruse
N-3 battalions
Ist line.
H. Halkett
H-2454
31
Adam
3 E-2621
Du Plat
I K 1758
Byng
2 E-1629
Maitland
I E-1582
C. Halkett
5 E-1782
Kielmansegge
I H-3002
Ompteda
2 K-1527
Lambert
10 E-2182
Kempt
8 E-1958
Pack
9 E-1713
Best
4 H-2582
Von Vincke
5 H-2366
Vandeleur
4 E-1012
Vivian
6 E-1244
PICTON
ALTEN—3a Div.
CLINTON-2d Div. COOKE—Ist Div. (Guards)
Mitchell
4 E-1726
COLE PICTON-5th Div. COLE-6th
Sand-pit
Bylandt
E-150
DB-3233
Papelotte
Hougomont
E-H-N
La Haye Baring
K-400
Sainte
La Haye
PERPONCHER
20 DB Div.
4300
Smohain
Nivelles
Road.
Charleroi
Road,
Frischermont
REILLE—2d Corps d'Armée
D’ERLON--Ist Corps d'Armée
Ist line,
Piré
JEROM1.
2d Cav. Div.-1865 6th Div.-6coo
FOY
gth Div.-6000
BACHELU
5th Div.-6000
DONZELOT
3d Div. 5000
ALIX
Ist Div.-5000
MARCOGNET
2d Div.-5000
DURUTTE
4th Div.-5000
Jaquinot
Ist Cav. Div.-1700
La Belle
Alliance
KELLERMANN-3d Cav. Corps.
MILHAUD—4th Cavalry Corps
FRENCH ARMY.
2d line.
Roussel
12th Cav. Div.-1550
L'Héritica :
Ilth Cav. Div. 1650
LOBAU
Delort
14th Cav. Div.-1414
JEANNIN SIMMER
20 D-3730 19 D-3730
Wautier
13th Cav. Div.-1886
6th Corps
Domont
3 Cav. D-1400
Subervic
Cay.D_1700
DROUOT_Imperial Guard
Lefebvre-Desnouettes
2d Cav, Div.-Guard
2000
FRIANT-Old Guard
8 battals.-4000
Il
MORAND-Middle Guard
8 battals.-4000
. 1
DUHESME-Young Guard
Planchenoit
Artillery-900
Artillery-900
3d line.
Guyot
Ist Cav. Div.-Guard
2000
8 battals.-4000
Ros some
Reserve
WATERLOO-WELLINGTON'S POSITION.
201
tection to its outer flank, for it is at this point that the Waterloo.
Allied heights widened out into the general plateau; but Anglo-
in its front, and screening it from the enemy, were the Position.
advanced posts of Papelotte, La Haye, and Smohain.
These were held by Perponcher's Dutch-Belgian divi-
sion and some Nassau battalions, and, though unpro-
tected by any works or particular natural advantages,
could withstand an attack until assistance should ar-
rive.122 Next to Vivian, on his right, was Vandeleur's
brigade of light dragoons; and then began the infantry
troops which made up the remainder of the Allied front
line. The first were Von Vincke's 5th Hanoverian
brigade of Picton's (5th) division. Next on its right
was Best's 4th Hanoverian brigade of Cole's (6th) divi-
sion, which was drawn up with its right flank resting
upon a knoll that formed the most commanding point
of ground on the Allied left wing, overlooking the
valley and furnishing a kind of natural field work in
which to mount the artillery of the brigade. Here
occurred a deviation from the formation of the rest of
the line, for, on the slope in front of the Wavre road
and in advance of the brigades on either hand, both
of which it partly overlapped, Bylandt's Dutch-Belgian
brigade was posted—“ most unaccountably, as I con-
ceive," says Kennedy, who holds that its proper place
was in the general line and between the too-widely
spaced brigades of Pack and Kempt.123 These two
122 “ The Prince [Bernhard) of
Saxe-Weimar," says Charras, "oc-
cupied the Château of Frischermont
with one battalion, Smohain, La
Haye, and Papelotte with another,
and held the rest of his brigade in
l'eserve. He had at command three
guns, the remainder of a battery dis-
organised by our cavalry at Quatre
Bras."
128 These Dutch-Belgians were
among the troops about which mis-
givings were entertained, yet they
were put forward under the direct
line of the French batteries, and at
the point where the enemy's first
onset might be expected. When
they subsequently proceeded to jus-
tify the expectations that had been
formed of them, it became necessary
202
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Anglo-
Allied
Position.
Waterloo. brigades, the remainder of Picton's division, carried on
the line as far as the Allied centre at the Charleroi
road, upon which, as originally formed, Kempt's brigade
rested its right, a little in rear of the sand-pit opposite
La Haye Sainte.124 This sand-pit was occupied by two
companies of the 95th rifles from Kempt's brigade,
while a third company held the knoll and hedge adjoin-
ing it, and further strengthened their position by con-
structing an abatis across the Charleroi road. La Haye
Sainte, on the western side of the road, was occupied
by Col. Baring with 400 men from the 2d light battalion
of the King's German Legion. The importance of this
post had been underestimated by the Duke of Welling-
ton, and the necessary measures for its protection ne-
glected by the officers of his staff; and, though its in-
adequate garrison had worked hard since daybreak to
put it in condition, it was not in a fit state for defence
when attacked by the French.125 Baring's battalion was
day,
on
to supply their defection by bringing
up troops from the reserve to fill the
position to which Bylandt ought ori-
ginally to have been assigned.
124 In the diagram Lambert's
(10th) brigade of Cole's (6th) divi-
sion is shown as intervening between
Kempt and the Charleroi load.
Lambert was on his way, by a forced
march, from Ghent at the time the
position was formed, and only reached
the field after the action had com-
menced ; so that, in the first instance,
his brigade was halted as a reserve
behind Mont St.**: Jean, but on the
flight of the Dutch-Belgians he took
the position indicated in the front
line.
125 “The most important mistake
which the Duke of Wellington com-
mitted as to the actual fighting of
the Battle of Waterloo," Kennedy
says in his general summary of the
was his overlooking the vast
importance of retaining the posses-
sion at any cost of the farm and en-
closures of La Haye Sainte. This
farm was at the very centre of his
position, and was
the great
chaussée by which the French army
so easily approached the position.
These circumstances and Napoleon's
known modes of attack indicated that
the possession of this farm would be
of the utmost value. Napoleon had
from the first seen the vast import-
ance of his possessing himself of
this part of Wellington's field of
battle, as is proved by his massing
so very large a force immediately
opposite to it, and by his establish-
ing a battery of 74 guns to bear upon
it.” The Duke in after days acknow-
ledged his error in this respect, and
WATERL00-WELLINGTON'S POSITION.
203
drawn from Ompteda’s (2d) brigade of the King's Waterloo.
German Legion, which stood in rear of La Haye Sainte, Anglo-
upon the high ground at the north-western angle of the Position.
Charleroi and Wavre roads. Ompteda's brigade, Kiel-
mansegge’s ist Hanoverian, and Sir Colin Halkett's 5th
British brigades constituted Count Alten's 3d division,
which—with Kruse's Nassau brigade, drawn up in the
interval between Kielmansegge and Halkett, and to
their rear-made the first portion of the right wing of
the Allied front line. The remainder of the line as far
as the Nivelles road was formed by Maitland's (1st) and
Byng's (2d) brigades of Cooke's (1st) division of Guards.
Of these, Byng's brigade stood upon the brow of the
hill overlooking Hougomont, and acted as a reserve to
the force holding the château and its enclosures, to
which it had contributed 4 light companies. The de-
fenders of Hougomont, besides the Guards, were a bat-
talion of Nassau troops, a company of Hanoverian rifles,
and 100 of Kielmansegge's Hanoverians. During the
night the garden walls had been loopholed, and plat-
forms and embankments erected behind them : the
various entrances to the enclosures had been securely
barricaded, except the gateway from the farm-yard to
the avenue leading to the Nivelles road, which was kept
open to afford communication with the Allied position.
the mistake of diverting to Hougo- gested to them to place a British
mont the workmen and tools that battalion in the buildings in addition
should have been employed all night to Baring's, but the proposal was
at La Haye Sainte. The garrison, negatived." = In curious accord with
Kennedy adds, should have been Kennedy's then unpublished estimate
1,000 instead of 400, and he con- of the proper garrison was Thiers'
tinues:—“The proposals for strength- assertion as of a fact:-“In the
ening the place on the morning of centre, on the Brussels road, was
the 18th were repudiated by the the farm of La Haye Sainte.
headquarters staff. When it was The defence of this place had been
seen in the morning that a general entrusted by the Duke to 1,000
action was inevitable, it was sug-
men."
204
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Anglo-
Allied
Position.
Waterloo. Partly along this Hougomont avenue, and, crossing the
Nivelles road, along the cross-road to Braine-la-Leude-
that is, in advance of the general front line where it
reached the Nivelles road, and down in the valley—was
Mitchell's 4th British brigade, which belonged to Col-
ville's 4th division, the two other brigades of which
were at Hal. Mitchell's troops had protected their front
by throwing an abatis across the Nivelles road, and
they were supported by a squadron of the 15th British
hussars. In the rear of Hougomont, to the right of
the Nivelles road, the ridge of heights, which the Wavre
road and Allied front line have hitherto followed, is
abruptly terminated by the cross-valley that passes just
west of Hougomont and runs northward to Merbe
Braine; so that these heights end in a plateau that
looks westwardly over the cross-valley. This plateau
forms what Kennedy terms “a sort of natural citadel
of ground, on which Wellington could, and did, throw
back his right, and which he most judiciously held as a
security for his right or as a position for a reserve force
of infantry, to be used as the circumstances of the
battle might indicate.” Upon this ground, with its
front at a right angle with the remainder of the Allied
line, was posted Clinton's ad division, of which the left
brigade (Du Plat's ist brigade of the King's German
Legion) rested on the Nivelles road, adjoining Byng's
Guards, while the right brigade (Hew Halkett's 3d
Hanoverian) was near Merbe Braine, the interval be-
tween these two being filled by the third brigade of
the division, Adam's 3d British.126 Thus, so long as
126 The diagram showing the
position of the armies, as was ex-
plained in note 121, page 200, repre-
sents the Charleroi and Nivelles roads
as parallel, whereas in fact they con-
verge at (the village, not farm, of)
Mont St. Jean. By the folding
operation suggested in that note, so
as to make these two roads radial,
but leaving Merbe Braine as it
stands, Clinton's division would be
brought into its actual position—that
WATERL00–WELLINGTON'S POSITION.
205
the Guards should hold Hougomont, Wellington could Waterloo.
draw up a strong line of battle from that point to Anglo-
Merbe Braine; while, if Napoleon did not attack the Position.
right flank, Clinton's division was available as a reserve
to the remainder of the right wing. The troops thus
far enumerated constituted the entire Anglo-Allied front
line, with its several advanced posts. =The second line
consisted wholly of British and German cavalry, of
which Grant's 5th, Dörnberg's 3d, and Arentsschildt's
7th brigades stood in rear of Cooke's and Alten's infan-
try divisions. In the rear of the centre, and drawn up
under the personal command of Lord Uxbridge, on
either side of the Charleroi road, before Mont St. Jean,
were the two brigades of heavy dragoons, Lord Edward
Somerset's Ist or Household brigade of Guards, and
Sir William Ponsonby's 2d brigade—which was also
known as the “Union Brigade,” since the regiments
composing it, the Royals, Scots Greys, and Inniskillings,
represented England, Scotland, and Ireland respectively.
This second line stood upon the reverse slope of the
heights or in the hollow in their rear, and were out of
sight of the French and to a great extent out of reach
of the direct line of their artillery.=In rear of the line
of cavalry were, on the extreme right, the Brunswick
corps, which had lost its leader, the Duke of Brunswick,
at Quatre Bras, and was now commanded by Col. Olfer-
mann : it consisted of both cavalry and infantry, and
rested its right upon Merbe Braine, its left on the
Nivelles road. On the left of the Nivelles road and in
rear of Grant's cavalry were the Cumberland-Hanove-
rian hussars. Also in reserve, in rear of Mont St. Jean
of a right angle with Cooke's division mentioned above as commanding
and the remainder of the Allied the 3d Hanoverian brigade, is to
front line, and facing upon a line be distinguished from Gen. Sir Colin
drawn from Hougomont to Merbo Halkett, who commanded the 5tlı
Braine. =Col. Hew Halkett, who is British brigade of Alten's division.
206
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Allied
Position.
Waterloo. and out of sight of danger, was Collaert's division of
Anglo-
three brigades of Dutch-Belgian cavalry. With the
reserve was at first included that brigade of Sir John
Lambert's which early in the action passed into the
front line between Kempt and the Charleroi road. .
Otherwise the left wing of the army had no reserve,
unless the Prussians looked for from Ohain might be so
regarded. 127 =The artillery of the front line was posted-
8
guns with Perponcher's Dutch-Belgian division, about
the eastern advanced posts in the valley ; 6 guns with
Vivian's hussar brigade ; 6 guns upon the command-
ing height before Best's and Pack's brigades ; 6 guns
with Kempt's brigade; 12 guns with Alten’s division ;
I 2 with Cooke's; and 12 with Clinton's. The troops of
horse-artillery were divided among the cavalry; and
other batteries were at first in reserve, but were all
brought forward during the course of the action and
moved from point to point. By the same negligence
and blundering which had left La Haye Sainte indefen-
sible, the artillery was left unprotected, to encounter
the full storm of fire from the greatly superior French
batteries, and suffered terribly in consequence.
127 Hooper, accounting for Wel-
any part of the line through the
lington's holding all his reserves on his
perfectly open slopes in rear of the
right, after mentioning his apprehen- ridge. The ground on the right,
sion that Napoleon might try to turn therefore, was a stronghold, covering
his position by way of Hal, continues :
two of the great roads to the Bel-
"He had another reason for placing gian capital. The importance which
the bulk of his troops, horse and foot, Wellington attached to this flank
on the west of the Charleroi road.
may be estimated by the fact that it
The strongest part of the position was here he posted Lord Hill, his
was the right. There stood Hougo- most trusted lieutenant. Moreover,
mont; on that side ran the Nivelles
he expected the Prussians on the left."
road ; there the troops were com- 128 Napoleon, not satisfied by his
pletely concealed. ... Moreover, night reconnoissances that Welling-
by posting his reserves on his right, ton had omitted to raise redoubts or
he converted the position on that entrenchments, deferred issuing his
side into a citadel, whence he could order of battle in the morning until
send at pleasure reinforcements to he could assure himself on this point;
128
WATERLOO_WELLINGTON'S POSITION.
207
Besides the troops thus arrayed on the actual field Waterloo.
of battle, the Duke of Wellington had detached to Hal Anglo-
and Tubize, some nine miles distant on his right, the Position.
corps of Prince Frederick of Orange and a British and
a Hanoverian brigade from Sir Charles Colville's divi-
sion-troops numbering in all some 18,000 men ;—and,
to keep up communication with them, he occupied
Braine-la-Leude, three-quarters of a mile west of Merbe
Braine, with Chassé's 3d division of Netherlands troops,
6669 strong. For thus voluntarily reducing his Water-
loo army to a numerical inferiority to that of Napoleon,
the Duke has been more generally reprehended than
for
any other circumstance relating to the battle; and
it has been considered inexplicable—“his only fault,"
according to Charras--that he did not bring up Col-
ville's division as soon as the gravity of the action
became manifest, and thus avert the very critical posi-
tion in which his army was placed after the French
carried La Haye Sainte, in consequence of its desti-
tution of reserves.
This is accounted for-as is also
his selection of a position with the Forest of Soignies
in his rear-by the course he intended to pursue in the
event of his being forced to retreat. Wellington, in
1821, visited the battlefield with Gen. Ziegler, then com-
mandant at Namur, and, illustrating his remarks by a
pencil sketch, said, “The last hour of the battle was
no
and it was not until Gen. Haxo had
reconnoitred closely and reported
that there were
field-works
that the Emperor dictated his
order.
Among English writers
on the battle, it was reserved for
Col. Chesney to show that this defi-
ciency did not arise from Welling-
ton's oversight. He quotes from
some unpublished memoranda by Sir
H. Clinton upon the position of his
own (the 2d) division at Waterloo,
as follows: “ About II A.M. the
Light Brigade and German Legion
were ordered to furnish working
parties to throw up breastworks to
cover our guns; but when they ar-
rived the officer with the entrenching
tools was not present, and before
these works were begun the enemy
had commenced his attacks. So the
guns hnd no cover."
208
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Anglo-
Allied
Position.
Waterloo. indeed a trying one to me.
But I should not have re-
treated on the wood of Soignies, as Napoleon supposed,
thinking I should fall back on Brussels and the sea, but
I should have taken the direction to my left, that is
toward Wavre, which would have given me the sub-
stantial advantage of drawing near the Prussian army.
"
In this event, his right wing must have retired sepa-
rately westward—that is, upon Hal, and probably under
Lord Hill,—and would have united with the 18,000 men
already in that quarter, while he joined Blücher with
the remainder of his army. Thus his obstinate tenure
of Hal is explained, and the terrors of the defile through
Soignies are dispelled. 129
129 This solution of a much-vexed the Continental criticisms evoked by
question was reached by Chesney, Chesney's Waterloo Lectures, and
and, if fully established, would end was first set forth in the third edi-
the tiresome disputation about Wel- tion of that work, published in
lington's blunder in fearing an attack 1874. In 1875 appeared the Gren
from the west, and his certain ruin ville Memoirs, the posthumous jour-
if he had been driven into the wood. nal of Charles C. F. Greville, whose
The Duke's adulators, on the one position as Olerk of the Council
hand, have demonstrated that the under George IV and William IV
wood was an excellent thing, pre- brought him into intimate relations
cisely the kind of stronghold he with the Duke of Wellington. In
would desire; and Napoleon's fol- that journal, under date of Wher-
lowers have caught up liis dicta, like sted, Dec. 1o, 1820, appears this
Thiers, who derides “ the chimerical entry :—“ Yesterday we went to
danger of an attack from the direc- shoot at Sir Philip Brookes's. As
tion of the sea,” declares it to be "a we went in the carriage, the Duke
fear thatnever left his [Wellington's] talked a great deal about the Battle
mind, and which was quite unworthy of Waterloo and different things re-
of his military discernment,” and lating to that campaign. He said
dwells upon “the error committed that he had 50,000 men at Waterloo.
in fighting in advance of the Forest He began the campaign with 85,000
of Soignies." – It is, however, to be
men, lost 5,000 on the 16th, and had
added that Wellington's explanation a corps of 20,000 at Hal, under
to Gen. Ziegler, in 1821, that he Prince Frederick. He said that it
purposed retreating eastwardly to- was l'emarkable that nobody who
ward Blücher, does not harmonize had ever spoken of these operations
with his sayings to others in the had ever made mention of that
year previous. Gen. Ziegler's story corps, and Bonaparte was certainly
was brought to light in the course of ignorant of it. In this corps were
WATERLOO-NAPOLEON'S POSITION.
209
Napoleon's front line along the southern heights was Waterloo.
slightly more extended than that of the Allies, his right French
Position.
the best of the Dutch troops ; it had that his object ought to have been
been placed there because the Duke to remove him as far as possible from
expected the attack to be made on the Prussian army, and that he
that side. He said that the French ought, consequently, to have moved
army was the best army that was upon Hal, and to have attempted to
ever seen, and that in the previous penetrate by the same road by which
operations Bonaparte's march upon the Dule had himself advanced.
Belgium was the finest thing that He had always calculated upon Bo-
ever was done-50 rapid and so well naparte's doing this, and for this
combined. His object was to beat purpose he had posted 20,000 men
the armies in detail, and this object under Prince Frederick at Hal. He
succeeded in so far that he attacked said that the position at Waterloo
them separately; but from the ex- was uncommonly strong, but that
traordinary celerity with which the the strength of it consisted alone in
Allied armies were got together, he the two farms of Hougomont and La
was not able to realise the advan- Haye Sainte, both of which were ad-
tages he had promised himself. The mirably situated and adapted for de-
Duke says that they certainly were fence. In Hougomont there were
not prepared for this attack, as never more than from 300 to 500
the French had previously broken men, who were reinforced as it was
up the roads by which their army necessary; and although the French
advanced; but as it was in summer repeatedly attacked this point, and
this did not render them impassable. sometimes with not less than 20,000
He says that Bonaparte beat the men, they never could even approach
Prussians in the most extraordinary it. Had they obtained possession of
way, as the battle [of Ligny] vas it, they could not have maintained it,
gained in less than five hours; but as it was open on the one side to the
that it would probably have been whole fire of the English lines, while
more complete if he had brought a it was sheltered on the side toward
greater number of troops into action, the French. The Duke said the
and not detached so large a body farın of La Haye Sainte was still
against the British corps.
There better than that of Hougomont, and
were 40,000 men opposed to the that it never could have been taken
Duke on the 16th, but he says that if the officer who was commanding
the attack was not so powerful as there had not neglected to make an
it ought to have been with such a aperture through which ammunition
force. The French had made a long could be conveyed to his garrison."
march the day hefore the battle, and Sir Walter Scott's Paul's Letters,
had driven in the Prussian posts in though by no means historical au-
the evening. I asked him if he thority as to the details of the battle,
thought Bonaparte had committed may be trusted for the actual con-
any fault. He said he thought he versations which they quote, since
had committed a fault in attacking they were written nearly at the time
him in the position of Waterloo ; and place. According to these, Wel-
P
210
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
French
Position.
Waterloo. wing being about a mile and an eighth in length from
Frischermont to La Belle Alliance, and the left a mile
and a quarter from the Charleroi road to a point beyond
the Nivelles road. No better description of the forma-
tion of his army can be given than that which he him-
self dictated at St. Helena :-
“The army prepared for action, and marched forward in
eleven columns. These eleven columns were designed-four
to form the ist line, four to form the ad line, and three to
form the 3d line. The four columns of the ist line were-
“ Ist. That on the left, comprising the cavalry of the ad
corps.
« 2d. Three divisions of infantry, forming the ad corps.
“ 3d. Four divisions of infantry, forming the ist corps.
“ 4th. The light cavalry of the ist corps.
The four columns of the 2d line were--
“Ist. That on the left, formed by Kellermann's cuirassiers.
“2d. Two divisions of infantry from the 6th corps.
*3d. Two divisions of light cavalry: one from the 6th
corps, commanded by Gen. Domont; the other a detachment
from the corps under Gen. Pajol, commanded by Gen. Subervie.
“4th. Milhaud's corps of cuirassiers.
The three columns of the 3d line werem-
“Ist. That on the left, formed by the division of horse-
grenadiers and dragoons of the Guard, under Gen. Guyot.
- 2d. The three divisions of the Old, Middle, and Young
Guard, under Lieut.-Gens. Friant, Morand, and Duhesme.
66
« und
97
lington, when asked what he should
have done if the position had been
carried, replied, “We had the wood
behind us to retreat into ?
if the wood also was forced ?" “No,
110; they could never have so beaten
us but that we could have made
good the wood against them.":
All which goes to discountenance
the theory of a projected retreat
eastward, except as an afterthought,
possibly in 1821. = With Greville's
version of the Duke's saying about
La Haye Sainte should be coupled
this from Paul's Letter's. The absence
of a back gate having been mentioned,
“I ought to have thought of it,
said the Duke of Wellington, 'but,
as he added, with a very unnecessary
apology, 'my mind could not em-
brace everything at once.'”
WATERLOO-NAPOLEON'S POSITION.
21 I
French
3d. The chasseurs à cheval and the lancers of the Guard, Waterloo.
under Lieut.-Gen. Lefebvre-Desnouettes.
“ The artillery marched on the flanks of the columns : the Position.
parks and flying artillery formed the rear.
“At 9 o'clock the heads of the four columns forming the
ist line arrived at the spot where they were to deploy. At the
same time were seen, at various distances, the seven other
columns descending from the heights. They were in full
march ; the trumpets and drums sounded over the field; the
music re-echoed airs which recalled to the soldiers the remem-
brance of a hundred victories; the earth seemed proud to bear
so many brave men. The whole formed a magnificent spec-
tacle, and must have struck the enemy with awe, who were so
placed as to perceive every man, and to whom the army must
have appeared double its real numbers. These eleven columns
deployed not only without confusion, but with such accuracy
that each man filled at once the place designed him by the
commander-in-chief. Never had such masses moved with so
much facility.
“ The light cavalry of the ad corps, which formed the first
column on the left of the 1st line, deployed in three ranks on
either side of the road between Nivelles and Brussels, nearly as
high as the outskirts of the park of Hougomont, commanding
on the left all the plain, and having its main guards placed on
Braine-la-Leude, its battery of light artillery on the road to
Nivelles. The ad corps, under Gen. Reille, occupied the space
between the roads of Nivelles and Charleroi, covering an extent
of from 5,000 to 6,000 feet. Prince Jerome's division was
stationed on the left, near the road to Nivelles and the wood of
Hougomont; Gen. Foy held the centre; and Gen. Bachelu the
right, reaching as far as the road to Charleroi, near to the farm
of La Belle Alliance. Each division of infantry deployed in
two lines, with an interval of 180 feet between them, having
its artillery in front and its parks in the l'ear near the road to
Nivelles. The 3d column, formed by the ist corps and com-
manded by Count d’Erlon, had on its left: La Belle Alliance, on
the right of the road to Charleroi, and its right opposite the
farm of La Haye, which was held by a strong detachment from
the left wing of the enemy.
Each division of its infantry
p 2
2 1 2
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
French
Position.
Waterloo. deployed in two lines, its artillery being stationed in the inter-
vals between the brigades. Its light cavalry, which formed
the 4th column, deployed on its right in three lines, command-
ing La Haye and Frischermont, and with its outposts over-
looking Ohain to observe the flankers of the enemy; and its
light artillery was on the right.
“ The ist line was scarcely formed when the heads of the
four columns of the 2d line arrived at the point from which
they were to deploy. Kellermann's cuirassiers established them-
selves in two lines, with an interval of 180 feet between them,
and at a distance of 600 feet from the second line of the ad
corps; having on their left the road to Nivelles, and their right
extending as far as the road to Charleroi. The whole space
occupied by them was about 6,600 feet; one of their batteries
took
up its position on the left, near the road to Nivelles, the
other on the right, near the road to Charleroi. The ad column,
commanded by Lt.-Gen. Count de Lobau, placed itself 300
feet behind the second line of the ad corps; it remained in
column, compressed into two divisions, occupying a space of
about 600 feet long and on the left of the road to Charleroi,
with an interval of 60 feet between the two divisions, having
its artillery on its left flank. The 3d column-that of its
light cavalry commanded by Gen. Domont, and followed by the
division under Gen. Subervie-disposed itself in close column
of squadrons, having on its left the road to Charleroi, and
opposite its infantry, from which it was separated only by that
road: its light artillery was stationed on its right flank. The
4th column--that of Milhaud's corps of cuirassiers--deployed
in two lines, with an interval of 180 feet between them, and
600 feet behind the second line of the ist corps; having on
its left the road to Charleroi and its right in the direction of
Frischermont. This column occupied an extent of about 5,400
feet; its batteries were disposed in the centre and on the left
near the road to Charleroi.
“ Before this second line was fully formed the heads of the
three columns of the reserve arrived at their points of deployment.
The heavy cavalry of the Guard was stationed at a distance of
600 feet behind Kellermann's cuirassiers. It deployed in two
lines with an interval of 180 feet between them, having the road
WATERLOO-NAPOLEON'S POSITION.
213
to Nivelles toward the left, the road to Charleroi on the right, Waterloo
with its artillery in the centre. The centre column_formed French
by the infantry of the Guard-deployed in six lines of 4 bat- Position.
talions each, with intervals of 60 feet between the ranks, on
either side the road to Charleroi and somewhat in front of the
farm of Rossome. The artillery batteries belonging to the
different regiments were placed on the right and on the left
the horse and foot artillery of the reserve being behind the
ranks. The 3d column-formed by the chasseurs à cheval
and the lancers of the Guard-deployed in two lines, with an
interval of 180 feet between them, and 600 feet behind Mil-
haud's cuirassiers, having on its left the road to Charleroi, its
right extending toward Frischermont, and with the light artil-
lery in the centre.
“ At half-past 10 o'clock, incredible though it may appear,
the whole movement was completed, and all the troops were
in their destined positions. The most profound silence per-
vaded the whole battlefield.
“The army was ranged in six lines, forming six double W's.
The ist and ad lines were formed of infantry, and flanked by
light cavalry; the 3d and 4th lines of cuirassiers; the 5th
and 6th lines of cavalry of the Guard; with six lines of
infantry of the Guard perpendicularly placed at the points of
these six W's; and the 6th corps-compressed as a column
was placed perpendicularly to the lines occupied by the Guard ;
its infantry was on the left, and its cavalry on the right of the
road. The roads to Charleroi and Nivelles were left free, as
the means of communication by which the artillery of the
reserve could reach with speed the various points of the
line.” 130
130 Napoleon's account of the army had somewhat the form of a
formation of his army is singularly great fan gleaming, as the bayonets,
clear and precise, with the exception sabres, and cuirasses of our men
of the “ six double W's," which are flashed back the sunlight." The
difficult to trace in plans of the battle suv, as abundant testimony proves,
or in the imagination, but possibly was hidden by clouds at this time;
appeared from some point from and, if it had been shining, it would
which he regarded the army. Thiers have been upon the backs of the
—who usually follows the St. Helena French troops. Thiers further im-
writings-gives up the W's, and is proves upon Napoleon by stating
content to say that “the French that "in less than an hour all these
214
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
French
Position.
The sole line of retreat for the French was by the
Charleroi road, and through the narrow defile of
Genappe 181
On the morning of the battle the chiefs of both armies
were early astir. Napoleon—who, says Hooper, “could
no longer, as in old times, sleep and wake at will”—had
spent most of the night in the storm, exploring the field,
watching that the English did not retreat, scanning the
signs of the weather, and returning at intervals to the
farm-house of Caillou to dry his clothes before the fire and
dictate orders and dispatches. Wellington was dressed
and at his desk, in Waterloo, at 2 o'clock in the morning,
writing what might prove to be his last letters-letters
to Sir Charles Stuart, the British minister at Brussels,
desiring him to “keep the English quiet,” to let them
be prepared to move, but to avoid a panic; to
the Duke de Berri, recommending him to remove
Louis XVIII and his court from Ghent to Antwerp,
and explaining the precautions which had been taken
for their protection; to the governor of Antwerp,
directing him to “have the means of inundating the
surrounding country ready;" and orders concerning the
disposition and removal of the reserve ammunition and
the preparation of apartments in every house through-
out the neighbouring country for the wounded.132 The
fine troops had taken their appointed Charras, “that Napoleon had two
position," although Napoleon expli- roads by which to retreat-those of
citly says that the movement began Nivelles and of Charleroi. This is
at 9 A.M. and was completed at an error; for the retreat by Nivelles
10.30-another evidence tliat, wlien- would have given the army a direc-
ever the great French bistorian's tion so divergent as to compromise
statements with regard to time can Grouchy's detachment inordinately."
be brought to a test, they prove to 131 One of the Duke's precautions
be false (see notes 74, p. 129; 86, p. this morning was to cause the remo-
146; and 93 p. 158).
Waterloo.
June 18.
2 A.M.
val from Brussels to Antwerp of his
131 « It has been said," observes niece, the lately-married wife of his
WATERLOO—BEFORE THE BATTLE.
215
S
Duke's disposition of his troops had been made over Waterloo.
night; but, while the cleaning of arms, the regimental June 18.
inspections, and other preliminaries were going on, and
his staff were seeing each brigade placed in its assigned
position, he rode from point to point along his line,
examining and modifying the arrangements.183 Napo
secretary, Lord Fitz Roy Somerset. which reference must again be made
The many similar removals which to Thackeray's Vanity Fair. Scott's
occurred went far to promote that allusion to it in the field of Waterloo
pavic which Wellington deprecated, is as follows:
and for the adequate delineation of
"Fair Brussels ! then what thoughts were thine,
When ceaseless from the distant line
Continued thunders came !
Each burgher held his breath, to hear
Those forerunners of havoc near,
Of rapine and of flame.
What ghastly sights were thine to meet,
When rolling through thy stately street,
The wounded showed their mangled plight
In token of the unfinished fight,
And from each anguish-laden wain
The blood-drops laid thy dust like rain !
How often in the distant drum
Heard'st thou the fell invader come,
While Ruin, shouting to his band,
Shook high her torch and gory hand !
Cheer thee, fair City! From yon stand,
Impatient, still his outstretch'd hand
Points to his prey in vain,
While maddening in his eager mood,
And all unwont to be withstood,
He fires the fight again."
133 Of the condition of things in whole country was dark, silent, and
the early morning Hooper gives this dreary. Between the two armies
picture :
:-“The light of the sun was stood the watchful sentries and ve-
obscured by a thick mass of clouds. dettes, crossing the little ridges in
The woods were dripping with wet; front of Mont. St. Jean. No other
the heavy crops were made heavier sign of waking life was visible at
by the moisture; the ground was daybreak; the Anglo-Allied army
plashy and yielding, and in the still remained in comfortless slum-
depths of the valleys were wide ber. Soon the men awoke, and the
pools. The air was filled with mist, plateau was covered with a mov-
and as far as the eye could see the ing mass. The soldiers looked cold
216
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo
June 18.
4 A.M.
8 A.M.
leon's solicitude about the weather had been so far
relieved that, about dawn, the rain had ceased, though
heavy clouds continued to overspread the sky until
sunset. His own early movements were thus described
by himself at St. Helena :-“At 8 o'clock ....
.. the
Emperor's breakfast was served, at which several
general officers were present: the Emperor said, “The
enemy's army is superior in numbers to ours by at least
one-fourth ; nevertheless we have at least ninety chances
in our favour, and not ten against us.' Without doubt,'
replied Marshal Ney, who entered the tent at this mo-
ment, “ if the Duke of Wellington were simple enough to
wait for your Majesty; but I am come to announce that
already his columns are in full retreat, and disappearing
in the forest.' 'You are mistaken,' replied the Em-
peror; he is no longer in time; he would expose him-
self to certain destruction; the dice have been thrown,
and the chances are in our favour.' Some artillery
officers who had been exploring the plain now an-
nounced that the artillery could manoeuvre, though
under some difficulties, which would be sensibly dimi-
nished in an hour. The Emperor immediately mounted
his horse, rode toward the riflemen stationed opposite
La Haye Sainte, reconnoitred anew the enemy's line, and
charged Gen. de Génie Haxo 134_-an officer in his confi-
and blue, dirty and unshaven.' They some iron-bound coast.' Seventy
rose from the sleep of the short night thousand men were in confused ir-
stiff and numbed, but, gradually regular motion over the plateau."
shaking off the feeling of weariness, On the French side, meanwhile,
they fell heartily to work, cooking Reille's corps were just coming up
their breakfasts, cleaning their arms, from Genappe, which they had not
feeding their horses, fetching wood, been able to pass the night before.
water, and straw. The sound of 131 The text preserves a felicity
preparation,' says one [of Picton's of some early translator of the Mé-
officers] who was present, reminded moires which has been generally
me forcibly of the distant murmur of embodied in accounts of the battle.
the waves of the sea beating against Haxo was Général de Génie--gene-
WATERLOO-BEFORE THE BATTLE.
217
dence—to approach still nearer, and ascertain if any Waterloo
redoubts or intrenchments had been raised. The Gene- June 18.
ral speedily returned and reported that he could perceive
no traces whatever of field-works. The Emperor re-
flected a quarter of an hour, and then dictated the
order of the battle, which two generals wrote while
seated on the ground. The aides-de-camp took the
orders to the different corps d'armée, who were under
arms, and full of impatience and ardour.” 135 The orders
their corps.
ral of engineers ; and the statement
... Our battalion joined
of his rank has been perverted into a
Donzelot's division : the others had
part of his name.
only 8 battalions, but his had 9.
135 This “impatience and ardour" Several persons have related that we
are vouched for by Thiers, who de- were jubilant and were all singing,
scribes the troops as
exultant with but it is false. Marching al night
joy and hope, notwithstanding the without rations, sleeping in the water,
dreadful night they had passed, en- forbidden to light a fire, when pre-
cumbered with mud, without fire, paring for showers of grape and
and almost without food, while the canister, all this took away any in-
English army, having arrived some clination to sing We were glad to
hours earlier than we, and being pull our shoes out of the holes in
abundantly supplied with provisions, which they were buried at every
suffered but very little. Our men,” step, and, chilled and drenched to
he continues, " had had time to pre- our waists by the wet grain, the
pare their soup in the morning, and hardiest and most courageous among
were, besides, in a state of enthu- us wore a discontented air. It is true
siasm that made them insensible to that the bands played marches for
every physical suffering, to every their regiments, that the trumpets
physical danger." But the Erck- of the cavalry, the drums of the
mann-Chatrian conscript draws the infantry, and the trombones mingled
picture as it was seen in the ranks :- their tones and produced a terrible
" About 8 o'clock the
arrived effect, as they do always. . . . As
with cartridges and hogsheads of for me, I never heard any one sing
brandy; each soldier received a either at Leipzig or Waterloo."
double ration ; with a crust of bread The allusion to the rations of brandy
we might have done very well, but at the outset of the preceding quota-
the bread was not there. You can tion is noteworthy. As long before
imagine what sort of humour we as the German campaign of 1813 the
were in. This was all we had that French practice in this respect had
day. Immediately after the grand been pointed out by Ompteda (not
movement commenced. Regiments the officer in the King's German
joined their brigades, brigades their Legion) in a letter to Baron Stein,
divisions, and the divisions re-formed which is printed in Prof. Seeley's
wagons
218
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
June 18.
9-10.30
A.N.
were as already quoted in the description of the French
position; and the Grand Army at once began to move
into its lines—a movement which Kennedy, who
watched it, says “was to those on the Allied position
who witnessed it highly interesting, and, as a sight,
majestic and beautiful.” This parademas imposing as
its designer's description shows that he meant it to be-
was intended both to inspirit his own soldiers by the
full disclosure of their strength, and to work upon the
nerves of the unsound corps in the Allied army, some of
which he had tampered with, but which Wellington had
so distributed among more trustworthy troops as to frus-
trate any attempt at defection to the enemy. Napoleon,
however, has been censured for spending in idle display,
as his critics term it, half of the day, when every hour
was bringing nearer to Wellington the Prussian support
on which he relied. But, besides that up to this time
Napoleon clearly had no suspicion of Blücher's cross-
march, he and his followers have claimed that it was
Life of the Prussian statesman. He
says: “The French troops, consist-
ing in great part of young soldiers,
fought in much the same way as the
troops that were hastily raised in the
first days of the Revolution. Now,
as then, brandy is served out to the
soldiers, and particularly to the
cavalry, a little while before an at-
tack is to take place, and the troops
already understand it as the sign of
an approaching engagement with the
enemy. Their first attack is then
made with great impetuosity, but if
the first shock is firmly met confusion
soon begins in the French ranks."
A verification of this was afforded
by the onset of drunken French lan-
cers from the street of Genappe on
the afternoon before (see text, page
135); and so much does it seem to
be a matter of course that Lamar-
tine assumes that the rash charges
of the British heavy cavalry at
Waterloo were due to their having
been previously fired hy drink. As
a matter of fact, the rations of
brandy served out to the French had
their equivalent in the Anglo-Allied
army. The Earl of Albemarle gives
this bit of his experience "Prior
to taking up our position for the
night [of June 17), the regiment filed
past a large tubful of gin. Every
officer and man was, in turn, pre-
sented with a little tin pot full. No
fermented liquor that has since passed
my lips could vie with that delicious
schnapps. As soon as each man was
served the precious contents that
remained in the tub were tilted over
on to the ground."
WATERLOO-BEFORE THE BATTLE.
219
IO A.M.
;)
necessary for him to delay the attack until the ground Waterloo.
hardened sufficiently for the movement of his cavalry June 18
and artillery; his apologists have further represented
that he had no more ammunition than would suffice for
eight hours of fighting ; and there can be little doubt
that his physical condition may have indisposed him,
on this day as on the previous ones, to personal exer-
tion.186 At all events-having seen the movement of
the troops begun, having shown himself to his sol-
diers, and after sending to Grouchy an order directing
him to continue his march on Wavre 137_--the Emperor
136 Drouot, chief of artillery of been completed at noon, and Blücher,
the Guard, afterwards took upon not arriving until 5, would have
himself the blame for this delay, fallen into the hands of a victorious
Thiers quotes this from some notes army. We did not commence the
written by Col. Combes-Brassard, attack until noon, and left all the
Lubau's chief of staff, who says:
chance of success to the enemy.'
“One day he [Drouot] said to me, A propos of Drouot's self-censure,
with the air of a man who wished Chesney observes, "Napoleon bad
to relieve an oppressed mind, "The also been bred an artilleryman, had
more I think of that battle the more served as an artillery general, had
I consider myself as one of the causes made more use of guns under his
of its being lost.' 'You, General ! own eye than any commander that
when did the generous devotion of a ever lived. Moreover, he had in his
noble friendship for one's master go
hand what Drouot could not grasp,
further than yours?' 'I shall ex- the strings of the strategic combina-
plain, Colonel. ... The Emperor,
tions of the whole theatre of war."
he continued,
was aware of the = The story that Napoleon's ammu-
disposition of the enemy's forces at nition had been so exhausted by
the break of day: his plan was de- Ligny, and Quatre Bras that only
cided on : he intended to commence eight hours' supply remained is to be
the battle at 8 or 9 in the morning found in Capt. J. W. Pringle's Re-
at the latest. I observed to him marks on the Campaign of 1815,
that the ground was so broken up which is included as an appendix in
by the rain that the movements of Scott's Life of Napoleon. = As to
the artillery would be very slow, an Napoleon's health, it will be referred
inconvenience that would be done to, in the words of those who at-
away with by a delay of two or tended him, in several of the follow-
three hours. The Emperor con- ing notes, which corroborate what
sented to make this fatal delay. Had has already been said upon the sub-
he disregarded my advice, Welling- ject in general terms. (See note, p.
ton would have been attacked at 7,
31.)
beaten at 10, the victory would have
137 See note 88, p. 149.
6
220
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 18.
Waterloo. sought rest before beginning the battle. Napoleon,
says Thiers, “who had passed the night wading through
the mud while making his reconnoissances, and who had
slept but three hours since he left Ligny at 5 o'clock on
the morning of the previous day, now flung himself
upon his camp-bed. His brother Jerome was with him
at the time. It is 10 o'clock,' he said, “and I will sleep
I shall certainly wake, but in any case rouse
me yourself; for these,' he added, pointing to the
officers, 'would not dare venture to disturb me.' Hav-
ing said this, he laid his head upon his slight pillow and
was soon sound asleep.” 188=It was during this interval
until 11.
138 This remark of Napoleon's to in waiting upon the first Napoleon at
his brother exactly accords with the Waterloo, told Bury that the Empe-
impossibility which Grouchy twice ror ordered his horses to be ready at
experienced of having Napoleon 7 in the morning. The order was
awakened at Fleurus to sanction the obeyed, but time wore away, and the
pursuit of the Prussians, on the Emperor made no sign. At last the
night of June 16th and on the morn- Grand Ecuyer came down to the as-
ing of the 17th until 8 A.M.—not sembled staff and told them that his
5 A.M., as Thiers again misstates the Imperial Majesty was in his room,
hour. (See note 63, page 115, and that he spoke to no one, that he was
text, page 127.) = In direct conflict
seated in a pondering attitude which
with Napoleon's own account of his forbade question or interruption. It
morning hours, and with Thiers', is was nearly noon when the Emperor
the story given by the Earl of Albe- descended the ladder that led to the
marle in his Fifty Years of my Life, sleeping-room, and rode away.- Do
on the authority of Gudin, whose you know, mon Général,' asked Bury,
credibility Thiers has lauded in a 'why the Emperor was so dilatory?
note previously quoted (page 33), He must have known—what all the
and whom on a later page he has world knows now that minutes
described as accompanying the Em- were of the highest importance to
peror on his midnight survey of the him on that day.'_'Oertainement,'
battlefield. Lord Albemarle says,
answered the General, 'tout le monde
“My son Lord Bury, who was in se le disait. Il avait joué son coup
1870 the representative at Rouen of et-il le savait perdu.' Gudin also
the Society for the Relief of the Sick told Bury that when Napoleon came
and Wounded in the war then raging down from his apartment to mount
between France and Prussia, became his horse, the equerry in waiting had
acquainted there with Gen. Gudin, stolen away to get some breakfast:
the commandant of the garrison. the duty therefore of assisting the
This officer, who was page d'honneur Emperor to mount devolved upon
WATERLOO-BEFORE THE BATTLE.
221
before the action began that a Prussian patrol notified Waterloo.
the English cavalry pickets near Smohain that Bülow June 18.
was approaching St. Lambert with his corps—the fact
being that it was simply Bülow's advanced guard which
was thus prematurely announced, his main body having
been seriously detained in its march. Hence the Duke
of Wellington looked for the arrival of the Prussians
several hours before they could really appear.139=Napo-
leon, waking at the hour he had named without being
called, joined his officers and established himself on
II A.JI.
6
Gudin, who gave him such a vigor- 154 et seq. = During this period of
ous hoist under the elbow that his Napoleon's repose, Wellington con-
Majesty nearly rolled off on the tinued his survey of his own lines, of
other side. · Petit imbécile,' ex- which Hooper gives this incident:
claimed Napoleon, 'va-t-en à tous Feeling the full importance of the
les diables,' and rode off, leaving the château of Hougomont and its en-
unlucky page, overwhelmed with closures, he rode thither, ... ob-
confusion, to mount and to ride serving the dispositions of the French
sadly on in the rear. They had rid- on that side. While here, accord-
den a few hundred yards when ing to an anecdote which Mr. Rogers
Gudin saw the staff open right and has preserved, he remarked that the
left, and the Emperor came riding Nassau regiment was disposed to
back. "Mon enfant, said he, putting
flinch from its forward position.
his hand kindly on the lad's shoulder, And when I remonstrated with
quand vous aidez un homme de ma them,' he continues, they said, in
taille à monter, il faut le faire dou- excuse, that the French were in such
cement, '--The l'ecollection of the force near there. It was to no pur-
implied apology, and the kindness
pose that I pointed to our Guards on
which induced one in Napoleon's po- the right. It would not do; and so
sition to think at such a moment of bewildered were they, that they sent
a young man's feelings, brought tears a fety shots after me as I rode off.
into the old General's eyes as he told “And with these men," I said to the
my son the story.” = It is not wholly Corps Diplomatique, who were with
impossible that the scenes of Napo- me, "with these men I am to win
leon's meeting his officers at break- the battle.” They shrugged their
fast, dictating the order of the army, shoulders.' Returning from Hougo-
etc., may have taken place without mont, the Duke rode along the
Gudin's knowledge, and that the whole line, followed by the diploma-
delay the latter describes may have tic gentlemen. Among the latter
been during such a period of retire- were Baron Vincent, Count Pozzo
ment as is described by Thiers. di Borgo, Gen. Alava, Baron Müffling,
139 In reference to the delay in and Count Francisco de Sales,"
Bülow's coming up, see text, page
222
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 18.
Waterloo. the place of observation he had selected—a mound of
earth near La Belle Alliance, where his maps were
spread on a table, and his horses stood saddled near by.
His plan of attack, as stated by Thiers, was “first to
seize the three advanced posts—the château de Gou-
mont (Hougomont] on the left, the Haye Sainte farm in
the centre, and the Papelotte and La Haye farms on
the right,--then to send his right wing supported by
his entire reserve to attack the English left, weak both
in position and numbers, force it on the centre, which
occupied the Brussels road, take possession of this road,
the only passage through the Forest of Soignies, and
thus compel the British army to enter the wood,
so cutting off the English from the Prussians who in all
probability, if not certainly, were at Wavre.” Napoleon
11.30 4.M. gave the order, and a discharge of artillery began the
battle. 140
140 One of the much-repeated first cannon shot then fired marked
traditions about the battle of Water- exactly the commencement of this
loo is that the hour of its commence- great contest.” Sir John Sinclair,
ment is involved in doubt, and, by who visited the field soon after the
way of proof, much has been said as
campaign, and obtained from the
to the hours at which persons at
actors in the battle materials for his
a distance did or did not hear the
paper on The Defence of Hougomont,
cannonade.
The troops at Hal- says, “The action commenced at 35
only 8 miles off to the west-heard minutes past 11 o'clock, as appears
nothing of it all day, and remained from the information of an officer
ignorant that the battle had taken who looked at his watch (which he
place until the next morning. was satisfied was correct as to time)
Grouchy and his officers heard it at as soon as the first gun was fired.”
Sart-les-Walhain—13 miles off to the "Captain Diggle," in the story
east-at 11.30 A.M. (see page 160, quoted by Hooper,
quoted by Hooper, "a cool old
and note 04
same page), for the officer of the Peninsula, took out
question of time was at once dis- his watch, turned to his subaltern
cussed by them with reference to officer, Gawler, who was one of the
their proposed cross-march. Ken-
same Peninsular mould, and (on
nedy, who was near La Haye Sainte, hearing the first cannon-shot) quietly
and closely observing what passed, remarked, "There it goes. The
wrote: “The first firing that took hands of the watch marked 20
place at the battle of Waterloo was minutes past 11." Definite state-
at half-past ii o'clock A.M.; the ments like these are sufficient to out-
THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO.
223
[Note on the divisions of the Battle of Waterloo.—To
understand this battle clearly, it must be premised that it
consisted of five distinct phases, marked by as many attacks
say:
weigh the loose guesses as to the After remarking that a salute in
hour aftertards made by those who honour of the victory at Ligny was
did not note it at the time, and thus being fired by the Parisians at the
occasioned a very unprofitable con- Invalides when the cannonade was
troversy. Brialmont-who himself opening at Waterloo, he goes on to
gives 11.30 as the hou—has this " The air must have been full
summary of the opinions of others : of gunpowder on the morning of the
“ Wellington and Gneisenau fix the celebrated 18th of June, and to
commencement of the battle about such a wondrous extent were the
IO; Alava and Vaudoncourt at half- re-echoes carried this day, owing to
past II; Napoleon and Drouot at
some peculiarity of atmosphere, that,
12; and Marshal Ney and Colonel the rector of Margate assured me the
Heymès at 1.” As to Ney and reverberation was heard on the Eng~
Heymès, it will be seen that their lish coast near that watering-place.”
share in the battle did commence = Among the moralizings upon Wa-
about 1-long after Hougomont was terloo at the time, much was said
attacked. = With the circumstance about its having been fought upon
mentioned at the outset of this note a Sunday—a sufficient cause, some
—that the Waterloo cannonade was declared it, for the defeat of the
not heard at Hal, 8 miles to the assailant. Macaulay, as an under-
west, but was heard at Sart-les- graduate at Cambridge in 1820,
Walbain, 13 miles to the east- treated the suggestion poetically.
readers interested in acoustics vill
The subject for the Chancellor's
do well to combine the story told by Prize for that year was Waterloo,
Sir Edward Cust in his Annals of and he sent in a poem, of which
the Wars of the Nineteenth Century. these are the opening lines :
" It was the Sabbath morn. How calm and fair
Is the blest dawning of the day of prayer !
Who hath not felt how fancy's mystic power
With holier beauty decks that solemn hour;
A softer lustre in its sunshine sees,
And hears a softer music in its breeze?
Who hath not dreamed that even the skylark's throat
Hails that sweet morning with a gentler note ?
Fair morn, how gaily shone thy dawning smile
On the green valleys of my native isle !
How gladly many a spire's resounding height
With peals of transport hailed thy new-born light!
Ah! little thought the peasant then, who blest
The peaceful hour of consecrated rest,
And heard the rustic temple's arch prolong
The simple cadence of the hallowed song,
224
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
made by Napoleon upon the Anglo-Allied army. These attacks
were :-
I. Reille's corps attacked Hougomont: began at 11.30 A.M., ,
continued throughout the day.
II. D’Erlon's corps attacked the Allied left and centre :
began at 2.30 P.M., continued till 3.30 P.M.
III. French cavalry attacked the Allied right: began at 4
P.M., continued till 6 P.M.
IV. Ney attacked the Allied centre, taking La Haye Sainte :
began at 6 P.M., continued till 7.30 P.M.
V. Last charge of the Imperial Guard: began at 7.30. P.M.
Kennedy's division of the battle in this manner rendered in-
telligible, for the first time, the aggregation of separate con-
flicts which previous narrators had left uncorrelated and
therefore bewildering. His method is followed in the subse-
quent pages.141=The Prussian operations against the French
right flank, though contemporaneous with the Anglo-Allied
defence, were for a time wholly independent of it. They are
That the same sun illumed a gory field,
Where wilder song and sterner music pealed ;
Where many a yell unholy rent the air,
And many a hand was raised—but not in prayer."
The poem did not take the prize, guage is used in describing the
and Macaulay's biographer remarks action by saying that the battle was
that the lines. 56
were pretty and a great drama in five acts, with dis-
simple enough to ruin his chance in tinct and well-defined intervals,
an academical competition.” The those intervals being marked simply
poem to which the prize was given by the firing of the batteries, with-
is quoted in full hereafter (page 444). out that fire being accompanied by
141 Kennedy's description of the any other action of the troops.
portions of the battle above tabulated This isolation of the attacks ...
is as follows:—The battle of Water- was a matter of the greatest import-
loo had this distinctive character, ance as regarded the result of the
that it was divided into five separate action; and the five great acts
attacks ; four of which were isolated that is, the five great attacks made
attacks, and one only, that is the by Napoleon-must be clearly classed
last, was general on the whole Anglo- in the mind of the reader, and dis-
Allied line : those five attacks were tinctly separated from each other:
distinct, and clearly separated from their time of commencement, their
each other by periods of suspension duration, and their comparative im-
of any close attacks. In fact, it can portance must be marked and re-
scarcely be said that figurative lan- membered."
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FIRST ATTACK.
225
Waterloo.
June 18.
detailed in their proper order chronologically, and are distin-
guished by a typographical indication from the main battle.]
The French opened the battle with the fire of Battle of
I 20 cannon, drawn up principally in front of their
right wing and centre, and so directed as to converge 11.30 A.M.
upon the Allied centre and left, where the principal
attack was to be delivered. But a preliminary attack
was to be made from the French left upon Hougomont;
and in this part of the field a portion of Reille's bat-
teries, with those of Piré's and Kellermann's horse-
artillery — some 40 pieces-opened upon the Allied
right wing and the wood and château of Hougomont.
The Allied batteries along the front ridge were prompt
in rejoining; the intervals between the reports became
less and less; and, as the French columns began to
move, the intervals disappeared, and the cannonade
became a continuous roar.
I.
I. Attack upon Hougomont.
Reille's (2d) corps-composed of the divisions of
Bachelu, Foy, and Prince Jerome 142 —— was charged
with the taking of Hougomont. Jerome moved first to 12 M.
the attack, a column from the right of his division, pre-
ceded by a swarm of skirmishers, advancing upon the
south-western border of the wood. The Nassau bat-
talion and Hanoverian riflemen who defended it opened
a brisk fire upon them from the cover of the trees and
the outer edge; but the French threw themselves into
the wood, and their leading brigade, Bauduin's, came
up in such numbers as to possess themselves of a con-
siderable portion of the wood, while other troops from
Foy's division entered the fields on its right, and the
112 As at Quatre Bras, Guilleminot was the real commander of the
division called Jerome's.
226
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
I.
assailants were rapidly making their way through the
southern enclosures. At this moment the Duke of
Wellington rode up to Major Bull's howitzer battery,
stationed on the Allied ridge in rear of the Hougomont
orchard, and gave orders to dislodge the enemy with
shells. An effective fire from the battery checked their
progress; 143 the light companies of the ist brigade of
Guards advanced from the orchard into the fields, while
on their right those of the 2d brigade came from the
lane and courts of the château to the support of the
Hanoverians and Nassauers in the wood; and, after a
sharp encounter, in which the French General Bauduin
fell, the Guards and their allies regained both fields and
wood.=Jerome then brought forward fresh columns to
renew the attack, directing them against the western
part of the wood, while troops from Foy's division were
to move simultaneously against its southern front. The
cannonade now became general on both sides--the
Allies firing upon the advancing French columns, the
French upon the English batteries themselves. The
Allied guns on the right were directed up the valley
beyond Hougomont, against Jerome's troops as they
approached the west of the wood; and they were
1.13 The narrative in the text fol-
lows that of Siborne: it is slightly
varied by Sir Augustus Frazer, who
tells that, on joining Wellington
behind Hougomont, he perceived
what progress the Freuch were
making in the wood, and sent for
Bull's howitzer battery, reporting to
the Duke that he had done so. 6 The
howitzer troop came up,” continues
Frazer ; "and came up handsomely :
their very appearance encouraged
the remainder of the division of the
Guards, then lying down to be shel-
tered from the fire. Tlie Duke said,
• Colonel Frazer, you are going to
do a delicate thing; can you depend
upon the force of your howitzers ?
Part of the wood is held by our
troops, part by the enemy,' and his
Grace calmly explained what I
already knew. I answered that I
could perfectly depend upon the
troop; and, after speaking to Major
Bull and all his officers, and seeing
that they too perfectly understood
their orders, the troop commenced
its Gre, and in less than ten minutes
the enemy was drived from the
wood."
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FIRST ATTACK.
227
Waterloo
June 18.
1.
answered by Pire's horse-battery from the brow of the Battle of
height where the Nivelles road intersects it. The
columns of Jerome and Foy meanwhile penetrated into
the wood, where they encountered a desperate resist-
ance from the British Guards, who, though outnum-
bered, retired only from tree to tree as they were suc-
cessively dislodged, and now and then made a resolute
stand. But the contest was unequal; the number of
the Guards rapidly diminished, as those of their assail-
ants increased ; and they were compelled to withdraw
from the wood—those of the ist regiment retiring into
the orchard, while the men of the Coldstream and the
3d regiments took shelter in the lane along the west of
the château and behind a haystack at the south-west
angle of the buildings. The pursuing French followed
in several directions-(a) those on the right against the
hedge that concealed the garden wall; (b) others
against the buildings and their courts; while (c) those
most to the left passed on beyond the western bound-
ary of Hougomont and into its rear. (a) The right
column, Soy's brigade, rushed at a charging pace upon
what they took to be a simple hedge ; but their leaders
had no sooner passed it than they encountered a deadly
fire from the loopholed wall 30 yards distant, and those
who followed only did so to perish before this impreg-
nable stronghold which they had no means of escalading,
and the most resolute could do no better than seek such
cover as the apple trees and hedges afforded, and waste
their bullets upon the impenetrable wall. From the
rear the French could only see that their columns
passed into the wood and did not return, so that their
success was taken for granted, and new columns were
sent forward in their support. Upon these and
upon
the troops already in the wood Bull's battery re-opened
so tremendous a fire of shells that the French were
Q 2
228
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
I.
thrown into disorder, which was completed by the re-
appearance of the Guards from the enclosures, who
again possessed themselves for a time of the northern
portion of the wood. But Bull's guns were now ex-
posed not only to the fire of those opposite them, but
were enfiladed by Piré's battery on the Nivelles road, and
became unable to repress the French infantry supports
which came up in great numbers to the relief of their
comrades in the wood, and drove the Guards once
more to their shelter on the flanks of the enclosures.
(6) The French of Bauduin's brigade, who had moved
against the buildings, dislodged that force of the 3d
and Coldstream regiments which held the mouth of the
lane, by setting fire to the haystack that gave them
cover; yet the Guards held their ground within the
lane itself until they found themselves outflanked and in
danger of being surrounded. They then withdrew
rapidly into the farm-yard through the gateway that
had been left open on the side of the Allied position,
and had succeeded in closing the gate and partially
barricading it with whatever heavy objects lay near at
hand, when the French burst it open and rushed into
the yard. The defenders poured in a fire from such
cover as they could find, and then threw themselves
upon the invaders in a hand-to-hand struggle. The
English bore down their assailants some of their
officers and a sergeant by personal strength closed the
gate upon those who surged against it; the intruders
perished ; and the garrison exerted themselves to the ut-
most to complete the barricade against the renewal of the
attack.144 They were still piling logs of timber behind
144 The five intrepid men who Gooch and Hervey, and Sergeant,
won great glory by closing the gate, Graham, all of the Coldstream
and who all survived to enjoy their Guards. The sergeant distinguished
honours, were Lieut.-Col. Macdou- himself further during this defence,
nell, Capt. Wyndham, Ensigns as will be recorded in a subsequent
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FIRST ATTACK.
229
Waterloo.
June 18.
1.
the gate when another attempt was made to drive it in: Battle of
this proved ineffectual, and a grenadier had the
temerity to climb the wall to open it from the inside ;
he was seen by Capt. Wyndham, who was holding
Graham's musket while the sergeant brought timber :
pointing him out, the captain gave the gun to Graham,
who dropped his log, fired, and killed his man, who fell
just as relief came from outside to end this attack.
(c) The attacking column which had passed on the west
of Hougomont crossed the avenue leading from it to
the Nivelles road, and established themselves in some
ground overgrown with brushwood between the avenue
and the right of the Allied position. This brought
touched by his valour and age, they
at the farm-yard is as follows: spared his life and bore bim bleeding
“ Col. Cubières, commanding the from the field. The French were
Ist light infantry, and who had dis- therefore compelled to return to
tinguished himself two days before the border of the wood without
in the attack on the Wood of Bossu, baving conquered this fatal mass of
had turned the buildings under a buildings." = The importance which
fearful fire from the plateau. Seeing was attached to the holding of
a back door leading into the yard of Hougomont is attested by this
the château, he was determined to expression in Lord Dudley's Letters:
force it. Sub-Lieut. Legros, a brave _"This Belgian yeoman's garden
man, formerly a sub-officer of engi- wall was the safeguard of Europe,
neers, and whom his comrades and the destiny of mankind perhaps
called l’Enfonceur, seizing a hatchet, turned upon the possession of his
forced the door and entered the house." = As to the gateway which
yard at the head of a few brave fel- was so stubbornly struggled for, a
lows. The post was ours, and we view of it from the interior of the
should have kept it, but that Lieut.- yard is given in vol. viii. of Charles
Col. Macdonnell, dashing forward at Knight's Popular History of Eng-
the head of the English Guards, suc- land, which shows very clearly how
ceeded in repelling our men and the deep, narrow entrance might be
closing the door, and so saved the held by a handful of valiant men
Château de Goumont. The brave against hundreds of assailants: there
Legros was left dead on the field. is also in the same chapter an illus-
Col. Cubières, who had been wound- tration of the massive garden-wall.
ed ... at Quatre Bras, was at this Except for these pictures, Knight's
moment struck by several shots, and account of the battle is thoroughly
fell under his horse; he was about inaccurate and valueless.
being killed by the English, but,
note. = Thiers' account of the mêlée
230
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
IT aterloo.
June 18,
I.
them under the fire of Lieut.-Col. Smith's horse-battery,
which had been pushed forward into the valley on the
west of the Nivelles road, both to check the advance of
the French infantry and to answer that battery of Pire's
which had been directed against Bull's howitzers, and
which Smith had succeeded in silencing. The French
skirmishers crept up under cover of the underbrush and
the tall grain, within short musket-shot of the flank of
Smith's battery, and opened so destructive a fire against
its horses and gunners that it was disabled for present
use and obliged to withdraw into a “hollow-way” in its
rear in order to refit. But this success of the French
was checked by four companies of the Coldstream
Guards, under Lieut. Col. Woodford, who advanced from
the Allied position and drove them back to the farm-
yard wall, where they united with the party engaged in
attacking the gate, and made a stand. Here Woodford
charged them with his four companies in line, and dis-
persed them ; he then entered the farm-yard with a
portion of his reinforcement, while the remainder
occupied the enclosures between Hougomont and the
Nivelles road.= The French had now been foiled in
all their attempts against the buildings and their walled
enclosures; but they were strong in numbers and
resolute, and they made a push in still a new direction,
further to their rîght, hoping to turn the stronghold on
its eastern side. Forcing a gap through the hedge
dividing the wood from the orchard, a column began
to pour through the opening, when they were en-
countered by Lord Saltoun with the light companies of
the first brigade of Guards, who cleared the orchard
after a sharp conflict. But the French now swarmed
in the wood, and they mustered in overwhelming
numbers in this quarter. While some renewed the
attack upon the orchard on its southern front, and
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FIRST ATTACK.
231
Waterloo.
June 18.
I.
drove back Saltoun's Guards from tree to tree until Battle of
they forced them to take refuge in the “hollow-way” in
the rear of its northern hedge, another large body
moved along the eastern hedge of the orchard, as if to
gain its rear. These latter troops came directly under
the observation of Alten's division, and its light com-
panies were about forming to attack them, when the
Prince of Orange, who had just ridden forward to
observe the French operations, stopped their advance,
saying, “No, don't stir--the Duke is sure to see that
movement, and will take some step to counteract it.”
Almost as he spoke, two companies of the 3d regiment
of Guards left their position on the heights and moved
down along the hedge to meet the enemy. As they
came up on Saltoun's left, he also resumed the offensive
and re-entered the orchard, and the two parties of
Guards, charging in line on either side of the hedge,
and seconded by the flank fire which swept the orchard
from the eastern garden-wall, pushed back the assailants
into the wood. The two reinforcing companies joined
their comrades within the Hougomont enclosure ; and
thus, at the close of what may be termed the first
phase of the battle, the English remained masters of
the buildings and courts, the garden, and the orchard,
--the French having succeeded, after immense losses,
in holding possession of the wood only.
Reille never intended persisting in the struggle for
Hougomont at the cost of such murderous sacrifice
of men as it involved. So Thiers says, adding, “ He
ordered that the desperate efforts made to take these
buildings should cease, but did not look himself to
the execution of his orders; and the generals of the
brigades and divisions, carried away by their own
ardour and that of their men, resolved to conquer both
farm and château.” The ruinous contest, accordingly,
232
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo,
continued to rage thoughout the day, most destructive
but absolutely fruitless.145
June 18.
1.
.
145 Thiers, in summarizing the tage, and infantry was lacking for
causes of the defeat, returns to the the support of our cavalry led by
subject, as follows:-“The Château Ney upon the plateau. . The
de Goumont on our left ought to attack, moreover, was conducted
have been attacked certainly, but it with the strangest improvidence. . .
ought to have been beaten down by It was only after three hours of
cannon, not attacked by men, an at- fighting, after the useless sacrifice of
tempt which weakened the left wing a crowd of brave men, that any one
of our army. These details were took the trouble to concentrate the
concealed from Napoleon by the fire of a few howitzers upon its
wood of Goumont, and it was greatly walls.
The walls [of the gar-
to be regretted that Gen. Reille did den] might have been carried in
not keep sufficiently near the scene good season, if any one had taken the
of action to prevent this useless ex- common precaution of supplying the
penditure of human life. It is evi- sappers of the engineer corps with a
dent that after the conquest of the few petards and some sacks of pow-
wood the attack ought to have der." = Other French writers have
ceased, and Jerome's, Foy's, Ney's [?], affärmed that Napoleon was kept in
and Bachelu's brave divisions re- ignorance of the walled garden, and
served for the attack on the plateau deceived as to other physical features
of Mont St. Jean, the principal of the field. Victor Hugo's Water-
scene of operation.” Charras says loo passage contains a chapter
of the fight at Hougomont, “ This entitled The Emperor asks the Guide
attack was meant to engross the at- a Question, which describes Napoleon
tention of the English general at as studying the field, and continues,
this point, to disquiet him, and thus “He bent down and spoke in a low
to favour the principal operation, voice to the guide Lacoste. The
which was to be directed against his guide shook his head with a probably
left wing. This was a diversion; perfidious negative."-This Lacoste
but, to accomplish the desired effect, -or De Coste or De Costar, for his
it was not indispensable that it name is given in many shapes
should be pushed so far as the cap- ought to be disposed of at the outset
ture of the position. . . . Command- of the Waterloo narrative. He was
ed, at a very short distance, by the a peasant, living in one of the houses
crest of the plateau of Mont St. near La Belle Alliance, who secreted
Jean, the château of Hougomont himself during the battle, but aſter-
could not have been tenable by our
wards bestowed hush-money upon
troops if they had taken it. liis fellows in hiding, and evolved
Until 5 o'clock the entire corps of from his inner consciousness, for the
Reille continued piling itself up be- delectation of tourists, an account of
fore a position which was constantly the events of the day, the foundation
defended by forces numerically infe- of which was that he never for a
rior, in such sort that the diversion moment left the side of Napoleon.
proved to be to the enemy's advan- He became the favourite guide of
BATTLE OF WATERL00—FIRST ATTACK.
233
Waterloo.
June 18.
I.
The troops of the French right wing had remained Battle of
quiet during the period of this first attack, except that,
soon after its commencement, a body of cavalry rode
forward from the neighbourhood of Papelotte toward
the commanding knoll on the heights of the Allied
position, upon which the artillery of Best's Hanoverian
brigade was drawn up. The knoll had the appear-
ance, from the other side of the valley, of being an
intrenched earthwork, and the reconnoissance was
made to ascertain whether it was so; but when Best
formed his brigade into battalion squares and prepared
to resist cavalry, the horsemen returned whence they
came without attacking. Otherwise, the cavalry and
infanty on the right were engaged in preparation for
the earlier English tourists-of Scott, tale to all who desired to hear him."
Southey, Byron, and hundreds of A few years after this Archbishop
others,—tlırough the medium of Whately wrote in his Historic Doubts
whose pens he became one of the relative to Napoleon Bonaparte (in
most copious contributors to what 1819), " This same Lacoste has been
Quinet afterwards entitled La Lé- suspected by others, besides me, of
gende Napoléonienne, --rivalling in the having never been near the great
audacit.y of his inventions Tliers or man, and having fabricated the whole
even Napoleon himself. Scarcely story for the sake of making a gain
any narrative of Waterloo is free of the credulity of travellers.” Scott,
from the figments of De Costar's however, remained true to his honest
fertile imagination: not only the peasant as late as the publication of
earlier writers, Scott, Lockhart, his Life of Napoleon Buonaparte, in
Alison, and those of their time, 1827, in which he appends to his
quote him, but the carefully exact narrative of Waterloo-a narrative
Siborne describes him as Napoleon's just about as truthful as might con-
guide, and the sceptical Victor sequently be expected--this foot-
Hugo treats him as a historical per- note:"Our informer on these points
sonage. The implicit confidence re- was Lacoste, a Flemish peasant, who
posed in him by Scott is especially was compelled to act as Buonaparte's
touching Describing in one of guide, remained with him during the
Paul's Letters his visit to Waterloo, whole action, and accompanied him
he
says, “Honest John de Coster, the to Charleroi. He seemed a shrewd,
Flemish peasant, whom Bonaparte sensible man in his way, and told his
has made immortal by pressing into his story with the utmost simplicity."
service [sic] as a guide,
repeated His "simplicity” resembled that of
with great accuracy the same simple Lucy in The Rivals.
234
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
1.
12 N.
was
the attack which they were to make upon the Allied
left and centre.
The Prussians during this time first showed them-
selves far to the French right on the heights of St.
The Prussian Lambert, and arrested the delivery of the
approach. second attack until Napoleon could assure
himself whether the new-comer
Blücher or
Grouchy.146 He at once despatched Gen. Domont,
with his own and Subervie's divisions of light cavalry,
instructing him to ascertain and report immediately
what these troops were, to expedite their march if they
were friends, and to oppose it if they proved to be
Prussians. The capture of a Prussian hussar bearing a
dispatch from Bülow to Wellington soon informed Na-
poleon that the Prussian ist corps, 30,000 strong, and
followed by the remainder of their army, were ap-
proaching his right flank. He immediately communi-
cated this alarming fact to Grouchy, in a postscript to
orders already prepared,147 calling upon him for the
support of his wing of the Grand Army; and he, some-
what later, moved toward the menaced point the two
remaining infantry divisions of Lobau's corps-Jeannin's
and Simmer's, that of Teste being with Grouchy. This
detachment deranged the formation of his army by sub-
tracting more than 10,000 from his none too numerous
reserve at the very outset of the action; yet the manner in
which the defensive measure was carried out rendered
it wholly unequal to the emergency. Bülow had yet
to traverse the difficult defile of St. Lambert and the
quagmires in the valley of the Lasne—obstacles which
of themselves nearly arrested his advance,—and the
determined opposition of even a few battalions at this
point or in the Wood of Paris must have brought him
I P.M.
146 See text and note 91, page
155.
147 For the I P.M. order to Grouchy
see note 88, page 150.
BATTLE OF WATERL00—FIRST ATTACK.
235
Waterloo.
June 18.
I.
to a stand and compelled him to retrace his steps and Battle of
enter the field, as Zieten did, farther to the right, which
would have afforded to Napoleon precious The Prussian
hours in which to deal with Wellington. But approach.
no such effort was made ; Domont's cavalry confined
themselves to the plateau on which the French right
wing rested, Napoleon limiting his personal attention
to the central battle; Bülow, and afterwards Pirch,
were allowed to cross the swamps, take unmolested
possession of the wood, and assemble there a force
which proved too overwhelming for Lobau's corps, and
ultimately for the Young Guard also, to bear back.
Leaving thus to others the defence of the vitally impor-
tant approach to his right flank, Napoleon turned to
the grand attack by which he trusted to crush the
Allied line. 148
were.
148 “ Napoleon did not feel uneasy had just sent an order to Grouchy,
yet," says Thiers, describing the at Wavre, directing him to take that
apparition of the distant troops, place, plainly expected nothing of the
when it was yet uncertain who they sort. As to the second, it is very
Soon this was found out, uncertain at what time Lobau really
and Thiers theu observes, “This was did move to the right flank. In his
a serious, but still not very alarming statement about this, as about
piece of information.” Grouchy, he Grouchy, Thiers follows Napoleon's
proceeds, might be coming, as well own assertion in his Mémoires, that
as Bülow, “so that this accident Lobau moved at once. Siborne,
might still turn to our advantage.” contradicting this, says,
« This is
Grouchy, with Lobau and Domont, decidedly incorrect. The advance
would be stronger than Bülow. of Lobau's corps to the right was
“There was, therefore, no cause for distinctly observed from the extreme
alarm. . . . Napoleon was not in the left of the Duke of Wellington's
least anxious. His 68,000 men were
army, and from the Prussian side of
about to be opposed to 105,000, in- the field, at a much later period of
stead of 68,000; the chances of suc- the day." Lobau's whole career had
cess were indeed less, but still very been so fully ivstinct with clear-
great." Thiers assumes two things— sightedness, enterprise, and vigour
(1) that Napoleon expected Grouchy as to make it incredible that he
shortly to arrive; (2) that he in- would have suffered the Prussians to
stantly sent Lobau to hold the
occupy the Wood of Paris had he
Prussians in check until that arrival. been on the spot with two divisions.
As to the former, Napoleon, who Both these statements of the
236
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
II. Attack upon the Allied Left and Centre.
The grand movement, which was meant to be
decisive, and which Ney had been busily preparing
during the continuance of the struggle for Hougomont,
was designed to overwhelm the Anglo-Allied left wing,
break their centre at La Haye Sainte, seize that post,
the eastern hamlets, the farm of Mont St. Jean, and
with it the great road to Brussels, thus cutting off
Wellington from that capital. There was now added
the additional necessity of rolling up the Allied line
own.
Mémoires are obviously afterthoughts. promptly this or that manoeuvre.
The probabilities are that Napoleon, That is certain. But what appears
in the first place, felt confident of quite as certain is that, in the bad
being able to crush Wellington be- state of his health, he would not
fore the Prussians could come up in foresee the arrival of Bülow, of Zie-
force, and that, next-as already in ten, of Pirch I on the battlefield,
the attack on Hougomont and in where he had already before him
sundry later passages of the day, an army numerically equal to his
he allowed the battle to take care of
He was too thoroughly con-
itself, and left to his generals details vinced of the rout of the Prussian
which in former days he would have army to admit the possibility of such
seen to himself. His own condition a concentration of forces. Now, this
at this time, there is every reason to concentration was the principal cause
beliere, is not inaccurately described of the catastrophe ; for, spite of their
in this passage from Charras: “Na- gravity, nearly all the faults [of the
poleon was ill. Suffering from two day] would have been reparable if
affections-one of which lendered Blücher had not supported Welling-
all movement on horseback very ton." Oharras's generalization has
painful-he remained on foot nearly been more than corroborated by the
all the day, seeing little for himself subsequently published Mémoires of
or seeing badly, and often judging Count Ségur, who says,
“ Turenne
of the progress of things from reports and Monthyon, general of division
which more than once led him into and sub-chief of the staff, have told
He did not show the stoical we a hundred times that during this
energy of old Blicher, who, suf-
battle, which was deciding his fate,
fering also, spent twelve hours with- he remained a long time seated be-
out dismounting from his horse. fore a table placed upon this fatal
Had he been vigorous and active as field, and that they frequently saw
formerly, he would have followed his head, overcome by sleep, sink
events closely, he would have pre- down upon the map spread out be-
pared and executed better and more fore his heavy eyes."
error.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK.
237
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
from its left, so as to sunder it from the threatened Battle of
junction with the Prussians. The force allotted to this
task included the entire infantry of D’Erlon's corps, a
portion of the cavalry in his rear and that on his
right, a division of Kellermann's cavalry from the left
wing, and Bachelu’s infantry division from that wing-in
all sone 20,000 or 25,000 men.
This immense mass
of troops was to be supported in its attack by the fire
of 10 batteries—3 of them of 12-pounders, the 4 foot-
batteries belonging to D'Erlon's four divisions, and 3
horse-batteries from the cavalry divisions—altogether
74 guns. These were brought forward and established
upon the central elevation in the valley, so that they
were but 250 yards from La Haye Sainte and 600 from
the “ Wellington tree” at the junction of the Wavre and
Charleroi roads, the centre of the Allied position. In
an evil hour, however, Ney and D’Erlon had devised a
new method of arranging infantry, designed to impart
great solidity to columns of attack, but which, when
actually applied to the troops whom it befell to make
the serious charges, was found to make them utterly
unwieldy—helpless to manoeuvre and especially to
l'esist cavalry. 149 This vicious formation went far to
1:19 Thiers, describing this unfor- it impossible for them to form into
tuvate discovery of the generals, square to resist the cavalry. These
says, “It was customary in the four divisions, formed into four dense
French army for the attacking columns, advanced abreast at a dis-
column to advance with a battalion
tance of 300 feet from each other."
deployed in front to fire on the enemy,
300 feet” is no doubt another
and the battalions on each flank of the felicities of Thiers' English
formed into serried columns in order translator : the distance between the
to resist the charges of the cavalry. columns was, in fact, 300 paces.
On this occasion, however, both Ney Brialmont-after remarking that
and D'Erlon had drawn up the 8 " These columns were clearly too
battalions of each division in file, deep for the purpose of attack, and
ranging them with a space of five too close to be deployed "-says of
paces between each line, so that there them in a note, “ It is not quite
was barely room for the officers be- clear what the groundwork of their
tween the battalions, and rendering formation was. According to some,
This 66
238
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
neutralize the great numerical superiority of D’Erlon's
attacking columns over the infantry they were about to
charge. This consisted --for it is not necessary to make
any account of the Dutch-Belgians drawn up in advance
of the Allied position—of Picton's division, troops of.
superb quality, but whom the wasting artillery fire
and cavalry charges of Quatre Bras had left mere
skeletons of regiments, numbering in all but 3671 men,
drawn up in a two-deep line to encounter the shock of
columnns 13,000 strong 150 The French troops, taken
it was the battalion, according to against them." The Erckmann-
others the company. Military writers Chatrian conscript, who marched in
are not more agreed respecting the one of the columns, says of their
manner in which the attack was formation, "We had not time to
made, nor even as to the number of form in column, but we were solidly
columns. Col. Charras professes to arrayed after all, one behind the
have been informed by an officer of other, from 150 to 200 men in line
rank in D'Erlon's corps that the in front, the captains between the
battalions were deployed in columns companies, and the commandants
at a distance of five paces one from between the battalions. But the
the other; the space between one balls, instead of carrying off two
echelon and another was not more men at a time, would now take
than 400 paces.” Jomini, in his eight. Those in the rear could not
Summary of the Campaign of 1815, fire because those in front were in
after citing the contradictory state- the way, and we found, too, that
ments of different authorities as to we could not form in squares.
That
the formation of these columns, says, should have been thought of before-
"It is impossible to make out any- hand, but was overlooked in the
thing from such a chaos." His com- desire to break the enemy's line and
ment is, “ The French must be cen- gain all at a blow.” After describing
sured for having attempted the first what happened in consequence of this
attack in masses too deep. This arrangement, the conscript concludes,
system was never successful against "Those who have the direction of
the murderous fire of English in- affairs in war should keep such ex-
fantry and artillery.
amples as these before their eyes, and
posing that this system be suitable reflect that new plans cost thosc dear
on a dry and an open field, easy of who are forced to try them.”
access, and with equal artillery force, 150 Napoleon is said to have com-
it is certain that infautry masses, plimented the 5th British division by
hurled over muddy ground from asking during the morning's recon-
which it is difficult to emerge, with noissance,' Où est la division de Pic-
an insufficient concurrence of other ton?” But the anecdote appears to
arms, attacking troops posted in ex- bear the trade-mark of Lacoste.
celleut positions, have many chances
Even sup-
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-239
—.
,
SECONI) ATTACK) Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
in their order from left to right were to share in the Battle of
attack in this manner-(a) Roussel's division of Keller-
mann's cuirassiers to support the infantry on its right
and attack the troops about La Haye Sainte and the
Allied centre beyond it; (6) Bachelu's division of Reille's
corps to occupy the central elevation in the valley,
protecting the batteries mounted thereon, holding the
Charleroi road, supporting the attack upon La Haye
Sainte, and connecting D’Erlon's corps with Reille's ;
(c) the left brigade of Donzelot's division to cross to the
western side of the Charleroi road into the front of
Bachelu's division) and take La Haye Sainte; (d, e, f)
the right brigade of Donzelot's division and the entire
divisions of Alix 151 and Marcognet to crush the infantry
of the Allied left wing, take Mont St. Jean, and hold
the Brussels road ; (g) the left brigade of Durutte's
division to support Marcognet
support Marcognet and preserve the
connection with (n) Durutte's right brigade, which
was to take Papelotte, La Haye, and Smohain; and
finally, of the cavalry of the right wing, Jaquinot's
light horse on the right flank and Milhaud's cuirassiers
in the second line were to support the infantry as
occasion might require. The relative positions of the
troops of both arinies, as they actually encountered one
another, may be best understood from a diagram.18
151 Alix's division was commanded the interval between Kempt's and
on this day by Quiot.
Pack's brigades and fell upon the
152 The diagram, of course, is left and right brigades of Alix l'e-
without value topographically, fur- spectively, while the Scots Greys
ther than that the landmarks indi- passed through Pack's brigade and
cated in it connect the positions of charged the left brigade of Marco-
the troops with the map on page gnet. Reference to this diagram will
176. It does, however, show the re- spare the need of whole pages of
lative order of the troops at the time verbal description such as obscures
of their coming in conflict-e.g. of Siborne's account of the fight. Lam-
Ponsonby's Union Brigade of ca- bert's brigade does not appear here,
valry, the Royals and Inniskillings because it had not come into position
from the 2d line charged through at this period of the battle. Bylandt's
152
240
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Somerset
Household Brigade
Mont
St. Jean
Ponsonby
Union Brigade
Ist Drag. Gds.
(King's)
2d Life Gds.
Royals
Inniskillings
Scots Greys
Royal F. Gus.
(Blues)
Charleroi-Brussels Road
PICTON
ALTEN
ist line
Infantry | Kielmansegge Ompteda
Kempt
Pack
Best
95, 32, 79, 28
I, 42, 92, 44
La Haye
Sainte
Papelotte
La Haye
Smohain
BACHELU
left br. = right br.
28, 105
55, 54
25, 45 = 26, 46
left br.
right br.
Charleroi Road
DONZELOT
ALIX
MARCOGNET
DURUTTE
D'ERLON
2d line
Cavalry
Ist Life Gis.
Roussel
Q
7
O
i
e
f
I
hu
BATTLE OF WATERLOO—SECOND ATTACK.
241
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
I.30 P.J.
The attack had been long delayed by the apparition Battle of
of the Prussians in the east and the direction of the
measures to oppose them ; 158 but, these completed,
Napoleon ordered the advance. The great battery on
the central height directed a most destructive fire upon
the whole Allied centre, but especially against Picton's
division, which crowned the northern heights, and that
brigade of Dutch-Belgians posted in advance of the
general line and in front of Pack's brigade.154 Under
cover of this cannonade, the infantry of D'Erlon's entire
corps moved forward in columns, and from the head of
each column the light troops detached themselves and
spread out into a loose line of skirmishers that filled
the valley from La Haye Sainte to the eastern hamlets,
pressing on with loud shouts of “ Vive l'Empereur ! ”
while the cannon-shot tore over their heads into the
ranks which faced them. The brigades on either flank
first came in contact with their enemy. On the right
Durutte's extreme brigade (h) fell upon Papelotte, and
its skirmishers engaged with those of the brigade of
Nassau troops led by Prince Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar.
The French in their first rush carried the farmhouse of
Papelotte, which had been occupied by but a single
Dutch-Belgians are not shown, be- Belle Alliance, and there stood in a
cause they took no part in the fight. group.” This was at the time of the
The numbers given under the names discovery of the Prussians. Before
of brigade- and division-commanders this, much time had been lost iu per-
are those of their several regiments fecting the novel arrangement of
in their proper order.
the infantry, so that this attack,
153 " It was noticed on the Eng- which was meant to open the battle,
lish side," says Gleig," that, though was not really delivered until tiro
the enemy seemed to have completed hours after it had begun on the side
their formation, a pause of some of Hougomont. Napoleon has been
continuance ensued. The fire of much blamed because his attacks on
cannon did not even slacken, neither this day were partial and isolated :
were horse or foot put in motion, in this instance, at least, the defect
but mounted oflicers rode briskly to- was no part of his design.
ward the elevated land above La 154 See page 201.
R
242
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
Battle of light company; but five other companies of Nassauers
came up and recovered it after a hot struggle. The
fight now spread to La Haye and Smohain, and con-
tinued indecisively for some hours, both sides
gaining occasional partial advantages, but neither dis-
lodging the other. = On the extreme left of the main
attack, meanwhile, Ney in person led Donzelot's left
brigade (c) across the Charleroi road and forward
against La Haye Sainte. These buildings had been
most negligently cared for by the British officers who
should have strengthened them ; 155 but their defence
had been confided to a gallant officer of the King's Ger-
man Legion, Major Baring, who occupied the build-
ings with 2 of the six companies of his own light
battalion, the garden in their rear with 1 company, and
the orchard in front with 3 companies : upon the west
of the orchard, in extension of its front, he had drawn
up 2 light companies, also of Ompteda’s brigade, and I
of Hanoverian riflemen. These three companies in the
field and those behind the orchard hedge opened a
sharp fire upon Ney's skirmishers as they drew near,
but the French replied effectively—one bullet at the
first discharge carrying away the bridle of Major
Baring's horse, while another killed Major Bösewiel,
his second in command. The numbers of the assailants
were overwhelming, and bore back the men of the
German Legion, in spite of their stout resistance, to-
ward the barn; they broke through the quickset hedge,
filled the orchard, and ejected its occupants; and they
next attacked the buildings themselves. 6 A brave
officer, Vieux,” says Thiers, “ commandant of engineers,
.. advancing axe in hand to beat down the door of
the farmhouse, was struck by a ball, but did not yield
until the number of his wounds rendered it impossible
155 See page 202.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO—SECOND ATTACK.
243
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
for him to stand. The door still resisted, and the balls Battle of
rained from the walls.” The buildings were safe, at
least for the present; but the orchard was taken, the
enclosures surrounded, the garden so beset that Baring
ordered the company holding it to retire into the
buildings, and the troops in the field were thoroughly
overmatched. But Wellington, watching what passed,156
had sent down from the heights Col. von Klencke with
the Luneburg field-battalion, from Kielmansegge's bri-
gade; and Baring, thus reinforced, was moving forward
to recover the orchard, and had already made the
enemy give ground, when he perceived on his right
front a line of cuirassiers--a regiment from (a) Roussel's
division which had been ordered to charge in conse-
quence of Wellington's withdrawing part of his infantry
to the reverse slope in order to shelter them from the
fire of the great battery, a movement which had seemed
to Kellermann the beginning of a retreat that ought to
be followed up by cavalry. As the horsemen came
upon Baring's outlying skirmishers, these ran in toward
the orchard to gather in mass, but in doing so they
collided with Klencke's battalion and threw it into
disorder, which became hopeless as the cavalry came
on in front just as the French infantry in the rear set
up exultant shouts over their capture of the garden.
166 66
Wellington," says Hooper, gun after gun, on the commanding
at the close of his account of the ridge in front of the British left, and
first stage of the attack upon Hou- he had noted the formation of
gomont, "Wellington had remained columns of attack in rear of the bat-
above Hougomont during this fierce tery. Hougomont was safe, and the
and prolonged combat, a mark for Duke now rode over to his left, and
the enemy's shot. He had watched, halted where the Wavre road inter-
directed, sustained the fight; but he sects the road from Charleroi to
had not neglected to observe the Brussels, just above La Haye Sainte,
movements of his foe on the further a post of observation whence be
side of La Belle Alliance. He had could distinguish every norement of
seen Ney's great battery arrayed, the French on that side."
R 2
244
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
Battle of Baring tried in vain to rally them—they scattered and
fled, some toward the Allied position, whence they had
come, some into the rear of the garden, some across
the Charleroi road, while a portion made their way
into the buildings of La Haye Sainte and joined its
defenders-thus escaping the fate of the fugitives, who
for the most part were ridden down and sabred by the
cuirassiers or shot as they passed by the troops in the
garden, so that the battalion was virtually destroyed,
Klencke himself being killed and the Major, Von
Dachenhausen, taken prisoner. The cuirassiers, elated
at this success, pressed on into the rear of La Haye
Sainte and were preparing to charge the main position
--where Kielmansegge's and Ompteda's brigades formed
squares to receive them—when they were met by
British cavalry, and an encounter ensued that belongs
to a later stage of the battle.= These conflicts at the
two extremes of the grand advance—at Papelotte and
at La Haye Sainte,—though earlier than those along
the centre, were but momentarily so: the rattle and
smoke of the musketry that began at either end of
the long skirmishing line quickly rolled inward until it'
became continuous throughout its whole length, and
the attacking columns followed close upon the skir-
mishers.157 As they neared the Allied position the
French supporting batteries, which had been playing
over their heads, suspended their fire, and instead of
the thunder of the guns were heard the shouts of
the ardent French soldiery and their drums beating the
157 The troops that had to cross D'Erlon's four divisions advanced to
the valley found trouble from the the attack in imposing masses, about
mud. Thiers says, “The ground half-past 1 o'clock, thickly covering
being soft and wet, the infantry took their whole front with skirmishers :
some time to cross the space that the actual collision .commenced a
lay between them and the enemy." little before 2 o'clock."
Kennedy says,
The whole of
66
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK.
245
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
appear-
pas de charge. These demonstrations proved too much Battle of
for Bylandt's Dutch-Belgians, who had already become
restive under their exposure to the artillery fire, but
had hitherto remained in line. Now, however, they
did not await the coming of the French skirmishers,
but “ commenced a hurried retreat, not partially and 2 P.N.
promiscuously, but.collectively and simultaneously-s0
much so that the movement carried with it the
ance of its having resulted from a word of command.
The disorder of these troops rapidly augmented ; but,
on their reaching the straggling hedge along the crest
of the position, an endeavour was made to rally them
upon the 5th battalion of Dutch militia. This attempt,
however, notwithstanding the most strenuous exertions
on the part of the officers, completely failed. The
reserve battalion and the artillerymen of Capt. Byleveld's
battery, though they seemed to stem the torrent for a
moment, were quickly swept away by its accumulating
force. As they rushed past the British columns,
hissings, hootings, and execrations were indignantly
heaped upon them; and one portion, in its eagerness to
get away, nearly ran over the grenadier company of
the 28th British regiment, the men of which were so
enraged that it was with difficulty they could be pre-
vented from firing upon the fugitives. Some of the
men of the ist, or Royal Scots, were also desirous of
shooting them. Nothing seemed to restrain their flight,
which ceased only when they found themselves com-
pletely across and covered by the main ridge along
which the Anglo-Allied army was drawn up.
Here
they continued, comparatively under shelter, during the
remainder of the battle, in which they took no further
part, and to assist in gaining which their services were
from that moment neither afforded nor required.” 158 This
156 This account of the stampede of the Dutch-Belgians is by Siborne,
246 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO,
Waterloo.
Battle of flight of the Dutch-Belgians left Picton's division alone
to withstand the oncoming shock of D’Erlon's three
June 18.
heavy columns; and for a moment Kempt's brigade
II.
singly was so exposed, for the other brigade, Pack's,
besides being separated by a wide interval from
Kempt's left, was also about 150 yards in its rear, so
that Kempt's left flank was liable to be turned. Kempt's
right was formed by the 95th regiment, of which 2
who recounts it much more mildly number of writings upon it would
than some of his countrymen have lead the world to suppose that the
done. This is in accordance with British army had never fought a
the generally courtier-like tone battle before ; and there is not one
which pervades
pervades Siborne's quasi- which contains a true representation
official book, and closely adheres to or even an idea of the transaction.”
the example set by Wellington, who As to the part of the Dutch-Belgian
from the first set his face against troops in the battle, Wellington was
any account of the battle except the obliged in his official report to make
official reports. In dissuading one a mention to which he refers in this
writer who applied to bim for in- postscript to the letter with which
formation the Duke wrote (August he transpitted it to the King of the
8, 1815), “The faults or the misbe- Netherlands, "P.S.-J'ai marqué
haviour of some gave occasion for au crayon des paragraphes dans mon
the distinction of others, and per- rapport que je prie votre Majestó
haps were the cause of material de ne pas laisser publier." = How the
losses, and you cannot write the Belgians themselves regarded the
true history of a battle without in- whole business is told by Scott in
·cluding the faults and misbehaviour one of Paul's Letters: “ The Braves
of a part at least of those engaged.” Belges are naturally proud of the
To the answer to this he rejoined military glory they have acquired,
(August 17), “I regret much that as well as of the Prince who led
I have not been able to prevail upon
In every corner of Brus-
you to relinquish your plan; you sels there were ballad-singers bellow-
may depend upon it
you
will never
ing out songs in praise of the Prince
make it a satisfactory work. ... [of Orange) and his followers. I,
Remember, I recommend you who am a collector of popular effu-
leave the battle of Waterloo as it sions, did not fail to purchase speci-
is.” To Sir John Sinclair, who wrote mens of the Flemish minstrelsy, in
a worthless account of the fight at which, by the way, there is no more
Hougomont which Scott added mention of the Duke of Wellington
bodily as an appendix to Paul's Let- or of John Bull than if John Bull
ters, Wellington wrote later (April and his illustrious general had had
28, 1816), “I am really disgusted nothing to do with the battle of
with and ashamed of all I have seen Waterloo."
of the battle of Waterloo. The
them on.
->
to
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK.
247
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
companies occupied the sand-pit adjoining the Charleroi Battle of
road, one lined the hedge on the rear and left of the
sand-pit, and the remainder of the 95th and the three
other regiments of the brigade were drawn up parallel
with the hedge, some 50 yards behind it. Upon these
troops that right brigade of Donzelot's (d) which had
followed the eastern side of the highroad was now
moving. It soon came under a severe fire from the
British batteries and from the rifles of the 95th, who
had hitherto been concealed by the hedge and tall grain
in their front, and it also found the highroad obstructed
by an abatis-from all which it resulted that the
column swerved greatly toward its right, so that its
advance was no longer perpendicular to the position of
the 95th, but diagonally across the front of the brigade
and in the direction of the 79th and 28th regiments.
The French skirmishers, however, swarmed into the
space left between the column and the highroad, out-
flanked the companies about the sand-pit, and compelled
them to fall back upon the body of their own regiment,
as did the skirmishers of all the British regiments
before the advancing column. Picton was leading his
line forward and was close to the hedge, when Donze-
lot's column, about 40 yards distant, halted and began
to deploy to the right, the rear battalions trying to
clear their front, but impeded in doing so by their
novel formation. Picton seized the moment of their
confusion, and called to his men, in his tremendous
voice, “A volley, and then charge ! ” The volley
threw the column into disorder, and the British regi-
ments burst through the hedge to deliver the charge.
The scramble through the hedge involved delay and
impaired the formation of the line; and those of the
French who were in a condition to act threw in a fire
that told severely, killing Picton and bringing down
248
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
many of his followers, especially of the 79th regiment;
but the hedge was soon cleared, and order restored,
and the brigade dashed forward, charging with the
bayonet.159 Donzelot's column, already surprised in
its maneuvre, and shaken by the fire, became panic-
159 Picton was in his saddle be- on the 11th June, Laving first made
fore Kempt's brigade, watching the his will, as if he had a presentiment
onset of D’Erlon's columns, which of the fate that awaited him. My
he expected first to fall upon the friend, the late Mr. James Trotter,
Dutch-Belgians in his front. His the Commissary-General of his divi-
aide-de-camp, Capt. Tyler, pointing sion, was with him for an hour on
out their unsteady condition, and the morning of the 18th of June.
saying they would certainly run, He told me that the demeanour of the
Picton rejoined, “Never mind; they General was that of a man who did
shall have a taste of it at all events," not expect to outlive the day. He
and almost instantly they were seen fell by a musket-ball early in the
in flight. Expressing his opinion of day, while 'gloriously leading the
theirconduct in the extremely forcible division to a charge with bayonets
terms of speech which he had at by which one of the most serious
command, Picton led forward his attacks made by the enemy on our
own nearest brigade to meet the position was defeated.'
The quoted
shock, and at the very outset of the clause is from the Duke of Wel-
struggle was struck by a bullet on lington's official despatch. Lord
the right temple and instantly killed. Albemarle states that “the ball,
Capt. Seymour, Lord Uxbridge's flattened by striking against Picton's
aide-de-camp, was beside him, rally- right temple," is in the possession
ing the Highlanders, saw that he was of his family. He also describes the
struck, and was about to assist him, general's threefold funeral—at Wa-
when his own horse fell dead under terloo, then at St. George's, Lon-
him, and he called to Capt. Tyler, don; lastly, at St. Paul's Cathedral
who, aided by a private soldier, le- in 1859. = At nearly the moment of
moved their already lifeless general Picton's death Ensign Birtwbistle,
from bis horse and bore away his of the 32nd Regiment, fell severely
body to the rear. The Earl of wounded, and resigned the regi-
Albemarle says of Picton-whou he mental colour to Lieut. Belcher,
describes as “a strong-built man,
when it was seized by a French
with a red face, small black eyes, and officer whose lorse had just fallen
large nose,"
“There had been some under him, and a struggle ensued.
misunderstanding between him and While Belcher was drawing his
the Duke of Wellington, and it was sword his sergeant thrust the French-
only a very few days before the man in the breast with his halbert,
opening of the campaign ... that and a private shot liim just as Major
they were sufficiently reconciled to Toole was interposing too late with
enable him to take the command of
• Save the brave fellow."
a corpe.
He set out from London The colour was retained by Belcher.
the cry,
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK.
249
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
stricken, and mingled into a struggling mass. The Battle of
British, pressing upon them as they tried to retreat,
were bearing them resistlessly down the slope, when
their advance was arrested by a mass of flying and
pursuing horsemen who, coming from the rear of La
Haye Sainte, burst into this part of the field and
among the scattered French infantry, many of whom
were ridden down as the cavalry swept away into the
valley. The contest between Kempt's brigade and
Donzelot's column was thus ended ; those of the French
who could escape did so; many surrendered themselves,
many were slain, some taken prisoners ; but the charge
was over, and Kempt, finding that fighting was going
on beyond his left, hastened to recall his men from
pursuit and re-form his regiments.160 = Alix's (or
Quiot's) two brigades (e) had come on in echelon to
Donzelot's column, at a distance of 300 paces to its
right. As the Dutch-Belgians disappeared from their
front, they found themselves before an unoccupied space
—the interval between Kempt's and Pack's brigades, -
with nothing apparently to bar their advance to Mont
St. Jean; and the leading ranks burst through the
hedge and established themselves with exultant shouts
upon the crest of the Allied heights. The extreme left
of the column, however, came up close upon the flank
of the 28th regiment of Kempt's brigade at the moment
when it was advancing in line through the hedge in its
charge upon Donzelot. The right companies of the (Eng-
lish) 28th had already become involved in that charge
and continued to press it; but the left wing of the regi-
ment turned upon the new comer, and, separating from
160 During the struggle with
Donzelot's column a battalion of the
German Legion from Ompteda's bri-
gade crossed the Charleroi road and
supported the right of Kempt's bri-
gade. It returned to its own po-
sition when the emergency was
passed.
250
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
161
In
its own right, rapidly brought forward its right shoulder,
thus forming at a right angle to the remainder of
Kempt's line and showing a front against Alix's left
flank. The 28th poured its fire into the passing
column, thus increasing the disorder it had already
experienced from its passage through the hedge; and
at the same moment the head of the French column
ceased its triumphant cries and stayed its progress, for
it unexpectedly found itself on the point of being
charged by a regiment of British cavalry. = Marcognet's
division (f) moved on the right of Alis and against
that portion of the Allied position which, left bare by
the stampede of the Dutch-Belgians, Pack's Scottish
regiments were pressing forward to occupy.
crossing the valley Marcognet's column had suffered
severely from the fire of Rettberg's Hanoverian battery,
posted on the commanding knoll at the right of Best's
brigade; yet its left brigade passed the hedge at the
same time with Alix's troops and ascended the slope in
perfect order and with manifest determination. The
French brigade faced the 42d and 92d Highlanders,
as both sides continued to advance: the French were
the first to fire, which they did effectively, but the
Highlanders refrained from answering until they came
within 20 or 30 yards of their enemy, when they de-
livered a volley that for a moment staggered him. But
the French quickly recovered themselves and replied
with great effect, and the Highlanders were in the act
of moving to the charge when, here also, the cavalry
came up, and the action took a new shape. Mar-
161 Pack's brigade moved forward
from its position, somewhat in the
rear of Best's Hanoverians, as soon
as the continuity of the front line
was broken. In the advance the
44th regiment, which was on the
left of the brigade,.came up in the
rear of Best's line, and was left in
support of the three Highland regi-
ments, which kept on advancing
toward the front.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK,
251
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
cognet's right brigade, being somewhat in the rear Battle of
of that which met Pack's regiments, encountered no
infantry, but was involved in the general onset by the
British horse.
The Duke of Wellington, as soon as the proportions
and aim of D'Erlon's attack disclosed themselves, had
decided to make up for his deficiency in infantry sup-
ports for his left wing by employing his cavalry. Lord
Uxbridge, accordingly, prepared for a charge by both
of his heavy brigades, then drawn up on either side of
the Charleroi road just in advance of Mont St. Jean-
Lord Edward Somerset's Household Brigade to attack
Roussel's cuirassiers, Sir William Ponsonby's Union
Brigade to attack D’Erlon's infantry columns. Lord
Uxbridge himself was to lead the charge of the
Household Brigade, riding with the 2d Life Guards,
that he might be at the centre of his line when
the two brigades should unite in the valley.1 Just
as the horsemen made ready to advance the need
of support was most urgent along the whole line
of the conflict-Papelotte at the one extremity and
La Haye Sainte at the other were hard beset; Rous-
sel's horsemen had swept Baring's infantry from the
162
162 There is a standing dispute offensive movements might take place
as to whether a cavalry general in their front. He not only had
ought to charge in person, thereby British light cavalry brigades on
limiting his command to that of the either flank of his present charge-
troops immediately about him, or re- Vandeleur's and Vivian's on his
main with the second line and direct left and Grant's on his right—but he
the movements of the several bodies had designated one regiment of each
under his charge. In this instance of the charging brigades to act in
Lord Uxbridge, intent upon establish- support of the remainder-the Blues
ing the ascendancy of British cavalry, to the Household Brigade, the Scots
had determined in advance upon as- Greys to the Union Brigade. Never-
suming the personal leadership; but he theless the Greys got unavoidably
had taken the precaution of advising drawn into the first line, and before
the commanders of his brigades that the affair was ended the want of
he expected them to support whatever supports was most serious.
252
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
open field, had cut down a Hanoverian battalion, and
were on the point of attacking the Allied centre; on
the left Picton's two wasted brigades seemed about
to be overborne by five of the intact brigades of
D'Erlon. At this moment came the order to charge.
The cuirassiers.(a), triumphant from their overthrow of
the Hanoverians, had ridden through the line of fire of
two batteries and up to the brow of the Allied ridge;
they had regained their order ; their trumpets had
sounded the charge ; they were dashing forward with
shouts of “ Vive l’Empereur ! ” upon Ompteda's and
Kielmansegge's squares, which had already opened
fire upon them, when the Household Brigade, also at
charging speed, dashed into them. The shock was
tremendous, but it answered the purpose of the English
horsemen, whose aim was to wedge themselves in
closely among their antagonists and come to close
quarters, thus at once lessening the advantage the
French derived from their much longer sabres and
gaining for themselves the benefit of their superior
weight both of men and of horses.
“Swords gleamed
high in air with the suddenness and rapidity of the
lightning-flash, now clashing violently together, and
now clanging heavily upon resisting armour; whilst
with the din of the battle-shock were mingled the
shouts and yells of the combatants. Riders vainly
struggling for mastery quickly fell under the deadly
thrust or the well-delivered cut. Horses, plunging and
rearing, staggered to the earth, or broke wildly from
the ranks. But, desperate and bloody as was the
struggle, it was of brief duration. The physical supe-
riority of the British, aided by transcendent valour,
was speedily made manifest ; and the cuirassiers, not-
withstanding their gallant and most resolute resistance,
were driven down from off the ridge which they had
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK.
253
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
ascended only a few minutes before with all the pride Battle of
and confidence of men accustomed and determined to
overcome every obstacle.” 163 The clash of these two
bodies of cavalry and the subsequent hand-to-hand
conflict did not occur throughout the whole extent of
their array: the approaching lines were not parallel
with one another, and it was the British right-hand
163 The description of this cavalry rienced soldiers the unprotected
action is quoted from Siborne, as are parts of their opponents, and stabbing
the two which follow. Kennedy, where the openings of the cuirass
who beheld the encounter, says, “I would admit the points of their
believe this to have been the only swords." One Hodgson—a private
fairly tested fight of cavalry against in the Life Guards, who was wound-
cavalry during the day. It was a ed, but afterwards stood as a model
fair meeting of two bodies of heavy to Haydon, the painter--thus re-
cavalry, each in perfect order. The counted to the latter his experience:
subsequent attacks were either those " The first man who stopped him,
of heavy cavalry against heavy he told us, was an Irishman in the
cavalry that had been previously French service. He dashed at
Wrecked upon squares of infantry, or Hodgson, saying,
contests between light and heavy stop your crowing.' Hodgsou said
cavalry." Scott wrote to the Duke he felt frightened, as he had never
of Buccleuch, after his visit to Wa- fought anybody with swords. The
terloo, this account of the cavalry first cut he gave was on the cuirass,
conflict :-"The cuirassiers, despite which Hodgson thought was silver-
their arms of proof, were quite infe- lace—the shock nearly broke his
rior to our heavy dragoons. The arm. Watching the cuirassier, how-
meeting of the two bodies occasioned ever, he found he could move his
a noise not inaptly compared to the own horse quicker; so, dropping the
tinkering and hammering of a smith's reins, and guiding his horse with bis
shop. Generally the cuirassiers came knees, as the cuirassier at last gave
on stooping their heads very low, point, Hodgson cut his sword-hand
and giving point; the British fre- off, and then dashed the point of his
quently struck away their casques sword into the man's throat, turned
while they were in this position, and
you, I'll
it round and round.
then laid at the bare head. Officers he added, now I had found out the
and soldiers all fought hand to way, I soon gave it themı.'" = To un-
hand, without distinction; and derstand the incident which follows,
many of the former owed their life the formation of the heights in rear
to dexterity at their weapon and of La Haye Sainte and the “bollow-
personal strength of body.” Sir ways" formed by the intersecting
Augustus Frazer wrote, “The Life Wavre and Charleroi roads must be
Guards overset the cuirassiers, borne in mind (see p. 179, and note
searching with the coolness of expe- 109).
6
me, sir,
.
254
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
Battle of regiment, the ist Life Guards, which first came in
contact with the cuirassiers, and from them the collision
ran instantaneously down the line-resembling, some
eye-witnesses declared, a wave on the sea-coast, when
the break begins at one end and runs along the crest
toward the other; while some likened it to “ the meet-
ing of two flocks of sheep in a confined space, neither
of which will give ground.” But before that end of
either line nearest the Charleroi road was an obstacle
that prevented their mingling—that “hollow-way
formed where the Wavre road is cut through the
heights and intersects the Charleroi road. Coming
upon this unexpectedly, the cuirassiers were checked
in their career, but could not stop; they scrambled as
best they could down the almost precipitous bank, and
reached the roadway with so little semblance of order
that it was hopeless to attempt a stand against the left
of Somerset's line-the 2d Life Guards which was
coming at full speed upon them. They filed off ab-
ruptly to their right, and, pursued by the Life Guards,
as much disordered as themselves, dashed across the
Charleroi road and into the space in which Picton's
men were at that instant driving the head of Donzelot's
column (dl) down the slope.164 - Here many of the
cuirassiers stayed their flight, turned upon the Life
Guards, and brought on innumerable single combats ;
but most of the French horsemen plunged in among
their own scattered infantry, who “ threw themselves
down to allow both fugitives and pursuers to ride over
them, and then in many instances rose up and fired
after the latter." 165 Soon even those who had stood at
ر
16. See text, page 249.
them together anyhow, wherever
165 This version of the occurrence they grouped most picturesquely, and
is Siborne's. Alison—who was very without regard to their actual time
diligent in collecting the various in- or place—first says, with his usual
cidents of the battle, and then fitting grammatical felicity, that the French
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK.
255
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
bay were forced by the greater individual strength of Battle of
the English to resume their flight; the dragoons fol-
lowed them, and, pressing down into the valley, joined
there the remainder of their own brigade, who had
pursued the great mass of the cuirassiers down the
western side of La Haye Sainte, as well as the regiments
of the Union Brigade on their left, which down to this
time had been engaged with D’Erlon's infantry.166
infantry was rode over," and then daring had made proof against the
adds in continuation that "the sol- swords of all who ventured to ap-
diers in despair fell on their faces on proach him." Gleig declares this to
the ground and called for quarter." be a mistake, addiny, “Shaw con-
It may be remarked once for all that tinued with his regiment till the
such representations-of which there ardour of men and horses carried
were many in the earlier English them whence few were able to re-
narratives--are not in accordance turn, and reached the position again
with fact. In this instance, the so enfeebled from the loss of blood,
foolish manner in which D'Erlon's that he could with difficulty creep to
columns had been formed made it a dunghill beside one of the straggling
impossible for the men to deploy ex- houses in the rear, where he lay down.
peditiously and rendered them help- Nobody noticed him during the re-
less against inferior numbers. But mainder of the struggle ; but next
in every phase of the battle, as long morning he was found dead, without
as it was contested, the French, like one wound about him sufficiently
the British, fought gallantly.
serious in itself to occasion death."
166 Corporal Shaw, of the 2d Scott says that “In the morning
Life Guards, a noted pugilist, per- he was found dead, with his face
formed extraordinary exploits during leaning on his hand, as if life had
this charge. Disdaining the use of been extinguished while he was in a
the sabre, he laid his opponents low state of insensibility.” Scott, it may
with his fists, disposing in this way be mentioned, had Shaw's skull
of several in succession—not fever awong the adornments of bis Abbots-
than 7 enemies," says Gleig; "not ford museum. Haydon, the painter,
less than 9 of bis opponents," says had formerly employed Shaw as a
Siborne ; "he is supposed to have model, and looked up some of his
slain or disabled 10 Frenchmen with comrades, to learn his fate :—“Ano-
his own hand,” says Scott. It is ther," he says, "saw Shaw fighting
certain, at any rate, that the man with two cuirassiers at a time;
shored wonderful boldness and dex- Shaw, he said, always cleared his
terity and spread terror around him. passage. He saw him take an
Siborne says that a cuirassier rode eagle, but lose it afterwards, as
to one side, took deliberate aim with when any man got an eagle all the
his carbine, and ended “that life others near him, on both sides, left
which his powerful arm and gallant off fighting, and set on him who had
256 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
June 18.
II.
Battle of Ponsonby, on receiving the order to charge, put the
Waterloo.
three regiments of the Union Brigade in position to
move--the Scots Greys in support, on the left rear of
the other two regiments,—and he himself rode forward
to the hedge before the Wavre road, that he might see
the position of the enemy and time his attack oppor-
tunely. It was delivered in each case precisely where
it was needed.167 The right-hand regiment, the Royals,
the eagle. Afterwards, when lying nist. It was doubtless this inci-
wounded in the yard at La Haye dent which Alison, following Paul's
Sainte, he heard some one groaning, Letters, had in mind when relatiog
and, turning round, saw Shaw, who how Wellington checked an advance
said, 'I am dying; my side is torn of cuirassiers by a charge of Somer-
off by a shell.' Corporal Webster, set's brigade. “ These splendid
of the 2d Life Guards, saw Shaw troops," he says, "overflowing with
give his first cut; a cuirassier gave strength, bore down with such
point at bim, Shaw parried the vigour on the French cuirassiers that
thrust, and before the cuirassier re- they were fairly rode [sic] over by
covered Shaw cut him right through the weight of man and horse, and a
his brass helmet to the chin,' and his considerable number, driven head-
face fell off him like a bit of apple.'” long over a precipice into a gravel-
=It was during the hurried dash of pit, were killed by the fall, while the
the cuirassiers into the rear of La remainder, trod [sic] under foot and
Haye Sainte and across the Charleroi crushed by the wheels of some artil-
road, that some of them floundered lery and wagons which at the mo-
into the sand-pit and were either ment were coming up, perisbed wis-
killed by the fall or shot by the erably.” This episode Alison refers
rifles of the 95th. Hooper's account to the period during which the
is as follows: “ The French broke French held La Haye Sainte and
away to their right, thinking to thence attacked the Allied centre
escape down the Charleroi road, but, —that is, the fourth phase of the
stopped by the abatis, they crossed battle. Victor Hugo, again, expands
the road. . . . As they crossed the upon Alison's story so far as to have
Charleroi road a round shot from La the greater part of the French ca-
Belle Alliance bounded up the paré, valry engulfed in a hidden chasm,
and struck the mass; in a moment which he makes an adequate cause
horses and men were writhing in the
for the loss of the battle. This he
wildest confusion. Some stumbled associates with the general cavalry
also into the gravel-pit, where a cui- charges against the Allied line—the
rassier and a Life Guardsman, on third phase of the battle. The germ
foot, wrestled together with deadly of his truly astonishing romance lies
tenacity." The Guardsman, Hooper in this flight beside the sand-pit.
adds in a note, was named George 167 The cavalry attacks were
Gerrard, and he killed his antago-
made almost simultaneously along
BATTLE OF WATERL00-SECOND ATTACK.
257
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
dashed unexpectedly upon the head of Alix's (e) leading Battle of
column,168 which had already cleared the hedge, and
was pressing exultantly up the slope, with no enemy
that it could see in its front, though its left flank had
been fired upon by Kempt's 28th regiment. “Sud-
denly,” says Siborne, “ its loud shouts of triumph
ceased as it perceived the close approach of cavalry up
the interior slope of the Allied position. Whether it
was actuated by a consciousness of danger from the
disorder necessarily occasioned in its rear by the passage
through the banked-up hedges, by the dread of being
caught in the midst of any attempt to assume a for-
mation better adapted for effective resistance, or of
being entirely cut off from all support, it is difficult to
decide ; but the head of this column certainly appeared
to be seized by a panic. Having thrown out an
irregular and scattering fire, which served only to bring
down about 20 of the dragoons, it instantly faced about
and endeavoured to regain the opposite side of the
hedges.
The Royals, however, were slashing in
amongst them before this object could be effected.
The rear ranks of the column, still pressing forward
and unconscious of the obstruction in front, now met
those that were hurled back upon them, down the
exterior slope, by the charge of the Royals, who con-
tinued pressing forward against both front and flanks
the whole line. Merely to preserve
the sequence of the narrative, they
are described here in the order fol-
lowed with the French attacks
already described—that is, from the
French left to right.
168 Alix's division had marched
in echelon of brigades, each brigade
consisting of 2 regiments, and each
regiment of 2 battalions marching in
column. Marcognet's division, 300
paces on its right, was similarly ar-
ranged, as shown in the annexed
diagram,--the numbers being those
of the regiments.
ALIX
DIARCOGSET
28 105
25 45
-
55 54
26 46
Ş
258 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Wate:loo.
June 18.
II.
of the mass.
The whole was in a moment so jammed
together as to have become perfectly helpless. Men
tried in vain to use their muskets, which were either
jerked out of their hands, or discharged at random in
the attempt. Gradually, a scattering flight from the
rear loosened the unmanageable mass, which now
rolled back helplessly along its downward course.
Many brave spirits, hitherto pent up in the midst of the
throng, appeared disposed to hazard a defiance; and
amongst these the swords of the Royals dealt fearful
havoc : many others threw down their arms and gave
themselves up in despair, and these were hurried off by
the conquerors to the rear of the British line.” 169 On the
left of the 105th regiment, which had thus given way,
was the 28th, as yet unattacked, though much dis-
ordered by tlie pressure of the fugitives who threw
themselves upon it; but on witnessing the discomfiture
of the other brigade by the Inniskillings, it made but
faint resistance when the Royals attacked it, and re-
treated in disorder into the valley, pursued by the
dragoons.=The Inniskillings, coming up on the left of
the Royals, were a moment later in striking the enemy;
for their left and part of their centre squadron had to
pass through or around the right of Pack's brigade in
their advance, and their charge was directed against
the right-hand brigade of Alix's division, which was in
160 The eagle of the 105th regi- ard-bearer, but could only touch
ment, which had been presented by without holding the colour as it fell,
the Empress Maria Louisa, was and it was caught by the corporal
taken during this turmoil. Tlie who followed liis captain. Clark
guard surrounding it were seeking was about breaking the eagle from
shelter in the yet unbroken column the pole when the corporal remon-
of the 28th, wlien Capt. Clark of the strated, saying, “Pray, sir, do not
Royals saw it, gave the order "Right break it ! " The captain sent
slioulders forward attack the him with it to the rear, and it sub-
colour," and led toward it limself. sequently decorated Chelsea Hos-
He ran his sword through the stand- pital.
BATTLE OF WATERL00-SECOND ATTACĀ.
259
Waterloo.
Tune 18.
II.
support of the brigade on which the Royals had fallen, Battle of
and not so far up the slope. 170 66 The Irish · Hurrah!'
loud, long, and shrill, rent the air, as the Inniskillings,
bursting through the hedge and bounding over the road,
dashed boldly down the slope towards the French columns,
which were about 100 yards distant-an interval that
imparted an additional impetus to their charge, and
assisted in securing for it a result equally brilliant with
that obtained by the other two regiments. The right
and centre squadrons bore down upon the 55th French
regiment, while the left squadron alone charged the
54th regiment. These columns, like those on the right
and left, were not allowed time to recover from their
astonishment at the unexpected, sudden, and vehement
charge of cavalry launched against them. A feeble
and irregular fire was the only attempt made to avert
the impending danger.
In the next instant the
dragoons were amongst them, plying their swords with
fearful swiftness and dexterity, and cleaving their way
170 As the Inniskillings rode for- the field and then back to Brussels ;
ward there was an episode which but he had, as the Rev. Mr. Gleig
the British popular liistorian of the states it, "not fewer than three sons
period fondly dwelt upon, and whiclı, in the fight-the present Duke, then
in the opinion of the Rev. Mr. Gleig, Earl of March, Lord George and
" though it lias frequently been de- Lord William Lennox;" and the
scribed before, cannot well be popular historian records, as if it
omitted from any narrative which were a Providential recognition of
undertakes to tell the story of the the Ducal condescension, that but
Battle of Waterloo." Thiere rode up one of these youths was wounded,
to the dragoons as they passed “for," lie observes," none of the blood
gentleman in coloured clothes," who of Lennox erer shrunk frou danger,
gave utterance to these remarkable and all were that day more than
words—" At 'em, my lads, at 'cm; usually exposed to it.” = The Lord
now's your time!
time !” The speaker, Mr. William Lennox above mentioned
Gleig tells us, was. “ the late clival- many years after published two
rous and gallant Duke of Riclimond." volumes of Recollections - as silly and
It does not appear that, aside from purposeless a book as is often seen ;
this burst of eloquence, the Duke did but it added nothing to our informa-
anything but ride for awhile about tion on the subject of this battle.
a
s 2
260
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
6
into the midst of the masses which, rolling back and
scattering outwards, presented an extraordinary scene
of confusion. In addition to the destruction effected
by this regiment, the number of prisoners which it
secured was immense."=Farthest on the left of the
Union Brigade were the Scots Greys. They had been
appointed to act in reserve; but as they followed the
other regiments they saw Pack's Highlanders hastening
to the front and about to charge the immensely out-
numbering column of Marcognet (f), which had already
surmounted the heights in excellent order and was
advancing resolutely. The duty of the Greys was
clear ; they joined in the general charge, passing
through the ranks of the Highland infantry as best they
could, and receiving an enthusiastic greeting from their
countrymen. “They mutually cheered. Scotland
for ever!' was the war-shout. The smoke in which
the head of the French column was enshrouded had not
cleared away when the Greys dashed into the mass.
So eager was the desire, so strong the determination, of
the Highlanders to aid their compatriots in completing
the work so gloriously begun, that many were seen
holding on by the stirrups of the horsemen, while all
rushed forward, leaving none but the disabled in their
The leading portion of the column soon yielded
to this infuriated onset: the remainder, which was yet
in the act of ascending the exterior slope, appalled by
the sudden appearance of cavalry at a moment when,
judging by the sound of musketry-fire in front, they
had naturally concluded that it was with infantry alone
they had to contend, were hurled back in confusion by
the impetus of the shock. The dragoons, having the
advantage of the descent, appeared to mow down the
mass, which, bending under the pressure, quickly
spread itself outwards in all directions. Yet in that
rear.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO—SECOND ATTACK.
261
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
mass were many gallant spirits, who could not be Battle of
brought to yield without a struggle ; and these fought
bravely to the death—not that they served to impede,
but only to mark more strongly the course of the
impetuous torrent as it swept wildly past them, pre-
senting to the eye of the artistic observer those streaks
which, arising incidentally from such partial and indi-
vidual contests, invariably characterize the track of
a charge of cavalry. Within that mass, too, was borne
the Imperial eagle of the 45th regiment, proudly dis-
playing on its banner the names of Jena, Austerlitz,
Wagram, Eylau, and Friedland—fields in which this
regiment had covered itself with glory, and acquired
the distinguished title of The Invincibles. A devoted
band encircled the sacred standard, which attracted
the observation and excited the ambition of a daring
and adventurous soldier named Ewart, a sergeant of
the Greys. After a desperate struggle, evincing on his
part great physical strength combined with extraor-
dinary dexterity, he succeeded in capturing the
cherished trophy.171 Without pausing for a mo-
ment to re-form, those of the Greys who had forced
171 Sergeant Ewart was sent with the standard of the 45th,” and “l'e-
his trophy to Brussels, where, says turns to his colonel with the trophy
Siborne," he was received with which he had so gloriously redeemed.”
acclamations by thousands, who On a later page Thiers-never con-
came forward to welcome and con- tent with a single issue of his fabri-
gratulate him.” Like Corporal cations--says in his summary of the
Stiles, of the Royals, who assisted battle, “It was very strange that we
Capt. Clark in taking the eagle of lost but one standard, Urban, sub-
the 105th, Ewart was advanced to officer of lancers, having recovered
the rank of ensign. Siborne, writing that of the 45th, one of the two
in 1844, says, “This eagle now taken from D'Erlon's
corps.”
adorns the chapel of Chelsea Hos- Ewart's progress in Brussels and
pital.” Thiers, however, recounting his promotion the followirg year
a later stage of this same charge of seem to answer the story of his death
the Greys, tells how Urban, a French at Urban's hand; and the colour of
laucer, after killing Sir Edward Pon- the 45th, hanging beside that of the
sonby, also killed “him that holds 105th in Chelsea Hospital, speaks
262
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
their way through or on either flank of the mass,
rushed boldly onward against the leading supporting
columns of Marcognet's right brigade [i.e. the 26th
regiment]. This body of men, lost in amazement at
the suddenness, the wildness of the charge, and its
terrific effect upon their countrymen on the higher
ground in front, had either not taken advantage of the
very few moments that intervened by preparing an
effectual resistance to cavalry, or, if they attempted the
necessary formation, did so when there was no longer
time for its completion. Their outer files certainly
opened a fire which proved very destructive to their
assailants ; but to such a degree had the impetus of
the charge been augmented by the rapidly increasing
descent of the slope, that these brave dragoons possessed
as little of the power as of the will to check their speed,
and they plunged down into the mass with a force that
was truly irresistible. Its foremost ranks driven back
with irrepressible violence, the entire column tottered
for a moment, and then sank under the overpowering
wave. Hundreds were crushed to rise no more ; and
hundreds rose again but to surrender to the victors,
who speedily swept their prisoners to the rear, while
the Highlanders secured those taken from the leading
column.” 172 But a single regiment remained unbroken
for itself, like the statue which, ac-
cording to Macaulay, the Roman
people raised in honour of Horatius
after his defence of the bridge
“They made a molten image,
And set it up on high,
And there it stands until this day,
To witness if I lie."
port with his marching with the
25th regiment. After describing
the slowness of their march because
of the soft ground in the valley, he
continues, “ As we mounted on the
other side we were met by a hail of
balls from above the road at the left.
If we had not been so crowded to-
gether, this terrible volley would
have checked us."
[This would
indicate his being in the 28th regi-
ment of Alix's division, which re-
ceived the flank fire from Kempt's
172 The
Erckmann - Chatrian
conscript's account of the charge
contains iriçidents which only com-
BATTLE OF WATERLOO—SECOND ATTACK.
263
of the entire ten regiments with which D’Erlon had Battle of
attacked Picton—the 46th, which formed the rearmost
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
28th, but the subsequent experiences the bayonet. Only the first two
do not accord with this.] ...“ Two ranks made a stand. It was shame-
batteries now swept our ranks, and ful to form our men in that manner.
the shot from the hedges a hundred Then the red dragoons and our
feet distant pierced us through and columns rushed pell-mell down the
through. A cry of horror burst hill together.” = Thiers' whole ac-
forth, and we rushed on the batteries, count of D’Erlon's charge is extra-
overpowering the l'edcoats, who ordinary. Donzelot's division, he
vainly endeavoured to stop us. says, “ killed a great number of the
Every shot of the English told, and 95th (of whom only 34 were killed
we were forced to break our ranks. during the entire day], and drove
Men are not palisades, and must back Kempt and Bylandt's battalions
defend themselves when attacked. at the point of the bayonet.” Where
Great numbers were detached from Marcognet charged, “the position
their companions, when thousands was apparently taken, and the vic-
of Englishmen rose up from among tory ours, when, at a signal from
the barley, and fired their muskets Gen. Picton (who by this time was
almost touching our men, which dead, some distance away], Pack's
caused a terrible slaughter. The Scots rose unexpectedly from among
other ranks rushed to the support of the corn." Next, “Gen. Picton
their comrades, and we should all orders Kempt and Pack's combined
have been dispersed over the hill- battalions(though Alix's division was
side like a swarm of ants if we had between them all the while] to charge
not heard the shout, 'Attention, the them [Marcognet] at the point of
cavalry!' Almost at the same in- the bayonet." Lastly, “The Duke
stant a crowd of red dragoons of Wellington, having hastened to the
mounted on grey horses swept down spot ſhe was in fact on the west of
upon us like the wind, and those the Charleroi road, which he never
who had straggled were cut to pieces crossed during the battle), attacks
without mercy. They did not fall them with Ponsonby's 1,200 Scotch
upon our columns in order to break dragoons, called the Scotch Greys,
them; they were too deep and from the colour of their horses."
massive for that; but they came The Scots Greys, in fact, numbered
down between the divisions, 391 men, and Thiers compliments
slashing right and left with their their efficiency by giving as their
sabres, and spurring their horses into strength more than that of the entire
the flanks of the columns to cut Union Brigade.
Tributes to this
them in two, and though they could regiment were not wanting. Victor
not succeed in this, they killed great Hugo records of Napoleon that “on
numbers and threw us into confusion. seeing the admirable Scots Greys
... The worst was that at that mo- massed with their superb horses, he
ment their foot soldiers rallied and said, 'It is a pity.'
Alison quotes
recommenced their fire, and they the Emperor as saying of their
even were so bold as to attack us with progress during the charge in the
264
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
It was
Battle of
Waterloo
June 18.
II.
supporting column of Marcognet's division.
passed to one side by the Scots Greys as they pressed
on into the valley, but was presently overwhelmed in
its turn, as other British cavalry came up.=The charge
of the British heavy cavalry brigades had thus been
delivered with splendid effect throughout their whole
line, and their success had been almost instantaneous
except on the extreme right, where the cuirassiers had
made an obstinate though fruitless resistance to their
onset. But here too the English bore their foe before
them, and, a little later than their comrades on the
east of La Haye Sainte, pursued him into the valley,
whither all were now riding. The ist Life Guards
followed closely on the rear of the cuirassiers, who
sought to escape through the “hollow-way” by which
the Charleroi road crosses the central elevation ; but
their numbers soon choked the narrow passage, and the
rearmost were compelled to turn and renew once more
the hand-to-hand contest in which they had already
been worsted. The Life Guards, however, had now
ridden into the fire of Bachelu's light troops (6) who
held the central heights, and were obliged to relinquish
pursuit in this direction. On their left had ridden the
King's (1st) Dragoon Guards, who now crossed the
Charleroi road and joined in the general dash upon the
French position, in which all the horsemen east of La
Haye Sainte had engaged. Now, for the first time,
Lord Uxbridge had opportunity to look back for his
supports, and discovered to his mortification that they
were wanting : on the left the Scots Greys had not only
ridden into the first line, but were dashing on most
madly of all ; beyond them there was no indication
valley, “ Ces terribles chevaux gris :
comme ils travaillent !" But this is
on the authority of Lacoste, which
is enough to discredit all stories re-
sembling it.
BATTLE OF WATERL00-SECOND ATTACK. 265
Waterloo
June 18.
II.
that the light brigades were concerning themselves Battle of
about the contest ; and the only regiment retaining
anything like formation was his own immediate support,
the Blues, who had come up with the first line, but
had been kept well in hand, and were in a condition to
cover the retreat of their comrades. Lord Uxbridge
sounded the halt and recall, but voice and trumpet
were unavailing. He, indeed, assembled the regiments
nearest himself—the ist Life Guards, which had been
checked by Bachelu's fire, and portions of the King's
and 2d Life Guards, and withdrew them to their
position, covered by the Blues against the pursuit of a
well-formed body of fresh cuirassiers.173 But east of
the Charleroi road there was no checking the men of
the Union Brigade. Carried away by their initial suc-
cess, they had scattered all that first opposed them, and
ridden on, disordered as they were, until they reached
the central heights. Here some of the Royals and
Inniskillings were stopped by the fire of the French
batteries and infantry, and followed the retreat ordered
by Lord Uxbridge, in time to escape severe loss from
the enemy's cavalry. But the Scots Greys, followed by
many of the others, dashed up the French position and
into the batteries, sabring the gunners, cutting the
horses' throats and the traces, and spiking the guns and
overturning them in the mud. Soon they perceived
upon their left a body of fresh cavalry moving down to
attack them-Jaquinot's lancers, who advanced with
178 Among the killed in this ball struck and overthrew his horse,
charge was Col. Fuller, of the King's just as he was about regaining the
Dragoon Guards, who fell while Allied position. “Scramble through
pursuing the
cuirassiers up the the hedge," cried a passing officer,
French position on the east of the "you've not a moment to lose ;
Charleroi load. Lord Edward and he did so without rising from
Somerset had a narrow escape while his hands and knees, barely in time
returning in rear of his men, pur- to escape the cuirassiers, who drew
sued by the cuirassiers. A cannon up at the hedge.
266
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
their right squadrons charging in open column, and the
remainder spread in open lancer order over the plain,
so as to destroy the English stragglers and wounded,
and shelter the retreat of their own infantry. From
the French right wing at the same time moved down a
body of Milhaud's cuirassiers upon them.174 The
Greys now endeavoured to make good their retreat;
but their horses were thoroughly blown from their
prolonged exertions, the ground was slippery and
heavy, and the dragoons, who had not a vestige of
formation remaining, were overtaken by the lancers,
whose fresh horses and perfect order enabled them to
inflict such severe losses upon the fugitives, before
they could regain the Allied position and the cover
of the infantry, that little more than half of the Union
Brigade reassembled. 175
= Vandeleur's light brigade,
174 « Napoleon," says Thiers, by the lancers in a spot of soft
“had seen this confusion from the ground he had little chance to de-
height where he was stationed. He fend himself, and perished. Thiers
sprang on his horse and galloped tells the story thus: “The Scotch
the battlefield to where dragoons, surprised in all the con-
Milhaud's heavy cavalry were sta- fusion of pursuit, and attacked on
tioned, and ordered the Trayers bri-
across
every side, were at once cut to pieces.
gade, consisting of the 7th and 12th Our cuirassiers, inflamed with the
cuirassiers, to attack the Scotch desire of avenging the infantry,
dragoons. One regiment attacked rushed on them with their long sabres
them in front, another on one flank, and hewed them down. The 4th
whilst the lancers under Gen. lancers, headed by Col. Bro, dealt
Jaquinot attacked them
on the
with them unsparingly. A quar-
other.” – The lancers were the 4th termaster of the lancers, named
regiment, commanded by Col. Bro, Urban, rushed into the thickest of
who was severely wounded in the the fight and took the brave Pon-
conflict.
sonby, commander of the dragoons,
175 Among those who fell was the prisoner. The Scotch seek to free
general commanding the Union Bri- their general, but Urban lays him
gade, Sir William Ponsonby. He dead at his feet; then, attacked by
was in the first instance but poorly several dragoons, he rides directly to
mounted, and had tried his horse's him that holds the standard of the
strength in his endeavours to head off 45th, unhorses him with a blow of
and turn back his men from their his lavce, kills him with a second,
wild onset; so that when overtaken seizes the colours, kills another of
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK. 267
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
meantime, had executed a charge that rescued the Battle of
remnant of the Union Brigade from what might have
proved almost annihilation. From his position in the
front line on the left of Best, Vandeleur had seen
that his light dragoons would be needed in support
of Uxbridge's charge, and had early put them in
motion; but the formation of the ground obliged him
to make so great a detour to his rear that he was
not yet at hand when the general charge took effect.
He came up to the front of Best's brigade with his
leading regiment, the 12th light dragoons,—the 16th
following, and the 11th remaining in reserve upon the
brow of the hill,—at the moment when it became
evident that the heavy dragoons among the French
batteries were about to be charged by Jaquinot's
lancers. In his immediate front, and between him and
the Union Brigade, was the 46th French regiment, the
sole residue of D’Erlon's grand attack, which, though
not yet assailed, was disordered by the overthrow of
its companion regiments and had stayed its advance.
Col. Frederick Ponsonby, with his 12th light dragoons,
charged directly down upon the right flank of this
regiment, penetrated and rode through it, and, with-
out stopping to complete his victory or rearrange his
own ranks, hastened forward to the succour of Gen.
Ponsonby's brigade. He came upon the right flank of
the Scotch who is pursuing him charging up the French heights.
close, and then, covered with blood, Another of the Greys whose death
returns to his colonel with the trophy in this charge deserves mention was
which he had so gloriously redeemed.” Sergeant Weir, pay-sergeant of his
The story of the recapture of the troop. His body was found with his
eagle of the 45th has already name written on his forehead by his
been disposed of in note 171, page finger dipped in his own blood-a pre-
261. = The commander of the Scots caution for his identification, his com-
Greys, Col. Hamilton, was one of rades explained, that he might not be
the victims to his own rash valour. suspected of disappearing with the
He gallantly headed his regiment, money of his troop.
and was last seen, still in advance,
268
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
176
no
a regiment of Jaquinot's lancers in pursuit of the
Greys; he struck it at full speed and almost perpen-
dicularly, and rolled up its line; and at nearly the
same moment the 16th light dragoons, with Van-
deleur at their head, attacked the continuation of the
lancers' line obliquely upon its front. The advance
of the French light horse was thus completely checked,
and Vandeleur pursued to the foot of the valley, which
he had ordered his men not to pass; though some
of them did so and paid for their rashness with their
lives. 176
But the greater part of both the 12th and 16th
Among those who were thus him that he might search me, di-
carried into the French position was recting him to a small side pocket,
the colonel of the 12th, the Hon. in which he found three dollars,
Frederick Ponsonby, who, like his being all I had; he unloosed my
namesake of the Union Brigade, was stock and tore open my waistcoat,
endeavouring to withdraw his men then leaving me in a very uneasy
from imprudent pursuit when he was posture, and was
sooner gone
set upon by a body of French than another came for the same pur-
lancers, and given the first of the pose; but assuring him that I had
wounds that occasioned the horrible been plundered already, he left me,
sufferings which he almost miracu- when an officer, bringing up some
lously survived to relate. His story troops (to which, probably, the
is so exceptional in its interest as to tirailleurs belonged), and halting
require quotation almost in full: "In where I lay, stooped down and ad-
the mêlée I was disabled instantly in dressed me, saying he feared I was
both of my arms, and followed by a badly wounded. I replied that
few of my men, who were pre- was, and expressed a wish to be re-
sently cut down, no quarter being
moved to the rear. He said it was
asked or given. I was carried on by against the order to remove even
my horse, till, receiving a blow on my their own men, but that if they
head from a sabre, I was thrown sense- gained the day, as they probably
less on my face to the ground. Reco- would (for he understood the Duke
vering, I raised myself a little to look of Wellington was killed, and that
round, when a lancer passing by ex- six of our battalions had surrendered),
claimed, “Tu n'es pas mort, coquin, every attention in his power should
and struck his lance through my
I complained of
back. My head dropped, the blood thirst, and he held his brandy bottle
gushed into my mouth, a difficulty to my lips, directing one of his men
of breathing came on, and I thought to lay me straight on my side, and
all was over. Not long afterwards place a knapsack under my head.
a tirailleur came up to plunder me, He then passed on into action, and
threatening to take my life. I told I shall never know to whose gene-
be shown me.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK.
269
were stopped by coming under a brisk musketry fire Battle of
Waterloo.
from that left brigade (g) of Durutte's division which
June 18.
had remained in the valley to support Marcognet; and
II.
rosity I was indebted, as I conceive, bably crawled thither in his agony;
for my life. Of what rank he was his weight, convulsive motions,
I cannot say; he wore a blue great- noises, and the air issuing througla
coat. By-and-by another tirailleur a wound in his side, distressed mo
came and knelt and fired over me, greatly; the latter circumstance
loading and firing many times, and most of all, as the case was my own.
conversing with great gaiety all the It was not a dark night, and the
while; at last he ran off, saying, Prussians were wandering about to
bien aise d'entendre plunder (and the scene in Ferdinand,
Vous
Screz
que nous allons
nous retirer ; bon Count Fathom, came into my mind,
jour, mon ami.' While the battle though no women, I believe, were
continued in that part several of the there); several of them came and
wounded men and dead bodies near looked at me. About an hour be-
me were hit with the balls, which fore midnight I saw a soldier in an
came very thick in that place. To- English uniform coming towards me.
wards evening, wlien the Prussians He was, I suspect, on the same
came, the continued roar of the errand. He came and looked me in
cannon along their and the British the face. I spoke instantly, telling
line, growing louder and louder as him who I was, and assuring him
they drew near, was the finest thing of a reward if he would remain by
I ever heard. It was dusk when He said that he belonged to the
two squadrons of Prussian cavalry, 4oth regiment, but had missed it.
both of them two deep, passed over He released me from the dying man.
me in full trot, lifting me from the Being unarmed, he took up a sword
ground and tumbling me about from the ground, and stood over me,
cruelly. The clatter of their approach pacing backward and forward, At
and the apprehensions it excited may 8 o'clock in the morning some Eng-
be easily conceived; had a gun come lish were seen in the distance ; he
that way it would have done for me. ran to them, and a messenger vas
The battle was then nearly over, or sent off to Hervey. A cart came for
removed to a distance; the cries and I was placed in it and carried
groans of the wounded all around to a farm-house, about a mile and a
me became every instant more and half distant, and laid in the bed from
more audible, succeeding to the which poor Gordon (as I understood
shouts, imprecations, outeries of afterward) liad been just carried
'Vive l'Empereur,' the terrible dis- out. The jolting of the cart and the
charge of musketry and cannon, and difficulty of breathing were very
every now and then intervals of si- painful. I had received seven
lence, which were worse than the wounds; a surgeon slept in my room,
noise. I thought the night would and I was saved by continual bl
never end. Much about this time ings, one liundred and twenty ounces
I found a soldier of the Royals in two days, besides the great loss
lying across my legs, who had pro- of blood on the field."
me.
me.
270
QUATRE BRAS, LÍGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
Vandeleur, having accomplished the objects of his
charge, led back his regiments to their position.177=
Merle’s brigade of light cavalry from Collaert's Dutch-
Belgian reserve division had appeared upon the brow
of the Allied heights, and a few started to follow the
12th light dragoons down the slope ; but presently
Durutte's skirmishers began firing, and these troops
made no further
further advance.=Vivian, whose hussar
brigade held the extreme Allied left, had ridden
forward in person to reconnoitre, and, as soon as he
saw the charge of the Greys up the French heights,
had sent for his roth and 18th British hussars
177 There is a curious silence in Best, Vincke, and the British light
the English accounts of this charge caralry whose squadrons were visible
as to the doings of Durutte's division to liim.” =Charras says that, after
on the part of the Frenclı, and of his detachment against the villages,
Best's and Von Vincke's brigades, in Durutte left two more battalions to
the Allied line,—which is the more guard the right of the grand battery,
noteworthy as all other bodies of and advanced with the remainder of
troops in both armies are adequately his division. " It reached the crest
accounted for. Brialmont gives this of the plateau in good order, passing
version of what happened, but with- the hedges which were much broken
out naming any authority :-"Du- in this part of the enemy's line: the
rutte, less sererely handled, followed Hanoverians of Best and Vincke liad
the retrogressive movement of the already retreated considerably before
other columns, not, however, till le it, at the moment wlien Vandeleur's
had repulsed an attack of Vandeleur's light dragoons, emerging from a
light cavalry, and driven before lim hollow in the ground, charged unex-
Best's and Vincke's Hanoverians.” pectedly. Yielding under the shock,
This, of course, refers to Durutte's it was rolled up confusedly; but the
left brigade (9), as the other was en- disorder did not last; and the dra-
gaged with the villages on the right.
upon point-blank,
Hooper's only allusion to this part promptly withdrew to rally.out of
of the fight is as follows :—“On the the fire." Vandeleur then went to
extreme British left, the Hanoverian Ponsonby's support in the valley;
ivfantry had been menaced only by and, Charras continues, "Durutte,
Durutte, who, partly occupied by profiting by this movement and seeing
Papelotte and La Haye, did not ven-
110 longer any French
ture to ascend far up the slope, but, column on his left, put himself in
being the last to move, lung about retreat, showing a front against the
the great battery, and afforded Mar- Hanoverians, and regained his fornier
cognet some flanking protection from position. His loss was 600 men."
there was
goons, fired
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK.
271
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
to advance, leaving the ist hussars of the German Battle of
Legion only to protect the left flank; and he opened a
fire from two of the guns of his horse-battery, to which
the French rejoined with so well-directed a fire that
one of their shot passed through an ammunition-box of
Vivian's and exploded it. By this time Vandeleur was
returning, successful, from the valley, where, of all the
troops of both armies lately engaged there, only the
killed and wounded remained. With a discharge of
rockets, directed by Major Whingates' rocket-troops
against some French troops endeavouring to re-form
upon the central elevation, and which had the effect of
dispersing them under cover,178 the second phase of the
battle came to an end.
The grand attack upon which Napoleon had relied
for the overthrow of the Allied army had completely
failed. He had meant to seize the advanced posts at
either extremity and at the centre of their line, and also
the Brussels highroad; he had not gained any one of
them, even Papelotte and the enclosures of La Haye
Sainte remaining, when the attack was over, in the
hands of the Allies; and he had lost 3000 prisoners,
2 eagles, a number of killed and wounded considerably
in excess of the loss by the Allies, and nearly 40 guns
of his great battery had been rendered useless, while
his strongest infantry corps had been overthrown and
seriously disorganized, and his splendid veteran cavalry
had proved unable to withstand the British horsemen.
178 Sir Augustus Frazer—who, having gone more to the left than
as commander of the horse-artillery, the intersection of our centre by the
had special interest in observing the, pavé [the Charleroi road), which was
efficacy of the rockets, the use of in a ravine, and close by a large
which Wellington bad so irrationally building (La Haye Sainte) occupied
opposed, wrote of this incident:-- alternately by friend and foe, and
" The rockets were used, and were a point more than ordinarily mur-
useful, as I am told. I did not see derous. The rocket troop was 200
their application, the Duke nerer yards to the left of this point."
272
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
The Allies also—that is, the English and Germans-had
suffered severely, though not disproportionately to the
magnitude of the advantages they had secured, espe-
cially of the splendid triumphs of Picton's infantry and
the cavalry brigades.
At Hougomont the contest had continued without
intermission during the period of D'Erlon's attack. The
defenders within the buildings and courts could not be
seriously molested; but on either flank the French con-
tinued to make renewed demonstrations, which were
repelled sometimes by the fire of the batteries on the
Allied position or of the light troops in advance of it,
sometimes by sorties of the little garrison or of troops
coming to their aid from the rear. After a time this
continued pressure so weakened the defence that Byng
sent down a reinforcement consisting of the remainder
of the 2d battalion of the 3d Guards, under Col. Hep-
burn, who took the command hitherto held by Lord
Saltoun, whose own battalion had now completely dis-
appeared ; and these fresh troops, eager to engage,
made a dash from the northern hedge upon the French
tirailleurs who then held the orchard, drove them out
in an unrestrained stampede, and shot down many
of them while struggling to force their way through
gaps in the southern hedge. Thus, at about the time
D'Erlon's troops were repulsed in their attack upon the
Allied left wing, the British Guards repossessed them-
selves of the orchard. = An attack was now attempted
upon them from a new direction. A column from
Bachelu's division, which had left the central elevation,
moved toward the Allied position ; but on receiving a
musketry fire from Alten's light-troops -- which had
resumed their ground before the heights as soon as the
cuirassiers had been driven off,—the French column
swerved to its left and approached Hougomont. The
2 P.J.
2.30. P.JI
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-HOUGOMONT. 273
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
movement was noted by Capt. Cleeves, commanding a. Battle of
6-gun battery of the King's German Legion, posted on
the brow of the height under which the column must
pass. He reserved his fire until the moment when it
would tell most effectually, and then rapidly threw in
three rounds from each gun: the column was instantly
dispersed with shocking slaughter, those who survived
flying confusedly to the lower ground for shelter, leav-
ing on the ascent they had been mounting great numbers
of their killed and wounded. The French made a
second attempt to advance in this direction, which was
repulsed in exactly the same manner ; and Bachelu then
fell back to the general French position, and established
his division on the right of Foy's, at some distance to
the west of the Charleroi road.= Another method of
dealing with Hougomont was now essayed. Napoleon
caused a battery of howitzers to be brought to bear in
such manner that their shells should descend into the
buildings, and presently they were on fire 179—- first the
great barn, then the outhouses north of the château,
the farmer's house, and at last the château itself. The
flames spread rapidly, covering the buildings and their
garrison with dense clouds of smoke, which rolled
heavily over the Allied position, and soon the roofs
began to fall in. Every possible entrance to the en-
closures, meantime, was so closely beset by the belea-
guering French, that the British could not for a moment
suspend the defence to fight the flames or even to suc-
cour the wounded, many of whom had crawled or had
2.45 P.JT
scene.
179 Sir Augustus Frazer, who
Imagining that this fire
was near Hougomont at this time, might oblige our troops to quit a
noted the hour at which Hougomont post most material, and that it would
was fired. “Ata quarter before 3," have an effect, and possibly a great
he wrote, “the large building burst one, on the day, I remarked the time
out in a volume of flame, and formed
by my watch.
a striking feature in the murderous
T
274
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
been carried into the buildings and now perished by a
terrible death.180 The Guards, however, fought on, in
spite of the intense heat and suffocating smoke that
enveloped them, and, after the fire had burned out the
interior of the buildings, still made good their defence
of the uninjured boundary walls.
The Prussians, during the second attack, had been
making their way laboriously toward the
French right flank, and were securing
foothold in the Wood of Paris. But they had not yet
shown themselves upon the field.
The attack had been so far a partial one that the
Allied right centre and right wing had remained entirely
unmolested, except for an unintermitting cannonade,
The Prussians.
180 It was at this time that Sere only, owing to the bankruptcy of
geant Graham, of the Coldstream the donor. At the time Siborne
Guards—the same whose assistance wrote (1844), he was among the ve-
in closing and defending the barn- teran inmates of the Royal Hospital
yard gate, is mentioned in note of Kilmainbam. = It was in the stay-
144, page 228-asked permission ing of the general conflagration at
from his commanding officer, Col. the entrance of the chapel that the
Macdonnell, to leave the defence of alleged miracle occurred. Siborne's
the garden wall for a moment. The relation of the incident is as fol-
officer expressed his surprise at such a lows:—“Many who had sought shel-
request when they were so hard ter,or had been laid in the chapel, and
pressed, and Graham explained that whose terrors were excited as they
he wished to rescue his brother, who heard the crashing fall of burning
lay wounded in the buildings. Re- timbers or the frequent explosions of
ceiving permission, he carried the shells around them, at length behelu
brother out, laid him in a ditch, and the flames penetrating the door of
resumed bis place in the fight. Both the sanctuary.
The prayers that
brothers survived the battle. = In had been fervently, though silently,
August, 1815, a gentleman requested offered up from that holy place had
the Duke of Wellington to nominate surely been accepted—the fire,
a meritorious Waterloo soldier to reaching the feet of the wooden
whom he proposed paying an annuity image of the Saviour of mankind
of iol. for life. The Duke desired that stood above the entrance,
Sir John Byng to name a man from seemed to feel the sacred presence;
his brigade of Guards, and the for here its progress terminated, and
choice fell to Graham; but he re- this without the aid of human
ceived his annuity for two years efforts.” (See note 112, page 186.)
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-SECOND ATTACK.
275
Waterloo.
June 18.
II.
from which the unengaged troops were sheltered to a Battle of
certain degree by being withdrawn to the reverse slope,
though even here shells reached them and round shot,
which, rebounding from the outer heights, fell among
the reserves in the rear.181 Except for this artillery
duel, in which both sides engaged with equal warmth,
and for the struggle that never stopped at Hougomont,
there was a long interval after the close of the cavalry
charges without any offensive movement by the French
-an interval so long as to give rise to wondering
speculation as to the nature of the next attack. During
this time of inaction a partial re-arrangement of the
Allied left wing was made-Sir John Lambert's brigade
coming into the front line between Kempt and the
Charleroi road; Pack’s and Best's brigades and also
Vandeleur's horsemen closing toward their right, so as
to fill the gap left by the Dutch-Belgians ; 3 companies
of Kempt's riflemen re-occupied the sand-pit and its
knoll and hedge; and 2 fresh companies from the
ist light battalion of the German Legion reinforced the
4 companies that already held La Haye Sainte.
181 Of the surroundings of the
second line even when sheltered from
fire, a private of dragoons so stationed
wrote, “ We stood exactly on such
a spot as enabled us to behold the
last struggles of the wounded, whose
strength only sufficed to carry them
a few yards to the rear. There was
a long sort of ditch or drain some
way behind us, toward which these
poor fellows betook themselves by
scores ; and ere three hours were
passed it was choked with the bodies
of those who lay down there that
they might die. Then, again, the
wounded horses, of which multitudes
wandered all over the field, troubled
us. They would come back, some
with broken legs, others trailing after
them their entrails, which the round
shot had kuocked out, and, forcivg
themselves between our files, seemed
to solicit the aid which no one bad
time to afford.” It can scarcely be
wondered that the beholders of such
scenes disappeared from the rear of
the army in great numbers.
T 2
276
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
III. Cavalry Attacks upon the Allied Right Wing.
The French were long in renewing offensive opera-
tions, because it had become necessary to arrange an
entirely new plan of action. The futility of the original
design—that of crushing Wellington's left wing, and so
seizing the Brussels road—had been demonstrated by
the signal repulse of D'Erlon's infantry ; and the dis-
organized condition in which it had reassembled ren-
dered it unfit for immediate use, and forbade any
demonstration in this part of the field. It thus became
necessary to shift the attack to the Allied right wing.
Here, accordingly, renewed efforts were to be made by
the infantry, at either extremity, to carry Hougomont
and La Haye Sainte—the capture of which might be
followed by the breaking of the Allied centre,—while
between these points an overwhelming onset of cavalry
was to be directed against the Allied line. The force
entrusted to Ney for this purpose consisted in the first
instance of Milhaud's entire corps of cuirassiers, 21
squadrons strong ; but almost at the outset Lefebvre-
Desnouettes's light cavalry of the Guard—7 squadrons
of lancers and 12 of chasseurs-were drawn into its
support; and ultimately both Kellermann's and Guyot's
corps of heavy cavalry took part in the charges--an
aggregate strength of 77 squadrons, or 12,000 men,
the most numerous and splendidly equipped body of
horsemen that had ever charged in a mass in European
warfare. But, as in the previous attack, Ney was
impatient to end the battle at a stroke, and over-con-
fident that he had provided such means to accomplish
his purpose as no power of the enemy could withstand ;
and, as he had previously advanced his infantry columns
without cavalry in close support, so now he made ready
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-THIRD ATTACK,
277
Waterloo.
to launch his apparently irresistible squadrons without Battle of
infantry who should hold and follow up whatever
advantages the horsemen might gain.182
June 18.
III.
as Gen.
182 Faulty as was the arrange- rassiers provisionally, to occupy the
ment of sending the cavalry to space between La Haye Sainte and
charge without infantry supports, the wood of Goumont (Hougomont],
and ruinous as were the consequen- and desired him to await his orders
ces, there can be po excuse for the before commencing the attack that
manner in which it has been sought was to decide the fate of the day.”
to relieve Napoleon of all blame in Hereupon, the story goes on, Ney
the matter, and charge it wholly ordered up Milhaud, and “
upon Ney's headlong rashness. To
Milhaud passed before Lefebvre-
this end, Thiers--whose whole ac- Desnouettes, who commanded the
count of the battle is muddled and
light cavalry of the Guard, he
without sequence
transfers the clasped his hand and said, 'I am
time of those cavalry charges to a going to charge: support me.' Le-
later period of the action than that febvre-Desnouettes, whose valour
in which they occurred. He puts needed no fresh incitement, believed
them after the appearance of the that it was by order of the Emperor
Prussians in the field, and after the he was desired to support the cui-
taking of La Haye Sainte by the
rassiers, and following their move-
French infantry, whereas neither of ment, he took up a position behind
these things occurred until the them. . . . When Ney saw such a
charges were far advanced. Napo- noble body of cavalry at his disposal
leon, he represents, was in the eastern his confidence and daring redoubled,"
part of the field, directing Lobau's and, “still elated by the combat of
resistance to Bülow, and in ignorance La Haye Sainte," he began the ca-
what drafts Ney was making upon valry charges. Through the false
the cavalry until it was too late to order of events thus described, Thiers,
recede. Ney, Thiers says, had already following Napoleon, begins the ela-
taken La Haye Sainte, sent to Napo- boration of his accusation that Ney
leon for reinforcements, and, “his destroyed the cavalry. while “ Napo-
countenance glowing with heroic leon was so preoccupied with the
ardour, he repeatedly said to Gen. attack of the Prussians that he sus-
Drouot, that could he get some addi- pended every other action but that
tional troops he would secure a bril- directed against them.” = The impor-
liant victory and totally repulse the tant fact to be borne in mind is that
British army."
But this demand, La Haye Sainte had not been taken,
Thiers proceeds, reached the Empe- and the Prussians had not begun
ror when he was using all his avail- their attack, until after both Mil-
able infantry against the Prussians, haud and Lefebvre-Desnouettes were
and, accordingly, “Napoleon sent engaged in their charges on the
word to Ney that it would be impos- Allied squares. Napoleon doubtless
sible to send any infantry, but that knew all about the preparation for
he would send him Milhaud's cui- the cavalry attack, though the Prus-
278
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
4 P.J.
૮૮.
The cannonade had never ceased during this period
of preparation ; but, as all was made ready for the
attack, it was suddenly increased to an unparalleled
intensity. The French light batteries were pushed
forward in advance, and reinforced by the heavy
I 2-pound guns of the Imperial Guard ; and this whole
force of artillery, greatly superior to that of the Allies,
was so posted that its fire could be concentrated upon
any point of Wellington's line. “The guns having once
obtained the required range," Siborne says,
were fired
without intermission. ... The oldest soldiers had never
witnessed a cannonade conducted with such fury, with
such desperation. The Allied columns of infantry were
lying down upon the ground to shelter themselves
as much as possible from the iron shower that fell
fast and heavily-round shot tearing frightful rents
directly through their masses or ploughing up the
earth beside them ; shells bursting in the midst of the
serried columns and scattering destruction in their fall,
or previously burying themselves in the soft loose soil
to be again forced upwards in eruptions of iron, mud,
and stones, that fell amongst them like volcanic frag-
ments.' The British and German artillerymen, posted
along the front of the position and before the Wavre
road, stood firmly to their guns and directed them with
great precision; but the pieces were inferior both in
sians may have diverted his attention
gone or was about to go to the right
from its later stages. The lack of flank against Bülow; and the Guard
supporting infantry is to be explained Napoleon never suffered to be
on the ground that there was none touched until the last emergency.
available--Jerome's and Foy's divi- This accounts for the entire French
sions had their bands full with the infantry except those engaged on
foolish assault on Hougomont; Don- the right flank and the division of
zelot's troops were busy at La Haye Bachelu: this division Ney ulti-
Sainte; D'Erlon's corps was in pro- mately did combine with the opera-
cess of reconstruction after its over- tions of his cavalry.
throw; Lobau's corps had either
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-THIRD ATTACK.
279
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
number and weight to the enemy's, and official neg- Battle of
ligence had left guns and men without any of the
protection which should have been afforded by earth-
works.183=The attack was first made at either extreme
by the infantry-redoubled exertions being put forth
to carry Hougomont, now in flames and still plied
by the howitzers; while in the centre Donzelot's
columns moved against La Haye Sainte. Baring this
time made no attempt to hold the orchard, but limited
his defence to the buildings, court, and garden. The
rifle balls of the Germans told tremendously upon the
advancing masses of the French ; but these rushed
through the fire up to the walls, seized the rifles
through the loop-boles, and sought to pull them from
the hands of the defenders. They assailed every gate
and doorway in the enclosure, especially the extem-
porised barrier at the great western entrance to the
barn, of which the door had been destroyed. Here the
French pushed forward desperately, but the excellent
fire of the riflemen did not allow one of the invaders to
pass the threshold, beside which 17 dead bodies were
afterwards found lying. Thus the contest was raging
about La Haye Sainte, both parties showing the utmost
determination, while the grand attack was in progress. =
On the French extreme left also a demonstration was
made, in advance of the general attack. Piré's lancers
were seen moving forward ; and Wellington, anxious for
his detached forces at Braine-la-Leude, desired Lord
Uxbridge to counteract them. This he did by sending
Grant, with 2 regiments of light cavalry from his
own brigade and I from Dörnberg's of the King's
German Legion, to watch the operations of the enemy;
but no conflict resulted from this, and Grant, presently
becoming satisfied that the French horse were only
188 See text, and note 128, page 206.
280
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo
June 18.
III.
Battle of making a diversion, returned with the greater portion
of his following and took part in the general action
with the French assailing cavalry.
Milhaud's cuirassiers, followed by the light cavalry
of the Guard, had meanwhile put themselves in motion.
As they were drawn up on the eastern side of the Char-
leroi road, they were obliged in the first instance to cross
that road and oblique considerably to their left, so as to
take a position facing the opening between Hougomont
and La Haye Sainte--a position from which the forma-
tion of the ground enabled them to advance directly upon
the Allied heights without descending into the valley. 184
The movement was made in beautiful order.
they began to advance,” says Siborne, “ the first line of
cuirassiers shone in burnished steel, relieved by black
horsehair-crested helmets; next came the red lancers
of the Guard, in their gaudy uniform, and mounted on
richly caparisoned steeds, their fluttering lance-flags
heightening the brilliancy of their display ; whilst the
third line, comprising the chasseurs of the Guard, in
their rich costume of green and gold, with fur-trimmed
pelisses à la hussard, and black bear-skin shakos, com-
pleted the gorgeous yet harmonious colouring of this
66 As
184 The spurs from the central front of 1,000 yards that the great
elevation, which formed a continuous charges of the French cavalry were
and almost level approach from La made, consequently 1,000 horsemen
Belle Alliance to the centre of the would have filled the whole of it;
right wing of the Allied army, have which proves that not more than,
been described on page 183. This say, 500 men could have been in
peculiar conformation must be borne their front line, as they had to keep
in mind to render the charges of the at some distance from the fire of
cavalry intelligible. = There must also both Hougomont and La Haye
be recollected the explanation quoted Sainte, and they charged with inter-
from Kennedy (note 120, p. 199) of vals: 12,000 cavalry, therefore, on
the space occupied by troops in line. this front, might charge in 24 suc-
He adds, “The distance between cessive lines, supposing each line to
Hougomont and La Haye Sainte be a single rank.”
is 1,000 yards It was on this
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-THIRD ATTACK.
281
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
military spectacle.” Upon the spot menaced by the Battle of
advancing enemy-nearly that where the Belgian lion
now stands—were gathered Gen. Alten and the staff of
the 3d division, anxious to learn what was portended
by the tremendous artillery fire ; and as soon as the
cavalry were seen to be in motion the division was
ordered to assume the formation which had been
devised in anticipation of this mode of attack. « Our
surprise,” says Kennedy, who was one of Alten’s staff,
“at being so soon attacked by this great and mag-
nificent force of cavalry was accompanied with the
opinion that the attack was premature, and that we
were perfectly prepared and secure against its effects, so
far as any military operation can be calculated upon.
" 185
185 This preparation is best ac- he at once and unqualifiedly assented,
counted for and described by Ken- upon which I instantly left him,
nedy himself, who designed it. and proceeded with the formation.
When, on the morning of the 18th The principles and considera-
of June," he says,
“the enemy's tions which guided me in making
formation clearly indicated an attack the formation were as follows:-
on the British position, General the The French cavalry had, on the 16th,
Prince of Orange, who commanded proved itself very formidable at
the corps, and General Baron Alten, Quatre Bras in its attacks upon the
who commanded the 3d division, 3d division. That cavalry in im-
discussed for some time how the mensely augmented numbers was
division should be formed in order now forming opposite to the division,
of battle. The Duke of Wellington and the ground between them and
having joined them during the dis- us presented no natural obstacle
cussion, and being referred to, re- whatever. It was at the same time
plied shortly, 'Form in the usual evident, from the way in which the
way,' and rode on. This did not French guns were taking up their
solve the difficulty, as it was felt that ground, that the division would be
the position of the division exposed exposed to a severe artillery fire.
it greatly to the fire of the enemy's It was, therefore, of the highest im-
artillery, and to the action of his portance that the formation of the
numerous and formidable cavalry. division should be such that its pass-
The discussion having been continued ing from line into a formation for
for some time after the Duke bad resisting cavalry should be as rapid
gone, and no determination arrived as possible, and that the re-formation
at, I asked Gen. Alten if he would of the line should also be made
allow me to form the division. To this rapidly. To carry these views into
282
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
The 3d division was at once formed to resist cavalry;
and on its right the Guards, together with some of the
June 18.
III.
detett tot
Iu Haye
Sainte
Skirmishers
tttttt
Cleeve's Battery. Lloyd's Battery
Road
Road
Wavre
Road
Halkett
Maitland's ist bri-
gade of Guards, and
Brunswick troops,
were in this space, ,
also in squares.
Mill
Illll
lilli
Charleroi
Omptedo Kielmansegge
Ni velles
Kruse
Nassau troops
Cavalry
Nassau troops
III /////
inc reserve
Brunswick troops, formed squares ; so that the space
effect the strong battalions formed stood opposite to the openings of the
each an oblong on the two centre first line. . . . These arrangements
companies, and when the battalions
were only in preparation when the
were weak two were joined, the battle began]; the division remained
right-hand battalion of the two deployed in two lines, its proper order
forming left in front, and the left- of battle, but ready to form in ob-
hand battalion right in front, each longs when such formation might be
in column of companies. The fronts required; while merely under the
of the oblongs were formed by four continued severe cannonade the di-
companies, and the rear faces of the vision lay down in line." Kennedy
oblongs were of the same strength, further explains that, owing to the
and the sides of one company each, deficiency of troops in the 3d di-
which were formed by the outward vision—which consisted of 6,000
wheel of subdivisions. ... The front men in three brigades-Gen. Kruse,
line consisted of five of these oblongs, commanding the Nassau troops in
and the second line of four of them, the second line, participated in this
and they were so placed as to be formation. The plan which illus-
as nearly as possible in exche- trates it is copied from Kennedy's
quer, that is, placed in such a way sketch, which he made on the morn-
that the oblongs of the second line ing after the battle,
BATTLE OF WATERLOO_THIRD ATTACK.
283
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
between the Charleroi and Nivelles roads was thus Battle of
filled up; while the artillery was before the infantry
on the front slope. The cuirassiers rode forward in
lines of columns, at first slowly, but with increased
speed as they reached the point where their own sup-
porting batteries suspended their fire and that of the
Allies began to tell among their ranks. The grape-
shot from Cleeves' and Lloyd's guns brought down
many of them, but did not check their progress ; they
came on more rapidly, with their shouts of “ Vive
l'Empereur !” until they were within about 40 yards of
the guns; then the Allied artillerymen delivered with
tremendous effect a last discharge from every gun, and
withdrew to the shelter of the squares. 186 The cuiras-
siers were somewhat staggered by this salvo, and their
order was broken, but they never faltered; the charge
sounded, and they dashed into the batteries, sending up
cries of triumph at having captured them, and pressed
onward to charge the squares beyond, in the full
assurance of victory--an assurance shared by Lefebvre-
Desnouettes's light horsemen in the rear, who now
followed with the utmost impetuosity, to aid in the
186 This abandonment of the guns tremely laudable practice, if the in-
by the artillerymen was part of the fantry be properly arranged to cor-
plan laid down in advance by the respond with it.” It is to be re-
Duke of Wellington. It is thus marked that neither in this nor in
spoken of by Baron Müfling in his any of the charges that followed is
report on the battle :-" The English there any mention, except by Victor
artillery have a rule not to remove Hugo, of the French spiking or
their guns when attacked by cavalry otherwise disabling the guns while
in a defensive position. The field- they had possession of them. The
pieces are worked till the last mo- horses, of course, had been pre-
ment, and the men then throw them- viously removed. = The charge was
selves into the nearest square,
bear- led by Ney in person.
“ The Mar-
ing off the implements they use in shal of the Empire,” says Charras,
serving the guns. If the attack is “had not forgotten the brilliant
repulsed, the artillerymen hurry back cavalry general of the Republic.
to their pieces, to fire on the re- Ney put himself at the head of the
treating enemy. This is an cuirassed squadrons."
OX-
284
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
anticipated rout and pursuit of the infantry in the
squares. But the squares gave no signs of wavering-
they were “prepared,” the front rank kneeling, the
second at the charge, the third and fourth ready to
fire when the time came. The fire was reserved until
the enemy was within about 30 paces, when-though
many, especially of those to whom the experience was
novel, aimed too high-it threw the approaching
squadrons into disorder, and had the effect of causing
the horsemen who confronted the face of a square to
swerve to the right hand or the left and pass into
the intervals between the squares—that is, into the line
of fire from another face. Here, as at Quatre Bras,
the French cavalry never actually rushed in upon a
square, to break it; and none was even shaken ; but-
as Kennedy, who was within a square, says—“Although
they did not gallop in mass right on the bayonets of
the infantry, they made every other effort to enter the
oblongs, by firing into them, cutting aside the bayonets,
and surrounding the oblongs to obtain a point of
entrance.” 187 By thus riding around and between the
187 Another who was within the to go on, they were ashamed to re-
squares, an officer of engineers, gives tire. Our men soon discovered that
his experience in detail :- " The first they had the best of it; and ever
time a body of cuirassiers approached afterwards, when they heard the
the square into which I had ridden, sound of cavalry approaching, ap-
the men—all young soldiers— seemed peared to consider the circumstance
to be alarmed. They fired high, and as a pleasant change; for the enemy's
with little effect; and in one of the guns suspended their fire regularly
angles there was just as much hesita- as the horsemen began to crown the
tion as made me feel exceedingly ridge, and we suffered so much from
uncomfortable ; but it did not last their artillery practice that we were
long. No actual dash was made glad when anything put a temporary
Now and then an individ- stop to it. As to the squares them--
ual more daring than the rest would selves, they were as firm as rocks;
ride up to the bayonets, wave his and the jokes which the men cracked
sword about, and bully ; but the while loading and firing were very
mass held aloof, pulling up within comical.” = It is remarkable that all
five or six yards, as if, though afraid the charges of this peteran French
upon us.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO—THIRD ATTACK. 285
squares, and especially because of the increasing ob- Battle of
structions from the bodies of fallen men and horses, the
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
Several squares
neers
.
cavalry failed to break a single in the first charge; subsequently, ac-
Allied square. Apprehensions were cording to Thiers, Ney's reinforced
felt about the steadiness of some of cavalry “ attacked and broke the
the Brunswick battalions, raw troops, enemy's first line. Alten's unfortu-
which had been brought up into the nate division, already so ill-treated,
extreme right of the first line to fill was now entirely cut to pieces, to-
the gap left by advancing Byng's gether with the 69th English regi-
Guards into Hougomont; and the ment ... Ney
advanced on
23d British regiment, of Mitchell's the second line. ..
brigade, was interposed between their were broken.. The heavy cavalry
squares to give them confidence; but of the Guard did wonders, breaking
these young Brunswickers met the the squares . . . Kellermann's carbi-
onset of the cavalry with all the
made fresh breaches in
firmness of veterans. Capt. Pringle's
the second line of the British infan-
account of the battle, written shortly try, broke several squares, cut the
afterwards, observes, “The French men in pieces, even under the fire of
accounts say that several squares the third line, and destroyed three-
were broken and standards taken, fourths of that second human wall,
which is decidedly false : on the con- without being able to reach or touch
trary, the small squares always re- the third.” It is interesting to test
pulsed the cavalry, whom they gene-
Thiers' statements by applying
rally allowed to advance close to figures in the rare cases when he is
their bayonets before they fired." definite enough to render this pos-
Kennedy, in like manner, says, “In
sible. He refrains, for instance, from
no instance was there one of them saying how many squares
penetrated or overthrown." Thiers, broken, but makes it appear that
however, knows better. He gives somewhere from 30 to 40 so suffered;
this story :"Having passed the there were in fact fewer than 20
line of guns, and seeing Alten's in- squares to begin with, and of these
fantry apparently in retreat, he not one was broken. He tells us,
[Ney] sent his cuirassiers after them. agaiu, that Alten's division and the
These brave horsemen, heedless of British 69th regiment were “now
the balls raining around, galloped entirely cut to pieces :" Alten's divi-
after Alten's division, broke the sion really suffered very much more
squares, and commenced a furious from its defence of La Haye Sainte
slaughter. . . . Several battalions of than it did from the cavalry attacks,
the German and Hanoverian legions
but its total loss for the day was
were overpowered, trodden under 2,121 men, out of a total strength of
foot, put to the sword, and deprived 6,970, so that it was not "entirely ”
of their standards. Our cuirassiers, destroyed ; the 69th regiment began
the oldest soldiers of the army,
the campaign 516 strong, lost 152 at
glutted their rage by a merciless Quatre Bras through the Prince of
massacre of the English.” This was Orange's blunder in deploying it be-
were
286
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
order of the assailants was lost, regiments and squad-
rons were intermixed, and their power to act as a
coherent force was gone, when the Allied cavalry made
ready to charge them. These, though comparatively
few in number, had the advantage of being in perfect
order, and could, moreover, select the most favourable
point for attacking. Here and there they encountered
some isolated attempts at resistance by the French
horsemen ; but they everywhere soon succeeded in
forcing them to retire, and drove them confusedly from
the plateau—their flight being hastened by the fire
from the Allied batteries, which were promptly manned
by the artillerymen emerging from the squares. The
Allied cavalry had been instructed to stay their pursuit
as soon as the repulse of the enemy had been effected;
but, as usual, the excitement proved too much for
them, and many—especially of Dörnberg's 2 3d British
light dragoons--rode after the cuirassiers and lancers
as far as the French position, and even attacked the
batteries on the central elevation ; and for this temerity
they suffered severely before they could accomplish
their return. On the Allied right, Dörnberg's ist light
dragoons of the German Legion pursued an outnum-
bering body of lancers, who presently rallied and
became the pursuers ; but as they followed up the
ridge behind Hougomont they came under the fire both
of the squares and of Bolton's foot-battery, which,
fore an attack of cavalry, entered explicit, says in the matter of the
Waterloo with 364 men, and lost on squares, “ The cuirassiers annihilated
this day just 84. As to the “ third 7 squares out of 13, captured or
line" of which Thiers frequently spiked 60 guns, and took 6 English
speaks, there was no such thing, regimental flags." Thiers so invari-
except a few battalions of Kruse's ably gives his countrymen the ad-
Nassau troops in reserve, whose pre- tage in every detail of this battle
sence was not required in the second that they must be greatly puzzled to
line. = Victor Hugo, about as accu- understand how, in the aggregate,
rate historically as Thiers, but more they came to be defeated.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO—THIRD ATTACK. 287
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
posted on the west of the Nivelles road, fired through Battle of
the interval between the squares in its front and swept
this approach-an assistance most essential to the
Allied cavalry, because Grant's departure to follow
Piré had left only the Brunswick horsemen, the 7th
hussars, and the ist light dragoons to support all that
part of the front line from Alten's division to the
Nivelles road. Thus was completed the repulse of the
first charge of the French cavalry.188 Again their
188 It is only to the opening of
mired them when they came up, at
this first charge that it is possible to
nine o'clock, with bugles sounding,
refer Victor Hugo's wonderful story while all the bands played Veillons
of cuirassiers swallowed up by hun- au salut de l'Empire, in close column
dreds in a chasm, because it was only with one battery on their flank,
then that Milhaud's corps moved the others in their centre, and de-
from the position he designates. Re- ployed in two ranks, and took their
ferring to its author's sinister de- place in that powerful second line,
scription of the Wavre road and its so skilfully formed by Napoleon,
"hollow-way" (note 109, page 180), which, having at its extreme left
and to the incident of some of Kel- Kellermann's cuirassiers, and on its
lermann's cuirassiers falling into the extreme right Milhaud's cuirassiers,
sand-pit beside the Charleroi road seemed to be endowed with two
(note 166, page 256), the story in wings of steel. = The aide-de-camp
Les Misérables is here given in full: Bernard carried to them the Empe-
ror's order: Ney drew his sabre and
"A SURPRISE.
placed himself at their head, and the
“ They were three thousand five mighty squadrons started. Then a
hundred in number, and formed a formidable spectacle was seen: the
front a quarter of a league in length; whole of this cavalry, with raised
they were gigantic men mounted on sabres, with standards flying, and
colossal horses. They formed twenty- formed in columns of division, de-
six squadrons, and had behind them, scended, with one movement and as
as a support, Lefebvre-Desnouettes's one man, with the precision of a
division, composed of the one hun- bronze battering-ram opening a
dred and six gendarmes, the chasseurs breach, the hill of La Belle Alliance.
of the Guard, eleven hundred and They entered the formidable valley
ninety-seven sabres, and the lancers in which so many men had already
of the Guard, eight hundred and fallen, disappeared in the smoke,
eighty lances. They wore a helmet and ther, emerging from the gloom,
without a plume, and a cuirass of reappeared on the other side of the
wrought steel, and were armed with valley, still in a close compact
pistols and a straight sabre. In the column, mounting at a trot, under a
morning the whole army had ad-
tremendous canister fire, the fright-
288
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
batteries resumed the tremendous cannonade, which
was far more destructive to the infantry than the onset
June 18.
III.
ful muddy incline of the plateau of each of two battalions, and formed
Mont St. Jean. They ascended it, two deep, with seven men in the
stern, threatening, and imperturbable; first lines, and six in the second,
between the breaks in the artillery were waiting, calm, dumb, and mo-
and musketry fire, the colossal tramp tionless, with their muskets, for
could be heard. As they formed two what was coming. They did not
divisions, they were in two columns : see the cuirassiers, and the cuirassiers
Wautier's division was on the right, did not see them: they merely heard
Delort's on the left. At the distance this tide of men ascending. They
it appeared as if two immense steel heard the swelling sound of three
lizards were crawling towards the thousand horses, the alternating and
crest of the plateau; they traversed symmetrical sound of the hoof, the
the battlefield like a flash. = Nothing clang of the cuirasses, the clash of
like it had been seen since the cap- the sabres, and a species of great and
ture of the great redoubt of the Mos- formidable breathing. There was a
kowa by the heavy cavalry: Murat long and terrible silence, and then a
was missing, but Ney was there. It long file of raised arms brandishing
seemed as if this mass had become a sabres, and helmets, and bugles, and
monster, and had but one soul; each standards, and three thousand heads
squadron undulated, and swelled like with great moustaches, shouting,
the rings of a polype. This could be Vive l'Empereur,' appeared above
seen through a vast smoke which the crest. The whole of this cavalry
was rent asunder at intervals; it was debouched on the plateau, and it was
a pell-mell of helmets, shouts, and like the commencement of an earth-
sabres, a stormy bounding of horses quake. = All at once, terrible to re-
among cannon, and a disciplined and late, the head of the column of cui-
terrible array; while above it all rassiers facing the English left reared
flashed the cuirasses like the scales with a fearful clamour. On reaching
of the dragon. Such narratives seem the culminating point of the crest,
to belong to another age; something furious and eager to make their ex-
like this vision was doubtless trace- terminating dash on the English
able in the old Orphean epics de- squares and guns, the cuirassiers
scribing the men-horses, the ancient noticed between them and the Eng-
hippantropists, those Titans with lish a trench, a grave. It was the
human faces and equestrian chest, hollow road of Olain. It
whose gallop escaladed Olympus,- a frightful moment,--the ravine was
horrible, sublime, invulnerable beings, there unexpected, yawning, almost
gods and brutes. It was a curious precipitous, beneath the horses' feet,
numerical coincidence that twenty- and with a depth of twelve feet be-
six battalions were preparing to re- tween its two sides. The second
ceive the charge of these twenty-six rank thrust the first into the abyss ;
squadrons. Behind the crest of the the lorges reared, fell back, slipped
plateau, in the shadow of the masked with all four feet in the air, crushing
battery, thirteen English squares, and throwing their riders. There
WAS
BATTLE OF WATERLOO_THIRD ATTACK.
289
Waterloo
June 18.
III.
of the horsemen; and, as before, the British and Battle of
German gunners replied effectively.=The cuirassiers
and lancers hastened to get into order, as if indignant
at the unwonted experience of a fruitless charge. The
same 40 squadrons were to attack again ; but this time
a portion were to be restrained from the indiscriminate
onset which had been productive of such confusion,
and were kept well in hand to encounter the Allied
cavalry when they should move against the squadrons
broken among the squares. The scenes of the former
charge were repeated--the dash through the battery
fire, the taking of the guns, the withdrawal of the
artillerymen, the unflinching steadiness of the squares,
the vain assault upon them, and the disorder and loss of
those who made it. Then, when these were exhausted,
their reserved cavalry came forward in good order to
attack the second Allied line, consisting of cavalry---of
the remnant of Somerset's Household Brigade, in rear
of Ompteda's squares ; Dörnberg's 23d British light
dragoons, with Trip's Dutch-Belgian carbineers (per-
fectly useless) behind them, both in rear of Halkett's
was no means of escaping; the entire of Olain. These figures probably
column was one huge projectile. The comprise the other corpses cast into
force acquired to crush the English, the ravine on the day after the
crushed the French, and the inexor- battle. Napoleon, before ordering
able ravine would not yield till it this charge, had surveyed the
was filled up. Men and liorses rolled ground, but had been unable to see
into it pell-mell, crushing each other this “hollow-way,” which did not
and making one large charnel-house form even a ripple on the crest of the
of the gulf; and when this grave was plateau. Warned, however, by the
full of living men, the rest passed little white chapel which marks its
over them. Nearly one-third of juncture with the Nivelles road, he
Dubois' brigade rolled into this had asked Lacoste a question, pro-
abyss. This commenced the loss of bably as to whether there was any
the battle. A local tradition, which obstacle. The guide answered, No,
evidently exaggerates, says that two and we might almost say that Napo-
thousand horses and fifteen hundred leon's catastrophe was brought about
men were buried in the "bollow-way” by a peasant's shake of the head.”
U
290
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
5th British brigade of infantry; to their right the
Brunswick hussars and lancers; and, next to the
Nivelles road, Grant's 7th British hussars. The Allied
horsemen did not wait for the attack, but met it; and a
close and obstinately disputed struggle ensued, gallantly
contested on either side. But the French had not
only their immediate opponents to deal with : a severe
musketry fire was poured into them from the squares
on either flank; and they were at length compelled
to
go about and retire, pursued again into the valley
by the victors.189=This pursuit, which terminated the
manes
180 Thiers' account of this com- line of their fire. = Nothing could be
bat between the French and Allied heard but a grand uproar of cries,
cavalry is as follows:—- All are in- incessant clashing of arms, and neigh-
termingled; a thousand hand-to- ing of horses, varied with the dis-
hand fights commenced with swords charge from time to time, and then
and lances by the horsemen of both new shouts, new tumults, and fresh
nations. Our's had the advantage, groans. A score of horses with their
and a portion of the English cavalry
erect rushed through the
strewed the ground. Those who thick smoke which settled around
escaped took refuge
took refuge behind the us like shadows; some of them drag-
squares of the English infantry, and ging their riders with one foot caught
our horsemen were again stopped in in the stirrup. . . . At each new
their onward course, to the great charge it seemed as if the squares
detriment of the light, cavalry of the must be overthrown; but when the
Guard, who, being unprovided with trumpet sounded the signal for rally-
cuirasses, lost a number of men and ing, and the squadrons rushed pell-
horses. Ney had two horses killed mell back to the edge of the plateau
under him during this outburst of to l'e-form, pursued by the showers
furious human passion. His coat of shot, there were the great red
and hat were riddled with balls, lines steadfast as walls in the smoke."
but, still invulnerable, the bravest of = Jomini, with justifiable pride in
the brave was still determined to his countrymen, says of these charges
keep his oath and break the British in bis Summary of the Campaign :-
lines." = The Ercknann - Chatrian “It would be necessary to borrow
conscript gives this account:–«I the most poetic forms and expressions
could see through the smoke that the of an epic to depict with any truth-
English gunners had abandoned their
fulness the glorious efforts of this
cannon, and were running away cavalry, and the impassive persem
with their horses, and that our verance of its adversaries.
We can
cuirassiers had immediately fallen besides judge what would have been
upon
the squares which were marked the result of these brilliant charges
out on the hillside by the zigzag had Lobau's corps and the Young
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-THIRD ATTACK.
291
second of the cavalry charges, brought a momentary Battle of
relief to the defenders of the Allied outposts. At
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
סון
Guard been able to follow the cuiras- it has been said, worked itself, in
siers in their course, instead of being some fashion, as the result of indi-
engaged toward Planchenoit, making vidual exhaustion. It was that there
head against the Prussians.” Else- are limits to the power of the most
where Jomini says, in a foot-note : vigorous organizations.... Ney
“ The Duke of Wellington himself had left, stretched upon the plain,
assured me, at the Congress of Verona, a third of his men and horses, and
that he had never seen anything more.
those who remained were little ca-
admirable in war than the ten or pable of further efforts. Among the
twelve reiterated charges of the
horsemen who had returned many
French cuirassiers upon the troops were dismounted. The division-
of all arms." = Oharras says of the generals L'Héritier, Delort, Colbert,
second series of charges : “The shock the brigadiers Trapers, Dnop, Blan-
was terrible, according to the unani- card, and others still had been
mous testimony of the actors and wounded or bruised and mashed in
witnesses of this grand drama; but the clash of riding; many colonels
it was not in excess of the stubborn were killed. Each regiment formed
courage of Wellington and his sol- more than a squadron.” = Sir
diers. Vainly Ney engaged his very Augustus Frazer, who was most of
last squadron, even the brigade the time beside the Duke, and an
of carbineers left in reserve ; vainly eye-witness of this part of the action,
the light batteries poured their fire thus described these charges in a
upon the battalions in the first line ; letter written on the evening after
vainly were whole squares taken in the battle :- "The French cavalry
rear, dispersed, crushed, Alten's made some of the boldest charges
whole division tumbled back upon I ever saw ; they sounded the whole
the Brussels road ; vainly were the extent of our line, which was thrown
numerous [Allied] squadrons that into squares. [Frazer has elsewhere
came to the rescue of their infantry said that he saw nothing of what
sabred, mutilated, shattered. The passed on the east of the Charleroi
British flag continued to float above road.] Never did cavalry behave so
the fatal plateau; and after a strife nobly, or was received by infantry
of nearly two hours, à strife un- so firmly. Our guns were taken and
exampled in the annals of war, retaken repeatedly.” In a subsequent
our cavalry, disorganised by inces- and more detailed letter Frazer
sant efforts, by the chances of the wrote: “The French cavalry, ad-
mêlée, their arms fatigued by dealing vancing with an intrepidity un-
so many blows, their horses lamed, paralleled, attacked at once the right
harassed by such violent movement and centre of our position, their ad-
over the miry soil, began to dissolve, vance protected by a cannonade
fuming with rage, and re-descend the more violent than ever. Behind the
slope they had climbed with the con- crest of the position ... the in-
viction of success.
This movement, fantry ... were in a great measure
U2
292
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
Hougomont a body of French infantry had followed in
the rear of the cavalry advance and turned the flank of
the Guards who held the orchard, compelling them to
retire into the “hollow-way” along its northern bound-
ary ; but the Allied cavalry now drove back those
of the French infantry who were in the open field, and
Hepburn led his Guards against those in the orchard,
dislodged them, and once more repossessed himself
of it. La Haye Sainte during all this time had been
very hard pressed, and the riflemen, firing continually,
had nearly exhausted their ammunition at the time
when the rush of flying and pursuing horsemen carried
away with it those of Donzelot's infantry who were on
the western side of the buildings. Their withdrawal, ,
seconded by redoubled exertions on the part of the
garrison, was followed by the retirement of the other
besiegers, and the whole front of the Allied position
was cleared of enemies. Baring seized the opportunity
to send for ammunition--which was promised, but not
forwarded,—and his men improved the time to repair
sheltered by the nature of the ground
in great measure, too, by their
lying down, by order On the
approach-the majestic approach-
of the French cavalry, the squares
rose, and, with a steadiness almost
inconceivable, awaited, without firing,
the rush of the cavalry, who, after
making some fruitless efforts, sweep-
ing the whole artillery of the line,
and receiving the fire of the squares
as they passed, retired, followed by
and pell-mell with our own cavalry,
who, formed behind our squares,
advanced on the first appearance
(which was unexpected) of the
enemy's squadrons.
The re-
peated charges of the enemy's noble
cavalry were similar to the first;
each was fruitless. Not an infantry
soldier moved, and on each charge,
abandoning their guns, our [artillery)
men sheltered themselves between
the flanks of the squares. Twice,
however, the enemy tried to charge
in front; these attempts were en-
tirely frustrated by the fire of the
guns, wisely reserved till the hos-
tile squadrons were within twenty
yards of the muzzles. .. The
obstinacy of these attacks made our
situation critical; 'though
forced, our ranks were becoming
thin. . . . Had Napoleon supported
his first cavalry attacks on both
flanks by masses of infantry, he had
gained the day.”
never
BATTLE OF WATERLOO_THIRD ATTACK,
293
Battle of
Waterloc.
June 18.
III.
the damages to their stronghold and prepare as far as
possible for the next attack.
Ney, repulsed in his two grand cavalry attacks,
instantly set himself to the preparation of a third, with
augmented force. Napoleon-either of his own accord
or at Ney's solicitation-sent him Kellermann's corps of
heavy cavalry, consisting of 7 squadrons of dragoons,
II of cuirassiers, and 6 of carbineers; and to this was
further added—by Ney, without the Emperor's autho-
risation, some have said ; against the Emperor's express
orders, as others state it; by their own spontaneous
impulse, as Thiers believes—Guyot's division of the
heavy cavalry of the Guard, composed of 6 squadrons
of horse-grenadiers and 7 of dragoons,-a total addition
of 37 fresh squadrons to the 40 which had already
Wellington's ranks, foot and horse, were
charged. 190
190 Thiers gives this account of and dragoons, all eager for action,
the manner in which Ney procured the cavalry being quite as zealous
Kellermann's corps, after the failure as the infantry on this most fatal
of his second charge :-"Napoleon, day.=Kellermann, who had had some
whose attention was attracted by experience at Quatre Bras of what
the frightful tumult caused by the he called Ney's foolish zeal, con-
cavalry, saw what Ney's impatience demned the desperate use which at
had led him to attempt. All who this moment was made of the cavalry.
surrounded him applauded, but this Distrusting the result, he kept back
consummate captain, who had fought one of his brigades, the carbineers, and
more than fifty pitched battles, ex- most unwillingly sent the remainder
claimed, 'He has begun an hour too to Ney." These were the only rein-
soon. This man,' added Marshal forcements brought by Ney for the
Soult, speaking of Ney, this man third charge, according to Thiers,
is always the same! He will com- who does not bring Kellermann's re-
promise everything, as he did at Jena maining brigade or Guyot's division
and Eylau !' Still Napoleon thought into action until what is here con-
it better to support him in what he sidered the fourth and final charge,
had commenced, and sent orders to though Thiers ternsit“ the eleventh.”
Kellermann to support Milhaud's Probably the 12,000 horsemen were
cuirassiers. Kellermann's 3,000 cui- not all in action at any one time,
rassiers were stationed in front of and it certainly cannot be told
the heavy cavalry of the Guard, con- at what moment each corps entered
sisting of 2,000 mounted grenadiers it,
294
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
greatly wasted both by the previous attacks and by the
storm of shot and shell that preluded them; but the
squares, though diminished, were steady as ever, and jus-
tified their leader's resolution to hold his ground until
that relief should come from the Prussians which he knew
could not be much longer deferred, and which, indeed,
was already on the point of telling in his aid, though
he was yet unaware of it. Satisfied by this time that
no attack was meditated beyond the extreme right of
his main force, Wellington now ordered Chassé to
evacuate Braine-la-Leude, and bring his Dutch-Belgian
division, by way of Merbe Braine, to relieve troops in
his second line whom it was becoming necessary to
advance into the first. Before this was accomplished,
however, Ney's new cavalry force had worn themselves
cut among the squares as their predecessors had done;
parties of horsemen, separated from their proper corps,
had withdrawn into the valley ; broken squadrons had
retired to re-form, and presently the movement of
retreat became general. The Allied dragoons, held in
reserve until the favourable moment, now fell upon
them and converted their retreat into a disorderly
flight; and the Allied artillery, again opening upon
their rear, multiplied the losses they had already
suffered from the musketry of the squares. During
this third charge by the cavalry Donzelot's troops had
again returned to their attack upon La Haye Sainte .
Baring, seeing their approach, sent again for ammu-
nition, instead of which another of Ompteda's companies
of the German Legion reinforced him. For half an
hour longer he made good his stand, and then sent for
the third time for ammunition, and again was dis-
appointed, being given only additional reinforcements,
— 2 Nassau companies, who had indeed their own
musketry ammunition, but it was useless for his rifles.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO_THIRD ATTACK.
295
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
Still, however, he had succeeded in holding back the Battle of
French, who were persistent in their efforts to enter at
the doorless entrance to the barn, but were uniformly
driven back. At last they had recourse to the ex-
pedient tried at Hougomont, and fired the barn. A
thick smoke poured out, and for a moment the garrison
were in dismay; for, although there was a pond in the
yard, they found no vessels for carrying water until
Baring's eye chanced to fall upon the camp-kettles
which adorned the knapsacks of the men of the 2
Nassau companies. He snatched one and filled it; his
example was quickly followed ; and the fire was ex-
tinguished ; though numbers of his men were shot
down while exposing themselves in approaching the
flames. This danger was passed, and the French, tired
out by this unfaltering resistance and convinced that
the place was impregnable, retired from the un-
promising task. Outside the enclosure of La Haye
Sainte, meanwhile, the French had succeeded in inflict-
ing a severe blow upon a portion of Ompteda's already
diminished troops. A portion of Donzelot's force had
passed on into the rear of the buildings, seeking either
to attack them through the garden or to isolate them
from the Allied position. The Prince of Orange took
this to be a good opportunity to attack, and ordered 2
battalions of the Legion to advance upon the Wavre
road, when the Germans were set upon in flank by a
body of cuirassiers that had just desisted from a charge
upon Kielmansegge's squares.
squares. One battalion was suc-
coured by Somerset's dragoons in time to save it from
severe loss; but the other was more advanced, was
taken wholly by surprise, and was almost totally de-
stroyed by the cuirassiers—its commander and most of
its officers falling and its colour being taken, while only
a scanty remnant escaped to the rear of the “ hollow-
296
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
9191
way.
June 18.
III.
While these operations were going on about
La Haye Sainte, Ney was also preparing Bachelu's
division to direct a heavy attack against the centre of
the Allied right wing. But this did not take effect until
a later stage of the battle; and at the time of the
infantry combats just described the final charge of the
French cavalry was taking place.=The third attack by
the French horsemen upon the squares had scarcely
been repelled, and the Allied artillery had had time to
throw but a few rounds of shot into their retiring
masses, when a fourth onset was made by another body
of cavalry.192
192 This fourth charge resembled the pre-
191 The overthrow of this bat- The entire mass followed, yielding to
talion of the King's German Legion a species of mechanical impulse; the
seems to be the only foundation for 2,000 dragoons and mounted grena-
the stories of broken squares and
diers ascended the plateau, trampling
captured standards upon which through wet and muddy ground. Ber-
Thiers, Hugo, and their countrymen trand being sent by Napoleon to keep
in general have enlarged.
them back, hastened to do so, but
192 Thiers' account would make could not overtake them. Ney profited
these new assailants to be Guyot's by this unexpected reinforcement, and
corps, who did not follow Kellermann directed it against the brazen wall
at the time of the third charge. His le was endeavouring to batter
story is as follows :—“Notwithstand- down.
Ney, whom nothing
ing the desperate resistance that could daunt, sent forward Milhaud's
they met, he still hoped to destroy cavalry, who had got a few moments'
the English army at the point of the rest, and he thus kept up a kind of
sword. He unexpectedly received a continual charge, each squadron after
fresh reinforcement, Whilst this attacking the enemy falling back to
Titanic combat was going on, the form, and then return to the attack.
heavy cavalry of the Guard hastened .. Ney, seeing Kellermann's carbi-
forward, though nobody knew why. neers in reserve, bastened to where
These had been stationed in a slight they were, asked what they were
hollow somewhat in the rear, when doing, and then, despite of Keller-
some officers having advanced to mann's resistance, led them against
assist Ney in this gigantic conflict,
Ney still persisted,
believing that he had conquered, and for the eleventh time led on his
brandished their sabres, and cried 10,000 to the attack, killing as they
Victory!' At this cry other went, but still unable to subdue
officers rushed forward, and the the firmness of the infantry that,
nearest squadron, regarding this as though shaken for a moment, again
a signal to charge, advanced at a trot. closed their ranks, fell into line, and
the enemy
6
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-THIRD ATTACK.
297
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
vious ones in most of its details, but had this dis- Battle of
tinguishing feature—that a special effort was made
against the right of the Allied line at the point where
the
young Brunswick
Brunswick troops were stationed and where
the cavalry support had hitherto been weakest. But
just as the charge fell, Grant, returning from his watch
of Piré,193 came up with two fresh regiments to the en-
dangered point. A body of French horsemen, coming
from the eastern edge of the Hougomont enclosures,
was in the act of charging up the slope upon the
Brunswick squares, when Grant, with the 13th light
dragoons, rode down upon them from the height and
drove them back some 300 yards, into the valley; and
on his left he was supported by his 15th hussars, who
at the same time fell upon a party of cuirassiers, whom
they also routed. The defeated French retired to the
main body of their cavalry, who were in the act of
advancing; and the two British regiments withdrew
before this great force through the intervals between
the squares, whose steadiness they had ensured by their
timely and efficient interposition. Once among the
squares, the French fared no better than in their pre-
continued to fire. Ney, foaming Augustus Frazer, at the close of
with excitement and bareheaded, note 189, page 292.
his fourth horse shot under him, his 193 Grant had been detained by
coat pierced with bullets, covered Piré's demonstrations before the
with contusions, but fortunately not extreme French left until he wit-
seriously injured, said to Col. nessed the second and apparently
Heymès that, if he could get the successful charge of the cuirassiers.
infantry of the Guard, he would de- Then, knowing the weakness of the
stroy the exhausted English infantry, Allies in cavalry in that part of the
whose strength was nearly spent.
field, he resolved to return, leaving
He sent him to ask Napoleon for one of his squadrons to watch Piré,
this reinforcement." As to the and he reached the field thus oppor-
correctness of Ney's judgment on tunely with the remainder of his
this occasion, see the opinion of the force.
English artillery commander, Sir
298
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
5.30 P.J.
vious attacks. They rode vainly round and round
them, seeking an opening which they might penetrate,
fencing with their sabres against the bayonets, firing
their pistols into the ranks; but nowhere could they
make any impression. In all the spaces between the
squares the old scenes of confusion soon repeated them-
selves and multiplied, until, in Siborne's words, "the
greater portion of the interior slope occupied by the
Allied right wing seemed covered with horsemen of all
kinds-cuirassiers, lancers, carbineers, chasseurs, dra-
goons, and horse-grenadiers. . . At length the attack
evinced symptoms of exhaustion; the charges became
less frequent and less vigorous; disorder and confusion
were rapidly augmenting ; the spirit of enthusiasm and
the confidence of superiority were quickly yielding to
the feeling of despondency and the sense of hopeless-
ness. The Anglo-Allied cavalry again advanced, and once
more swept away the mingled host, comprising every
description of mounted troops, from off the ground
on which they had so fruitlessly frittered away their
strength."
Thus ended the charges of that magnificent cavalry
which were expected to sweep from the field the insig-
nificant-looking cluster of infantry squares that con-
stituted Wellington's right wing. The sole result of
the operation to Napoleon—apart from the loss of two
valuable hours, during which the Prussians were con-
stantly drawing near—was such a wholesale destruction
of his superb cavalry force as left it incapable of any
great effort during the remainder of the day. It—or
rather the cavalry and the artillery combined—had
inflicted severe losses upon the Allied force, both foot
and horse, who had withstood it; but their loss was b;
no means comparable to its own; and the Anglo-Allies
BATTLE OF WATERL00—THIRD ATTACK.
299
were fulfilling their duty if only they held their ground Battle of
until the coming of the Prussians.194
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
194 Thiers' story of these charges national fancy, that would represent
-of which the substance has been such a chief as Napoleon, sitting in
given in notes 187, page 285; and the midst of a great action, fought
189, page 290; and 190, page 293— on a narrow space, surrounded by an
is the expansion of Napoleon's self- ample staff, and served by officers of
exculpatory assertion that Ney, unequalled experience, and yet un-
“yielding to the impulses of a reck- able to restrain his lieutenants from
less valour," destroyed the cavalry, uselessly sacrificing his troops at the
employing them in defiance of the
wrong seasons. . . Col. Heymès has
Emperor's wishes, and thereby lost fully explained the particulars of the
the battle. The primary impression, cavalry attack, which was in great
created by Thiers' narrative is one of part not ordered by Ney, but under-
wonder at the laxity of discipline taken by the reserves of that arm,
and wilfulness among the officers of who vainly imagined the British
the Grand Army. Milhaud, he tells centre in retreat. From his account
us, when bidding an impressive and we need only quote the simple words
French adieu to Lefebvre-Desnouettes, (which no evidence has ever touched),
says, “I am going to charge : support But this movement was executed
me,”—whereupon the commander of under the eyes of the Emperor; he
the light cavalry of the Guard takes miglit have stopped it; he did not
his whole corps into action without do so,' to show on whom the real
orders. Kellermann, next, is ordered responsibility lies.” = Kennedy, com-
by Napoleon to put his corps at menting upon the same point, brings
Ney's disposal, but, disapproving into view the manner in which Na-
Ney's use of cavalry, withholds one poleon allowed the battle to take
of his brigades, and resists when care of itself (see note 148, page
called upon for it. Guyot's corps is 236). “On the field of battle," he
now the last of the heavy cavalry says," Wellington's execution greatly
remaining : its officers, watching the surpassed that of Napoleon. Where-
fight, become excited, cry out, "rush” ever there was a turning-point in the
about, excite their men, especially battle, there Wellington directed in
one squadron which charges of its person, judging for himself, and met
own accord, and the whole corps the storm. Napoleon, on the con-
straightway follow, though Napo- trary, sluggishly kept almost to one
leon sends vainly to call it back. If spot, and acted on the information of
all this is true, it was the bad disci- others : for example, he says that he
pline of the Grand Army, rather disapproved of the great cavalry
than Ney's reckless valour, that de- attack as a premature movement.
stroyed the cavalry. Chesney, com- Why, then, when he saw Milhaud's
menting on Napoleon's original ex- whole corps of cavalry begin to move
cuse and Thiers' elaboration of it, across the Charleroi road, imue-
says: “It is a melancholy instance diately in front of where he stood,
of the perversion of history to suit and directly under his view, did he
300
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
ΙΙΙ. .
The Prussian
Attack,
There was not, after the repulse of the cavalry
charges, any such intermission of attacks as had divided
the previous phases of the battle. On the contrary,
the assaults upon the right wing of the Anglo-Allies
were continuous; but their character and purpose were
different, and they belong to the next stage of the
action.
During this third period of the battle the Prussians
had entered upon their attack on the French right
flank. Bülow, long delayed by the difficulties
of the march from Wavre and the nearly
impossible passage of the valley of the Lasne, had suc-
ceeded in establishing 2 brigades of his corps-Losthin's
15th and Hiller's 16th brigades,-together with his
reserve cavalry and artillery, in the Wood of Paris, just
at the time when the French cavalry charges were
beginning. 195
This force was not sufficient to effect
great results, and there was serious risk in exposing it,
unsupported, to the much greater strength the French
might direct against it; but Blicher's characteristic
impatience to be in the fray, seconded by Wellington's
repeated appeals for his aid and by what he could
4 P.M.
It was
an
not gallop forth with his staff and
stop the movement ?
isolated movement, so that he had at
that moment nothing else calling
for his immediate attention.” Ken-
nedy wrote thus in 1858-before
Thiers had put forth his story that
Ney used the cavalry without Na-
poleon's knowledge. At the time of
Milhaud's first charge, Thiers says,
“Napoleon had been obliged to leave
his post in the centre and betake
himself to the right to direct the
action against the Prussians, who
thus deprived us not only of our
reserves, but of Napoleon's presence."
Here, then, we have Thiers' motive
for that artful dislocation of the real
order of events which has already
been pointed out in note 182, page
277. In order to shift the blame of
the cavalry charges upon Ney, by
proving an alibi for Napoleon, he
alleges the following sequence--Ist,
the attack by the Prussians; 2d,
the capture of La Haye Sainte; 3d,
the cavalry charges. In fact, the
cavalry charges were well advanced
before the Prussians entered the
field, and were commenced two hours
before La Haye Sainte was taken.
195 See page 157
BATTLE OF WATERLOO—PRUSSIAN ATTACK.
301
Waterloo.
June 18.
himself see of the tremendous pressure brought upon Battle of
his allies, induced him to wait no longer for reinforce-
ments, but to venture an advance that should
at least have the effect of making a diversion Attack.
in favour of the British.196 Sending back messengers
to hasten the advance of the troops in the rear-
The Prussian
III.
196 Thiers finds it natural to judicious officers. But the loyalty
assume that Blücher was actuated by of the Prince-Marshal's character
extremely contemptible sentiments. did not permit him long to hesitate
“Although he had no objection," he upon advancing to the support of his
says, “to let the English suffer illustrious ally." The disposition to
something in punishment of what he exclude the Prussians from their
considered the tardy aid they had share in the triumph of Waterloo
given him at Ligny, he still would was not merely a momentary one,
not injure the common cause by the pardonable on the score of incom-
indulgence of any feeling of mean plete information: as late as 1827
resentment.” The unparalleled ar- Scott incorporated in his Life of
dour which the old man had shown Napoleon Buonaparte, without cor-
in every incident of the campaign rection, this statement of Pringle's
renders Victor Hugo's story far more “The loss of the Prussians on the
probable --"Blücher, seeing Wel- I Sth did not exceed Soo wen. The
lington's danger, ordered Bülow to brunt of the action was chiefly sús-
attack, and employed the memorable tained by the troops of the British
phrase,' We must let the English and King's German Legion, as their
army breathe!'" The idea prevalent loss will show." The loss of the
among the English at the time, that
Prussians at Waterloo, in fact, was
the Prussians only came up in time 6,798, in addition to which Thiel-
to witness the consummation of a mann lost 2,467 at Wayrema total
victory already gained by British
Prussian loss of 9,265, against 6,936
arms, gives colouring to Scott's first
of British troops. These figures are
version of their advance, in Paul's official, being Siborne's.
Letters. The Prussians began, he recent and respectable a writer as
says,
" with no great energy, as the Hooper, comparing the British and
Prussian general waited the coming
Prussian losses for the express pur-
up of the main body of Blücher's pose of determining their relative
army. . . Besides, the effects of the
share in the day's glory, has l'ecoluse
battle of Ligny were still felt, and to the expedient of excluding the
it was not only natural but proper numbers that fell at Wavre, and
that Blücher . . . should take some thereby exalts his countrymen at the
time to ascertain whether the Eng- expense of their allies. = For the
lish were able to maintain their number of the Prussian troops .at
ground until he should come up to their first entrance on the field, and
their assistance. . . . Such, at least, at subsequent hours, see page 194.
is the opinion of our best and most
Yet So
302
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
Attack,
4.30 P.J.
Hacke's 13th and Ryssel's 14th brigades of Bülow's
corps, and, as was supposed, the entire ad corps of
The Prussian Pirch,-Blücher gave the order to advance,
and his scanty troops debouched from the
wood.197 The advance was made in a direction
perpen-
dicular to the French right flank and to the Charleroi
road, which formed the French main line of operation.
Losthin's brigade moved forward on the right, Hiller's
on the left: covering the right flank, 3 battalions
were detached to Frischermont and Smohain: on the
left flank, in like manner, 2 battalions were pushed
out toward the stream of the Lasne; and beyond it 100
horsemen were engaged in scoaring the country which
the French bad omitted to occupy.
The nearest
French troops in Blücher's front, though at some dis-
tance, were Domont's cavalry, which had remained
idly drawn up in this position since the first alarm of
the Prussians' approach.198 Upon these Blücher now
opened a cannonade, intended rather to announce his
coming to his allies and draw the attention of the
French to his advance, than to greatly affect the enemy
before him. Domont hereupon sent forward a regiment
of horse-chasseurs, following with his whole line; and
2 Prussian cavalry regiments, supported by a third,
drove back the chasseurs, until forced to retreat in turn
by the greater numbers of the French, which they
effected under cover of two of their batteries. These
and the advance of Bülow's infantry checked Domont's
« Na-
107 Charras fixes the beginning of
thie Prussian attack at 4.30.
poleon and the French writers in ge-
neral,” he says, “ place Bülow's at-
tack at 4 o'clock. It commenced at
4.30—50 say the Prussian bulletin
and Bülow's report, so say
also
Müffling and the Prussian and
Dutch historians; and the English
historians—which is decisive--are in
accord with all this testimony, de-
spite their envious desire to reduce as
much as possible the share of the
Prussians in the battle."
108 See page 234.
BATTLE OF WATERLO04PRUSSIAN ATTACK.
303
Waterloo.
June 18.
The Prussian
III.
attack. =By this time the 3 battalions on the right had Battle of
reached Smohain, where they appeared to the surprise
both of the Allied troops who held the ham-
lets and of Durutte's force on the French Attack.
extreme right. These soon advanced in such strength 5.30 P.M.
as to compel the Prussians to draw back, but they held
the hedges in advance of the villages and exchanged
a brisk musketry fire with the enemy.=Napoleon had
at once responded to Blücher's advance by sending
Lobau, with his 6th infantry corps, to join Domont in
checking it. Lobau passed before the cavalry, which was
now disposed in support, and took up a position against
the new comers. The tract of ground upon which he
faced them consisted of an elevated tongue of land or
promontory included by the streams of the Smohain and
the Lasne; and it was across this that he drew
up
his
troops, his left joining Durutte's division near Papelotte,
and his right extending to the Hanotelet farm near the
road to Planchenoit, that runs beside the Lasne. This
disposition was effected rapidly and in good order; and
Blücher, with a corresponding front and with the re-
serve cavalry under Prince William of Prussia in sup-
port of his left wing, moved up the slope of the pro-
montory and upon the French, who directed upon him
a brisk cannonade that soon disabled three of the Prus-
sian guns. At the outset the Prussians were inferior in
numbers to Lobau, who, says Thiers, “received them
with a fusillade which, though it did great mischief in
their ranks, did not arrest their advance. These re-
turned the fire to the best of their ability, and their
projectiles, falling behind us into the midst of our parks
and baggage, caused some confusion on the Charleroi
road. Lobau's practised eye saw that they were not
supported, and seizing the opportunity [he] sent for-
ward his first line, and a charge with fixed bayonets
304
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
III.
5.30 P.J.
Attack.
drove the assailants back into the thickets they had left.
At this juncture, however, Bülow's two remaining bri-
The Prussian gades came up, and gave him the superiority
of force. Blücher was now able not only to
meet Lobau along his whole position with a line stronger
than his own, but to detach on his right 2 more battalions
which should support those already advanced to Frischer-
mont and Smohain and secure the communication with
Prince Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar, whose brigade was in
front of the extreme Anglo-Allied left; and this flank was
also given the support of 2 cavalry regiments : on their
left the Prussians still more seriously outflanked the
French, and the cavalry of Prince William were on the
road to Planchenoit—which was in the rear both of Lo-
bau and of Napoleon—with no enemy to oppose them. 199
199 The order of the Prussian advance was this :-
14th brigade
Cavalry
Ryssel
15th brigade 13th brigade 16th brigade
Losthin Hacke
Hiller
Frischermont
BÜLOW
Cavalry
Smohain *
LOBAU
Papelotte *
Jeannin
Simmer
* Planchenoit
Subervie
Domont
The Prussian force consisted of the of Domont and Subervie, 3,100 strong,
whole of Bülow's (4th) corps, about and he had some batteries from the
29,000 strong, of all arms. Lobau Imperial Guard, his own 12-pounder
commanded 2 divisions of his own battery having been among those de-
(6th) corps, about 7,500 strovg (his stroyed by the charge of the Scots
remaining division being
division being with Greys. These forces were distri-
Grouchy), and the 2 cavalry divisions buted as follows:-
LOBAU
BÜLOW
Opposing Lobau
At Frischermont, &c.
Total
Battalions, 16
30
6
36
Squadrons, 18
27
8
35
Guns,
42
64
Bülow's guns were divided among 2 batteries of 12-pounders, 4 of 6-pounders,
and 2 horse-batteries.
---
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-PRUSSIAN ATTACK.
305
Waterloo.
June 18
III.
Attack,
Planchenoit up to this time had been occupied by the Battle of
French ; and, both on this account and because his
right flank was on the point of being turned, The Prussian
Lobau had no choice but to fall back in the
direction of the Charleroi road. Napoleon, alive to the
gravity of the danger of having his flank thus turned by
a force already so considerable and likely to be increased,
hastened to occupy Planchenoit in force and support
Lobau. He therefore sent the troops nearest at hand, 6 P.M.
the 2 divisions of the Young Guard—4 battalions of
voltigeurs, 4 of tirailleurs,—with 24 guns, instructing
Gen. Duhesme, their commander, to place himself on
the right of Lobau's corps. It was at this moment, when
he was so pressed for troops that he had been driven to
the measure he especially detested—that of drawing upon
his Guard, and to the extent of one-third of its entire
strength,—that Napoleon received a message from Ney,
now organising the new attack upon Wellington's centre,
calling for fresh infantry. The Emperor's famous reply
indicated the frame of mind to which the condition of
the battle had brought him—“ Où voulez-vous que j'en
prenne ? Voulez-vous que j'en fasse ? "
At this period of the battle at the close of his third
great attack-Napoleon had gained no single advantage
over his enemy. The third attack in particular had
been disastrous to him, for it had wrecked his noble
cavalry force and destroyed a large proportion of it.
To quote Kennedy's military criticism, “This third
attack, made by the whole of his magnificent force of
heavy cavalry, was an error of surpassing magnitude
on the part of Napoleon, because, first, it was a merely
isolated attack ; second, it was made by cavalry alone;
third, it was made on a portion of the Anglo-Allied army
which had not before been attacked at all, and conse-
quently not in the least degree broken or exhausted; and,
X
306
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of.
Waterloo
June 18.
III.
fourth, it was a premature period of the action at which
to attempt to decide the battle by a mere charge of
cavalry. No part of Wellington's line of battle was at
that period of the action either so exhausted or so
shaken as to warrant the supposition that his order of
battle could be overthrown by cavalry alone.” The
six hours which Napoleon had lost, and the omission to
oppose resistance while there was yet time, had allowed
the overlooked Prussians to come upon his flank and
almost into his rear and upon his line of retreat.
Already he was greatly outnumbered, and he had every
reason to expect the inequality to increase.
IV.
IV. Attacks upon the Allied Right and Centre :
La Haye Sainte taken.
Napoleon and Ney had both become convinced of
the failure of the attempt to break the Allied line by
means of cavalry alone, and, even before the repulse of
the fourth great cavalry charge, both were absorbed in
other operations. Napoleon's attention was engrossed
—and, for the time, to the exclusion of all other things
-- by the imminent danger from Blücher's impending
attack on his right and rear. To meet and overcome
this was his immediate task, and until it should be ac-
complished he postponed, or at least subordinated, the
continuation of the unproductive contest along Welling-
ton's line. Ney, on the contrary-seeing nothing, and
perhaps knowing as little, of the Prussians, -was intent
upon achieving victory in his own part of the field.
Turning away from the ineffectual cavalry charges, he
proceeded to organise a new assault upon La Haye
Sainte, as a preliminary to new attacks from that out-
post by which he hoped to break Wellington's centre
and overthrow his right wing.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-307
-
FOURTH ATTACK.
Waterloo.
June 18,
IV.
The Allied right, however, continued to undergo a Battle of
series of attacks—partial and disconnected, but none
the less severe—during the period of Ney's preparations.
No sooner had the French cavalry been driven from the
plateau than their batteries again reopened their furious
cannonade. Many of the Allied guns had by this time
become disabled ; and while some of their batteries had
from time to time been withdrawn to refit, others,
which had been in the rear or in the second line, were
brought forward to replace them along the main ridge.
One of these renovated batteries, Major Bull's, returned
to the position in left-rear of Hougomont whence it
had originally been dislodged by Piré's fire from the
extreme French left,200 and renewed the contest with its
old enemy so effectively that it presently silenced his
guns for the remainder of the day-a most important
service to all the Allied troops and artillerymen in that
part of the field, since Piré's battery had for a long
time enfiladed their right flank. Farther to the right,
Cooke's division of Guards and the Brunswick troops
held an exposed position where the French guns played
upon them with terrible severity ; and the French
cavalry were evidently preparing to attack them, when
they were relieved by the opportune arrival of artillery
reinforcements—Mercer's British horse-battery, which
posted itself before the Brunswick squares,
squares,201 and
Sympher's horse-battery of the King's German Legion,
200 See page 228.
" That's the way I like to see horse-
201 Mercer's Journal of the TVater- artillery move"—the second occasion
loo Campaign describes his troop at on which the Duke's admiration for
this moment as coming up at a gallop this battery had been extorted from
from its previous position on the him (note 11, page 19). Mercer says
west of the Nivelles road, the troop
of the fire into which he now ad-
flying over the ground as compactly vanced : “ So thick was the hail of
as if at a review. The Duke of balls and bullets that it seemed dan-
Wellington, who was at the endan- gerous to extend the arm lest it
gered point, said of their approach, should be torn off,"
x 2
308
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18,
IV.
which was drawn up on Mercer's left, nearer the Guards.
Mercer's guns—six 9-pounders—were partially sheltered
behind a low bank some three feet high, on which a
narrow cross-road descended a steep part of the ridge
in rear of Hougomont, the muzzles of the guns being
nearly on a level with the road. Just as they were
made ready for action, a heavy column of French
cuirassiers and horse-grenadiers rode rapidly up the
ridge directly upon the battery: they had almost
reached it when it opened on them so destructive a fire
that the column recoiled ; its leading squadrons faced
about and struggled toward the rear; the advancing
and retiring horsemen mingled into a stationary mob;
and into this helpless mass the battery poured an
incessant and wonderfully rapid fire that produced
frightful carnage. In their frantic struggles to escape
from this dreadful situation the French came to blows
with one another; some dashed in between the intervals
of the guns and surrendered ; others were carried away
by wounded horses, to perish among the squares; and
the most fortunate, a mere wreck of their former force,
sought shelter under the slope, leaving upon it heaps
of bodies of men and horses.=On the left of Mercer's
battery, nearly at the time these cavalry were repulsed,
the central portion of the right wing was attacked by
that infantry column from Bachelu's division which Ney
had set in motion when he was himself preparing to
assail La Haye Sainte,202 and the column was supported
by cavalry. To relieve the threatened squares, now
greatly reduced in numbers, Lord Uxbridge ordered a
charge by the remains of Somerset's Household Brigade;
but he saw these had become too few to make a serious
impression upon the heavy column, and he ordered up
202 See page 296.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
309
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV,
in their support Trip's still intact brigade of Dutch- Battle of
Belgian carbineers, 1,300 strong. Somerset had charged
and momentarily checked the column, but had not
strength sufficient to penetrate it, and was in the act of
retiring from its fire, when Lord Uxbridge put himself
at the head of the Dutch-Belgians, sounded the “ charge,'
and rode forward to attack. He had not gone far when
his aide-de-camp, Capt. Seymour, galloping after, over-
took him with the intelligence that not a man was
following him. Turning his horse he rode up to Trip
and addressed him in terms adapted to the occasion--
“cavalry forms of speech," as they have since been
called, and, when these had no effect, appealed di-
rectly to the ranks, exhorting the men by voice and
gesture, again sounding the “charge," and again leading
the way. But the Dutch-Belgians were not to be moved
until the approach of the French cavalry, who had
witnessed their hesitation, and were now coming upon
them : then they instantly went about, and, completely
disordering 2 squadrons of Arentsschildt's 3d hussars
of the King's German Legion who obstructed their way,
fled the field, and were no more seen in the fight. The
3d hussars had just formed to charge, in the rear of
Kruse's Nassau squares ; and the single squadron which
had not been upset by the fugitives now charged gal-
lantly and overthrew those of the cuirassiers whom
they encountered. By this time the 2 right-hand
squadrons had recovered their order, and Lord Ux-
bridge led the entire regiment to the brow of the
heights, whence they charged a line of 3 squadrons of
French cuirassiers and 3 of heavy dragoons.
The
French were some 150 yards down the slope, and the
speed which the hussars gathered in the descent carried
them triumphantly through the line, which was moving
at a very slow pace; but the enemy's numbers closed
1
310
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
in
upon them, hemming them in on flanks and rear, and
so many were cut off that, of the whole regiment, there
survived from the French pursuit, to rally behind the
infantry squares, only between 60 and 70 files, which
were formed into 2 squadrons and posted in rear of
Kielmansegge's Hanoverian infantry.=Still more to the
left, beside the Charleroi road, the destruction in the
Allied troops had been so great that there was now a
serious gap in their line, and to fill this-or at least
that it should appear to the enemy to be filled,
Uxbridge ordered forward the Cumberland regiment
of Hanoverian hussars. The conduct of Trip's Dutch-
Belgians, together with the bearing of the commander
of these Hanoverians, had inspired Lord Uxbridge with
fears that they too might prove untrustworthy. “That
he had reason to apprehend something of this kind was
subsequently proved, for Col. Hake, on finding the shot
flying about him a little, took himself and his regiment
out of the field ; on discovering which Lord Uxbridge
despatched his aide-de-camp, Capt. Horace Seymour,
with an order for his return. When Capt. Seymour
delivered this order the Colonel remarked that he had
no confidence in his men, that they were volunteers,
and that their horses were their own property. The
regiment continued moving to the rear, notwithstanding
Capt. Seymour's repeating the order to halt and asking
the second in command to save the honour and character
of the corps by placing himself at its head and fronting
the men.
Finding his remonstrances produced no
effect, he laid hold of the bridle of the Colonel's horse,
and commented upon his conduct in terms such as no
man of honour could have been expected to listen to
unmoved. This officer, however, appeared perfectly
callous to any sense of shame, and far more disposed to
submit to these attacks upon his honour than he had
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK,
311
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
been to receive those of the enemy upon his person and
his regiment. Upon rejoining the Earl of Uxbridge
and relating what had passed, Capt. Seymour was again
directed to proceed to the commanding officer and to
desire that if he persevered in refusing to resume his
position in the line, he would at least form the regiment
across the highroad, out of fire. But even this order
was disregarded, and the corps went altogether to the
rear, spreading alarm and confusion all the way to
Brussels.” 203 =On the right of the line, during these
several conflicts, that column of horse-grenadiers and
cuirassiers which Mercer's battery had repulsed was
re-forming, and bent on avenging itself upon the artil-
lerymen. The gunners were ready for them, since the
203 This somewhat prolix story of factory to know that he was sub-
the Cumberland hussars is Siborne's. sequently tried by court-martial and
Gleig says of their progress among dismissed the service. - Incidents of
the fugitives who had preceded this kind were of course calculated
them on the way to Brussels, that to awaken the Duke of Wellington's
they came galloping down the indignation ; but they do not justify
great avenue and shouting that the his designating the aggregate force
French were at their heels. No that fought under him as a villain-
mercy was shown by these cowards
ous army." His niggardly bestowal
to the helpless and prostrate who of praise and his refusal to affix
came in their way. They rode over merited blame seem to show his lack
such as lacked time or strength to of any idea of justice. "I confess,"
escape from them, and cut at the he wrote to the Duke of York, on
drivers of wagons who either did September 12, 1815,
6 that I feel
not or could not draw aside out of
very strong objections to discuss
their way.” Scott, in Paul's Letters, before a general court-martial the
mentions a mitigating circumstance: conduct of any individual in such a
_“I have been told many of the battle as that of Waterloo. It
officers and soldiers of this unlucky generally brings before the public
regiment left it in shame, joined circumstances which might as well
themselves to other bodies of cavalry, not be published : and the effect is
and behaved well in the action." equally produced by obliging him
As to Col. Hake-or Rulle, as Gleig who has behaved ill to withdravy
calls him (he is in any case to be
from the service." So the Duke
distinguished from Gen. Hacke, who averaged the conduct of the cowards
commanded the 13th Prussian bri- and of the heroes—except of those
gade in Bülow's corps)-it is satis- whom he personally favoured.
312 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
Battle of high caps of the grenadiers showed above the brow of
the slope and disclosed their movements : so, when a
number of skirmishers ascended in advance, rode about
the battery, and harassed the artillerymen with their
carbines and pistols, the English reserved their fire for
the charge of the main body. These presently moved
upward, . more slowly than before, because of the
obstacles that encumbered the face of the slope, and
approached the guns, which were rammed with case on
top of round shot. The gunners waited until the lead-
ing squadrons were almost upon them : then, with only
rare exceptions, the front rank of the horsemen was
absolutely blown away, and the solid shot crashed
through the depth of the column: the same hideous
scene took place as on the former charge ; and again
for several minutes the guns played upon a tumultuous
rabble only 20 yards distant, until the ground was
literally piled with the dead.204 At this juncture, Allied
infantry from the second line was brought forward into
the first under the direction of Wellington in person,
and in this part of the field the position was made secure.
204 The hayoc made by this bat- destroyed out of bis 200, every one
tery during these two attacks was of which Blücher had declared to be
such that Sir Augustus Frazer, com- "good enough for a Field-Marshal,'
mander of the horse-artillery, told and of the men only enough remained
Mercer—who records it in his to work 3 guns. Mercer, it should
Journal—that he “could plainly be added, received no recognition
distinguish the position of G troop from Wellington for his exploit: the
from the opposite (French) height troop which he commanded belonged
by the dark mass which, even from to another captain, who was not
that distance, formed a remarkable with it during this campaign, but
feature in the field." Mercer's bat- resumed it afterwards; and though
tery, however, paid severely for the Sir George Wood, commander of
distinguished service it had rendered. the artillery, procured him the com-
A French battery on the western mand of a troop, he was deprived of
extremity of the central elevation it. Mercer lived to be a general,
opened upon his guns, raking them commanding a brigade ; but he owed
from left to right, until his troop was no thanks for it to the Duke of
reduced to a wreck-140 horses being Wellington.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
313
0
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
Ney's attack upon La Haye Sainte was made while Battle of
these various conflicts were taking place along the
right wing. The garrison of the farm was strong enough,
perhaps, so far as numbers were concerned, and the men
were resolute, willing to fight determinedly; but Bar-
ing's repeated requisitions for ammunition were still
disregarded, and upon counting the cartridges it ap-
peared that there was only an average of four to each
The attack by the French infantry was as
usual preceded by a tremendous cannonade, directed in
man.205
205 The force under Baring's ammunition supply neutralised all
command at the time of the final the heroism of the defenders. Two
assault on La Haye Sainte cannot excuses were made—that communi-
be stated precisely. He had origin- cation was cut off between the post
ally his own battalion of the King's and the main line, and that the need
German Legion, 400 strong, which was for rifle ammunition. As to the
had been reinforced at different times former, communication existed often
by 3 companies of the Legion and enough to allow frequent reinforce-
2 of Nassau troops; but the losses in ments and was several times quite
the previous attacks had been severe, uninterrupted : as to the latter, 2 out
and the garrison probably numbered of the 4 battalions of Ompteda's bri-
now not more than 500. But the gade, close by, were armed with
Germans were eager for the fight. rifles, as was Kempt's 95th regiment
At the close of the previous attack, directly across the Charleroi road.
after the burning barn had been ex- Kennedy, after saying that “this
tinguished, the officers directed those matter had certainly been grossly
who had been hurt to retire to the mismanaged,” continues :
main line, while communication was could not account for it, which I
open ; but the men replied, “So long know from our having slept together
as our officers fight and we can stand, on the ground close to the Welling-
we will not leave the spot.” One ton Tree on the night after the ac-
man, Frederick Lindau by name, tion, when he mentioned his having
had taken a large bag of gold from sent more than once for a supply of
a French officer, and had received ammunition and his having received
two severe wounds in the head while
The unexplained want
defending the entrance to the barn : of ammunition by Baring's battalion
Baring personally desired him to is placed in an extraordinary view
withdraw, and was answered, “None when it is considered that the battle
but a scoundrel would desert you, of Waterloo lasted eight hours and
while his head remains bis a balf, and that all the three bri-
shoulders :” so he stayed, was taken gades of the division got the ammu-
prisoner, and lost his gold. = But nition they required with the excep-
the abominable negligence about the tion of this one battalion,"
" Baring
no answer.
on
314
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
a
this case against the portion of the Allied line imme-
diately in rear of La Haye Sainte and sweeping the
ground over which succour might pass to the defenders
—the fire telling with terrible severity upon the already
scanty remains of Ompteda's squares and Somerset’s and
Ponsonby's squadrons in their rear. 206 Covered by this
fire, a column of Donzelot's division, led by Ney him-
self, moved forward ; their advance was checked by
flight of rockets discharged by Whinyates' rocket-
battery along the Charleroi road, every one of which
told ; but this seemed only to increase their fury, and
when the rockets were expended they dashed on to the
old attack, and especially upon the opening in the barn.
Again they set the barn on fire, and again the Germans
extinguished the flames, using the kettles as before, and
suffering much from the French inusket fire. The Ger-
mans husbanded their few cartridges to the utmost, but
they were nearly spent, and the fire of the garrison was
dwindling into insignificance. Baring had sent again
for the fourth time--for ammunition, saying that, unless
it was forthcoming, he must and would abandon the
post; the men, left unable to retaliate, lost spirit, but
professed their readiness to fight on if they had but the
means; even the officers, who had all day been as
ardent as Baring himself, now represented to him the
uselessness of trying longer to hold the buildings; and
the French, discovering the condition of the defenders,
made a desperate assault. They broke in the western
206 The two heavy cavalry bri- Edward Somerset to withdraw his
gades were extended in single file to men from the range of the enemy's
make their force appear as strong as
guns. The latter sent back word
possible to the enemy, and they con- that, were he to do so, the Dutch-
sequently suffered much from the Belgian cavalry, who were in sup-
artillery. “On perceiving its effects,” port, would immediately move off
says Siborne, “Lord Uxbridge sent the field! Somerset retained his
an aile-de-camp to recommend Lord position until the end of the battle.”
"
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
315
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
door of the building next the barn, and sought to press Battle of
through into the yard; but the Germans met them with
the bayonet within the building, and held them back.
Stopped at this point, parties scaled the outer wall and
climbed from it upon the roofs, whence they picked off
the Germans in the yard below, who could no longer
fire back, and were thus at their mercy. Resistance at
the great entrance of the barn was thus made impos-
sible, and here the French swarmed in, massacring those
whom they could reach. Baring had ordered his men
to retire through the dwelling-house into the garden,
and an attempt was made to hold the narrow passage
through the house; but the French, firing down the
passage, rendered it a mere death-trap to those within.
The dwelling once in the enemy's hands, the garden
became untenable; the officers directed the men to
retire singly and as they best could to the main position ;
and the survivors, passing, for the most part, from the
garden to the opposite side of the Charleroi road, sought 6 p.ur.
their respective regiments.207 Thus Ney, after the
207 The hour at which La Haye Hooper wrote thus before the publi-
Sainte was taken has been much cation of the Notes by Kennedy,
disputed. IIooper says about it, who was an observant spectator of
Major Baring, it is but just to say, what passed at La Haye Sainte, who
contends that he did not quit the closely noted the sequence of events,
farm until after 6 o'clock. Cap- and who shows that Ney made his
tain Siborne has adopted the same push for the farm after he had been
view. But we cannot accept this convinced of the inutility of the
version. The Duke of Wellington cavalry attacks. Siborne's date is
said that La Haye Sainte was taken undoubtedly correct. = The horrible
about 2, Napoleon at 3, and other buteliery that followed the taking of
writers later. Charras, on the La Haye Sainte is not concealed
authority of an officer present, fixes by the French writers. Thiers says
the period of the capture at a little of Ney's attack : “This illustrious
before 4; it was probably taken a Marshal certainly needed no stimu-
little after. The grand cavalry at- lus, for his peerless bravery seemed
have been begun a on this day to surpass the capabilities
little before the farmstead
of mere man. Excited by this
cleared, but it is very doubtful." example, the soldiers forced the
tacks may
was
316
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
failure of repeated and persistent attacks, had achieved
the conquest of La Haye Sainte-the first advantage of
June 18.
IV.
6 P.N.
door of the farm-house, entered dows, and the great black roof
under a fearful fusillade, and mas- above in the smoke, and the road
sacred the battalion of German light blocked up with stones. We went
infantry that was defending it. Of
Of along by a hedge, behind which
500 men only 40 with 5 officers crackled the fire of our skirmishers,
escaped.” Thiers, as usual, knows for the first brigade of Alix's divi-
little of the actual circumstances. sion had not quitted the orchards,
Siborne accounts for all the officers, and on seeing us filing along the road
giving their names.
There were 27
they commenced to shout · Vive
in all, of whom 5 were killed, 10 l'Empereur.' = He [Ney] disappeared
wounded, 2 taken prisoners, and 10 in the smoke with two or three
escaped unhurt. = The Erckmann- officers, and we all started on a run,
Chatrian conscript was in this at- our cartridge-boxes dangling about
tacking column, and describes its our hips, and our muskets at the
adventures graphically. A column 'ready. Far to the rear they were
of Donzelot's division was prepared, beating the charge. We did not see
he says, and Ney came up to them. the Marshal again till we reached a
“ The Marshal then rode along the shed which separated the garden
front of our 2 battalions with his from the road, when we discovered
sword drawn. I had never seen him on horseback before the main
him so near since the grand review entrance. It appeared that they had
at Aschaffenbourg. Не seemed already tried to force the door, as
older, thinner, and more bony, but there was a heap of dead men, tim-
still the same man; be looked at us bers, paving stones, and rubbish
with his sharp grey eyes, as if he piled up before it, reaching to the
took us all in at a glance, and each
middle of the road. The shot poured
one felt as if he were looking di- from every opening in the building,
rectly at him.
At the end of a and the air was heavy with the
second he pointed toward Haye
smell of powder.
· Break that in !
Sainte with his sword, and exclaimed, shouted the Marshal. Fifteen or
We are going to take that; you twenty of us dropped our muskets,
will have the whole at once; it is and, seizing beams, we drore them
the turning-point of the battle. I against the door with such force thatit
am going to lead you myself. Bat- cracked and echoed back to the blows
talions, by file to the left !' We like thunder. You would have
started at a quick step on the road, thought it would drop at every
marching by companies in three stroke. We could see through the
ranks. I was in the second. Mar- planks the paving-stones heaped as
shal Ney was in front, on horseback. high as the top inside. It was full of
As we approached the build- holes, and when it fell it might have
ings the report of the musketry be- crushed us, but fury had rendered
came more distinct from the roar us blind to danger. We no longer
of the cannon, and we could better had any resemblance to men; some
see the flash of guns from the win- had lost their shakos, others had
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
317
the day gained by the French. At last he was within Battle of
striking distance of the hitherto invulnerable enemy;
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
o Vive
their clothes nearly torn off; the deavoured to halt the men and
blood ran from their fingers and make one more charge, but as the
down their sides, and at every dis- French had already commenced fir-
charge of musketry the shot from ing down the passage, this was found
the hill struck the paving-stones, impracticable. Ensign Frank, on
pounding them to dust around us. perceiring a French soldier levelling
. . Our rage redoubled, and as the his musket at Lieut. Græme, called
timbers went back and forth we out to the latter to take care; but,
grew furious to find that the door as he was still trying to rally his
would not come down, when sud- men, he replied, “Never mind : let
denly we heard shouts of
the rascal fire. At this instant
l'Empereur !' from the court, ac- the piece was levelled, but it fell to
companied by a most horrible up- the ground with its owner, whom
roar. Every one knew that our Ensigu Frank had stabbed in time to
troops had gained an entrance into save his friend. The French were
the enclosure. We dropped the now rushing into the house, and the
timbers, and seizing our guns we foremost of them having fired at
sprang through the breaches into Ensign Frank, his arm was shattered
the garden to find where the others by the bullet. Nevertheless he con-
had entered. It was in the rear of trived to obtain shelter in a bed-
the house, through a door opening chamber, and succeeded in concealing
into the barn. We rushed through, himself under the bed. Two of the
one after the other, like a pack of men also took refuge in the same
wolves. The interior of this old room, but the French followed close
structure, with its lofts full of hay at their heels, crying,' Pas de pardon
and straw, and its stables covered à ces coquins verds !' and shot them
with thatch, looked like a bloody close to Ensign Frank, who had the
nest which had been attacked by a well-merited good fortune of remain-
sparrow-hawk. On a great dung- ing undiscovered until the house again
heap in the middle of the court our fell into the hands of the Allies. Lieut.
men were bayoneting the Germans, Græme, who had continued ip the
who were yelling and swearing passage, was suddenly seized by the
savagely." The conscript dwells on collar by a French officer, who ex-
the massacre, and the troubles in claimed to his men, 'C'est ce coquin!'
which he and some comrades in- Their bayonets were immediately
volved themselves by taking prison- thrust at him, but he managed to
ers instead of killing; but the story parry them with his sword, and, as
is too long for quotation. = Siborne, the officer for a moment relinquished
in a note, gives the following details his grasp, Græme darted along the
of the escape of the German officers
passage, the French firing two shots
and the barbarity of the victors :- after him and calling out Coquin!'
"The passage through the farm- but they did not follow him, and he
house to the garden in the rear was succeeded ip rejoining the remnant of
narrow, and here the officers en- his battalion."
318
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo,
June 18.
IV.
he could turn against him his own stronghold ; with an
adequate force he could instantly sweep away anything
the Allies had then before him, crush their weakened
centre, and overwhelm their attenuated line. Impatient
to follow up his advantage, the Marshal sent to the
Emperor for infantry reinforcements. But the message
reached the Emperor at a moment when he was already
irritated by the destruction of his cavalry, and impatient
of any interruption to his own absorbing task of dealing
with Blücher's unlooked-for onslaught, and, galled by
this fresh demand upon his already overtaxed resources,
he pettishly retorted upon Col. Heymès with the bitter
inquiry whether he was expected to “make ” infantry.208
Ney's indomitable resolution was proof against even this
rebuff: his master's refusal to give him troops from the
reserves forbade his making the formidable attack by
columns in mass of battalions, which he had purposed
launching from La Haye Sainte upon the exhausted
troops immediately before him; but he could still collect
from the well-worn corps of Reille and D’Erlon a certain
amount of force with which to essay a system of assault
in which the French soldiery were adepts—the "grand
attack en tirailleurs." He now set himself to organise
from whatever troops he found within reach that suc-
cession of attacks which thenceforth went on continu-
208 See page 305. = Even Thiers Prussians with what indeed would
is forced to admit how fatally ill- be only the remnant of his troops,
judged was this refusal of Napo- but troups flushed with victory. But
leon's: he says: “ Certainly had be he distrusted Ney's judgment, he
himself seen the state of the British could not forgive his precipitation,
army described by Ney, and had not and he could see the entire Prussian
the danger on his right increased, army emerging from that yawning
Lobau's corps alone would have suf- abyss which was continually pour-
ficed to keep Bülow in check; and ing forth fresh masses of enemies.”
Napoleon might have led the in- Thiers thus accounts, and no doubt
fantry of the Guard against the Eng- correctly, for Napoleon's neglect of
lish, and completed their destruc- his single opportunity on this day to
tion, and then returned to oppose the deal his enemy a decisive blow.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
319
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
ously, and constantly increased in violence, until the Battle of
battle had been determined elsewhere-attacks which
almost assured him the destruction of the Allied centre,
if not absolute victory.
Before Ney's new attacks from La Haye Sainte could
be fully developed, the Duke of Wellington, on the right
of his line, had opportunity to re-establish that part of
his position which had been saved from imminent over-
throw by the coming up of the horse-batteries to the
front. Though saved for the moment, the state of
things in this quarter was still critical-a number of
the Allied guns had become disabled by the enemy's
fire; the remains of Byng's Guards, who were defending
Hougomont, had been driven back into the “hollow-
way on its northern boundary, leaving the orchard
to the French infantry, who were mustering there in
great numbers; the cannonade had told terribly upon
the Brunswick troops; and the supporting cavalry,
besides being much diminished, were exhausted by
repeated charges. Bodies of French cavalry were now
being prepared, at the foot of the slope and along the
eastern side of Hougomont, with the apparent design
of surrounding its enclosures, so as to cut off communi-
cation between the outpost and the main position, and
of forcing the right of the line itself. It was at this
juncture that the approach of Chassé's Dutch-Belgian
division, which Wellington had ordered up from Braine-
la-Leude to meet this emergency,209 enabled him to bring
into the front the troops hitherto in the second line-
Clinton's ad division, consisting of Du Plat's ist brigade
of the King's Gerinan Legion, Adam's 3d British brigade,
and Col. Hew Halkett's 3d Hanoverian brigade. Lord
Hill-commander of the ad corps, to which Clinton's
209 See page 294.
320
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
division belonged-led forward Du Plat's brigade from its
previous position on the west of the Nivelles road. As its
leading battalion drew near the brow of the ridge, some
gunners ran in upon it for shelter from pursuing cuiras-
siers; and the 4 light companies of the brigade, who
were armed with rifles and who found partial shelter
from a clump of trees, delivered a fire that made the
horsemen withdraw, a party of Allied cavalry pursuing.
The brigade then advanced until its foremost battalion
was near the hedge of the Hougomont orchard, when it
became engaged with the French infantry skirmishers.
Presently the Allied dragoons who had just charged
retreated hurriedly through the intervals of its columns,
and the brigade became aware of a fresh body of hostile
cavalry on its left-front. Sympher's horse-battery fired
upon these through the intervals, and the columns kept
up a well-sustained file-fire; but the cuirassiers, ad-
vancing resolutely, attacked the battery, the gunners
seeking shelter either among the infantry or under the
gun-carriages, until Du Plat's musketry fire caused such
loss among the horsemen that they retired in disorder,
followed as usual by a discharge from the battery.
Three battalions of the Brunswickers had followed on
the left of the Germans, and aided in resisting the
cavalry charge ; but when that was over they sought
shelter from the renewed fire that followed it, and with-
drew to the reverse slope of the heights. The French
skirmishers, during the operations of the cavalry, had
gathered in great force in the Hougomont orchard and
along its eastern boundary, and they now poured a very
severe fire upon the Germans. Du Plat himself fell
mortally wounded ; several other officers fell ; all who
were mounted had their horses shot under them; and
this hot work continued until, with a sudden cessation
of the fire, came a renewed cavalry charge, which was
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
321
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
repelled as before, as was also a third, the Germans Battle of
withstanding the cavalry as resolutely as their allies on
their left had done. =During these attacks by the horse-
men upon Du Plat, the French infantry had crept up
in great numbers under that part of the slope behind
which the Brunswick troops had retired for shelter from
the cannonade. At the same time, at the back of the
slope, Lord Hill was bringing forward, in columns,
Adam's British brigade of light infantry. Suddenly the
French skirmishers crowned the crest of the heights,
and were instantly hidden by the smoke from the fire
which they poured into the Allied artillery and the
squares,-cutting down the gunners mercilessly, and
driving them in upon the squares, which also suffered
greatly by this concentrated fire from an enemy in line.
It was now that Adam's brigade came up, and the Duke
of Wellington, galloping to their front, ordered them to
form line, and, pointing to the French skirmishers,
called out, “ Drive those fellows away!” The brigade,
cheering, swept up the slope, drove the French before
them, crossed the ridge, and, bringing forward the right
shoulder, closed the opening between Maitland's brigade
of Guards and the north-eastern angle of Hougomont.
210
210 The order now taken by Adam's regiments was this :---
Adam's brigade.
Maitland's
ist brig. Guards.
95th
2d bat.
520
71st
95th
3d bat.
Hougomont
Orchard
Y
322
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
Upon the new array of squares thus obtruded from
the main position into the plain, the French carbineers
and horse-grenadiers of the Guard made a succession
of gallant charges : advancing along the Hougomont
boundary, they were generally thrown into disorder by
the fire from the squares of the 71st regiment, and
their confusion was completed when they rode into that
of the 52d; and they were at last brought to utter dis-
comfiture by a well-combined cross-fire from the rifle
company of the 95th, attached to the 71st, together
with the musketry from the face of the square of the
71st, both at very short distance.211 Hew Halkett's
Hanoverian brigade had by this time been advanced by
Lord Hill to the exterior slope of the main ridge, back
of Hougomont and in support of Du Plat's brigade ; so
that now the main position and Hougomont were so
firmly linked together by troops that no pressure of the
enemy could endanger that part of the line. The ex-
tremely advanced position of Adam's brigade, however,
exposed it to a very severe cannonade from the French
batteries on the central elevation—the same, probably,
that destroyed Mercer's battery; and it was presently
withdrawn to the reverse slope of the main position,
where on the right of Maitland's Guards it remained
ready to advance against any attack in this direction. 212
In the hurry of the advance, the
52d was not in line with the other
regiments, but in their rear; and,
when they formed squares, it moved
into the interval between them. From
the same cause the 3d battalion of
the 95th regiment got into position
next the 71st, and remained with it.
211 “ In an instant,” says Siborne,
one half of the attacking force
was on the ground; some few men
and horses were killed ; more were
wounded; but by far the greater
part were thrown down over the
dead, the dying, and the wounded.
These, after a short interval, began
to extricate themselves from the
mass, and made the best of their way
back to their supports, some on horse-
back, but most of them on foot.”
212 To understand the formation
of the brigade when next called upon
to meet an attack, it should be re-
membered tbat, during this alter-
[To face page 323.
Mont St. Jean
Remains of Anglo-Allied Cavalry.
Grant, E
Dörnberg, E
Arentsschildt, K
Somerset, E
Ponsonby, E
Vincke, H
He w Halkett, H
☆ Adam, E
Sand-pit
DONZELOT
Du Plat, K
ALIX MARCOGNDT
Brunswick
Mitchell
Papelotte
La Haye Sainte
French Cavalryj
and BACHELU
1
Hougo'mont
La Haye
PERPONCHER, DB
DURUTTE
Smohain
Frischermont
JEROML
FOY
Cavalry ]
Losthin
Subervic
Hacke
Charleroi
Road
JEANNIN
Road
Ryssel
Jacquinot
LOBAU
BÜLOW
Hiller
Piré
La Belle
Alliance
SIMMER
Nivelles
Domont
Cavalry
FRIANT---
MORAND
Old Guard
Middle Guard
Planch enoit
(Young Guard)
DUHESME
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
323
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
The attitude which the troops had assumed at the Battle of
time of Ney's attack from La Haye Sainte is best under-
stood from a diagram. 213
Ney lost little time, after he was established in La
Haye Sainte, in setting in motion his renewed attack
upon the Allied line. On his left, fresh efforts were
made to take Hougomont, and both Bachelu's infantry
division and the remains of the cavalry were engaged
in those assaults which Wellington had withstood by
bringing forward his reserves. On his right, such of
nation of cavalry charges with the kett's brigades; (2) Ditmar's and
cannonade aud musketry fire, it had D'Aubremé's Dutch - Belgian bri-
been compelled frequently to form gades (of Chassé's division) were
squares and then deploy into line. brought up from the west of the
"The 52d," Kennedy explains," was Nivelles road into the second line,
at one time in squares of wings, and for a similar purpose. The Dutch-
afterwards, the companies having Belgian cavalry are wholly omitted
formed their left behind their right from the diagram, as they did no
subdivisions, the battalions, by clos- fighting. Byng's entire brigade of
ing the companies, formed a line British Guards was by this time
four deep, and continued in that drawn into the defence of Hougo-
four-deep formation during the re- mont, as was also, shortly afterwards,
mainder of the action." =To the a part of Du Plat's brigade of the
period just described—when Adam's King's German Legion. Brigades of
brigade was meeting the attempt of different divisions had now become
the French to force the Allied right so intermingled in the Allied line
-should probably be referred Wel- that the names of the corps- and
lington's exclamation to its com- division-commanders are omitted in
mander, “By G-, Adam, I think the diagram. = It is somewhat curious
we shall beat them yet!” This that both Gen. H. W. Halleck, in his
incident, subsequently related by translation of Jomini's Life of Na-
Adam to Kennedy, the latter con- poleon, and Capt. S. V. Benet, in
siders “ of much historical interest,” that of the same author's Campaign
adding, “From what other source of 1815, should state that Welling-
do we know what the Duke's feel- ton, at this time, was 6 reinforced
ings were, up to that period, as to by the Belgian brigade de chasse."
the possible issue of the action ?" Puzzled, evidently, to know what
213 The diagram in two
denomination of force this might be,
anticipates the point as yet reached they have been content to leave the
by the narrative : (I) a portion of French, as they supposed, untrans-
the Brunswick troops were shortly lated. The troops were in fact Gen.
employed to fill a gap in the Allied Chassé's Dutch-Belgian division.
line between Kruse's and Sir C. Hal-
cases
324
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
D’Erlon's troops as were not otherwise employed—that
is, the reorganized divisions of Alix and Marcognet-
were pushed forward in skirmishing order against the
infantry of the Allied left wing, which was much
weakened by its repulse of the first French charge. At
La Haye Sainte Ney personally directed the operations
by which he hoped to break through the Allied centre.
From the farm-house, the garden, and the highroad
beside it, such a fire was opened upon the two companies
of Kempt's 95th British rifles occupying the sand-pit
and knoll on the further side of the Charleroi road, that
the riflemen, who were also pressed in front at the same
time by Alix's skirmishers, were driven back upon their
main body along the Wavre road. The French next
proceeded to push two guns through the garden hedge
to the bank of the highroad, whence they began to fire
grape into Kempt's brigade ; but this was very soon
ended by the rifles, whose fire destroyed the gunners
before they could discharge a second round. = A large
body of French infantry at the same time emerged on
the left from the cover of the farm, and, spreading into
a close line of skirmishers, opened a fire which was
concentrated upon the squares of Alten's division, and
did great execution among their compact ranks. Alten
sent an order to Ompteda to deploy one of his bat-
talions, if practicable, and disperse the enemy; but
Ompteda had noticed a body of French cavalry lying
in wait in the hollow westward of La Haye Sainte which
the tirailleurs for the moment concealed ; and, knowing
the danger to which the battalion would be exposed if
deployed before cavalry, returned an answer, explaining
the circumstances. “At this moment of hesitation the
Prince of Orange rode up to Ompteda and ordered him
to deploy. The latter respectfully submitted the same
opinion he had before expressed to Alten's messenger ;
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
325
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
whereupon his Royal Highness became impatient, re- Battle of
peated the order, and forbade further reply. Ompteda,
with the true spirit of a soldier, instantly deployed the
5th line battalion, placed himself at its head, and gal-
lantly led it against the mass of tirailleurs who had
continued to crowd forward, and under whose teasing
fire the Germans displayed the greatest steadiness and
bravery. The French gave way as the line advanced
at the charge, and as it approached the garden of La
Haye Sainte they suddenly and rapidly sought shelter
along the hedges. In the next moment the battalion
was furiously assailed by a regiment of cuirassiers, who,
taking the line in its right flank, fairly rolled it up.
This cavalry charge, preconcerted with great skill, and
executed with amazing rapidity, proved awfully de-
structive to the courageous but unfortunate Germans,
and fully and fatally confirmed the truth of the un-
heeded prediction of their intrepid commander. So
severe was the loss sustained that out of the whole
battalion not more than 30 men with a few officers were
gradually collected in the hollow-way that lay along
the front of the left of the brigade. Amongst the slain
was Ompteda himself, who, with his followers, thus fell
a sacrifice to the absence of that precaution, the neces-
sity for which he had vainly endeavoured to impress
upon his superior officer.” 214
The cuirassiers who were
214 The quoted passage is Si- placed under the Royal Highness's
borne's, and his words, chosen with command. It should be remembered
unusual care, are the manifest result that at Quatre Bras, two days be-
of a conflict between his deference fore, the Prince of Orange had
for a “Royal Highness,” reinforced, caused the 69th regiment to be cut to
moreover, by the restraints of the
pieces under precisely the same cir-
quasi-official military reporter, and cumstances-by ordering the deploy-
a soldierly indignation at the pre- ment of a square in defiance of a
sumptuous meddling which thus, for commander who knew that it was
the second time, wantonly destroyed about to be charged by cavalry.
the troops so unfortunate as to be Certainly the Allies were leavily
326
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
thus cutting the unfortunate Germans to pieces were
under the rifles of the inen of the 95th, who watched
the scene from beyond the Charleroi road, but were
unable to fire without destroying friend as well as foe;
but presently came an opportunity when they poured
in a deadly volley, and at the same instant the 3d
hussars of the King's German Legion charged, and
completely cleared the front of Ompteda's brigade.
Supports, however, came up to the cuirassiers, and,
after a momentary struggle, forced the hussars to
retire.=On the left of the French troops which had
achieved this success over Alten's division, others
essayed the same manæuvre against Maitland's brigade.
A mass of tirailleurs ascended the slope, and from an
extended front directed a rapid and concentric fire into
Maitland's left-hand square, while another party, still
more on the (French) leſt, fired in the same manner
upon the square formed by Adam's 95th rifles. Seeing
how this fire told upon the squares, the Duke of Wel-
lington rode up to the attacked battalion of the Guards
and ordered it to form line and drive the skirmishers
down the slope. This they did with perfect success,
and were equally successful in re-forming the square
when a body .of cavalry moved up to charge them.
The Guards, having delivered a volley into the horse-
men, retired in good order to their position on the
heights; and the cavalry, dashing on into the front of
Adam's brigade, was nearly destroyed by the fire from
the 52d regiment. Toward this end of the Allied line
the fury of the French attack was at this time chiefly
directed upon Hougomont, which proved able to take
handicapped by their valuable crea-
tion, the Kingdom of the Nether-
lands; but, unfortunately, it was
not upon the authors or beneficiaries
of that political crime that the pun-
ishment fell—at least in these in-
stances.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
327
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
care of itself: it was at the centre only that their efforts Battle of
seemed likely to win success. =About the rear of La
Haye Sainte the contest had gone on without cessation.
The French skirmishers occupied the garden, the bank
of the Charleroi road, and especially the knoll by the
sand-pit beyond it, and, concealing themselves as
much as possible by lying or kneeling, except when
they rose to fire, kept up a very rapid and persevering
discharge against the brigades of Lambert and Kempt
along the Wavre road; and these replied with equal
spirit, though they lost heavily.215 On their left of the
Charleroi road swarms of French skirmishers continued
to press the portion of the line occupied by Alten's
division. One group occupied a mound at the
junction of the two roads some 60 yards distant from
the remains of Ompteda's brigade, who were now com-
pletely overmatched in numbers, and had besides
exhausted their ammunition, so that many on this
account fell to the rear.216 In this part of the line,
215 Thiers represents Ney as whom, as will always be found in
corning up to this point to encourage the best armies, were glad to escape
D'Erlon in his attack on the Wavre from the field. These thronged the
road :-". Keep firm, friend,' he said road leading to Brussels, in a man-
to him, 'for if you and I do not ner that none but an eye-witness
fall here beneath the bullets of the could believe.” In a note Pringle
English, we shall certainly fall be- adds: “ Numbers of those who had
neath those of the emigrants.' Sad quitted the field of battle, and—let
and bitter prophecy! This peer- the truth be spoken-Englishmen
less hero, going from his infantry to too, fled from the town [Brussels),
liis cavalry, sustained their courage and nerer balted until they reached
under the enemy's fire, whilst he Antwerp. This is too well attested
himself seemed invulnerable amidst to be doubted.” Gleig states that
the balls that rained around.”
" officers as well as privates ” were
216 Many, no doubt, retired for among the fugitives. Scott, in Paul's
sufficient reasous, but the tide that Letters, records how the baggage,
Bet rearwards, on one pretext or having been ordered to retreat
another or on none at all, was by during the action, became embar-
this time very great. Pringle says rassed in the narrow causeway lead-
that an excessive number withdrew ing through the great Forest of
to look after the wounded, “ some of Soiguies and was there fairly sacked
328
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
battalions of men had dwindled to scores or dozens; somu
were commanded by subalterns ; Somerset's and Pon-
sonby's united cavalry brigades did not amount to two
squadrons, and the other British and German cavalry of
the right wing were similarly wasted ; most of the bat-
teries had been silenced wholly or in part, so that in one
place two British artillerymen were seen labouring to
serve two guns until material for loading was exhausted,
and in another the Duke of Wellington came upon a
Belgian 6-gun battery with not a man to claim it, and he
therefore had it removed to the rear. The 3d division in
particular was in woful plight : Alten, its commander,
had been carried, wounded, from the field ; Ompteda’s
brigade was nearly exterminated and almost without
formation ; Kielmansegge's two squares were greatly
diminished in size; Kruse's Nassau brigade, next on
their right, were greatly shaken under the continued
fire; and the interval thence to Sir Colin Halkett's
British brigade, which was also much reduced, had
become very great. In short, not enough men survived
to cover the position, and there was virtually a gap
in the Allied line extending from Halkett's brigade to
the Charleroi road. At this point Lambert had formed
the 27th British regiment in square, in the north-eastern
angle of the two roads, so as either to confront an
and pillaged by the runaway Belgians Hague, with a letter to the King of
and the peasantry--& disgraceful the Netherlands concluding in these
scene, which nothing but the bril-
veux pas com-
liancy of the great victory, and the mander de tels officiers.
consequent enthusiasm of joy, could
assez longtemps soldat pour savoir
have allowed to be passed over with- que les pillards, et ceux qui les en-
out strict enquiry." This pillaging couragent, ne valent rien devant
propensity of the Dutch-Belgians l'ennemi ; et je n'en veux pas." = AS
proved ungovernable during the to the fugitives from the battle, they
march to Paris, and the Duke of had become so numerous that Zie-
Wellington made an example of two ten's corps, on approaching the field,
officers who flagrantly offended, believed the Anglo-Allied army gene-
sending them under arrest to the rally to be in retreat.
words:-“ Je
ne
Je suis
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
329
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
advance up the Charleroi road, or to cover the ap- Battle of
parently imminent retreat of Ompteda's and Kielman-
segge's brigades. Upon this enfeebled front the French
about La Haye Sainte now made another onset. To
secure their right flank during their intended advance
upon Alten, they began with so heavy a fire upon
Lambert that within a few minutes more than half the
men of the 27th fell. Then, while clouds of skirmishers
poured up the slope in Alten's front, they ran forward
two guns in advance of the north-eastern angle of the
garden, and at a distance of 150 paces, and afterwards
of only 100, fired grape-shot into Kielmansegge's left-
hand square,-one discharge completely blowing away
an entire side of the square. Under this and the mus-
ketry fire, which never slackened, the square soon
became a mere clump of men ; its commander and
most of the officers had fallen; and its ammunition was
nearly spent. The tirailleurs continued to press for-
ward in compact line, when in their rear was heard the
sound of drums beating the charge, which announced
the coming of columns. To avert the forcing of the
line which now seemed almost inevitable, the Prince of
Orange ordered Kruse's ist and 2d Nassau battalions to
charge, and put himself at their head. As they came
under the fire of the French, the Prince received a
bullet-wound in his shoulder,217 the attack failed, the
217 The Prince of Orange's wound
was regarded as a great piece of luck
for bim. Scott says in Paul's Letters,
writing at the time when it was the
fashion to augur good thivgs for the
new Kingdom of the Netherlands:
"Nothing could have happened so
fortunate for the popularity of the
House of Orange as the active and
energetic character of the hereditary
prince. His whole behaviour during
the actions of Quatre Bras and Wa-
terloo, and the wound which (it
may be almost said fortunately) he
received upon the latter occasion,
have already formed the strongest
bond of union between his family
and their new subjects, long unac-
customed to have sovereigns who
could lead them to battle, and
shed their blood in the national
defence."
330
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
Nassauers recoiled, and, under the vigorous onset of
the French, they were carried, together with Kielman-
segge’s and Ompteda's brigades, 100 paces backwards.
On the fall of the Prince of Orange, Capt. Shaw-after-
wards Gen. Sir James Shaw Kennedy, whose own
account is here followed-finding that apparently all
the senior officers of the 3d division had fallen and that
he was the only staff-officer present, galloped to the
Duke of Wellington, then directing the defence being
made by Maitland's Guards, and informed him that his
line was open for the whole space between Halkett's
and Kempt's brigades. The Duke answered, “I shall
order the Brunswick troops to the spot, and other
troops besides : go you and get all the German troops
of the division on the spot that you can, and all the
guns that you can find.” Wellington-sending an
order to the brigades of Chassé's Dutch-Belgian division
to follow in support himself led five battalions of the
Brunswickers into the interval between Kruse's and Sir
Colin Halkett's brigades.218 But these reinforcements
yance.
218 The Earl of Albemarle-who,
We marched in columns of
it will be remembered, was an ensign companies. Emerging from the
in the 14th regiment, which was in ravine we came upon an open valley,
Lord Hill's corps, and was at first bounded on all sides by low hills.
stationed near the extreme right of The hill in our front was fringed by
the Allied line, acting with Clinton's the enemy's cannon, and we ad-
division-cites Kennedy's story that vanced to our new position amid a
Wellington promised to "order the shower of shot and shells. We
Brunswick troops to the spot, and halted and formed square in the
other troops besides.” He then pro- middle of the plain, As we were
ceeds, in the following terms, to re- performing this movement, a bugler
count the experience of the 14th: of the 51st, who had been out with
“I presume that our regiment formed skirmishers, and had mistaken our
a portion of the other troops' whom square for his own, exclaimed, 'Here
the Commander-in-Chief sent to fill I am again, safe enough. The
up the hiatus, for it must have been words were scarcely out of his
about this time that Capt. Bridge- mouth, when a round shot took off
man, one of Lord Hill's aides-de- his head and spattered the whole
camp, brought us the order to ad- battalion with his brains, the colours
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
331
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
came suddenly under the heavy fire of the assailants, Battle of
and in the thick smoke and confusion surrounding
them they were unable to re-form properly from the
irregularities caused by their hurried advance; so that
they too for the moment were borne backward by the
vigorous dash of the French. But the Duke threw
himself into the struggle, and by his voice and gestures
rallied the Brunswickers ; Major von Norman's battalion
first regained good order, stood its ground, and de-
livered a fire that checked the enemy before it; and its
Crown
every bul-
and the ensigns in charge of them
coming in for an extra share. One
of them, Charles Fraser, a fine geu-
tleman in speech and manner, raised
a laugh by drawling out, ' How ex-
tremely disgusting!' A second shot
carried off six of the men's bayonets ;
a third broke the breast-bone of a
lance-sergeant (Robinson), whose
piteous cries were anything but en-
couraging to his youthful comrades.
The soldier's belief that'
let has its billet' was strengthened
by another shot striking Ensign
Cooper, the shortest man in the regi-
ment, and in the very centre of the
square. These casualties were the
affair of a second. We were now
ordered to lie down. Our square,
hardly large enough to hold us when
standing upright, was too small for
us in à recumbent position. Our
men lay packed together like her-
rings in a barrel. Not finding a va-
cant spot, I seated myself on a drum.
Behind me was the Colonel's charger,
which, with his head pressed against
mine, was mumbling my epaulette,
while I patted his cheek. Suddenly
my drum capsized and I was thrown
prostrate, with the feeling of a blow
on the right cheek. I put my hand
to my head, thinking half my face
was shot away, but the skin was not
even abraded. A piece of shell had
struck the horse on the nose exactly
between my hand and my head, and
killed him instantly. The blow I
received was from the embossed
on the horse's bit. The
French artillerymen had now brought
us so completely within range, that,
if we had continued much longer in
this exposed situation, I should pro-
bably not have lived to tell my tale.
We soon received the order to seek
the shelter of a neighbouring hill.
.. Our new position was lurther
in advance, but less exposed to the
enemy's fire. We were now about
100 yards from the Nivelles chaussée,
to the abatis spoken of by
Siborne, on which abatis the left
wing of our right company rested.
· On our right flank, and a little
in advance, was a brigade of ar-
tillery, which I find from a recent
publication [Mercer's Journal of the
Waterloo Campaign] was the 9th,
under the command of Capt. Mercer,
who in describing his position also
marks ours." =For Mercer's position,
at the period the Earl of Albemarle's
description has now reached, see
pages 307, 308, text.
near
332
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
example brought the remaining Brunswick battalions
to assume an equally resolute attitude. The stand thus
made was seconded by the troops on the left, those of
Kruse, Kielmansegge, and Ompteda ; and, having thus
succeeded in stemming the French onset upon his
centre, the Duke galloped back to his right, to com-
plete his interrupted preparations for the storm mani-
festly about to break in that direction. At this critical
moment Vivian's almost intact light cavalry brigade
came up into the rear of the shaken troops.219 The
mere presence of such an effective force amid the general
wreck went far to restore confidence; and they, moreover,
interposed with material effect, for the ioth hussars,
drawing up with closed files, stopped the retreat of the
Nassauers, who were falling back in a body, and Vivian
and his aids rode among the disordered infantry and
brought them back into formation at a time when they
seemed on the point of giving way. Kielmansegge, too,
219 Vivian bad held with his
brigade the extreme left of the
Allied line, and shortly before this
had been informed by his patrols
that Zieten's corps was coming up
on the road from Ohain, and at the
same time was made aware by Baron
Müffling-who was with this wing,
awaiting Zieten—how urgently ca-
valry was needed in the centre.
Vivian at once proposed to Vande-
leur—who commanded the cavalry
division next on his right, and was
his senior officer-that the two bri-
gades should move to the centre.
But Vandeleur—who appears to have
been a precisian as well as a churl:
"a brave but cautious officer," is
Hooper's phrase—declined to do any-
thing without orders; and Vivian
took the responsibility, put his bri-
gade in motion in rear of Vandeleurs,
and met Lord Uxbridge, who was
on his way to bring up the two bri-
gades, and who now sent Vandeleur
orders to follow, and himself rode
with Vivian to the centre. The
sight which greeted them there
greatly surprised these horsemen,
hitherto out of sight of the actual
fighting, and the scene of ruin was
such as to persuade them that they
had been brought up to cover a
retreat. Vivian, lookivg in vain for
the cavalry which he had left there,
asked of Lord Edward Somerset,
“Where is your brigade?” “Here,
"
answered Somerset, pointing to a
single squadron of hörsemeu and
then to the dead and wounded men
and horses on the ground-all that
remained of what a few hours before
had been a force of 2,000 dragoons.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FOURTH ATTACK.
333
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
on whom the command of the 3d division had now Battle of
devolved, showed great ability and coolness in restoring
order, although the French skirmishers were again
pushing up against the line and plying it with an inces-
sant fire. He led on the remains of the Hanoverians
and German Legion at the double-quick, their drums
rolling; the Brunswickers responded to the movement;
the Nassauers, cheered on by Vivian and his officers,
followed the advance; the hussars came on in support.
Before the general charge the French were forced to
give way, and the variously constituted assemblage of
Allied troops thus regained the position which the 3d 7 P.M.
division had long held so bravely. Thus the imperilled
centre was restored just as the decisive movement of
the action was approaching on the right.220
220 Siborne's general summary of troops of France, would have con-
the character of the Allied troops ferred honour on long-tried veterans.
contains the following mention of The Brunswickers, who were also
those engaged in this struggle for composed of young soldiers, per-
the maintenance of the centre: formed a glorious part in the battle,
“Of the troops of the King's German and amply revenged the death of
Legion, whether cavalry, infantry, their Prince. Some of their bat-
or artillery, it is impossible to speak talions were much sbaken at the
in terms of too bigh praise: suffice moment Alten's division was driven
it to remark that their conduct was back a short distance, but they
in every respect on a par with that speedily rallied and resumed their
of the British. ... Of the four Hau- lost ground.
Altogether, their
overiau infantry brigades, that of bravery, which was frequently called
Kielmansegge and a part of (Hew] into action, and their endurance,
Halkett's were the most actively en- which was severely tested, merited
gaged ; Best's stood almost the entire the strongest commendation. The
day on the extreme left of the front troops constituting the Nassau bri-
line of the Anglo-Allied infantry,and gade, under Kruse (or more properly
Viucke's in reserve in front of Mont the ist regiment of the Nassau con-
St. Jean. They had been but re- tivgent), were attached to Alten's
cently and hastily raised ; and get division. They were, consequently,
the manner in which such raw sol- oſten in the thick of the fight, and
diers withstood, as Kielmansegge's though, on the occasion above alluded
brigade did, for so great a length of to, they were thrown into disorder
time the most furious assaults made and driven in by a furious onset of
by the gallant and well-disciplined the enemy, they conducted them-
334
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
us.
he says,
At Hougomont, during the fourth period of the
battle, the attack by the French had continued, having,
indeed, never been intermitted since the action began.
The heat and blinding smoke from the burning buildings
made the place almost intolerable to the nearest of the
defenders, but they kept up so constant a fire as to
prevent any chance of escalade, and though the orchard
frequently changed owners, the walled enclosures were
selves generally throughout the day our eyes. "I fear it is all over," said
with great steadiness." = An incident Col. Gould, who still remained by
connected with the coming up of
Meantime the 14th, springing
Chassé's division is recounted by the from the earth, had formed their
Earl of Albemarle, whose battalion square, whilst we [it is still Mercer
of raw recruits belonging to the 14th who speaks), throwing back the
regiment was at this time formed guns of our right and left divisions,
beside Capt. Mercer's battery on the stood waiting in momentary expec-
extreme right of the Allied front line. tation of being enveloped and at-
“ The steadiness of our peasant Iads," tacked. The commanding officer of
“ which had already been the 14th, to end our doubts, rode
tolerably tried, was about to be sub- forward and endeavoured to ascer-
jected to another test. There ap- tain who they were, but soon returned
peared on our right flank an armed assuring us they were French. The
force, some thousands strong, who order was already given to fire, when
advanced towards us. singing and Col. Gould recognised them as Bel-
cheering. They wore the dress gians. The new comers were Gen.
which the prints of the day de- Chassé's Dutch-Belgian division,
scribed as belonging to the French who had been posted in the early
army. Charles Brennan, an Irish part of the day at Braine-la-Leude
lieutenant who had served all through and were now ordered to the front.
the Peninsular war, called out, "Och They had so recently formed a part
then, them's French, safe enough!' of Napoleon's army that the slight
* Hold your tongue, Pat,' thundered change in their old uniform escaped
out our Colonel ; "what do you the notice of the casual observer.”
mean by frightening my boys ?' but The mistake thus narrowly averted
the expression of his countenance on the Allied right was actually
showed that he shared Pat's appre- inade on their extreme left, where
hension. They were neither of them Zieten's Prussians took Prince Bern-
singular in their belief. The atten- hard of Saxe-Weimar's troops for
tion of our neighbour, the 9th bri- French and attacked them. (See
gade of artillery, was directed to the page 346, text). It had also oc-
same phenomenon. 'For a moment,' curred two days before at Quatre
says General Mercer, an awſul si- Bras, when the English fired upon
lence pervaded that part of the posi- Von Merlen's Belgian cavalry. (See
tion, to which we anxiously turned note 38, page 69).
BATTLE OF WATERLO04PRUSSIAN ATTACK. 335
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
never in danger. Once only did the position appear Battle of
uncertain at the time when the French renewed the
attack along the whole line, and their cavalry and
infantry pushed forward in such numbers as to threaten
to isolate Hougomont from the Allied line. But the
coming up of Du Plat's, Adam's, and Halkett's brigades
put an end to this danger, and the garrison was so rein-
forced from Du Plat's troops as to render it ample for
the defence. On the right of Hougomont Mitchell's
infantry brigade, and that squadron of hussars which
Grant had left to watch Piré's light-horse, sufficiently
protected the right of the Allied line against the unim-
portant demonstrations which now and then were made
in this quarter. The outposts on the extreme Allied
left-Papelotte and La Haye-were held by Prince
Bernhard's Nassau troops against those of Durutte until
the coming up of Zieten’s corps in their rear brought on
a more serious conflict on this flank, when these farms
became part of the scene of the Prussian attack, as
Smohain and Frischermont had already done.
The attack upon the French right which Blücher
was preparing at the time Ney made his assault upon
La Haye Sainte continued throughout this
period of the battle. The Prussians advanced attack.
in two bodies : that on the right consisting of Losthin's
(15th) and Hacke's (13th) brigades, which confronted
Lobau in the open field ; that on the left of Ryssel's
(14th) and Hiller's (16th) brigades ; while the interval
between the two, which should have consisted of in-
fantry if the Prussian strength had been adequate, was
occupied by the reserve cavalry of Prince William of
Prussia. 221 On the Prussian right little progress was
made against Lobau, who, seconded by Durutte’s divi-
sion, made a firm stand; and Prince William's cavalry
The Prussian
221 See diagram, page 323.
336
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
The Prussian
attack.
suffered severely from the French musketry-two bri-
gadiers, Schwerin and Watzdorff, being killed. On
their left the Prussians had more immediate
success. Hiller formed his 16th brigade into
three columns of attack, each column consisting of two
battalions, and advanced upon Planchenoit, Ryssel's
brigade following in support. Duhesme, with eight bat-
talions of the Young Guard, occupied both sides of the
ravine through which lay the approach to the village.
" While he made a shower of bullets and chain-shot rain
on the Prussians, his youthful infantry 222—some from
among the trees and bushes, others from the houses in
the village--defended themselves with a murderous
discharge of musketry, and showed no inclination to
abandon their position.” The Prussians, however, after
capturing one howitzer and two guns, entered the village
and got possession of the churchyard, which was not
only strong, being enclosed within a low stone wall set
upon a steep outer bank, but from its elevation com-
manded the greater part of the village. But the
French quickly established themselves in the sur-
rounding houses and gardens, and concentrated their
fire upon the Prussians; and great loss occurred on
both sides within a very short time. French supports
presently came up, and one of their columns threatened
the Prussians in rear, so that they abandoned their
advantage and withdrew from the village, pursued by
Lobau's cavalry until they camé under cover of their
own batteries. The expelled Prussians rapidly rallied,
re-formed, and, by Blücher's orders, renewed the attack,
reinforced by 8 fresh battalions. “ These 14 battalions
descended into the ravine, which was lined on each side
222 Thiers, from whom this and
the following quotation concerning
the Planchenoit struggle are taken,
uses the word “ youthful” to de-
scribe the “ Young Guard,” every
man of which was a veteran.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-PRUSSTAN ATTACK.
337
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
6
by the French, and advanced into the midst of an actual Battle of
fiery gulf
. Hundreds fell, but the survivors closed their
ranks, marched over the dead bodies of their The Prussian
comrades, and, urging each other forward, suc- attack.
ceeded at length in entering Planchenoit, and reaching,
the termination of the ravine. Another step, and they
would be on the Charleroi road. The Young Guard fell
back, quite discomfited by the violence to which they
had been exposed. But Napoleon suddenly appears
among them. It is the privilege of the Old Guard to
repair every disaster.
This invincible troop will not
suffer us to lose our line of retreat, the last resource of
our army. Napoleon summoned Gen. Morand, and,
giving him a battalion of the 2d grenadiers and another
of the ad chasseurs, ordered him to repel this alarming
attack on our rear. He rode along in front of their
battalions. My friends,' he said, 'the decisive moment
is come: it will not suffice to fire; you must come hand
to hand with the enemy, and drive them back at the
point of the bayonet into that ravine, whence they have
issued to threaten the army, the Empire, and France.'
Vive l'Empereur,' was the sole reply of this heroic
troop. The two appointed battalions, leaving their post,
formed into column, and advanced, one on the right,
the other on the left of the ravine, whence the Prussians
were already issuing in great numbers. They advanced
on their assailants with such firmness of step and such
strength of arm that all yielded to their approach.
Enraged against an enemy that had sought to turn the
position, they overthrow or slaughter all that oppose
them, and soon put those battalions to flight that had
beaten the Young Guard. Sometimes with the bayonet,
sometimes with the butt-end of the musket, they stab
or strike; and such was the fury that animated them
that a drummer of one of the battalions pursued the
Z
.338
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
attack.
Battle of fugitives with his drumsticks. Carried away by the
torrent of confusion they had themselves produced, the
The Prussian two battalions of the Old Guard rushed into
the ravine and pursued the Prussians up the
opposite heights as far as the village of Maransart, oppo-
site to Planchenoit. Here they were received with a
volley of grape, and compelled to retreat ; but they re-
mained masters of Planchenoit and the Charleroi road, and
to avenge the defeat of the Young Guard two battalions
of the Old Guard had sufficed. The victims of this fear-
ful charge may be estimated at 2000.” Thiers' story
should be qualified by the statement that in this reso-
lute charge by the French the two battalions of the Old
Guard were by no means alone, but moved at the head
of the 8 battalions of the Young Guard. The struggle
terininated in an affair of cavalry, in which both sides
suffered loss, but neither gained material advantage.
Bülow had been defeated in his second attempt to take
Planchenoit, and it was determined not to make a third
trial until the arrival of Pirch's corps, now near at
hand. Meantime his troops re-formed in their original
position, which they maintained without difficulty.
Napoleon, seeing from their dispositions that another
attack would be made, sent further reinforcements in
this direction-one battalion of chasseurs of the Old
Guard, under Gen. Pelet, who was charged by all
means to hold Planchenoit, and another battalion of
chasseurs which was to occupy the wood of Chantelet
and prevent the village being turned on its right. Thus
II battalions of the Guard had by this time passed into
the defence against the Prussians, and Napoleon's sole
reserve, with which he must meet all further require-
ments of the battle, consisted of 12 battalions.223
7 P.I.
223 The Guard originally consist-
ed of 24 battalions_8 of the Old, 8
of the Middle, and 8 of the Young
Guard, 12,000 men in all; but after
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-PRUSSIAN ATTACK.
339
Waterloo.
Zieten’s ist Prussian corps was about entering the field Battle of
at this time that is, at the time when Wellington had
June 18.
retrieved the breaking of the Allied centre, The Prussian
IV.
and Blücher was re-forming his troops after attack.
their second repulse at Planchenoit; and his leading
brigade, Steinmetz's ist, together with a part of his re-
serve cavalry, were on their march from Ohain to join
Bülow's right at the eastern hamlets. The Duke of
Wellington, while hard-pressed on his right wing, had
sent his aide-de-camp, Col. Freemantle, in quest of what-
ever Prussian force might be nearest, to desire that it
would strengthen the weak points in his line and enable
him to maintain his ground. Zieten, however, declined
to make any detachment from his corps; yet the fact
of its approach enabled Vivian, who was afterwards
followed by Vandeleur, to take his light cavalry to the
relief of the endangered position.224
their loss at the battle of Ligay, two anything else. I knew if my troops
battalions of the Old Guard had been could keep my position till night,
consolidated into one.
I must be joined by Blücher before
224 Up to this time the expected morning, and we would not have left
assistance from the Prussians had Bonaparte an army next day. But, '
only taken the form of diminishing continued he, 'I owu I was glad as
the force which Napoleon could em- one hour of daylight slipped away
ploy against the Anglo-Allied army after another, and our position was
--- highly and perhaps decisively still maintained.'”
important aid, but one of which phrases Scott, and Thiers seems to
those in the Allied ranks were un- follow Alison when he says, “The
conscious. The pictures which have Duke of Wellington, who was as
been drawn of Wellington's anxious firm as Ney was brave, ... looked
outlook for Blücher agree in being at his watch and prayed that Blicher
very highly coloured.
or night might come to his rescue.”
bably started this line of historical The Rev. Mr. Abbott puts it much
decoration by this passage in Paul's more dramatically: " Wellington
Letters :-" A friend of ours had the stood upon a gentle eminence,
courage to ask the Duke of Welling- watching with intense anxiety for
ton whether in that conjuncture le the coming of Blücher. He knew
looked often to the woods from that he could hold out but a short
which the Prussians were expected time longer. As he saw his lines
to issue?— No,' was the answer; 'I melting away, he repeatedly looked
looked oftener at my watch than at at his watch, and then fixed his gaze
Alison para-
Scott pro-
Z 2
340
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
Napoleon's fourth grand attack had not been futile
like its predecessors. The taking of La Haye Sainte
had rendered it possible, by a sufficient exertion of force,
to break the Allied line; and this must have been ac-
complished by a well-timed onset of the French reserves.
But Napoleon, engrossed with the Prussians, had ig-
nored Ney's appeal and let the propitious moment pass ;
while Wellington, realising when it was well nigh too
late the possible consequences of the neglect to properly
defend La Haye Sainte, atoned for his oversight by the
prompt energy and judgment with which he repaired
the breach in his line and personally directed the dis-
he says,
66 It was
lem
upon the distant hills, and, as be masses which were collected to as-
wiped the perspiration which mental sault them." The Rev. Mr. Abbott,
anguish extorted from his brow, ex- however, knows a great deal better
claimed, “Would to Heaven that than this. “Two long, dark columns,"
Blücher or night would come !"" =
" of 30,000 each, the united
The circumstances under which the force of Blücher and Bülow, came
Duke, or other people, first saw the pouring over the hills." Then they
Prussians actually come are given came rushing upon the plain.”
by the historians with a diversity as Then “the Allied army saw at a
curious as the monotony about his glance its advantage, and a shout of
watch. In Paul's Letters, the Duke exultation burst simultaneously from
stands with Maitland's Guards, and their lips.” Siborne had shown
looking toward the French right, sees quite conclusively, long before the
the disorder consequent upon Zieten's time of Mr. Abbott, why the doings
corps' coming up.
of “the united force of Blücher and
marked,” says Scott, « that the Bülow were not observed by the
sharpness and precision of the Duke's
army:-“It was only from the
sight enabled him to mention these high ground on which the extreme
circumstances two or three minutes left of the Anglo-Allied line rested
before they could be discovered by that a general view could be obtained
the able officers around him." The of the Prussian movements. AS
Rev. Mr. Gleig, knowing the position regards, however, the village of
of Planchenoit and that Bülow's Planchenoit itself, the spire of the
troops arrived there, makes the cliurch was all that could be seen."
Duke look there for them :-" The While the Duke of Wellington, there-
Duke gazed, and soon saw the upris- fore, and someofhis officers were aware
ing of smoke over the trees. that the Prussians were in action,
He saw that Blücher was true to his they could not judge of their pro-
word. His troops beheld nothing gress, and the army in general was as
except the formidable outline of the
yet ignorant of their presence.
Allied army:
1
.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-PRUSSIAN ATTACK.
341
position of his troops until he had brought safety where Battle of
all had seemed on the verge of disaster.225 Napoleon,
Waterloo.
June 18.
IV.
225 Nothing can be more con- cumstance, the prevention of which
tradictory than the opinions as to was not entirely in his power.” On
the state of the battle at this period. the other hand, by all Englishmen at
On the one hand, the moderate and that time, and by many to this day, it
guarded Jomini says, in his Sum- has been denied that the victory was
mary, that “the victory was already ever for a moment in doubt; that the
more than won,”—by Napoleon, that final result was determined by the
is, at the time of the coming of intervention of the Prussians; or that
Zieten's corps, which was “more Wellington made any error in the
than sufficient to snatch victory from conduct of the battle. Such exag-
him.” And again : “It is almost cer geration of patriotism and hero-
tain that Napoleon would have re- worship of course overshot its mark
mained master of the field of battle, and provoked equally extravagant
but for the arrival of 65,000 Prus- depreciation, as in one of Byron's
sians (there were but 51,944] on his references in Don Juan to the Duke
rear,-a decisive and disastrous cir-
and his victory :
-Precedence upon such occasions
Will oftentimes make deadly quarrels burst
Out between friends as well as allied nations:
The Briton must be bold who really durst
Put to such trial John Bull's partial patience
As say that Wellington at Waterloo
Was beaten,-though the Prussians say so too;
" And that if Blücher, Bülow, Gneisenau,
And God knows who besides in au’and'ou,'
Had not come up in time to cast an awe
Into the hearts of those who fought till now
As tigers combat with an empty craw,
The Duke of Wellington had ceased to show
His orders, also to receive his pensions,
Which are the heaviest that our history mentions.”
The French, naturally enough, be- find himself conqueror. Brialmont,
lieved not only that the battle was referring to this current idea in order
theirs but for the Prussians' inter- to refute it, describes a caricature
vention, but even that Wellington of Wellington which circulated in
himself was thoroughly convinced of France, and bore these lines :-
his defeat, and was astonished to
“ D'où vient cet air d'étonnement
Sur ce visage où dật briller la gloire ?
C'est que le peintre a, maladroitement,
Peint le héros le jour de sa victoire."
342
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
on the other hand, was not only remiss in neglecting
the advantage which his lieutenant's valour had won
June 18.
IV.
What is it fills that face with puzzled wonder
Which really ought to beam with glory's ray?
The painter's drawn his hero, by a blunder,
As he appeared on his triumphal day.
Wellington himself-who never un- has already been discussed on page
dervalued his own achievements 207. = Much has been said of the
did not countenance the exaggerated Duke's exposure of his person
claims as to this battle, nor ignore throughout the whole battle, and
facts which were evident enough to especially at the time of the cavalry
those who witnessed it.
He was
charges and when rallying his broken
wont to say that there were several centre under a close and hot mus-
times when he “thought it was all ketry fire—constantly animating his
over with us,” and that “the last men by word and example, and
hour of the battle was indeed a try- always present at the point of danger.
ing one.” Sir Augustus Frazer- One instance of his coolness under
who attended the Duke during most fire occurred when he stood under
of the day, and whose judgment that the tree afterwards called after him,
Napoleon would have won the day through whose boughs the bullets
had the cavalıy charges been sup- were l'attling. “That's good prac-
ported by infantry, has been already tice,” he said to one of his staff; "I
quoted (see note 189, page 292, ad think they fire better than they did
fincm)—wrote of that and the suc- in Spain.” The two following are
ceeding period of the battle: “Several given by Siborne :-"At one period
times were critical; but confidence of the battle, when the Duke was
in the Duke, I have no doubt, ani- surrounded by several of his staff, it
mated every breast. His Grace ex- was very evident that the group
had
posed his person, not unnecessarily, become the object of the fire of a
but nobly; without his personal French battery. The shot fell fast
exertions, his continual presence
presence about them, generally striking and
wherever and whenever more than turning up the ground on which they
usual exertions were required, the stood. Their horses became restive,
day had been lost. "Twice have I
• Twice have I and Copenhagen' himself so fidgety
saved this day by perseverance,' said that the Duke, getting impatient,
his Grace before the last great strug- and having reason for remaining on
gle, and said so most justly.” Wel- this spot, said to those about him,
lington himself admitted lis fault in 'Gentlemen, we are rather too close
undervaluing La Haye Sainte; “but,” together—better to divide a little.' '
in Kennedy's words, " the error was Subsequently, at another point of the
most ably and nobly amended.” The line, an officer of artillery came up
other fault attributed to him in con- to the Duke, and stated that he had
nection with this part of the battle a distinct view of Napoleon, attended
—that of leaving 18,000 troops at by his staff; that he had the guns
Hal when his own line was so weak of his battery well pointed in that
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-PRUSSIAN ATTACK.
343
Waterloo
June 18
IV.
him, but he so inadequately informed himself as to the Battle of
state of the action in that part of the field that, when
he finally advanced his reserves, it was not against the
point weakened by Ney's attack, but against that which
Wellington had made the strongest in his entire line.
Napoleon's part in this attack, in short, justifies the
criticism of Brialmont: “ He made the first attack
against La Haye Sainte with over-deep masses ; he en-
gaged, or allowed to be engaged, his cavalry too soon;
finally, he showed some hesitation when, at 6 o'clock,
he had the proof that a general effort in the centre
might succeed. In general, all the attacks made during
this day had the defect of being badly supported.”=0n
the side of the Prussians Napoleon had, at any rate for
the moment, stayed their advance, and hoped not un-
reasonably that the reinforcements from the élite of the
Grand Army which he had sent to Lobau, one of the
ablest of his generals, might hold them in check while
he made his single remaining effort against the enemy
in his front. 226
other.'"
direction, and was prepared to fire. Waterloo by any one who does not
His Grace instantly and emphatically come to the conclusion that its result
exclaimed, “No! no! I'll not allow would have been eminently im-
it. It is not the business of com- perilled had the Duke of Wellington
manders to be firing upon each fallen in the action at any period of
The last incident is in it previous to the last general attack.”
strong contrast with the story- 226 Napoleon has been censured
which, however, is denied that at for not retreating, even at this junc-
the battle of Dresden Napoleon him- ture, instead of continuing the action
self directed the firing into the Allied against the combined Allied armies.
staff of that gun which brought down Bülow's position, ou his right and
Gen. Moreau. It is remarkable that l'ear and close upon the Charleroi
at Waterloo, while the casualties on road, was such as to make retreat
Napoleon's staff were inconsiderable, impossible from a military point of
not one of Wellington's escaped un- view. Speaking of a time before this
wounded. As to his preservation, difficulty arose—of the time when
Kennedy says: “I do not consider the Prussians first appeared,—Thiers
that any adequate idea can have shows the political impossibility :-
been forined as to the battle of “It was certainly in his power to re-
344
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
[Note.—The doings of Wellington's and of Blücher's forces
have hitherto been so entirely distinct that it has been possible
June 18.
IV.
treat and decline fighting, but it tune, staking his last soldier, as an
would be a very serious thing to unfortunate gamester, ruined, throws
retreat from a battle already com- his last piece of gold on the green
menced, and that in presence of both cloth of the gambling table.” = Besides
English and Prussians. Such con- retreating, Napoleon had another
duct would be a renunciation of the alternative, which Brialmont men-
ascendancy gained by the victory of tions thus :—“He [Napoleon] enter-
Ligny; it would be consenting to tained the idea for a moment of
recross as a fugitive the frontier changing his front to the rear, by
which two days before he had passed rendering Hougomont his pivot on
as a conqueror; and all this with the the left, and Planchenoit his point
conviction of having to meet, with- d'appui upon the right; but he im-
in a fortnight, 250,000 additional mediately abandoned that project,
enemies, when the Austrians, Rus- because, it is said, he still clung to
sians, and Bavarians would have ar- the hope of being joined by Grouchy,
rived. It was certainly better to and because, on the other hand, the
fight out a battle which, if gained, last report led him to believe that
would definitively maintain things the Allies were not in a condition
in the position in which we wished to offer a much more prolonged
to place them, than, by retreating, resistance." Brialmont, after ex-
allow the two invading columns from pressing his doubt of any story that
the north and east to unite and represents Napoleon as influenced by
overpower us with their combined a continued expectation of Grouchy's
forces. In the actual state of things coming, adds this note :-“This is
there was no choice but to conquer
Vaudoncourt's account; that of
or die. Napoleon was convinced of Gourgaud is a little different. Na-
this, and, as the events of the day poleon,' says he, “hesitated for a
assumed a more serious aspect, they moment whether he would not
taught him nothing that he had not change his line of operations and
previously known." Charras deals establish it on the Nivelles road,
with the same problem which Thiers thus turning the right of the Eng-
has considered, but reaches a different lish army instead of the left, and
solution. “It is very probable,” he marching upon Mont St. Jean by
says, “ that his [Napoleon's] personal the Nivelles road, after having car-
situation was not foreign to his de-
ried Braine-la-Leude." Gen. Gour-
termination to pursue success when gaud adds that the plan was aban-
success had become impossible. If
doned because it would have com-
he returned to France weakened, promised Grouchy, and favoured the
discredited by a check, he risked junction of the Allies.
By any
being precipitated from his throne. plan which allowed this junction
To maintain himself upon it he
Brialmont points out, "the object of
needed a victory, and under the sway the campaign would be defeated,
of this egotistical preoccupation he and the Emperor be obliged to re-
nerved himself to play against for- enter France, and to assume the
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-PRUSSIAN ATTACK.
345
Waterloo.
V.
to separate the accounts of the two. In the fifth phase of the Battle of
battle, however, the operations of the two Allied armies, at
first independent, presently combine. To avoid a digression June 18.
in the middle of Napoleon's last charge, it is necessary to
describe the doings of the Prussians down to their entering
upon the field of the Anglo-Allied action, before taking up
Napoleon's attack upon Wellington. The two trains of events
were, of course, simultaneous.]
7 P.J.
attack.
V.
Zieten's and Pirch's corps were rapidly approaching
the field, and portions of each came upon it, at the
time Napoleon was preparing his last reserve The Prussian
to attack the Anglo-Allied line. Zieten had
been expected to occupy the part of the position held
by Vandeleur's and Vivian's cavalry brigades, and these
troops, urgently needed at the centre, had moved thither
as soon as they knew of the Prussian approach on the
road from Ohain. But Zieten had sent forward a staff-
officer to reconnoitre, who judged from the signs in the
rear of the Allied centre that Wellington's right wing
was already retreating ; 227 and on the strength of his
defensive against half a million of had become impossible; even the
the Allies.” = Jomini, in his Sum- assembling of the entire Guard could
mary of the Campaign, says of Na- not be effected ; disorder began to
poleon's schemes at this juncture: infect the cavalry and Durutte's di-
" It is said, however, that he flat- vision, menaced by three times their
tered himself with leading fortune number on the plateau between Smo-
under his banner, by refusing his hain and the causeway; it was ne-
right threatened by very strong cessary to fly to D’Erlon's support."
forces, in order to bring all his efforts Yielding to this last necessity, ac-
to bear through his left on Hougo- cordingly, Napoleon arranged the
mont and Mont St. Jean--a l'ash last charge of the Guard. In his
change of front that necessarily Life of Napoleon Jomini makes the
abandoned the line of retreat to Emperor say, " This was a bold, and
Charleroi to follow a new one on by some considered a rash measure,
the Nivelles causeway, and which,
but its character cannot
moreover, destroyed all communica- be properly judged of, as circum-
tion with Grouchy. Had the suc- stances at the time prevented its
cess of this measure been in the execution."
least problematical, its execution
227 See note 216, page 328.
346
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
The Prussian
attack. V.
report Zieten called back his leading troops and changed
the direction of his advance, intending to join the corps
of Bülow, already in action. His error was soon
corrected by Baron Müffling, who had left Wel-
lington's headquarters-staff to dispose of these troops on
their arrival, had for some time awaited them, and now
galloped on to stop their false movement; and Zieten's
cavalry accordingly took up the position just vacated
by Vandeleur and Vivian, on the left of Best's Hano-
verian brigade, while his infantry went forward to take
part in the struggle for the hamlets in the valley. Here
the delay occasioned by Zieten's mistake had given a
momentary advantage to the enemy; for Durutte, who
held the apex of the angle at which Napoleon's line
turned, had made a vigorous push to establish himself
in a position which would sever communication between
Blücher and Wellington ; bis skirmishers had ejected
the Nassau brigade of Prince Bernhard from the hamlet
of Papelotte, but had been checked when trying to take
the Papelotte and La Haye farms; and further on his
right he was engaged with the Prussians under Bülow
who had got a foothold in Smohain.228 But Zieten
retrieved the loss. His ist brigade, that of Steinmetz,
came up on the right of Smohain and advanced
rapidly upon La Haye and Papelotte, where, partly
through haste, and partly from the uniforms of the
Nassauers, they mistook Prince Bernhard's troops for
French and fired upon them, and it was not until seve-
ral discharges had been interchanged, causing losses
on both sides, that the mistake was discovered. The
combined force of the Prussians and Nassauers now
7.30 P.M.
228 Exactly what passed here
is disputed. Brialmont says in his
text: " Durutte's division bad car-
ried in succession Papelotte, La
Haye, and Smohain." In a note he
adds:
“ This is denied by Van
Loben Sels, because the fact is not
related in any Dutch document.
But French authors are unanimous
in asserting it.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-PRUSSIAN ATTACK.
347
Waterloo.
June 18.
The Prussian
V.
V.
enabled them to dislodge the French from the eastern Battle of
hamlets, and gradually force them back into the
valley.229 =On Zieten's left, meanwhile, Pirch
had brought up to Bülow's assistance his re- attack.
serve cavalry and two of his infantry brigades, Tip-
pelskirchen's 5th and Krafft's 6th ; the third, Brause's
7th brigade, having been ordered to cross to the south
of the Lasne and occupy Maransart, so covering Bülow's
left flank; while the remaining brigade, Langen's 8th,
had been detained at Wavre by Grouchy's advance.280
Pirch himself led Tippelskirchen's brigade to reinforce
Hiller and Ryssel for the third storming of Planchenoit,
having Krafft's brigade as a reserve. The cavalry of
the ad corps was deployed in three lines on the right
of that of the 4th corps, thus occupying the interval
between the wings of Blücher's force, and confronting
Domont's French cavalry, then in reserve.
The dispo-
sition of the Prussians, as they made ready to attack
Planchenoit with their left wing and Lobau's force with
their right, were as shown in the diagram.231 The
229 Brialmont-following a letter heartening and ominous cry, “The
from Prince Bernhard of Saxe- Prussians! The Prussians!'
Weimar to his father, which is Napoleon (in Gourgaud) charges Du-
quoted by Van Loben Sels--thus re- rutte's division with having made
counts this attack:--"Blücher found a bad defence of La Haye. He
himself in the presence of the Nassau asserts also that in the ranks of this
troops, under the command of the division the cry was raised, ' Sauve
Prince of Saxe-Weimar, who still qui peut !!' But Marshal Ney, who
wore the uniform of the Imperial was at hand, and quitted the field of
army. Blücher, mistaking them for
battle among the last, affirms that he
the enemy, drove them from their heard no such cry.”
position. The French officers ob-
230 See page 162.
served the retrograde movement, and 231 The diagram is on the next
shouted, "The left gives way! page. = The accessions at 7 o'clock
Grouchy is coming!' The word had brought up Blücher's strength
flew from mouth to mouth, but was to 51,944 men and 104 guns, as fol-
immediately succeeded by the dis-
lows:
ZIETEN
BÜLOW
PIRCH
:
Frischermont
Smohain
La Haye
Schulenberg
Papelotte
Krafft, 6
Hacke, 13
Schwerin
Sydon
and
Sohr
Thumen Schulenberg
Sohr
Schwerin
Watzdorf
Losthin, 15
Steinmetz, I
BÜLOW
DURUTTE
"
Ryssel, 14,
Hiller, 16,
Tippelskirchen, 5 } PIRCH
JEANNIN
Subervie
Subervie
SIMMER
Dumont
Imperial Guard
LOBAU
La Belle
Alliance
Planche noit
Charleroi
Road
BATTLE OF WATERL00-PRUSSİAN ATTACK.
349
Waterloo.
June 18.
The Prussian
V.
7.30 P.J.
Prussians moved to the attack at just about the time Battle of
the Imperial Guard, on the other side of the field,
came in conflict with Wellington's line. While
Zieten's cavalry attached themselves to the attack. V.
Anglo-Allied line, and followed its movements, his in-
fantry, the brigade of Steinmetz, united with Prince
Bernhard's, drove Durutte's division backward from the
eastern hamlets, took his artillery, and pursued him in
the direction of La Belle Alliance, reaching the Charleroi
road from the east just as the defeated Imperial Guard
were driven upon it from the west.232 = Next on Zieten’s
Infantry
Cavalry
Artillery
Guns
.
Previously in the field
Part of Zieten's (1st) corps
Pirch's (20)
25,381
2,582
13,520
2,720
1,670
4,468
1,143
274
386
64
16
24
Total
41,283
8,858
1,803
104
The infantry of Blücher's force was success. Siborne goes with his coun-
drawn up in columns of battalions, trymen in representing that Durutte's
arranged checker wise: for instance, division became alarmed by the dis-
Krafft's brigade was formed thus- aster in its rear, and says that it
at once saw the certainty of its
being cut off if it remained in its
present attitude, and hence, aware of
its own helplessness, it took to flight.”
In the long interval between the = Thiers, on the other hand, takes
battalions in the front line was the the Prussian view so decidedly as to
artillery. Skirmishers preceded each say that "the Prussian corps com-
column in the usual manner.
manded by Zieten, arriving unex-
232 One of the many disputes as pectedly, turned into defeat what
to the order and relative importance might have been a victory, though a
of events arises at this point. The sanguinary and dearly purchased one.”
English claim that the Imperial Thiers fixes the first panic and cries
Guard's defeat and flight produced of " Sauve qui peut ! ” among Du-
the panic and flight of the French rutte's troops at the moment when
centre and right, and that the Prus- Napoleon was yet preparing the ad-
sians did little more than follow up vance of the Imperial Guard.
the fugitives. The Prussians hold Jomini—who is singularly incorrect
that Zieten's attack originated the as to the hours at which events
movement of the French in retreat, occurred during this battle, but won-
quite independently of the British derfully clear in his insight into
350
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
8.15 P.M.
left, Bülow's right wing, composed of Losthin's and
Hacke's brigades, had moved at the same time upon
The Prussian Lobau, preluding their attack by a storm of
attack. V. artillery fire much heavier than the French
could bring to bear in reply. Lobau fought with his .
invariable skill and valour, and held his ground until
Durutte's troops--and indeed those of D'Erlon's whole
corps—swept past his left flank and rear in an uncon-
trollable panic. This quickly spread through his ranks,
and Lobau's corps was added to the mass of fugitives
into which the entire right wing of the Grand Army
had by this time dissolved.
In Planchenoit the struggle was very differently
contested, outlasting that in any other part of the field.
The strength of the Imperial Guard which occupied the
village had been reinforced since the last attack by
Gen. Pelet's battalion of chasseurs of the Old Guard ;
and the central portion of the village was now strongly
held, especially the walled churchyard, which was
made a sort of fortress. The leading columns from
the assailing Prussian brigades-Tippelskirchen's, of
the 2d corps, and Ryssel's and Hiller's, of the 4th-
moved through a heavy fire from the French batteries
cause and effect-makes the defeat riority, at the
riority, at the same time that
of both French wings simultaneous, Blücher's Prussian cavalry outflanks
and that of each independent of what Durutte, and thus gets in rear of
befell the other. “Zieten,” he says, the line." It appears to be pretty
easily overthrows Durutte, at the clear that Jomini's statement is cor-
same time he [though this was Pirch] rect, and that the repulse of the
outflanks the left of the crotchet French at either extremity of their
formed by Lobau and the Young line~of the Guard by Wellington
Guard. . . All this portion of the and of Durutte by Zieten-was so
Imperial army, overrun and sur- nearly coincident that it is impossible
rounded by quadruple numbers, to determine the priority. Probably
crowd upon each other and seek the two events were wholly inde-
safety in flight. . .. Wellington, pendent of one another, and the post
on his part,
burst on the Old hoc crgo propter hoc, is entirely in-
Guard with an overwhelming supe- applicable.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-PRUSSIAN ATTACK.
351
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
into the approaching lanes, and made their way toward Battle of
the eastern side of the church. - The Prussians, extend-
ing their front so as to envelop a considerable The Prussian
portion of the churchyard, and taking advan- attack. V.
tage of the houses and enclosures which they had reached
on their own side, maintained a terrific fire upon their
opponents, and, as the latter appeared determined to keep
them at bay till the last, a great loss of life occurred on
both sides. The soldiers of the Imperial Guard fought
desperately, and so greatly was their animosity excited
that some officers of the 15th Prussian regiment and of
the Silesian Landwehr, who had been made prisoners in
the previous attack, were with difficulty saved by Gen.
Pelet's personal exertions from becoming a sacrifice
to their fury. Reinforcements were moved into the
churchyard from the reserves on the western side,
and the pertinacity with which the attacks upon it
were repelled showed very plainly that other means
than that of a front assault must be resorted to for
forcing the French from a post which afforded them
such superior advantages in the defence of the village.
If the Prussians attempted to outflank the churchyard
by advancing along the low open space on its right,
they became exposed to the commanding fire from its
walls, to that from the opposite houses, and, in front, to
the reserves. If they ventured to pass close by its
left, they had but a narrow road open to them, bounded
by the churchyard wall on one side, strongly lined by
the defenders, and by the houses on the other which
the enemy still occupied, and presenting also at its
further extremity a farm-house and its offices in flames,
situated so close to the churchyard as to conceal by its
smoke
any column of reserve that might be posted in
that quarter. Hence it was determined to act upon a
broader extent of front, and to turn the entire village
352
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo,
June 18.
" 233
V.
attack. V.
on both flanks, so as either to force or to intercept
the retreat of the enemy from his stronghold in the
The Prussian churchyard.
A strong force of Prussian
skirmishers was accordingly pushed forward
on the south of Planchenoit on both sides of the
Lasnes, and especially upon a ridge of ground between
the Lasnes and the rivulet flowing through the village,
where a party of the Guard made a resolute stand.
“Along the crest of this ridge runs a narrow road, with
several cottages on either side ; the ground is thoroughly
intersected with hedges and studded with trees, and
altogether admirably adapted for a protracted defence
by light troops. Every house, every hedge, and every
lane was gallantly contested. The Prussians, not only
boldly attacking in front, but skilfully and gradually
turning the ridge on both sides, at length gained posses-
sion of all this portion of the village, and thus outflanked
the troops in the churchyard, who maintained to the
last the most desperate defence. In the meantime, the
houses and enclosures on the left (north] of the church
had also been turned on that side by the right of the
Prussian attack, and principally by the 5th Westphalian
Landwehr, the skirmishers of which had beaten back their
opponents close under the walls of the burning buildings
the bright flames of which, gleaming upon the com-
batants who rent the air with their shouts, gave a
peculiar wildness to this scene of mortal strife. But
still more wild and awful must have been the scene
within the church, as the red flood of light which they
poured through the windows of the aisles fell upon the
agonised and distorted features of the wounded and the
dying with which the sacred edifice was at that moment
filled. The Prussians continued pressing forward along
233 This quotation and that following are from Siborne.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO—PRUSSIAN ATTACK,
353
Waterloo.
June 18,
The Prussian
V.
both ffanks of the village, driving the Imperial Guard Battle of
from house to house, from hedge to hedge, and from
tree to tree, until at length it became obvious
to the French that their rear would soon be attack.
intercepted. The latter were also by this time fully
aware of the déroute of the main army, and, giving up
all for lost, as they fell back upon the western portion
of the village, they made a hasty.and disorderly retreat
toward Maison du Roi. The chasseurs of the Old Guard
were the last to quit the churchyard, and suffered severely
as they retired. Their numbers were awfully diminished,
and Pelet, collecting together about 250 of them, found
himself vigorously assailed by the Prussian cavalry
from the moment he quitted the confines of Planchenoit
and entered upon the plain between the latter and the
highroad. At one time, his ranks having opened out
too much in the hurry of their retreat, some of the
Prussian troops in pursuit, both cavalry and infantry,
endeavoured to capture the eagle, which, covered with
black crape, was carried in the midst of this devoted
little band of veterans. Pelet, taking advantage of a
spot of ground which afforded them some degree of
cover against the fire of grape by which they were con-
stantly assailed, halted the standard-bearer and called
out, “ A moi, chasseurs ! sauvons l'aigle ou mourons
autour d'elle ! ” The chasseurs immediately pressed
around him, forming what is usually termed the rally-
ing-square, and, lowering their bayonets, succeeded in
repulsing the charge of cavalry. Some guns were then
brought to bear upon them, and subsequently a brisk
fire of musketry; but, notwithstanding the awful sacrifice
which was thus offered up in defence of their precious
charge, they succeeded in reaching the main line of
retreat, favoured by the universal confusion, as also
by the general obscurity which now prevailed, and
Α Α
354
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
thus saved alike the eagle and the honour of the re-
giment.234
Bülow and Pirch had thus swept away the last con-
The Prussian tending remnant of the Grand Army, and
altack. V. they now joined their victorious countrymen
and allies on their right in the general pursuit.
V. Last Charge of the Imperial Guard.
Napoleon was no sooner relieved for the moment
from the pressure of the Prussians on his right by the
repulse of Bülow's second assault upon Planchenoit than
he set himself to the preparation of his last reserves for
another and decisive attack upon the British line, in the
7 P..
234 Siborne makes no tribute to of former acquaintance, but the Duke
Lobau's services on the French right. refused to see any of them, and
Thiers only mentions him as among drily added that he associated only
the wounded. Chesney says of him : with gentlemen.” = Jomini, in the
"Lobau, who altogether had 16,000 Summary of the Campaign of 1815,
men placed under him that day, says of the last struggle in this part
held his own in the village man- of the field : “The Young Guard
fully. Not even amid the burning and Lobau struggle with rare bravery
ruins by the Danube, where he first against the constantly increasing for-
won Napoleon's praise and saved the ces of the Prussians. ... Duhesme
Grand Army from an earlier Water- and Barrois are severely wounded;
loo [at Aspern], had this brave Lobau, in endeavouring to rally bis
general shown a more undaunted men, falls into the lands of the
courage. Honoured be the man who
enemy; Pelet shows front with
by his devotion not only gave to his a handful of heroes, about whom
falling chief that last desperate crowd a scattered few.
chance, but time for escape when it report of Gen. Gneisenau on this
too was lost, and the Empire over- celebrated battle will ever l'emain
thrown !” Sir Augustus Frazer's the wost splendid testimony to the
only reference to Lobau is in this heroic defence of these 12,000 or
discreditable story: “Among the 15,000 French against 60,000 Prus-
generals taken is, as report says, sians, favoured, moreover, by the
Lefebyre-Desmouettes; if so, he nature of the battlefield, which,
ought to be hanged. A Count rising on their side into an amphi-
Lobau, governor of these provinces, theatre, gave to their numerous
and well known to the Duke, was artillery a terrible ascendancy over
also taken, and, with several generals, that of their adversaries."
wished to see his Grace on the score
The very
19
BATTLE OF WATERLOO--LAST ATTACK.
355
Waterloo
June 18.
.V.
desperate hope of forcing Wellington from the field Battle of
before Blücher had time to develop his strength. He
had at his disposal only 12 battalions of intact troops—
the entire 8 battalions of the Middle Guard and 4 of
the Old ; and 2 of these were quite as small a force as
ought to be left in defence of the headquarters.
Drouot brought up these veterans from the position
they had hitherto occupied in rear of La Belle Alliance
into the space between the south-eastern angle of
Hougomont and the Charleroi road, and the 10 bat-
talions destined for the attack were drawn up in two
columns in rear of the central elevation. To these was
given the task of breaking Wellington's line at the old
point of attack on the right wing. At the same time
the whole extent of the Allied line was to be assailed
with redoubled violence by all the French infantry
corps; and the wasted remains of the cavalry, in such
order as their shattered state permitted, were drawn up
in rear and on both flanks of the columns of the Guard,
ready to follow their advance if they succeeded, or to
cover their retreat if they failed.235= This mustering of
1
235 The diagram at page 323 will cing on the French left of Durutte-
explain the charge of the Guard if who was engaged with Prince Bern-
the changed position of the British hard and Zieten, as already described
light cavalry regiments be borne in in the text-Marcognet's division at-
mind. These had left their ground tacked Best's brigade; Alix attacked
on the extreme left of the Allied Pack, Kempt, and Lambert ; Donze-
line, which was now held by Zietenºs lot attacked the 3d division and the
Prussian cavalry, and had moved to various troops intermixed with it;
the right-Vandeleur's brigade now the Imperial Guard attacked Mait-
standing in rear of D’Aubremé's laud's brigade of British Guards and
Dutch-Belgian infantry brigade, and Adau's 3d British brigade ; Bachelu
Vivian's in rear of the 3d division, supported the Imperial Guard ; and
that is, covering the space from Kiel- Foy and Jerome renewed their
mansegge's to Ditmar's brigade. All efforts to take Hougomont. = The ar-
the Anglo-Allied infantry retained rangement of the Guard for the
their former positions, and were con-
attack is shown in the diagram on
fronted for the most part by the same
the following page.
antagonists as before, viz.: commen-
A : 2
356
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
Battle of the enemy's troops was not lost upon Wellington, who,
moreover, had been explicitly warned by a deserting
June 18.
V.
el
Ist bat. 3d Gren.
2d
Middle
Ist za chas. (Guard.
2d
'Ist bat. 4th Gren.
Middle ed
Guard ist
4th Chas.
2d
Old Ist Ist Ohas.
Guard 1 zd
The column nearest the Charleroi with their high bear-skin caps, ad-
road consisted of 4 battalions, 2 of vancing in good order. Those who
grenadiers and 2 of chasseurs,- have never witnessed the arrival of
all of the Middle Guard,--formed the Guard on the battlefield can
in columns of divisions in mass. never know the confidence which is
The column on the left consisted inspired by a body of tried soldiers,
of 6 battalions, 4 of which were -the kind of respect paid to cour-
of grenadiers and chasseurs
of age and force. The soldiers of the Old
the Middle Guard, formed as in the Guard were nearly all old peasants,
other column; and the 2 rear bat- born before the Republic,-men five
talions were chasseurs of the old feet and six inches in height, thin
Guard, and marched both to the and well-built, who had held the
rear and to the left of the leading plough for convent and château ;
battalions of the column. The 10 afterwards they were levied with all
battalions contained 6,000 men, the rest of the people, and went to
Thiers says, “all well tried and Germany, Holland, Italy, Egypt,
more or less experienced soldiers, re- Poland, Spain, and Russia, under
solved to conquer or die, and equal Kleber, Hoche, and Marceau, and
to forcing the lines of any infantry under Napoleon afterwards. He
whatever." Chesney speaks of them took special care of them and paid
as "altogetber too weak for the them liberally. They regarded them-
work put upon them;" but he con- selves as proprietors of an immense
tinues, " They advanced, these vete- farm, which they must defend and
rans, with the steadiness of troops enlarge more and more. This gained
long accustomed to wrest victory from them consideration; they were de-
doubtful battle." The effect upon fending their own property. They
the French army of their moving is no longer knew parents, relatives, or
thus told by the Erckmann-Chatrian compatriots; they only knew the
conscript:-“ From all sides, over Emporor; he was their God. And
the thunder of cannon, over all the lastly, they had adopted the King of
tumult, the cry was heard, “The Rome, who was to inherit all with
Guard is coming!' Yes, the Guard them, and to support and honour
was coming at last! We could see them in their old age. Nothing like
them in the distance on the highway, them was ever seen: they were so
BATTLE OF WATERL00-LAST ATTACK.
357
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
French officer of cuirassiers, who rode up to Adam's Battle of
brigade and surrendered himself, giving the informa-
tion that Napoleon would himself attack the Allied
line with the Imperial Guard in a quarter of an hour.
The Duke had been engaged in perfecting his measures
for receiving them when he was summoned to the
centre to repair the disaster to the 3d division.236
accustomed to march, to dress their disciplined banditti. Depravity,
lines, to load, and fire, and cross recklessness, and bloodthirstiness
bayonets, that it was done mechani- were burned into their faces. If
cally in a ineasure, whenever there such fellows had governed the
was a necessity. When they ad- world, what must have become of it?
vanced, carrying arms, with their Black mustachios, gigantic bear-
great caps, their white waistcoats
skins, and a ferocious expression
and gaiters, they all looked just were their characteristics. They
alike: you could plainly see that it were tall and bony, but narrow-
was the right arm of the Emperor chested. Ou seeing our own men
which was coming. When it was afterwards on the road from Bayonne
said in the ranks, “The Guard is to Boulogne, it was easy to predict
going to move,' it was as if they had which would have the best of it in a
said, “The battle is gained.' . . . It close struggle.” = Of their leadership
was Ney who commanded them, as in their last charge, Charras says
he had commanded the cuirassiers. that, “ under Ney's orders, marched
The Emperor knew that nobody the Lieutenant-Generals Friant,
could lead them like Ney, only he Roguet, Michel, and the Marshals of
should have ordered them up an hour the Camp Poret de Morvan, Harlet,
sooner, when our cuirassiers were in
Mallet—a general to a battalion.”
the squares; then we should have 236 Sir Augustus Frazer thus re-
gained all. But the Emperor looked lates the warning of the grand at-
upon his Guard as upon his own tack:—“His [Napoleon's] last at-
flesh and blood; ... to have ano- tack we were aware of: an
ther such Guard, he must commence officer of the Imperial cuirassiers,
at twenty-five and gain fifty victo- whether a deserter or not I could
ries, and what remained of the best, not determine, apprised me of it,
most solid, and the toughest would pointing to the side on which he
be The Guard." = English eyes, na- said the attack would be made in a
turally, were differently impressed quarter of an hour. It was neces-
by the Guard.
" When I was at
sary to find the Duke, from whom I
Fontainebleau in 1814," wrote B. R. had been for a little separated in as-
Haydon, the artist, “I strolled one swing some guns which were about
evening to ihe parade. More dread- to be abandoned from a momentary
ful-looking fellows than Napoleon's want of ammunition; but, finding
Guard I bad never seen. They had my friend Gen. Adam at the head
the look of thoroughbred, veteran, of his brigade of infantry, I gave
358
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo
June 18
y.
7.30 P.M.
A cannonade, as usual, preceded the attack, but per-
ceptibly less violent than heretofore, since on both sides
the ammunition was becoming exhausted, and, especially
on that of the Allies, many batteries had been disabled.
But upon the track along which the Imperial Guard
must advance the British artillery officers had concen-
trated the fire of a great number of guns, which swept
this particular space with fatal precision. The French
were obliged to withhold their artillery fire as their own
columns advanced, until they should have descended
sufficiently into the valley to be below its range; and
during this interval the thunder of the Prussian guns
on the east made itself heard so tremendously as greatly
to endanger the morale of the charging columns. To
prevent any wavering at this supreme moment, Na-
poleon-who was himself ordering the array of the
Guard—sent aides-de-camp along the line to proclaim
that the guns heard were Grouchy's, and that victory
was now assured.237 Stimulated to fresh ardour hy this
the cuirassier to him, and rode on who dreaded treachery. Napoleon
to correct another mistake of the rode to meet the fugitives, spoke to
moment; and, before I could rejoin them, led them back to their post,
the Duke, Adam had reported the and then returned to La Haye
important information, so that the Sainte, when, looking towards the
necessary dispositions were made." plateau, he perceived some move-
237 “ This useful falsehood," as ment among the cavalry, that had
Thiers terms it, deceived not only hitherto been quite immovable. A
the men but their officers, even Ney dark presentiment filled his mind,"
himself. The alarm, according to and, to cut the story short, he set
Thiers, came from the attack of
going the
Grouchy fabrication.
Zieten upon Durutte, which, if Thiers Then, “having sent Labedoyère to
could ever be trusted as to matters disseminate this useful falsehood,"
of time, would settle the sequence he went back to the arrangement
of these disputed events (see note of his Guard. Scott is so far in-
232, page 349). His story is that clined to be charitable that, in his
“Napoleon was engaged in arranging Life of Napoleon, he gives the story
them (the Guard] in columns of at- this turn :-"Buonaparte told the
tack, . . . when he saw some of Du- soldiers, and indeed imposed the
rutte's troops abandon the Papelotte same fiction on their commander,
farm, at the cry of Sauve qui peut,' that the Prussians whom they saw
uttered either by traitors or by those on the right were retreating before
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-LAST ATTACK,
359
V.
auspicious news, the entire front line, so far as it was Battle of
Waterloo.
not already in action, pressed forward to the final
June 18.
struggle. New accessions of numbers gave renewed
vigour to the attacks upon Hougomont and before La
Haye Sainte, and swarms of skirmishers crowded onward
from end to end of the valley. The advance of the
Guard was quickened by the spell of Napoleon's pre-
sence, for he stationed himself upon the central eleva-
tion beside the “ hollow-way” of the Charleroi road,
and by word or gesture addressed each battalion as it
passed, stirring to the utmost the enthusiasm of this
proud corps, and eliciting from them rapturous cries of
“ Vive l’Empereur ! ” 238 The right-hand column of the
Grouchy. Perhaps he might him- in tatters and soaked with blood,
self believe that this was true.” = every one who could put one foot
The effect of Grouchy's reported ar- before the other, joined the Guard
rival on the French lines is told by when it passed before the breaches
the Erckmann-Chatrian conscript:- in the wall of the garden, and every
“ This terrible attack took place in one tore open his last cartridge.”
the greatest confusion. Our whole 238 A good deal has been said
army joined in it; all the remnant in the Morituri salutamus strain
of the left wing and centre ; all that about this last march of the Guard
was left of the cavalry, exhausted before their idolized Emperor. Sen-
by six hours of fighting; every one timentalists of the heroic turn, vho
who could stand or lift an arm. prefer dramatic attitudinizing to
When the news arrived that Grouchy common sense, have greatly deplored
was coming even the wounded rose Napoleon's not heading the Guard
up and took their places in the himself and perishing with it. It
ranks. It seemed as if a breath had is in this spirit that Scott, in the
raised the dead, and all those poor Field of Waterloo, closes his picture
fellows in the rear of La Haye of the scene with a cheap and flip-
Sainte, with their bandaged heads pant taunt:-
and arms and legs, with their clothes
666 On! on!' was still his stern exclaim,
• Confront the battery's jaws of flame!
Rush on the leveli'd gun!
My steel-clad cuirassiers, advance !
Each Hulan forward with his lance !
My Guard—my chosen-charge for France,
France and Napoleon!'
Loud answer'd their acclaiming shout,
Greeting the mandate which sent out
Their bravest and their best to dare
The fate their leader shunn'd to share."
:
360
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
Guard moved first to the attack, led by Ney. It ad-
vanced along the northern spur from the central eleva-
tion, directing its course against that portion of the
Allied heights behind which Maitland's brigade of
Guards were lying for shelter from the French can-
nonade ; and it soon began to suffer severely from the
Allied batteries, nearly all of which in the right wing
were brought to bear upon it. Ney's horse (as usual)
was shot, and the Marshal drew his sword and ad-
vanced on foot; Gen. Friant, commander of the grena-
diers, fell severely wounded; Gen. Michel, of the
chasseurs, was killed, and his fall caused a momentary
delay and loss of order; but the column pressed on,
though its numbers were rapidly diminishing, and pre-
sently drew so near the Allied position that the French
fire against this point stopped. Wellington at this
moment, returning from the lately endangered centre,
rode up to Napier's battery at the right of Maitland's
brigade, asked who commanded it, and said, “Tell him
to keep a look-out to his left, for the French will soon
be with him.” Almost as he spoke the tall bear-skin
caps began to appear above the brow of the heights ;
then the skirmishers mounted the slope and opened a
sharp fire against the gunners; then Napier's guns gave
a blast of canister, grape, and shrapnel, that scattered
the skirmishers and wrought havoc in the column itself,
=To the Rev. Mr. Abbott it must remember that the safety of France
have been a real grief that his ideal depended solely upon him. Yield-
hero did not on this occasion launch ing to their solicitations, he resigned
into heroics ; he tells how it hap- the command to Ney.” Mr. Abbott,
pened otherwise, in these terms :- however, finds consolation, such as
“ The Emperor placed himself at the it is, by telling how the Guard went
head of this devoted and invincible on “to oppose their bare bosoms to
band, and advanced in front of the point-blank discharges from batteries
British lines, apparently intending double-shotted or loaded to the
himself to lead the charge. But the muzzle with grape.”
officers of his staff entreated him to
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-LAST ATTACK.
361
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
now only 40 to 50 yards distant. But the Guard came Battle of
on, and its leading ranks gained the summit. “To the
astonishment of the officers who were at their head,
there appeared in their immediate front no direct im-
pediment to their further advance. They could only
distinguish dimly through the smoke extending from
Napier's battery the cocked hats of a few mounted
officers, little imagining, probably, that the most pro-
minent of these was the great Duke himself. Pressing
boldly forward, they had arrived within 50 paces of the
spot on which the British Guards were lying down,
when Wellington gave the talismanic call — Up,
Guards : make ready!' and ordered Maitland to
attack. It was a moment of thrilling excitement. The
British Guards, springing up so suddenly in a most
compact four-deep line, appeared to the French as if
starting out of the ground. The latter, with their high
bonnets, as they crowned the summit of the ridge, ap-
peared to the British through the smoky haze like a
corps of giants bearing down upon them. The British
Guards instantly opened their fire with a tremendous
volley, thrown in with so much coolness, deliberation,
and precision, that the head of the column became as it
were convulsed by the shock, and nearly the entire
mass staggered under the effect. In less than a single
minute more than 300 of these brave old warriors fell,
to rise no more. But the high spirit and innate valour
which actuated the mass were not to be subdued by a
first repulse. Its officers, placing themselves conspicu-
ously in its front and on its flanks, called aloud, waved
their swords, and by encouraging words and gestures
commenced a deployment in order to acquire a more
extended front. But, the head of the column being
continually shattered and driven back upon the mass
by the well-sustained and rapidly-destructive fire by
362
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
1
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
which it was assailed within so extremely limited a
space, this attempt altogether failed. The front of the
column was becoming momentarily more disordered
and broken up; men were turning round and disap-
pearing by the flanks ; whilst others in the rear were
firing over the heads of those before them. The con-
fusion into which the French Guard had been thrown
now became manifest. The Duke ordered Maitland to
charge, whilst, at the same instant, the gallant Lord
Saltoun, equally alive to the real situation of the
column, called out, “Now's the time, my boys!' The
brigade sprang forward, with a loud cheer, to the
charge. Numbers of the French Guard nearest to the
British threw down their arms and knapsacks and dis-
persed. The flanks began rapidly to spread out; and
then the mass, partaking more generally of the panic,
appeared as if rent asunder by some invisible power.
The broken column fell back and retired into the
valley, pursued for some distance down the slope by
Maitland's brigade and a portion of Sir C. Halkett’s, on
its left; but soon Maitland discovered the second
column of the Imperial Guard approaching on his right
in such a direction as to threaten to turn his flank, and
he gave the order to face about and retire. In the
midst of the tumult the order was imperfectly heard
and was generally understood to be “ Forın square,
with which some battalions began to comply, while the
officers of others endeavoured to arrest the mistake, and
disorder ensued ; but the Guards, though in confusion,
regained the height without mishap, re-formed promptly,
and were in readiness for the new enemy approaching
" 239
them. 240
239 The quotation is from Si-
borne.
2:10 During this attack by the
first column of the Imperial Guard,
Sir C. Halkett bad led forward the
two right-hand regiments of his bri-
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-LAST ATTACK.
363
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
The second column of the Imperial Guard did not Battle of
move to the attack until some time after the advance
of the first column—the interval between the two being
from 10 to 12 minutes. This left-hand column had
been formed in the hollow ground near the south-
eastern angle of the Hougomont fields, and it marched
alongside their eastern boundary-hedge until, on coming
within the area of the Allied cannonade, it swerved to
its right, either to gain the shelter of an undulation of
the ground against the destroying fire, or to direct its
attack against the same point in the Allied line at
which the preceding column was then engaged. At
the same time a body of French cuirassiers was pushed
forward to silence the batteries on Maitland's right,
which were cutting down the Guard, and it succeeded so
far as to disperse the gunners of one battery and drive
in the skirmishers of a part of Adam's brigade ; but
these horsemen 'were checked by the return of the 52d
British regiment, in a formation to receive cavalry, to
its old post before the main line, and they were over-
gade--the 33d and 69th-so as to bremé's brigade, of Chassé's Dutch-
cover Maitland's flank against any Belgian division, had stood on Mait-
attack from Donzelot, then fiercely land's right-rear during this charge,
assailing Alten's division. This forming three squares, of two batta-
brought the brigade into a very ex- lions each. There was no fighting
posed position, and it suffered ac- within their sight, but the noise of the
cordingly, Halkett himself being approach of the second column of the
shot through the mouth by a musket Imperial Guard so disquieted them
bullet, and obliged to leave the field, that, when Maitland's troops in pur-
while all the commissioned officers suing moved out of their front, they
of the 73d regiment fell except began to leave their ranks, and were
Major Kelly, then on Wellington's only kept in the field by Vandeleur's
staff, who now left it to command closing up the squadron intervals of
his regiment.
Col. Elphinstone, his cavalry brigade in their rear and
who succeeded Halkett in command holding them back. The Dutch-
of the brigade, got it into order just Belgian officers exerted themselves
in time to receive another attack to restore order and confidence, but
from Donzelot's columns, delivered it was manifest that no fighting could
as the second column of the Imperial be expected from the men.
Guard attacked Maitland. = D'Au-
364
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
come by a squadron of the 23d British light dragoons,
which pursued them far across the plain and into the
rear of the Guard, until it fell into the fire of a French
infantry column and was forced to turn back. The
second column of the Guard, meanwhile, had continued
its advance with great spirit and in excellent order,
covering its left front from the view of the British line
by throwing out a great number of skirmishers. To
oppose these, each battalion of Adam's brigade pushed
out a company to act as skirmishers, and the brigade
itself—following the inspiration of Sir John Colborne,
the colonel commanding the 52d regiment—moved
into a formation which would enable it to fall upon the
Imperial Guard in flank when its front was in the act
of attacking Maitland's Guards.241 66 The head of the
241 To understand the conduct of regiments had taken when brought
Adam's brigade during the culmi- into the first line (note 210, page
nating struggle of the battle, we 321), and which they had resumed
must remember the positions its on the threatening of this- attack;
Napier's
Battery
Wavre Road
2 bat 95th / 111111
Maitland's
1stbrigade
sad
Adam's 3d Brigade
7757
IIII 110 MI MU
Middle
Guard
3d.bat
95th
IIII DIO
Old Guard
also the peculiar four-deep forma-
tion of the brigade (note 212, page
322). Colborne, afterwards Lord
Seaton, was a man of mark in the
British army—"peerless among all
the brave men who led Wellington's
battalions," Chesney describes him ;
and the discipline of his 52d regiment
was noted, and had won it great ſame
in the Peninsular war.
Colborne
had watched carefully the move-
ments of the Imperial Guard, until
he assured himself that it was about
to advance diagonally in front of his
own line : discerning his opportunity,
he waited for no orders, but wheeled
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-LAST ATTACK.
365
Waterlou.
June 18.
Y.
French column had by this time nearly reached the Battle of
brow of the ridge, its front covering almost the whole
of Napier's battery and a portion of the extreme right
of Maitland's brigade. It was still gallantly pressing
forward, in defiance of the most galling fire poured into
its front by the battery and by the British Guards,
when the sudden and imposing appearance of the four-
deep line of the 52d regiment bearing directly toward
its left flank, in the most admirable and compact order
imaginable, caused it to halt. In the next instant, 8 P.M.
wheeling up its left sections, it opened a rapid and
destructive fire from the entire length of its left flank
against the 52d regiment. Colborne, having brought
his line parallel to the line of the Imperial Guard, also
halted, and poured a deadly fire into the mass; and
almost at the same moment the rifles of the ad battalion
95th regiment, then coming up on the left, were levelled
and discharged with unerring aim into the more ad-
vanced portion of the column. The 71st regiment was
at this time rapidly advancing on the right to complete
the brigade movement. Colborne, eager to carry out
his projected flank attack upon the enemy's column,
caused his men to cease firing, and then gave the com-
mand, Charge ! charge!' It was answered by three
his left company about one-eighth of to front the advancing Guard, and,
a circle to its left, so as to bring its riding to the right of Napier's bat-
front nearly parallel with the flank tery, was sending orders to the troops
of the coming column, and then on his right to attack the Imperial
formed the remainder of his regiment Guard, when the movement of the
upon that company. Adam, riding 52d showed him that his intentions
up, asked Colborne what he was had been anticipated, and be pushed
going to do, and Colborne answered, forward the 2d battalion of the 95th
"To make that column ſeel our regiment in continuation of the left
fire;" whereupon Adam galloped off of the 52d. This took part in the
to bring up the 71st regiment to con- attack, but the 71st and 3d battalion
form with this new front. Welling- of the 95th were not at the outset
ton had just seen Maitland's brigade sufficiently advanced, and the work
re-formed after its last charge, so as fell mainly on the 52d.
6
366
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
hearty British cheers that rose distinctly above the
shouts of Tive l'Empereur !' and the now straggling
and unsteady fire from the column. The ad battalion
95th regiment hastened to join in the charge on its
right. The movement was remarkable for the order,
the steadiness, the resoluteness, and the daring by which
it was characterized. The column of the Imperial
Guard, which already seemed to reel to and fro under
the effect of the front and flank fire which had been so
successfully brought to bear upon it, was evidently in
consternation as it beheld the close advance of Adam's
brigade. Some daring spirits—and it contained many
within its ranks—still endeavoured to make at least a
show of resistance; but the disorder, which had been
rapidly increasing, now became uncontrollable; and
this second column of the Imperial Guard, breaking
into the wildest confusion, shared the fate of the first-
with this difference, however, that in consequence of
the combined front and flank fire in which it had been
so fatally involved, and of the unrestrained pursuit
which deprived it of the power of rallying its com-
ponent parts, it became so thoroughly disjointed and
dispersed that, with the exception of the two rear batta-
lions, which constituted the ist regiment of chasseurs
(Old Guard), it is extremely doubtful whether any por-
tion of it ever re-united as a regularly formed military
body during the brief remaining period of the battle-
certainly not on the Allied side of La Belle Alliance,
toward which point it directed its retreat.":242 As to
242 Siborne, from whom the ac-
count of the repulse of the Guard is
quoted, comments further upon it as
follows: "Troops could scarcely be
placed in a more critical situation
than was
this second attackiog
column of the Imperial Guard from
the moment it came to a halt. With
its front immediately facing a battery
within 60 or 70 yards distance, the
double-sbotted guns of which con-
tinued ploughing through the mass
and tearing up its ranks; with its
left flank faced outwards to repel a
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-LAST ATTACK.
367
the two battalions of the Old Guard,—which were com- Battle of
manded by Gen. Cambronne, and owed their immunity
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
formidable attack on that side, and such flank attack as that which so
its right flank exposed to the oblique successfully arrested its progress and
fire of the greater portion of the line so completely effected its dispersion.”
of British Guards, the interior of the = A controversy has arisen about
mass enveloped in smoke, feeling a this repulse between those, on the
pressure from both front and flank, one hand, who claim that the 520
and yet perceiving no indication of regiment alone and unaided stopped
the means of extricating itself from and routed the Imperial Guard, and
so perilous a position, it was truly a those who hold that Maitland's
most trying moment even to such Guards had a greater or less share in
veteran warriors as those who con- the honour. Chesney examines the
stituted the renowned Imperial Guard evidence carefully, and reaches a
of France. Any attempt at deploy- conclusion in accordance with Si-
ment to its right while thus attacked borne's story quoted above. In re-
on its left was of course out of the ference to the defeat of the Guard
question. Had it continued to ad- he quotes from the previously un-
vance until Adam's brigade lad published Journal of Sir Henry.
approached quite close to its left Clinton, the commander of the 3d
fank, the charge of the latter must division, which included Adam's
have brought it to a stand and ren- brigade, the following entry, made
dered the efforts of the head of the on the night of the battle :-"About
column abortive. If, on the other 7 P.M. the enemy appeared to be
hand, after having faced altogether decidedly beaten, and our artillery
to the left and converted that flank was nearly exhausted ; but finding
into a compact line, it had advanced the Prussians, whose attack on his
to meet the 52d regiment when it right commenced at about 5 o'clock,
first became aware of this attack, it to be gaining ground, and unable to
would have still been exposed on the
make a good retreat in the presence
right (its previous front) to the bavoc of two armies which had been suc-
created by Napier's guns, as also cessful, Buonaparte determined to
to a charge by Maitland's brigade, make one great effort to compel the
which, by bringing forward its left Duke of Wellington to retire. For
shoulder, might have rendered the this object he brought forward his
situation of the column so hopeless Imperial Guards and reinforced all
as probably to have led to its imme- his batteries, which he advanced and
diate and unqualified surrender on began his attack with. The weight
the spot. The dilemma into which of this was directed against the
these veterans were thus thrown was brigade of Guards. It was steadily
mainly attributable to the fatal ne- received and repulsed, and the enemy
glect of not accompanying the column was followed up by the brigade of
with an effective support of cavalry. Gen. Adam, supported by the Osua-
A strong body of the latter on each brick battalion, the Legion, 23d
flank, or in its immediate rear, would regiment, etc. We had no sooner
have secured the column from any gained the Genappe (Charleroi] road
368
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
from the ruin that had overtaken the rest of the column
to the inability of Adam's right-hand battalions to get
up in time to join in the 52d's attack, they retired in
the direction of La Belle Alliance until they were over-
taken and disordered by Col. Hew Halkett, who pursued
them with a battalion of Hanoverians. The wreck of
the broken battalions of the Middle Guard had been
impelled by the charge of the 52d in a direction that
soon brought it in contact with the rear of Donzelot's
columns, which had hitherto continued their attack
upon Alten's division with unrelenting severity ; but
now they caught the panic from the flying Guard ;
their attack hesitated, slackened, ended; and they broke
into the general flight which—set in motion thus at La
Haye Sainte, and at the same time by Zieten's onset at
than the enemy abandoned everything Guard recedes, under the pressure of
and took to his heels; but as there numbers; but it withdraws fighting,
was still a largo body of cavalry, I slowly, in good order, and unbroken."
kept the Legion and 23d regiment The authority Charras cites for this
in reserve, and continued to advance. is Chassé himself, in a letter to Lord
In the road I met with some Prus- Hill (July 5, 1815). Siborne's ac-
sians, who had the same success on count of the manner in which Chassé's
their side." The final sentence inci- troops were comporting themselves
dentally goes to show that Zieten's just before this juncture has been
success over Durutte must have been
given in note 240, page 363, ad
at least as early as the defeat of the finem; and that of their exploits
Imperial Guard.
Charras urges a
just after appears in a later note
most surprising claim to the honour (245, page 373). = It is to this time
of repulsing the Guard-his clients in the battle that there has been at-
being the Dutch-Belgians ! tached by popular consent the episode
Dutchman," he says, “a soldier which Alison, following Scott, who
formed and brought up in our [the probably followed Lacoste, tells
French] ranks, but faithful to the thus : "Napoleon
flag of his country, Chassé seized the calm demeanour till the Old Guard
moment, and, at the head of a demi- recoiled in disorder, with the British
brigade in close column, charged the cavalry mingled with their bayonets.
left of the Guard with levelled He then became as pale as death,
bayonets : Wellington pushed for- and observed to the guide, ' Ils sont
ward Maitland's brigade. Fired mêlés ensemble,'” and retired toward
npon with grape and musketry, re- the rear of the field.
duced to 1,500 Or 1,600 men, the
"A
preserved his
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-ALLIED ADVANCE. 369
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
Papelotte-communicated itself as if electrically through Battle of
the whole length of D’Erlon's corps. Almost instan-
taneously, from end to end of the front line, their in-
furiated attack was transformed into a tumultuous rout,
and the cries of “ Vive l’Empereur !” into those of
“ Sauve qui peut ! ” Except at the two extremes, Hou-
gomont and Planchenoit, -where the combatants were
too much engrossed in their own desperate struggle to
know what went on outside,—the sole remaining point
of cohesion in the front of the battle was about Napo-
leon himself. He had rallied with wonderful rapidity
the 4 battalions of the Guard of the column first over-
thrown, had formed them into three squares on the
central elevation west of the “hollow-way” of the
Charleroi road, and now made his last effort to stem
the tide of disaster.
There was no delay in the pursuit of the defeated
Guard. Adam's brigade pressed on instantly in the
track of their flight, and a moment later Vivian's
hussars were in motion to charge the enemy directly in
front. Colborne-who seems to have cared little about
waiting for orders, and to have taken the initiative in a
manner ventured upon by very few among Wellington's
officers--- never paused in his victorious charge ; but-
followed shortly by the rest of the 3d British brigade,
and by Hew Halkett with the Osnabrück Landwehr
battalion of his 3d Hanoverian brigade-continued
advancing toward the Charleroi road in a course which
led him diagonally in front of Maitland's and Alten's
divisions, and so close to La Haye Sainte that the bat-
talion of the 95th on the left of his line was crowded
into its orchard.243 Sweeping before it the vestiges of
2:13 The independent course of Col- unhesitating pursuit of his advantage
borne, both in his original attack —all entirely on his own responsi-
upon the Imperial Guard and his bility-cannot be too much insisted
BB
370
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNÝ, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
the Guard and crowds of Donzelot's soldiery, all hustling
one another and throwing away their arms in their eager-
ness to escape the English, the 52d came on until near the
Charleroi road; and then, seeing the three formed batta-
lions which Napoleon had rallied on the central elevation,
it brought forward its left shoulder until its front was
parallel with theirs, moved on near to them, and halted in
their front. = Vivian had led his hussar brigade forward
almost as soon as Adam's infantry was in motion. Leaving
the Anglo-Allied line from the right of Maitland's brigade,
he took a direction parallel to the Charleroi road-
riding himself at the head of the roth hussars, the 18th
following, and then the ist hussars of the German
Legion, while but a little distance in rear of Vivian's
brigade came Dörnberg's 2d light dragoons of the
German Legion. As the horsemen passed the brow of
the slope they rode into the cloud of smoke yet remain-
16 It
upon as a thing wholly at variance advancing the remainder of his bri-
with the usual mode of procedure in gade to follow Colborne's lead, de-
Wellington's army. Kennedy con- sired the support of other troops to
siders this achievement so far decisive cover his right flank against the
of the course of the battle, that his probable attacks of French cavalry ;
narrative follows the march of the and Halkett, seeing what was needed,
52d regiment continuously until the purposed following with his whole
close of the day, grafting upon it the brigade, but his other battalions
other incidents of the action. were back of Hougomont, and the
is perhaps impossible,” he says, " to messenger who went to summon
point out in history any other in- them was killed by the way; so
stance in which so small a force as Halkett advanced with but one bat-
that with which Colborne acted had talion. This was so drawn up as to
so powerful an influence on the be able to form square if attacked by
result of a great battle in which the cavalry, while the regiments of
numbers engaged on each side were Adam's brigade preserved their four-
so large.” – The order in which the deep formation. Halkett's batt:alion,
regiments of Adam's brigade marched
however, soon got drawn off into an
in this pursuit was as shown in the independent pursuit of its own, and
diagram in note 241, page 364; but, had an erratic experience for the
still in the right rear of the 3d battalion remainder of the day and during the
95th should be added Hew Halkett's following night.
Osnabrück battalion. Adam, when
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-ALLIED ADVANCE.
371
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
ing from the action with the Imperial Guard. Presently Battle of
they were able to discern before them disordered in-
fantry columns and crowds of stragglers pouring on in
retreat; and it was not until they were well advanced
toward the French position that they could see directly
ahead formed bodies of troops evidently awaiting their
attack. These consisted of two infantry squares,—the
two battalions of the ist grenadiers of the Old Guard
which had been left in reserve for the protection of the
Imperial headquarters, -with cavalry and artillery on
Hougomont
Charleroi
Road
Old Guarda
IIIII
Road
Zr Belle
Alliance
Irimotion
ol
"Hollow
Ways
Planchenoit
Lacostes
house
both flanks, the whole posted on the rising ground
between the south-eastern angle of Hougomont and La
Belle Alliance. 244 Vivian was moving on to charge,
244 In the diagram the positions proximately so. The cavalry line on
of the two squares of the ist regiment the French left front was a body of
of grenadiers of the Old Guard are lancers of the Guard, and
shown very nearly where they made drawu up on the brow of the rising
their stand against the onset of the ground. The other cavalry on the
Allied cavalry. The disposition of left of the squares were dragoons
the artillery on the flanks of the and carbineers of the Guard. Those
squares is probably fairly correct, in rear and on the right of the
and that of the lines of cavalry on squares were the remnants of the
either flank and in rear only ap- various cavalry corps which had
was
в в 2
372
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
intending to turn the left of the French force, when he
was overtaken by Sir Colin Campbell with a message
from Wellington that he was not to engage unless con-
fident of success; but Vivian argued the importance
of dispersing the French cavalry before it could
attack the advancing Allied infantry, and Campbell,
agreeing with him, returned to the Duke. Vivian now
left his two rear regiments in support, and led the
Ioth, obliquely to their right as they advanced, against
the left of the French line, a body of lancers which
stood before the rest; his advance was obstructed by a
squadron of cuirassiers, who were beaten off; he was
overtaken by Dörnberg's 2d light dragoons, which came
up on his right, and were charged by the lancers, who
rode down the hill upon them ; but Vivian's light
squadron came upon the flank of the lancers when they
were in the act of closing with the light dragoons and
scattered them; the centre squadron of the roth cut
into some French heavy dragoons who followed in
support of the lancers, and drove them before them;
while the left squadron, continuing its course, com-
pleted the work of the charge by putting to flight the
remainder of the French cavalry on the (French) left of
the squares. The right and part of the centre squadron
of the roth, under its colonel, Lord Robert Manners,
joined the 2d light dragoons in a pursuit of the French
horsemen that led them far into the valley south-east
been destroyed in the previous brigades was but 2,256 in the morn-
charges -- squadrons representing ing, and the French mustered
what had been entire regiments or lancers, cuirassiers, and several other
brigades. Their strength cannot be varieties of cavalry besides chasseurs.
stated even approximately. Thiers Probably the numbers of French and
says indeed, “Of the entire cavalry Allied cavalry were not greatly differ-
of the Guard he [Napoleon] has but ent; but the British regiments which
400 chasseurs to oppose to 3,000 now came into action were compara-
of the enemy; " but the combined tively fresh, the French exhausted
strength of Vivian's and Vandeleur's by frequent charges.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-ALLIED ADVANCE.
373
Waterloo.
June 18.
of Hougomont. Vivian, ordering the halt and re-form- Battle of
ing of the remainder of the regiment where it was,
returned quickly to bring up the 18th hussars to con-
V.
tinue the work so well begun. He was attacked on
the way by a French cuirassier, and, as his right arm
was in a sling from an old wound, could only defend
himself with his left hand; but with it he contrived to
thrust his sabre into the Frenchman's neck just as his
German orderly rode up and cut him off his horse.
The Duke of Wellington, standing by Maitland's
Guards, had noted the entire and almost simultaneous
success of Colborne's advance on his left and Vivian's
in his front. 245 A general survey of the field showed
him that the time of defensive action had passed ; that
the last reserves of the French army were giving way
before Colborne, Halkett, and Vivian ; that D’Erlon's
columns were breaking ; that the Prussians were press-
ing their attack both at Papelotte and at Planchenoit ;
that but little pressure was needed to cause the collapse
of the enemy's entire front line, since his centre was
pierced and the inner flank of each of his wings turned.
He gave the long-desired order for a general advance
2:45 Wellington's first thought, as The faces of the squares were al-
Adam's and Vivian's brigades ad- ready broken at intervals by groups
vanced, was to bring up other in the act of abandoning their ranks,
troops to fill the vacancy in the whilst several officers of Vandeleur's
line, and he turned toward the near- brigade drawn up in their
est of Chassé's division.
rear were zealously exerting them-
what a spectacle met his view ! ” selves in endeavouring to induce
says
Siborne, semi-pathetically. these troops to stand fast. The
“ The 3 Dutch-Belgian squares into Duke, observing this, called out,
which D’Aubremé's brigade had * That's right; tell them the French
been turned, and whose unsteadiness retiring. This intelligence,
... had greatly augmented as the quickly caught up and spread
fighting and shouting on the exterior
throughout their ranks, had the de-
slope of the ridge, of which they sired effect of reducing them to or-
could see nothing, became more der. They shortly afterwards formed
continuous and intense, were now into columns, and advanced to the
in a state bordering on dissolution. front line,"
« But
are
374
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
of the whole Anglo-Allied line, and himself galloped to
Adam's brigade, where especially the French retreat was
to be pushed.246 The entire line moved forward in what
June 18.
V.
But my
246 There is something almost within bounds when he wrote
ludicrous in the enthusiasm with (June 20), “ Had the troops con-
which the school of English writers tinued with light guns, I do not
of whom Siborne is a type expatiate hesitate to say the day had been
upon Wellington's ordering this ad- lost." But when the Duke's de-
vance. Even Chesney, usually the spatches found their way back to
most sober of narrators, twice over the army, Frazer looked vainly for
attributes it to the instinct of any recognition, and wrote thus
genius.” In fact, the order to ad- (July 6) to one of his family:
vance, so far from manifesting ex- “ The Duke might have mentioned
traordinary prescience, was perfectly the horse-artillery, which really was
obvious, and had already been de- of essential service.
termined by the course of events; account of the affair of the 18th
and the person entitled to the credit June, sent to your lady, will have
of discovering the right moment and told more than all which need be
acting upon it was not Wellington, said on the subject. Requiescat in
but Colborne, who had already led pace.” The tone of smothered vex-
the advance, and without orders, ation meant much in the case of a
doing what was needed as a matter man like Frazer, who had followed
of course. Wellington undoubtedly Wellington through the Peninsular
did the proper thing at the proper War, and adored him as a species of
time, but the example had been set demigod. = One more quotation may
him by Colborne; and the Duke conclude these references to Wel-
showed his gratitude by ignoring in lington's scant acknowledgment of
his despatches the splendid and de- others' services. It is from Greville's
cisive services of Colborne and his Memoirs (June 24, 1821), and gives
regiment, and refusing to repair the the substance of a conversation with
omission when it was pointed out to the Duke of York, second son of
him. = Another portion of the army George III.: “His [York's] preju-
which had cause to complain of the dice against him [Wellington] is
Duke's neglect was the artillery. excessively strong, and I think if
Sir Augustus Frazer, commander of
erer he becomes King the other
the horse-artillery, had succeeded in will not be Commander-in-Chief.
getting his troops equipped with He does not deny his military talents,
9-pounder guns instead of the but he thinks that he is false and
6-pounders which they had used in ungrateful, that he never gave suffi-
previous campaigns-a substitution cient credit to his officers, and that
which Wellington opposed.
The
he was unwilling to put forward
execution done by the heavier arm, men of talent who might be in a
especially at the time of the great situation to claim some show of
cavalry charges, was most effective, credit, the whole of which he was
and no doubt Frazer was quite desirous of engrossing himself. He
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-ALLIED ADVANCE.
375
Siborne calls “a march of triumph, not of attack, since Battle of
all fled before its approach.” On the extreme Allied right
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
says that at Waterloo he got into a his clothes torn, seeing a handful of
scrape and avowed himself to be armed men, ran forward to lead them
surprised, and he attributes in great against the enemy.
Come, my
measure the success of that day to friends,' he said, 'come and see how
Lord Anglesea (Uxbridge], who, he a Marshal of France can die!'
says, was hardly mentioned, and These brave men, excited by his
that in the coldest terms, in the very appearance, wheeled round and
Duke's despatch.” The Duke of rushed in despair on the Prussian
York, it should be stated, had a column that was pursuing them.
personal resentment toward Welling. They slaughtered numbers, but were
ton because the latter had been
soon overpowered, and scarcely 200
made commander of the Peninsular escaped death. Rullière, who.com-
army when he craved that honour manded the battalion, broke the flag-
for himself. = The important thing
The important thing staff, hid the eagle beneath his coat,
to note about the general advance of and followed Ney, who was now un-
the Allied line is that it commenced, horsed for the fifth time, but still
as Siborne fixes the time, not less unwounded. Theillustrious Marshal
than twelve minutes after the defeat retired on foot until a subaltern
of the Imperial Guard—an interval cavalry officer gave him his horse,
during which the first charges of and then proceeded to join the main
Colborne and Vivian had been made, body of the army, sheltered by the
and probably also Zieten's pursuit of darkness, which at length hung like
Durutte. It is to this period of a funeral pall over the battlefield
hurry and turmoil that we must on which 60,000 French, English,
assign the stories of Ney's bravery and Prussians were lying dead or
during the defeat and flight of the wounded.” = Victor Hugo's picture
Guard. Thiers says:--"Ney put invests Ney's valour with the same
à worthy termination to this day, features of theatrical egotism as
which God had granted him to ex- Thiers. “The Imperial Guard felt
piate his faults, by a display of un- in the darkmess the army giving way
exampled heroism. He was the last around them, and the vast stagger-
that descended from the plateau of ing of the rout. ... Ney, wild and
Mont St. Jean, and in his route he grand in the consciousness of ac-
met with what were left of Durutte's cepted death, offered himself to
division, beating a retreat. The every blow in this combat. He had
noble remnant of this division, con- his fifth horse killed under him here.
sisting of some hundreds of men of Bathed in perspiration, with a flame
the 95th, under Rullière, the com- in his eye and foam on his lips, his
mander of the battalion, was now uniform unbuttoned, one of his epau-
retreating under
General lettes half cut through by the sabre-
Durutte had advanced some steps to cut of a horse-guard, and his deco-
seek a road, when Ney, bareheaded, ration of the great eagle dinted by a
his broken sword in his hand, and bullet-bleeding, muddy, magnifi-
al'ms.
376
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
Mitchell's troops found themselves unopposed, for Piré's
lancers had been ordered to the rear of La Belle Alliance
June 18.
V.
peut !'
cent, and holding a broken sword in each other. Lobau at one extremity
his hand, he shouted, Oome and and Reille at the other are carried
see how a Marshal of France dies
away by the torrent. In vain does
on the battlefield !' But it was in Napoleon build a wall of what is
vain ; he did not die. He was hag- left of the Guard; in vain does he
gard and indignant, and hurled at expend his own special squadrons in
Drouet d'Erlon the question, 'Are a final effort. Quiot retires before
you not going to get yourself killed ?' Vivian, Kellermann before Vandeleur,
He yelled amid the roar of all Lobau before Bülow, Morand before
this artillery crushing a handful of Pirch, and Domont and Subervie
men, 'Oh! there is nothing for me! before Prince William of Prussia.
I should like all these Englislı can- Guyot, who led the Emperor's
non balls to enter my chest !! You squadrons to the charge, falls be-
were l'eserved for Trench bullets, neath the horses of the English dra-
unfortunate man. = The rout in the goons. Napoleon gallops along the
rear of the Guard was mournful; line of fugitives, harangues, urges,
the army suddenly gave way on all threatens, and implores them; all
sides simultaneously at Hougomont,
tlie mouths that shouted "Tive
La Haye Sainte, Papelotte, and l'Empereur' in the morning remained
Planchenoit. The cry of Treachery' wide open : they hardly knew him.
was followed by that of 'Sauve qui The Prussian cavalry, who had come
An army which disbands up fresh, dash forward, cut down,
is like a thaw: all gives way, cracks, kill, and exterminate. The artillery
floats, rolls, falls, comes into collision,
lorses dash onward with the guns ;
and dashes forward. Ney borrows
the train soldiers unlarness the
a horse, leaps on it, and, without horses from the caissons and escape
hat, stock, or sword, dashes across on them; wagons, overthrown and
the Brussels road, stopping at once
with their four wheels in the air,
English and French. He tries to block up the road, and supply oppor-
hold back the army, he recalls it,
tunities for massacre. Men crush
he insults it, he clings wildly to the each other, and trample over the
rout to hold it back. The soldiers dead and over the living. A multi-
fly from him, shouting Long live tude wild with terror fill the roads,
Marshal Ney!' Two regiments of
the paths, the bridges, the plains,
Durutte's move backward and for- the hills, the valleys, and the woods,
ward in terror, and, as it were, which are thronged by this flight of
tossed between the sabres of the 40,000 men. Cries, desperation;
hussars and the musketry fire of knapsacks and muskets cast into the
Kempts, Best's, and Pack's brigades. wheat; passages cut with the edge
A rout is the highest of all confu- of the sabres; no comrades, no offi-
sions, for friends kill each other in cers, no generals recognised-an in-
order to escape, and squadrons and describable terror. Zieten sabring
battalions dash against and destroy France at his ease. The lions be-
BATTLE OF WATERLOO—ALLIED ADVANCE.
377
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
to cover the French retreat ;-the brigades next on the Battle of
left poured into Hougomont and ejected its assailants,
who were fighting on, ignorant of the defeat outside ;-
Vandeleur's light cavalry brigade moved directly forward
to support Vivian in his attack upon the two squares
of the Old Guard and the horsemen and batteries
grouped about them ;--the ist and 3d divisions, with
the miscellaneous corps interspersed among them,
advanced to sweep the valley clear of enemies ;-Lam-
bert's brigade, with part of Pack's, occupied La Haye
Sainte, where they found only dead French and Ger-
mans and wounded French ;-and the troops of the left
wing joined Steinmetz's infantry in driving Alix's, Mar-
cognet's, Durutte's, and Lobau's men toward the Char-
leroi road, while the Prussian cavalry pressed before
them, eager to reach the front of the pursuit. =It was
to Adam's brigade, however, that the duty fell of
opening the way for this triumphant advance through
the centre of the field--as Halkett, and beyond him
Vivian, now supported by Vandeleur, were doing on
the right. As soon as Wellington had ordered the
forward movement of his line he galloped up to Adam
where he stood confronting the three rallied squares of
the Guard drawn up upon the central elevation, and
ordered him to attack them. The brigade had be-
come somewhat disordered by its hasty advance over
the valley heavy with much-trodden mud and encum-
come kids. Such was this flight." = as his support in his fatigue, and
Oharras—who also puts into Ney's quitted him only when other devo-
mouth the bombastic saying already tion brought him a new and surer
twice quoted-gives this account of aid. Near Genappe, Major Schmidt,
his departure from the field :-“ Ney, of Lefebvre-Desnouettes's division,
bruised, battered, exhausted, limp- dismounted before the hero of
ing painfully over the muddy ground, Moskowa, hoisted him upon his
without
an officer, without horse, and assured the safety of his
orderly, received succour from an chief at the risk of his own life."
unknown man, a soldier, who served
an
378
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
bered with the bodies of dead and wounded, and
especially from having been obliged to detach a section
to silence some French guns on its right flank that
enfiladed it during the movement; and there was a
delay of some minutes in re-forming it. At this
moment Sir Colin Campbell rode up to inform Welling-
ton that Vivian was about attacking the French reserves
near La Belle Alliance, and Uxbridge, who had just
joined the Duke, was turning to ride to the point of
action and direct the cavalry operations, when a grape-
shot struck his right knee and fractured his leg, and he
was carried from the field,247—the command of the
cavalry thus devolving upon Vandeleur. The Duke,
meantime, had become impatient at the delay in form-
ing the brigade; he observed the bearing of the squares
of the Guard, and said, “They won't stand-better
attack them—goon, Colborne, go on!” The 52d
accordingly ascended the hill, receiving as it did so a
heavy fire from the front and flank of the squares ; but,
without hesitating, it advanced to the charge, and the
Guard, at a word of command, ceased firing, faced
G
2-47 Lord Uxbridge, after seeing plicitly requited by the title of Mar-
off Vivian's brigade upon its charge, quis of Anglesey, bestowed upon him
had exchanged his tired horse for a by the Prince Regent (George IV.) in
fresh one and followed Wellington acknowledgment of his distinguished
to the front, when he was hurt as services. As to the leg, Southey re-
above described. According to Ali- cords in a note to The Poet's Pilgrim-
son, the shot came from one of four age that “ the owner of the house in
guns at the rear of the field, whicli which the amputation was performed
were discharged by Napoleon's direc- considers it as a relic which has
tion the last thing before he betook fallen to his share.” He had it de-
himself to flight. Uxbridge was corously enclosed in a coffin and
carried to a public-house in Water- buried in his garden under a mound
loo, where the injured leg was am- of earth, upon which he purposed
putated; and he is said to have reas- planting a weeping willow; and Sou-
sured his friends, who stood by they transcribes a glorificatory epi-
during the operation, by observing, taph upon the leg which the lapidary
“ Who would not lose a leg for such was transferring to stone at the time
a victory?” The loss was more ex- of " the Poet's" visit to Waterloo.
BATTLE OF WATERLOOMALLIED ADVANCE.
379
Waterloo.
about, and commenced a retreat. While Wellington, Battle of
after seeing an end made of this attempt to bear back
against the Allied advance-rode onward toward his
right front to observe Vivian's part in the fight,248
June 18.
V.
2:18 Wellington, during this attack seen riding in the very front of the
upon the squares, was in the thick of pursuit, with but a single member of
a hot musketry fire, and Sir Colin his staff left beside him. Of those
Campbell, warned probably by the who began the day with lim, Sir
fate of Lord Uxbridge, said to him, William De Lancey, Quartermaster-
“This is no place for you—you had General, fell wounded, but lived long
better move;” and the Duke replied, enough to see his newly-married wife
"I will, when I see those fellows before his death; Col. Canning was
off.” Presently he was again warned killed outriglit; Col. Gordon lived
by Col. Harvey that he was riding only to learn that the battle was
into dangerous ground, and answered won; and Lord Fitzroy Somerset-
so the story runs.--"Never mind; the Lord Raglan of the Crimean war
let them fire away: the battle's won, -lost his arm by one of the last
and my life is of no consequence shots fired. To some of these Scott
now." Within a few moments of
pays homage in the Field of Water-
his leaving Adam's brigade he was
" Period of honour as of woes,
What bright careers 'twas thine to close !
Mark'd on thy roll of blood what names
To Briton's memory, and to Famo's,
Laid then their last immortal claims !
Thou saw'st in seas of gore expire
Redoubted Picton's soul of fire-
Saw'st in the mangled carnage lie
All that of Ponsonby could die-
De Lancey change Love's bridal-wreath
For laurels from the hand of Death
loo:-
And generous Gordon, 'mid the strife,
Fall while he watch'd his leader's life.--
Ah! though her guardian angel's shield
Fenced Britain's hero through the field,
Fate not the less her power made known,
Through his friends' hearts to pierce his own!”
The closing lines doubtless were sug- death of his brother, Sir Alexander
gested by Wellington's deep feeling, Gordon, the Duke said: “I cannot
manifested in many ways, at the express to you the regret and sorrow
losses incurred by the victory. In
with which I look round me and
writing to the Earl of Aberdeen, for contemplate the loss which I have
instance, to announce to him the sustained, particularly in your bro-
380
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
Colborne led the 52d regiment across the Charleroi
road and continued his advance upon La Belle Alliance
June 18.
V.
ther. The glory resulting from such had nearly cost him his life. The
actions, so dearly bought, is no con- blood burst from one of the vessels of
solation to me, and I cannot suggest his stump, and he would have bled
it as any to you and his friends.” to death, except for the happy cir-
= The mishap of Lord Fitzroy cumstance that a medical man was
Somerset is related at length by a in the vehicle, and kept his finger
Writer on that General's career in the pressed upon the artery the whole
Quarterly Review (January 1857) ag of the journey. The surgeon who
follows:
cut off the arm bad tied a nerve in
“ Lord Fitzroy wrote
a few
his laste, and the constant suffering
lines in pencil to his wife to tell her obliged Lord Fitzroy, after his re-
the battle was ended and that he turn to England, to undergo a se-
was safe. They were the last words cond operation, which he said was
le ever penned with his right hand. more painful than (the first.~-If the
He was riding slowly, with the earliest thought of Lord Fitzroy
Duke and General Alava, from the was for his wife, the Duke well
bloody field, when a stray shot shat- knew that his second would be the
tered his elbow. He refused to dis- apprehension that he could no longer
mount, and continued riding till he retain the office of Military Secre-
reached the quarters of the Duke in tary. The name of Colonel Felton
the village of Waterloo. Here he Harvey is associated with a noble in-
was taken into the room where the stance of humane gallantry on the
gallant Alexander Gordon lay dying, part of a French officer, who was
and the Prince of Orange lay wound-
about to cut him down on the field
ed.
The Prince used to recount of Salamanca, when, perceiving that
that not a word announced the en- his foe had lost bis right arm, he
trance of the patient, nor was he turned the uplifted sword into a
conscious of his presence till be military salute and rode rapidly
heard him call out, in his usual tone,
away. The day after the battle of
Hallo ! don't carry away that armi
Waterloo the Duke called upon
till I have taken off my ring!' Not Lord Fitzroy, and, after leaving his
a groan, not a sigh, not a remark had l'oom, told Lady Fitzroy's mother
been extorted either by the wound that he had appointed this Colonel
or the operation. The ring, which Harvey to be his temporary secretary.
had occupied more of his thoughts The exquisite delicacy of nominating
than the pain, was the gift of his a substitute who had only one arm,
wife, and in the midst of his suffer- and that the left, was no less appre-
ings his wbole consideration was for ciated hy Lord Fitzroy than the
her. He insisted upon removing to
intimation it was intended to convey
Brussels that night, that he might
was instantly understood,
be on the spot when she returned on hearing the circumstance, he imme-
the following morning from Ant- diately remarked that the sole thing
werp, and this affectionate fortitude which had weighed upon his mind
Upon
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-ALLIED ADVANCE.
381
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
and Trimotion, while the remainder of Adam's brigade, Battle of
flanked on its right by Halkett's Osnabrück battalion,
kept pace with him along the western side of the high-
road. As the brigade swept on right down the centre
of the field, its broad front clearing all before it, its
progress was disputed by a body of cuirassiers which
had been in support of the squares and now threatened
to charge ; but the line, secure in its four-deep forma-
tion, lowered its bayonets, and the cuirassiers, receding,
joined the retiring mass. On reaching the higher
ground about La Belle Alliance, the brigade found its
front more and more obstructed by the crowds of
every
description of troops, fugitives and pursuers, which
thronged in upon its left from the scenes of Zieten's and
Bülow's successes, all making for the single avenue of
escape that was now becoming densely packed ; and
presently its left came within the line of fire from Bülow's
guns, still busily plied both against the last of Lobau's
corps and the defenders of Planchenoit—a fire which 8.30 P.M..
was promptly stopped, as was also that of the oncoming
one
was the fear that the Duke would his left hand than he had ever done
think him ipcompetent to fill his with his right, and in a character
former post.—The loss of his arm so free and flowing that no
brought prominently into view a re- could have suspected his loss.” = The
markable characteristic of Lord Fitz- instance of “exquisite delicacy,” as
roy, which would speedily have re- the reviewer very justly terms it,
moved any doubts which could have goes far to compensate for the Dukes
been entertained of his continued habitual demeanour toward his sub-
ability to perform the duties of Sec- ordinates, military and civil. He
retary. He never permitted himself seems to have employed a boorish
to be vanquished by a difficulty curtness of address until British
which it was possible to overcome. officers came to account it a gratifi-
The morning after the amputation le cation even to have been snubbed by
began to practise writing with his "lis Grace” -à performance in
left hand, and shortly became the which much practice made him pro-
same unusually rapid penman which ficient, and which helped to render
he had been before. Nay, what is a him one of the most unlovely of
striking example of the power of military heroes.
perseverance, he wrote better with
382 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
Prussian infantry, as soon as the presence of the British
troops in that part of the field was made known to
Blücher. At the back of La Belle Alliance, where the
Charleroi road is crossed by the narrow road leading to
Planchenoit, and forming a “hollow-way” through the
rising ground, Adam's brigade had one more conflict
with the enemy.
The 52d came suddenly upon a
column of French infantry and artillery hastily retreat-
ing up the sunken road and unaware that an enemy
was near: caught at this disadvantage, the infantry
hesitated, offered a faltering show of resistance, broke
and scattered; the artillery made a dash to scramble
up the opposite bank; but the fire of Colborne's men
brought down some of the horses of each gun, and
after a few individual collisions the guns were aban-
doned. On the right of the brigade at the same time
the 71st regiment took a battery of the Imperial Guard,
which its artillerymen were endeavouring to withdraw ;
and, causing one of the guns to be turned against the
retiring squares of the Guard, a British officer had what
was considered the honour of firing into them the last
shot of the day.249 At this point Adam's brigade be-
249 This act of wanton and of the guns, which was then dis-
cowardly brutality is told as simple charged into the retiring columns of
matter of fact by Siborne in one of the Imperial Guard by Capt. Camp-
those highly complicated sentences bell, aide-de-camp to Major-General
which so frequently reduce the Adam, and was, there is reason to
student of his pages to bewilder- believe, the last French gun fired on
ment:-"The 71st regiment having that day.” Sir Walter Scott, in
gained the height on which a reserve Paul's Letters, distinctly recognises
battery of the Imperial Guard had the firing of cannon into a no longer
been posted the entire day, and had resisting enemy as an honour : “The
just made an attempt to draw off last gun fired," he says,
into the highroad, was captured by howitzer, which the French had left
that corps; when some men of the upon the road. It was turned upon
right flank company of the latter their retreat, and discharged by Capt.
(Captain Reed's) under Lieut. Tor- Campbell, aide-de-camp to Gen.
riano, immediately turned round one Adam, with his own hand, who had
was &
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-ALLIED ADVANCE.
383
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
came merged in the general aggregation of troops of Battle of
every kind, and coming from every quarter, which
thronged the neighbourhood of the Charleroi road from
La Belle Alliance to Rossome, and its individual achieve-
ments were at an end.=Col. Hew Halkett had originally
led foward the Osnabrück battalion of his Hanoverian
brigade for the purpose of covering the right flank of
Adam's advancing line. Soon, however, he became
engrossed in the pursuit of the French troops immedi-
ately before him—the two battalions of the ist regiment
of chasseurs of the Old Guard, commanded by Gen.
Cambronne, which had escaped the overthrow of the
rest of the second attacking column of the Imperial
Guard ; and in following these the Osnabrück battalion
diverged from the route taken by Adam's brigade,
marching directly toward La Belle Alliance, so that the
battalion passed close to the spot where Vivian was
attacking the French reserves at about the time Adam
was driving the three squares of the Guard from their
stand at the central elevation beside the Charleroi road.
Napoleon, at the time of the general break of his front
line, threw himself for shelter into the square formed
by Cambronne's 2d battalion, and it thus became the
duty of these veterans to bear their Emperor safely
from the field and avoid useless conflict by the way.
Halkett, however, continued to press the battalions
closely as they retreated, while Cambronne and two
other officers rode in the rear of their retiring ranks,
exerting themselves to preserve their formation. Hal-
kett's attention was drawn to Cambronne by the
thus the honour of concluding the sand-pit-has furnished the grand
Battle of Waterloo, which, it has been catastrophe of the Napoleonic legend,
said, Bonaparte himself commenced.” that extermination of the Guard by
= It is possible that it is this mise- artillery which Victor Hugo and
rable performance which — growing others have celebrated in heroics.
like the fall of the cuirassiers into the
384 QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
Battle of brilliancy of his uniform, and, directing his sharp-
shooters to make a general dash upon
the
square before
them, he rode at full gallop upon the General and took
him prisoner. The squares of the Guard, continuing
their retreat, made their way unbroken to La Belle
Alliance, entering the Charleroi road there before the
general tide of pursuit had reached that point; and
Halkett, still pursuing, and by this time well in advance
both of Adam and of Vivian, became so involved among
the broken yet numerous and still resisting bodies of
French troops that the squares he had followed across
the field at last slipped beyond his reach.250 Halkett
250 The stories of what Cam- the battle with this incident:-
bronne said and did, and what befell " When the Duke had returned to
his remnant of the Guard on this eat the dinner which his confiding
occasion, are given by the chroniclers cook had prepared for him, the first
of the two nations in forms wholly person he saw in the room was the
irreconcilable. His countrymen illustrious Cambronne (the reputed
thrust upon him honour which he author of the phrase, 'La Garde
disclaimed, and the English, by way meurt, et ne se rendė pas’). This
of compensation, loaded him with a good fellow had very quietly surren-
kind of detraction equally uncalled dered himself to a drummer, and had
for. Their sentiment, indeed, seems the modesty to think that he might
to have been predetermined : as long invite himself to the Conqueror's
before as February 26th, Sir Neil table. The Duke, however, declined
Campbell bad written from Leghorn that honour (with others not less
to Lord Castlereagh, prophesying courteously suggested) on the plea
that Napoleon would shortly leave of not knowing how far it might be
Elba and 6 take with him Gen. agreeable to his Sovereign's ally, the
Drouot and those of his Guards upon King of France.”
This blackguard
whom he can most depend," and story is evidently a fabrication of
among them “Gen. Cambronne (a later days, for Scott, who perpetuated
desperate uneducated ruffian, who in Paul's Letters all the amusing
was a drummer with him in Egypt).” Waterloo gossip of the time, says
Having this last phrase in mind per- only this :-"Gen. Cambronne was
haps, and with the same kind of feel- also said to have fallen after refusing
ing which led Thiers to picture a quarter and announcing to the
drummer of the Old Guard pursuing British, by whom it was offered,
the Prussian soldiers with his drum- “The Imperial Guard can die, but
sticks (see pages 337, 338), a writer in never surrender.' The speech and
the Quarterly Review garnishes the the devotion of the General received
story about Wellington's dinner after honourable mention in the Minutes
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-ALLIED ADVANCE.
385
and his Hanoverians had thus got so far before the Battle of
general Allied advance that they were not reached by
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
of the Chamber of Representatives. bronne; and yet others, taking the
But the passage was ordered to be altered phrase, select another speaker.
erased next day, it being discovered Of these is De Lesclure, who says in
that Gen. Cambronne was a prisoner his Napoléon et sa Famille: “Napo-
in Lord Wellington's camp.” The leon does not appear to have known,
fact appears to be, as to the saying, in its last details and in its supreme
that "it was invented by a celebrated agony, this justly popular and legend-
inventor of bonmots, Rougemont, and ary resistance—this last sigh, con-
appeared in the Indépendant two tained in a last oath purified by
days after the battle ”—that is, while blood and fire, in presence of which
Cambronne was still supposed to be even the English themselves, tramp-
among the dead, who could tell no ling under foot their habitual prudery,
tales. When he reappeared, how- took off their hats. Cambronne,
ever, and for the remainder of his
modest, like true courage, disowned
days, he used to repel the imputa- the word subsequently attributed to
tion; and, according to a foot-note Col. Michel, and which, seeing the
in The Table Talk and Opinions of moment at which it was spoken,
Napoleon I.--a work compiled by was sublime as a line of Corneille.”
an English lady, and the authority The story of the Guard's last
for charging the saying to Rouge- struggle, as embodied in the Napo-
mont—"Cambronne, when pressed leonic legend, is thus rendered by
by a lady to repeat the words be Thiers : -" The débris of the batta-
really did use, replied, "Ma foi,
Ma foi, lions of the Guard were driven pell-
Madame, je ne sais pas au juste ce mell into the valley, where they still
que j'ai dit à l'officier anglais qui fought without yielding. Now were
me criait de me rendre ; mais ce qui heard those words that shall live
est certain est qu'il comprenait le for ages, and which some attribute
Français, et qu'il m'a répondu, to Gen. Cambronne and others to
Mange !!"
On the other hand, Col. Michel—The Guard dies, but
Cambronne is declared to have af- yields not!' Cambronne fell almost
firmed that he was at the time so mortally wounded, and remained
stunned by a sabre-cut in the head lying on the ground, for he would
as to be incapable of saying anything not allow his men to leave their
whatever. The grandiose tribute to ranks to bear him away. The 2d
the Guard, however, had been coined battalion of the 3d grenadiers, re-
and had received the imprimatur of duced from 500 to 300 men, remained
Napoleon himself; and, failing Cam- in the valley with their comrades
bronne, its admirers were driven to lying lifeless beneath their feet and
find another hero into whose mouth hundreds of slaughtered horsemen
to put it—this safe course being dead before them, but they still con-
taken by Thiers. Others—notably tinue the combat and refuse to sur-
Victor Hugo_boldly vary the phraso
render. Closing their ranks as they
used and attribute that to Cam- are thioned, they await a last attack,
СС
386
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
com-
Battle of Wellington's orders that all his troops should stay their
Waterloo.
march at Rossome; and they kept moving on with the
June 18.
Y.
and now, assailed on four sides at where it stood. In order to perform
once, they discharge a fearful volley this last exploit, they had taken up
that brings dowu hundreds of cavalry. a position, some on the heights of
The enemy, exasperated, brought up Rossome, others on the plain of
their artillery, and discharged volley
Mont St. Jean. The gloomy squares,
after volley in rapid succession on deserted, conquered and terrible,
the four angles of the square. The struggled formidably with death, for
angles of this living citadel were Ulm, Wagram, Jena, and Friedland
beaten down; the square extended were dying in it. When twilight
its lines in order to occupy more set in at nine in the evening, one
space and protect the wounded who square still remained at the foot of
had taken refuge in the centre. the plateau of Mont St. Jean. In
These brave men stood another charge this mournful valley, at the foot of
firmly, bringing down the enemy the slope scaled by the cuirassiers,
in their turn. Too few now re- now inundated by the English masses,
mained to form a square : they took beneath the converging fire of the
advantage of a short respite to form hostile and victorious artillery, under
into a triangle turned toward the a fearful hailstorm of projectiles, this
enemy, so that in retrograding they square still resisted. It was
could save those who had taken re- manded by an obscure officer of the
fuge behind their bayonets. They name of Cambrovne. At each volley
are again attacked. 'We will not the square diminished, but continued
yield,' cried those valiant men, now to reply to the canister with mus-
reduced to 150. Then, discharging ketry fire, and each moment con-
their muskets for the last time, they tracted its four walls. Fugitives in
all rushed on the cavalry that were the distance, stopping at moments to
pressing them so fiercely, and with draw breath, listened in the darkness
their bayonets killed both men and to this gloomy diminishing thunder.
horses until they sank in this last -When this legion had become only
sublime outburst of heroisnı, Ad- a handful, when their colours were but
mirable devotedness, unsurpassed in a rag, when their ammunition was
the records of history !” = Victor exhausted and muskets were clubbed,
Hugo devotes to the alleged holo- and when the pile of corpses was
caust an entire chapter, which he greater than the living group, the
entitles The Last Square :-"A few victors felt a species of sacred awe,
squares of the Guard, standing mo- and the English artillery ceased
tionless in the swash of the rout, firing. It was a sort of respite ; these
like rocks in running water, held out combatants had around them an
till night. They awaited the double
army of spectres, outlines of mounted
shadow of night and death, and let men, the black profile of guns, and
them surround them. Each regi- the white sky visible through the
ment, isolated from the others, and wheels; the colossal death's head
no longer connected with the army, which heroes ever glimpse in the
wbich was broken on all sides, died smoke of a battle, advanced and
BATTLE OF WATERLOO—ALLIED ADVANCE.
387
Prussians until, late at night, finding no British troops Battle of
Waterloo.
about them, they stopped until morning near Genappe.
June 18.
looked at them. They could hear in arrival of Blücher-to be ironical in
V.
the twilight gloom that the guns the sepulchre-to manage so as to
were being loaded ; the lighted remain erect after one shall have
matches, resembling the eyes of a fallen--to drown in two syllables the
tiger in the night, formed a circle European coalition-to offer to kings
round their heads. The linstocks of these privities already known to the
the English batteries approach the Cæsars—to make the last of words
guns, and at this moment an English the first, by associating it with the
general, Colville according to some, glory of France to wind up Water-
Maitland according to others, hold- loo insolently with a Shrove-Tuesday
ing the supreme moment suspended —to complete Leonidas by Rabelais
over the heads of these men, shouted -to sum up this victory in one su-
to them, "Brave Frenchmen, sur- preme word, impossible to pronounce
l'ender ! !? Cambroune answered : -to lose the field, and to keep his-
[**
*** *!']—Out of respect to the tory; after this carnage to have the
French reader, the finest word, per- laughter for one's own-is iminense.
haps, that a Frenchman ever uttered -It is an insult to the thunderbolt
cannot be repeated to him. We are that attains the grandeur of Æschy-
thus forbidden to record a sublimity lus.--The word of Cambronne has
in history.--At our own risk and the effect of a fracture. It is the
peril, we break this prohibition. bursting of a heart by disdain ; it is
Among these giants, then, there was the excess of agony exploding. Who
one Titan-Cambronne.---To speak conquered ? Wellington ?
No.
that word, and then to die—what Without Blücher he had been lost.
could be more grand ! for it is vir- Blücher? No. If Wellington had
tually dying, thus to choose death; not commenced, Blücher could not
and it is not this man's fault if, iu have finished. This Cambronne
spite of the grapeshot fired at him, this passer of the last hour—this un-
be survived.—The man who gained known soldier-this infinitesimal of
the battle of Waterloo is not Napo- war-feels that there is a lie in a
leon put to rout; it is not Welling- catastropbe doubly bitter; and at
ton giving way at 4 o'clock-desper- the moment when he is bursting
ate at 5; nor Blücher, who did not with rage at it, they offer him that
fight; the man who gained the battle mockery-life! How shall be con-
of Waterloo is Cambronne.- To ful- tain himself? There they are all
minate such a word at the lightning the kings of Europe—the successful
which kills you, is to conquer.—To generals, the thundering Jupiters;
make this response a fatal catastrophe they have a hundred thousand vic-
-to speak thus to destiny-to give torious soldiers, and behind the hun-
this base to the future lion-to fling dred thousand a million ; their can-
this reply at the rain of the night, nons, with matches lighted, are
at the treacherous wall of Ilougo- open-mouthed ; they have under
mont, at the sunken road.of Obain, their heels the Imperial Guard and
at the delay of Grouchy, at the the Grand Army; they have just
сс 2
388
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
Y.
seen,
Simultaneously with the two advances against the
French centre by Adam's brigade and Halkett's batta-
crushed Napoleon, and only Cam- peared there was nothing left. This
bronne remains; there is only this formidable remnant was annihilated,
earth-worm left to protest. He will thie Guard was dead. The four
protest. Then he seeks a word as walls of the living redoubt were
one seeks a sword. He foams at the levelled with the ground; here and
mouth, and that foam is the word. there a dying couyulsion could be
Before that prodigious and mediocre
And it was thus that the
victory, before that victory without French legions, greater than the
victors, this desperate man draws Roman legions, expired at Mont St.
himself up; he endures its enormity, Jean on the rain- and blood-soaked
but he asserts its nothingness; and ground, at the spot which Joseph,
he does more than spit upon it; and who carries the Nivelles mail-bags,
overwhelmed by numbers, by strength now passes at four o'clock every
and by material force, he finds in his morning, whistling and gaily flog-
soul an expression-[* * * *). We ging his horse.” = Cambronpe's well-
l'epeat it, to say that, to do that, to established disclaimer of anything
find that, is to be the conqueror.
-The
exceptionally heroic about his sur-
spirit of great days entered into this render accords with the description
unknown man at that fatal moment. given by Siborne, who describes
Cambronne finds the word of Water- Halkett as galloping upon the French
loo, as Rouget de l'Isle finds the general, and continues :—“ When he
Marseillaise—by a flash ef inspira- had come up with him and was about
tion. An effluence from the divine to cut him down, the latter called
amatus detaches itself and passes out that he would surrender. Cam-
through these men, and they start bronne, for he it was, then preceded
up: and the one sings the supreme Halkett as he returned to the Hano-
song, and the other utters the ter- verian battalion; but he had not
That word of Titanic
gone many paces before Halkett's
scorn, Cambronne hurls not only at horse was wounded and fell to the
Europe in the name of the Empire- ground. In a few seconds, however,
that would be little-he hurls it at IIalkett succeeded in getting him on
the past in the name of the Revolu- his legs again, when he found that
tion. We hear it; and we recognise his prisoner was escaping in the direc-
in Cambronne the old soul of the tion of the French column : he in-
giants. It seems as if it were Dan- stantly overtook him, seized him by
ton speaking, or Kleber roaring.-- the aiguilette, brought him to the
On hearing this insulting word, the battalion, and gave him in charge to
English voice replied, 'Fire !' The a sergeant of the Osnabrückers, who
batteries belched forth flame, the hill was to deliver him to the Duke.”
trembled; but from all these bronze Scott, after mentioning in his Life of
throats issued a last and fearful erup- Napoleon the stories of which Thiers'
tion of canister; a vast smoke, and Victor Hugo's amplifications
whitened by the rising moon, rolled have been quoted, goes on :-"And
along the valley, and when it disap- one edition of the story adds that
rible cry.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-ALLIED ADVANCE.
389
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
up
lion, Vivian, on their right, in a third direction, was Battle of
continuing his attacks upon the two squares of the Old
Guard and their supporting cavalry and artillery near
La Belle Alliance. After his first charge with the ioth
hussars had dispersed the French cavalry on the
(French) left of the squares, he lost no time in bringing
the 18th regiment to attack those on their right-
chiefly cuirassiers with artillery before the right-hand
square. As the 18th, in perfect formation, were ad-
vancing impetuously to the charge, a French battery
attempted to cross their front at a gallop, from left to
right of the hussars——the artillery being probably in
quest of a position from which they could enfilade
the advancing Allied infantry in the valley; but the
hussars were too quick for them ; they cut down the
artillerymen and drivers, and secured the guns. In
another moment they fell upon the advanced line of the
cuirassiers, who scattered before their onset; and then,
bringing forward the left shoulder, they charged the
cavalry beside the square and the guns. These stood
their ground, and the hussars dashed in among them
and engaged in a sharp hand-to-hand fight; but the
French were soon forced to give way, cavalry and
artillerymen ; and the entire mass, British and French,
rolled confusedly away, still struggling, toward La Belle
Alliance and the road to Charleroi behind it. The two
squares of the Guard now stood denuded of supports,
and Vivian started to bring up against them the ist
thereupon the battalions made a half- unyielding constancy, than by im-
wheel inwards, and discharged their puting to them an act of regimental
muskets into each others' bosoms, to suicide upon the lost field of battle.
save themselves from dying at the Every attribute of brave men they
hands of the English. . . . The mili- have a first right to claim. . .
tary conduct of the French Guard," Whether the words were used by
Scott comments, “ is better eulogised Cambronne or no, the Guard well
by the undisputed truth, that they deserved to have them inscribed on
fought to extremity with the most their monument."
390
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
hussars of the King's German Legion, which still re-
mained in reserve; but on his way he came upon Major
Howard with that portion of the 10th hussars, less in
number than a squadron, which had been held back
from riding into the valley behind Hougomont after the
success of the first charge. These were suffering from
the fire of the left square of the grenadiers, and Vivian
resolved to attack it, small as Howard's force was, since
he saw rapidly approaching on his left a red infantry
regiment which, he took for granted, would attack the
face and angle of the square nearest to it while Howard
attacked another angle. But the red troops were
Halkett's battalion, too intent upon their immediate
enemy to be diverted to another; and it thus resulted
that the hussars, led by both Vivian and Howard,
engaged a force greatly too strong for them. They
charged home to the bayonets of the Guard, who stood
their ground, and a desperate struggle took place, in
which many fell on both sides-among them three of
the English lieutenants, besides Howard, who was shot
through the mouth and lay senseless on the ground,
when one of the Guard, leaving the ranks, beat him
upon the head with the butt-end of his músket.251 The
251 Howard's death was cele- zas of Childe Harold, beginning
brated by Byron in several stan-
One I would select from that proud throng,
Partly because they blend me with his line,
And partly that I did his sire some wrong,
And partly that bright names will hallow song;
And his was of the bravest, and when shower'd
The death-bolts deadliest the thinu'd files along,
Even where the thickest of war's tempest lower'd,
They reach'd no nobler breast than thine, young, gallant Howard !”
Southey also devotes a stanza to his memory :-
“ Here, from the beaps who strew'd the fatal plain,
Was Howard's corpse by faithful hands convey'd,
And, not to be confounded with the slain,
IIere, in a grave apart with reverence laid,
thus:-
BATTLE OF WATERLOOMALLIED ADVANCE.
391
V.
hussars had not strength to break a square of such Battle of
Waterloo.
veterans as they had here encountered ; but they were
June 18.
Till hence his honour'd relics o'er the seas
Were borne to England, there to rest in peace.”
A poem known probably to few out- Taylor. His description has a defi-
side of the leaders of Siborne's niteness as to the events and a fidelity
book-which includes it as an appen-
to historical truth unusual in poems
dix-was written "By an Officer of of its class, and it gives an excellent
the roth Hussars, who was present," picture of the part taken in the battle
Colonel-in 1815, Captain—T. W. of Waterloo by Vivian's brigade :-
« THE DEATH OF HOWARD.
“ Back rolls the tide of war; its refluent wave
E’en Ney arrests not, ' Bravest of the Brave.'
For ever turn'd, in wild confusion throng
Horse, candon, infantry, the slope along;
And while with partiog glare the sun illumes
Helm, cuirass, sabre, lances, pennons, plumes,
Such splendid pageantry of glorious war
Alone must swell the soul; but higher far
The feelings rose, to see the pride of France
Thus routed, mingled, while our bands advance,
Each serried column form'd in order due,
Each eye elate this glorious end to view.
Hark! on the right exulting shouts arise,
And the huzza of Britons rends the skies;
From the left flank, in column, winding far,
Speeds with a whirlwind's force the swift hussar;
Tho' to their thund'ring hoofs the plain resounds,
Still cautious discipline their ardour bounds.
Who, with a hero's port and lofty form,
With waving sabre ouward guides the storm,
While through the tangled corn and yielding clay
His spurs incessant urge his panting grey ?
'Tis Vivian, pride of old Oornubia's hills,
His veins th' untainted blood of Britons fills.
“ Him followed close a Manners, glorious name;
In him a Granby's soul aspires to fame,
Or such as erst, when Rodney gain'd the day,
Ebb'd from his kinsman's wound with life away.
'Front form the line !' cries Vivian ; still its course
The head maintain'd, the rear with headlong force
Speeds at the word, till troops to troops combine,
And each firm squadron forms the serried line.
Now to their head as eager Uxbridge rush'd,
Fate check'd his wish to lead, as sudden gush'd
392
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
infuriated by the fall of their officers and pressed on
into the ranks, parrying the bayonet-thrusts and slash-
June 18.
V.
A purple torrent from his ebbing wound,
And from his charger hurl'd, he press'd the ground;
No groan be utter'd, breath'd no fainting sigh,
But on our squadrons bent his anxious eye.
Th’ heroic eye spoke firm contempt of pain,
But disappointment not to lead again.
Then pierc'd the fatal ball young Gunning's heart;
Headlong he fell, nor felt one instant's smart:
Calm, pale as marble forms on tombs, he lay
As days bad sped since pass'd his soul away:
His charger onward on the squadron's flank
To battle rush'd, and kept its master's rank.
“Vain! [tho' still worthy of their former fame,
And from a gen’rous foe respect to claim,]
Vain the attempt! Some gallant bands appear
Arrang'd to check the fierce hussars' career,
Awhile protection for their rear to form
And shield it from the desolating storm.
The helm'd dragoon upon our right bears down,
Couched are the lances of a band that crown
The hill's low brow, and down at speed they burst,
Sabre meets lance, and blow encounters thrust.
They turn, they fly. Vain hope to rally! Vain !
To stem our onward course; o'er all the plain
Amid their bands confusion reigns supreme,
While o'er their heads our threat’ning sabres gleam.
At length a pause: a band of vetrans true,
Whom no dire terrors of pursuit subdue,
Form the close square, and on a swelling brot
Unmoy'd they stand, undaunted; onward flow
The streaming fugitives, yet still they stand,
Resoly'd to perish for their beauteous land;
Resolv'd, indignant, ere the field they leave,
The stains on Gallic honour to retrieve.
Here, should they rest, by their example warn’d,
Others may join, and conflict fierce be form'd.
Charge, Howard ! charge ! and sweep them from the field :
To British swords their bayonets must yield-
To high emprise upon the battle's plain
When was the name of Howard 'call'd in vain ?
Worthy his great progenitors, be heard
The call, exulting, and with ready word,
Charge, brave hussars !' he cried, and ward on high
His gleaming sword. Forward at once they fly—
BATTLE OF WATERLOOMALLIED ADVANCE.
393
Waterloo.
June 18.
V.
ing at the grenadiers, fighting with such fury and Battle of
desperation that the square—which was now isolated
from other French troops-yielded gradually to the
pressure and slowly fell back until it came to the
nearest of those “ hollow-ways” entering the Charleroi
road from the west.252 Into this it descended pre-
cipitately, and joined the broken mass of the French
army behind La Belle Alliance. During this last attack
Vandeleur's brigade—which was led by Col. Sleigh, of
the 11th light dragoons, after Vandeleur took general
command of the cavalry upon the fall of Uxbridge-
had come up on Vivian's right. It had moved when
the Allied line made its general advance, and, proceeding
No tightend rein, no high curvetting airs
(As their cuirassiers lover'd round our squares,
In hopes, perchance, some trembling files to spy,
Vain hopes, in bands where all were prompt to die),
Now to each panting steed the spurs were press’d,
His mane wav'd o'er the rider's forward breast-
Thus rush'd the gallant squadron on the foe,
Yet firm they stood, their arms in levell’d row
Their volleying thunders pour'd our ranks among,
Where foremost blade on foremost musket rung.
Three gallant youths the van exulting led,
Three by the deadly volley instant bled--
Arnold and Bacon fall, again to rise ;
From three fell wounds brave Howard's spirit flies:
Full many a warrior on that dreadful day,
Brave, generous, gentle, breath'd his soul away,
But one, more gentle, generous, or brave,
Never in battle found a soldier's grave.
Alas! what tears shall dim the lovely eyes
Of her who now for absence only sighs-
Her, whom to leave gives death its keenest smart,
Its deepest anguishi to his bursting heart.
“Short were your pangs, but ere the spirit fled,
Heaven grant you saw that not in vain you bled;
That your brave followers on the broken foe,
With vengeance wing'd, dealt many a deadly blow,
Till mercy check'd each hand, and bade them spare
The suppliant l'emnants of the vanquished square."
252 See diagram, page 371.
394
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
June 18,
V.
at a trot along the eastern edge of Hougomont, had
driven before it many fugitives of every description of
force until, on the southern side of the valley and
beyond where Vivian was engaged, it confronted a
large column of French infantry in the act of forming
square to check its progress; but the dragoons, re-
ceiving the fire of the French, charged and either took
or destroyed the entire body, while the uith light
dragoons, at the right of the brigade, took a battery
near the south-eastern angle of Hougomont—the last
French guns in position. The brigade was now not far
from the range of heights which close in the valley on
its southern side, and upon these were seen moving in
good order an entire French cavalry brigade—that of
Piré, which was marching from its former station on
the extreme French left to a point on the Charleroi
road in rear of the army, to cover its retreat; and the
dragoons were thus compelled to be circumspect in
their further operations. By this time Vandeleur’s
brigade and Vivian's ist hussars of the German Legion,
which was yet in reserve, had come to be the only
Allied cavalry retaining anything like a semblance of
formation. The other regiments, after their original
charges, had plunged into the southern valley in pur-
suit, and had there become broken into greater or
smaller parties, which followed up their success as
chance led them. But there had been a general ten-
dency among the fugitives to seek the Charleroi road,
and there—especially about the place where the
sunken crossroads intersect the highroad and form
trenches that stopped the advance of horsemen from
the plain-most of the scattered bands were getting
together at the time Vandeleur's brigade reached the
front; and its presence, together with the coming up
of the ist hussars of the German Legion, made it pos-
1
BATTLE OF WATERLOO-FRENCH ROUT.
395
Waterloo.
June 18.
Rout of the
movements.
sible to a certain extent to assemble and re-form the Battle of
victorious troopers.
The whole district around the Charleroi road back
of La Belle Alliance now presented an indescribable French.
scene of turmoil and confusion. Into it, as into a
funnel, were pouring from every direction the streams
of fugitives and pursuers which were rapidly emptying
the recent battlefield of all its combatants, and were
here mingled in a tumultuous rabble, where victor and
vanquished were equally powerless to order their
“The cavalry thus situated in the van of
the Duke's victorious army had now become almost
helpless : it seemed as if carried aloft on the billows of
the agitated sea, yielding rather to its impulses than
controlling the angry element. As might have been
expected, there were innumerable instances in which
the rage and disappointment of the conquered foe gave
rise to covert assaults, which, however, were speedily
repressed, more especially by the Prussians, against
whom a word or look sufficed to draw down their
vengeance upon an enemy whom they held in detesta-
tion. The ioth and 18th hussars of Vivian's brigade,
whilst endeavouring to re-form between La Belle Alli-
ance and Rossome, found themselves in the midst of an
immense crowd, composed partly of defeated soldiers
of the Imperial Guard, who could but ill conceal their
mortification, and who seized every opportunity that
offered to gratify their hatred and revenge. Lt. Col.
the Hon. Henry Murray, commanding the 18th, was
very nearly bayoneted by one of them; and his orderly
was compelled, for the security of his master, to cut
down five or six in rapid succession.” 253 To intensify
253 The quotation is from Siborne,
and shows the state of things at the
rear of the flying French army: how
it fared at the front is told by the
Erckmann - Chatrian conscript :-
“The English pushed us into the
396
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Battle of
Waterloo.
this turbulence, the light, which had long been failing,
was fast giving place to darkness when Bülow's and
Pirch's Prussians bore down the resistance against
June 18.
Rout of the
French.
valley, and it was through this val- hit you ! roon–let me get away-
ley that Blücher was coming. The the others do just the same---room
generals and officers and even the for the Emperor! room for the Mar-
Emperor himself were compelled to shall' The strong crush the weak
take refuge in a square. . . . The -the only thing in the world is
square of the Guard began to retreat, strength! On! ou! Let the can-
firing from all sides in order to keep nons crush everything, if we can only
off the wretches who sought safety save them !” = To this frightful dis-
within it. Only the officers and organization there were exceptions.
generals might save themselves. “ Two flags had been lost upon the
In the distance the grenadière was field of battle, at the commencement
sounding like an alarm bell in the of the action,” says Charras, contra-
midst of a conflagration. But this dicting Thiers' reckless misrepresen-
was much more terrible: it was the tation (note 170, page 261). “There
last appeal of France, of a proud and was none other lost. In the crowd
courageous nation; it was the voice of these disbanded horsemen and
of the country saying, 'Help, muy foot soldiers, marching and running
children! I perish!' This rolling
This rolling pell-mell, some still armed, the others
of the drums of the Old Guard in having thrown away or broken their
the midst of disaster had in it some- sabres and guns, under the impulse
thing touching and horrible.
of rage, of despair, of terror, there
The uproar could be heard for at were seen, here and there, by the
least two leagues ; cavalry, infantry, pale light of the sky, little groups of
artillery, ambulances, and baggage- officers of every grade and of soldiers
wagons were creeping along the road
spontaneously arrayed about the
pell-mell, howling, beating, neighing, standard of each regiment, and ad-
and weeping. . . . The moon rose vancing, sabre in hand, bayonet on
above the wood behind Planchenoit, the gun, resolute, imperturbable, in
and lighted up this crowd of shapskas, the midst of the general disorder.
bear-skin caps, helmets, sabres, bayo- ' Place au drapeau !' cried they when
nets, broken caissons, and abandoned the rout arrested their march; and
cannon: the crowd and confusion
Dearly always this cry suſliced to
increased every moment: plaintive cause the very men who had become
howls were beard from one end of deaf to every word of command and
the line to the other, rolling up and to all discipline to stand aside before
down the hillside and dying away in them, opening them a passage. Glo-
the distance like a sigh. Every rious representatives of military
one for himself !--I shall crush you, honour, they often had to endure,
—so much the worse for you,-I am they always repulsed, the enemy's at-
the stronger,---you scream, but it is tack, and thus saved their conquered
all the same to me,-take care, take flags from the attempts of the con-
care,-I am on horseback, I shall
queror,"
6
BATTLE OF WATERLOO_FRENCH ROUT.
397
Waterloo.
June 18.
Rout of the
which they had been struggling furiously at Planche- Battle of
noit. They now came rushing through the village and
along its either flank, streaming across the flow of the
general current that rolled down the Charleroi road. French.
In the gloom, the British and the Prussian horsemen-
riding in toward the road from the opposite wings,
each intent upon destroying as many as possible of the
enemies before him, and neither looking for friends in
that direction-encountered one another with sabre-
cuts, and several such encounters gained headway
before the mistake was discovered. This new attack in
flank added, if possible, to the dismay and confusion of
the flying French. Among these there now remained
but a single regiment of cavalry which preserved its
formation amid the universal rout, and in spite of the
efforts of Vandeleur's dragoons—the foremost troops in
the pursuit—to disorder it. These retiring horsemen
were the grenadiers à cheval of the Guard, and sheltered
the infantry square of the Guard in which Napoleon
and his staff were retiring from the field. 66 The 12th
British light dragoons,” says Siborne, “ were the nearest
to it, having got in advance of the rest of the brigade,
and were opposite the right flank of the column,
whence a few pistol or carbine shots were fired at
them. The 12th made a partial attack, but they were
so much inferior in numbers (being very weak at this
period) and were so greatly obstructed in their move-
ments by the crowd, that they were unable to produce
any impression upon so compact and steady a body of
cavalry, which literally walked from the field in the
most orderly manner, moving majestically along the
stream the surface of which was covered with the
innumerable wrecks into which the rest of the French
army had been scattered.” In this manner the inter-
mingled troops rolled as far as Rossome, where the
398
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The
pursuit.
June 18.
Waterloo. advance of the foremost British brigades was stayed,
and they bivouacked for the night, leaving the further
pursuit to the Prussians.
Wellington had previously arranged with Blücher
that the Prussian army, being comparatively fresh,
should take up the pursuit so soon as the rout of the
French was thoroughly completed ; and he had ordered
his general line to halt upon the morning's position of
the French at La Belle Alliance. He rode on himself
until satisfied how completely the enemy had been de-
stroyed, and then turned back to his headquarters at
the village of Waterloo. 254
of Waterloo.254 As the two leaders had
as
a
254 The standard story of Water- I sat in that farm-house. It hap-
loo represents that Wellington ad- pened that the meeting took place
vanced only to Rossome, and on his after 10 at night at the village of
way back met Blücher at La Belle Genappe, and anybody who attempts
Alliance, which is noted
to describe with truth the opera-
felicitous circumstance--and there tions of the different armies will see
concocted with the Prussian Field- that it could not be otherwise.
Marshal the details of the pursuit. .. But in truth I was not off my
Such is Siborne's story, also that of horse till I returned to Waterloo
Scott, Lockhart, Hazlitt, Alison, between 11 and 12 at night.” The
Gleig, and the generality of guide- historians, therefore, are unanimously
books and encyclopædias. Thiers in error about the Belle Alliance
tells how the two embraced. The episode, and their consequent de-
Rev. Mr. Abbott evades specific duction that it was
on account of
geography, but says:
«Blücher and it that Blücher gave that name to
Wellington, with their dripping the battle.” = Of the Duke's return
swords, met with congratulations in to Waterloo there is a story that
the midst of the bloody arena. he narrowly escaped being kicked
Each claimed the honour of the to death by "Copenhagen" as he
victory." In Wellington's Supple- alighted at his headquarters. Ac-
mentary Despatches, however, is pub- cording to Gleig, "The gallant ani-
lished a letter from the Duke to mal which bad carried his master
W. Mudford, Esq., dated Paris, 8th safely through the fatigues and
June, 1816, which, speaking of the dangers of the day, as if proud of the
inaccuracies in accounts of the part which he had played in the
battle, says:
Of these a remark-
great game, threw up his heels just
able instance is to be found in the as the Duke turned from him, and it
report of a meeting between Mar- was by a mere hairbreadth that the
shal Blücher and me at La Belle life was preserved which, in a battle
Alliance, and soma have gone so far of ten hours' duration, had been left
as to have seen the chair on which unscathed.”
WATERLOO—THE PURSUIT.
399
pursuit.
Night.
92
agreed, the French were allowed no time for rest or Waterloo.
opportunity to rally on the northern side of their own The
frontier. Bülow's corps was to follow them without a June 18.
pause along the Charleroi road ; Zieten was to support
Bülow; and Pirch, turning back, was to march by way
of Aywiers across the Dyle, to intercept the retreat
which it was inferred Grouchy would attempt in the
direction of the Sambre. Gneisenau led the pursuit,
putting himself at the head of three squadrons of lancers,
and pushing on with such energy as to occupy Gosselies
before morning. “The débris of Napoleon's army,'
says Jomini, in the Summary of the Campaign, “re-
gained Genappe in horrible disorder. In vain did the
staff strive to form it into corps : everything was pell-
mell. It would be unjust to reproach the troops for
this : never had they fought with more valour, and the
cavalry especially had surpassed itself ; but, little
accustomed to seeing themselves thus turned and well
nigh enveloped, having exhausted all their munitions,
they thought it their duty to seek safety in the most
precipitate retreat. Each one wishing to retake the
road he had previously followed, they crossed each
other in different directions, some to reach the road to
Charleroi, others to secure that leading to Nivelles
and escape from the enemy that already appeared on
the former : the confusion was complete. The chief of
Blücher's staff, a man of head and heart, was, notwith-
standing the night, ordered in pursuit of this tumul-
tuous crowd with the Prussian cavalry that had been
least engaged. He appeared unexpectedly before Ge-
nappe, into which he threw a few shot and shell, and
this gave the finishing stroke to the rout. The disorder
was so much the greater, as the avenues of this defile
had been barricaded to cover the parks that remained
there; and this precaution, so often neglected by the
400
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
The
pursuit.
line 18.
Waterloo. French, turned, under these circumstances, against
them, by encumbering the only remaining passage-way.
This augmented the confusion and doubled the loss of
Night.
material.” The task of the pursuers, in Thiers' words,
was well suited to the rage the Prussians felt against
On this night they committed outrages disgraceful
to their nation, and, if local traditions may be believed,
they assassinated Gen. Duhesme, who fell wounded into
their hands." 255
The disorganization of the French was
us.
was
255 Siborne says nothing of the ferocity set the seal on the disaster;
killing of Duliesme, merely in- the desperate rout passed through
cluding him, with Lobau, Cam- Genappe, passed through Quatre
bronne, and others, among the list Bras, passed through Sambref, passed
of those taken prisoners. Scott, through Frasnes, passed through
however, in Paul's Letters, narrates Thuin, passed through Charleroi,
it circumstantially and as an act of and only stopped at the frontier.
Homeric retribution :-" He Alas! and who was it flying in this
overtaken in the village of Genappe way? The Grand Army." Charras
by one of the Duke of Brunswick's says more emphatically than Victor
black hussars, of whom he begged Hugo: “The Prussians, raging, mas-
quarter. The soldier regarded him sacred wholesale, pitilessly.
Du-
sternly with his sabre uplifted, and liesme was one of their noblest vic-
then briefly saying, "The Duke of tims. "This crime has remained un-
Brunswick died yesterday,' bestowed punished l'exclaims Napoleon in his
on him his death-wound.
Mémoires. This is only too true.
Κάτθανε και Πάτροκλος, όπερ σέο
But had he the right to rebuke this
πολλών αμείνων.”
atrocity—he who had not even re-
proved General Rognet, who threat-
In reference to this story, see note ened, on the day of Ligny, to shoot
77, page 136, ad finem. = Victor
the first grenadier of the Guard
Hugo relates Duhesme's assassina- who should bring him a Prussian
tion substantially as Scott had done, prisoner ? ' (See note 58, page
and adds with a certain candour, 108). = Scott bad already suggested
“Blücher commanded extermination. the palliation of the Prussian bar-
Roguet had given the mournful barities which Hugo and Charras
example of threatening with death admit. " The night,” he says,
any Trench grenadier who brought illuminated by a bright moon, so that
in a Prussian prisoner, and Blücher the flyers found no refuge and expe-
surpassed Rognet.
The victory
rienced as little mercy. To the last,
was completed by the assassination
indeed, the French had forfeited all
of the ranquished. Let us punish claims, for their cruelty towards the
are writing history-old Prussians taken on the 16th and to-
Blücher dishonoured himself. This wards the British wounded and
was
.
as
we
WATERLOO—THE PURSUIT.
401
so complete that there was no one to create even a Waterloo,
rearguard, which might easily have held the defile at The pur-
Genappe long enough to obtain some respite for the June 18.
mass of the fugitives, or even to enable them to re-form
at some point in the rear. But no successful attempt
Night.
prisoners made during the battle body knows. His army is completely
of the 18th was such as to exclude en de Routt [sic]. His artillery is in
them from the benefit of the ordi- our hands. His orders, which he
nary rules of war. . . . This unna- himself wore, have just been brought
tural hatred, rashly announced and to me. They were taken in one of
cruelly acted upon, was as fearfully his carriages."
avenged. The Prussians listened
not, and they had no reason to
“Gosselles [sic], June 20, 1815.
listen, to cries for mercy from those
“I have pretty well got over my
who had thus abused their moment-
fall, but have again had one of my
ary advantages over themselves and horses wounded. I do not expect
their allies; and their light horse, now very soon, and perhaps not at
always formidable on such occasions,
all, to have any great battles. Na-
made a fearful and indiscriminate poleon escaped in the night without
hat and sword. His hat and sword
slaughter, scarce interrupted even by
the temptation of plundering the
I send to-day to the King. His very
baggage with which the roads were
rich state cloak and his carriage are
choked, and unchecked by an attempt
in my hands. I also possess his spy-
at resistance. Those soldiers who
glass, which he was accustomed to
had begun the morning with such use on battle-days.
The carriage
hopes, and whose conduct during the
I will send you. The only pity is it
battle had vindicated their having
is injured. His jewels and all his
done so, were
so broken in valuables have become the booty of
heart and spirits that scores of them
our troops. Nothing remains to
fled at sight of a single Prussian
him of his equipage. Many a soldier
hussar." = Blücher's account of his
has 5,000 to 6,000 thalers booty.
triumph is given in the following
He was in the carriage in order to
letter to his family, announcing the
retreat when he was surrounded by
fulfilment of the intentions he bad ex-
our troops. He sprang out and
threw himself without a sword on a
pressed when writing from Wavre on
the 17th (see note 67, page 120) :-
horse, in doing which his hat fell off,
and probably, favoured by the night,
Battlefield, La Belle Alliance
he has escaped, but heaven knows
(no date]
whither. To-day I advance into
" What I promised I have per-
France with the greater part of the
formed. On the 16th I was forced to army The consequences of this
give way to force. On the 18th, in victory are not to be calculated, and
concert with my friend Wellington, I in my judgment Napoleon must fall
have given Napoleon the finishing altogether, and the French nation
stroke. What has become of him no- must despise him."
D D
now
402
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
The pur-
suit.
June 18.
Night.
II P.M.
The square,
at a stand was made. Lobau did indeed assemble some
200 or 300 men at Genappe and attempt to show a
front against the pursuers; but he was abandoned by
his followers and made prisoner. The rearmost of the
French troops in the place betook themselves to re-
newed flight as soon as the Prussians were heard
coming. The Grand Army was for ever dissolved.
Napoleon had passed from the battlefield in the
square of the Old Guard. “He had lost all hope,” says
Thiers. 65 With sombre but calm countenance, he rode
in the centre of the square, his far-seeing glance probing
futurity, and seeing that more than a battle had been
lost that day! He only interrupted these gloomy me-
ditations to enquire for his lieutenants, some of whom
were among the wounded near him. . . .
in whose centre Napoleon had sought refuge, was so
stupefied that the men advanced almost without speak-
ing. Napoleon, alone, sometimes addressed a few words
to the Major-General, or to his brother Jerome, who
was still beside him. Sometimes, when much annoyed
by the Prussian squadrons, the square halted, and the
side that was attacked fired; then the sad and silent
march was resumed, disturbed occasionally by the tor-
rent of fugitives that swept by, or by the cavalry of the
enemy. They thus arrived at Genappe about it at
night. The bridge of this little town was so encum-
bered by the wagons of the artillery that the passage
was completely blocked. ... At Genappe Napoleon
left the square of the Guard where he had taken refuge.
The other squares, being encumbered by wounded and
fugitives, had been broken up. From the time of their
arrival at Genappe, each sought his own safety as best
he could.” With an escort of some twenty horsemen,
Napoleon continued on the southern road, detaching,
as they passed through Quatre Bras, an officer charged
WATERLOO-NAPOLEON'S FLIGHT
403
I A.M.
with informing Grouchy what had befallen at Waterloo, Waterloo.
and ordering him to retire upon Namur. The fallen Napoleon s
Emperor 256
256—not yet admitting to himself that political June 19.
256 A still sadder account of Na- drowsiness." =Some lines of Béran-
poleon's retreat is given in the Mé- ger's refer to Napoleon's propensity
moires of Ségur, who was informed to drowsiness in his later years.
by Monthyon that," when the catas- Their reference, it is true, is to the
trophe was declared, he and the campaign of France in the preceding
Grand Marshal Bertrand could only year; but they show that the habit
enable the Emperor to make good was among the popular traditions of
his retreat to Charleroi by holding the great warrior. The verses are
him up between them on his horse, from Les Souvenirs du Peuple, the
his body sunk (affaissé) and his head translation being Father Prout's :
shaking, overcome by a feverish
"Mais quand la pauvre Champagne
“But when all Europe's gathered
Fut en proie aux étrangers,
strength
Lui, bravant tous les dangers,
Burst o'er the French frontier at
Semblait seul tenir la campagne.
length,
Un soir, tout comme aujourd'hui, 'Twill scarcely be believed
J'entends frapper à la porte; What wonders, single-handed, he
J'ouvre, bon Dieu ! C'ETAIT LUI!
achieved.
Suivi d'une faible escorte.
Such general ne'er lived !
Il s'asseoit où me voilà,
One evening on my threshold stood
S'écriant : 'Oh, quelle guerre !
A guest-—'TWAS HE! Of warriors
Oh, quelle guerre !'
few
He had a toil-worn retinue.
He flung himself into this chair of
wood,
Muttering, meantime, with fear-
ful air,
Quelle guerre! oh, quelle guerre!'
"J'ai faim,' dit-il ; et bien vite
Je sers piquette et pain bis.
Puis il sèche ses habits;
Même à dormir le feu l'invite.
Au réveil, voyant mes pleurs,
Il me dit: "Bonne espérance !
Je cours de tous ses malheurs
Sous Paris venger la France !"
“ He said, 'Give me some food,'-
Brown loaf I gave, and homely
wine,
And made the kindling fire-
blocks shine,
To dry his cloak witlı wet bedemed.
Soon by the bonny blaze lie slept,
Then, waking, chid me (for I
wept);
' Courage!' he cried, 'I'll strike for
all
Under the sacred wall
Of France's poble capital !!!
D D 2
404
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
flight.
June 19.
I A.M.
and military power had gone from him-pressed on
Napoleon's toward Paris, and before daybreak was at Charleroi,
where, four days before, he had entered so splendidly
upon this short-lived campaign. The fast-following
Prussians allowed him but one hour's rest at this place
--then he was compelled to begin his flight anew.
Over the archway of the gate through which Napo-
leon entered their town on June 15th and departed on
June 19th the people of Charleroi have engraved the
inscription_2
257
ABIIT . EXCESSIT . EVASIT . ERVPIT .
Charras says of the flight from They found for him in Charleroi two
Waterloo that the Imperial party wretched vehicles. He got into one
“ betook themselves across the fields, with Bertrand, designated four or
making a long detour to the west of five of his officers to enter the other,
the highroad, to avoid any re-en- and started for Philippeville, without
counter with the Prussian cavalry.” a single horseman for escort."
Of the latter part of the flight he says, 257 The comparison of Napoleon
“ Before sunrise Napoleon reached with Catiline probably originated
[Charleroi]. Fugitives, especially with Scott, who quoted as a note to
cavalry who still remained mounted, his Field of Waterloo Sallust's ac-
had preceded him. There was al- count of the defeat and death in
ready disorder in the town. Napo- battle of the conspirator—an account
leon traversed it without stopping, somewhat suggestive of Waterloo,--
and made a short halt beyond the and amplified it in this passage :
Sambre, in the plain of Marcinelle.
What yet remains ?-shall it be thine
To head the relics of thy line
In one dread effort more?
The Roman lore thy leisure loved,
And thou canst tell what fortune proved
That Chieftain who, of yore,
Ambition's dizzy paths essay'd
And with the gladiators' aid
For empire enterprised --
He stood the cast his rashness play'd
Left not the victims he had made,
Dug bis red grave with his own blade,
And on the field he lost was laid,
Abhorr'd--but not despised.
THE SEQUEL.
405
22,
This narrative ends with the battle of Waterloo ; Waterloo.
but it may be not improper to add a reference to some Napoleon's
flight.
of the events which were consequent upon it :
The sequel.
June 21, 1815. Napoleon reached Paris. Tumults in the
Chamber of Representatives.
Napoleon's second Abdication.
25,
Napoleon retired to Malmaison. His Fare-
well Address to the Army.
July 7,
The Allies entered Paris.
8,
Louis XVIII. entered Paris. Second Restora-
tion,
15, Napoleon embarked on H.M.S. Bellerophon.
Aug. 7,
Napoleon transferred to H.M.S. Northumber-
land.
Sep. 26, The Holy Alliance formed.
Oct. 16,
Napoleon arrived at St. Helena.
Second Peace of Paris.
Dec. 6,
Ney condemned to death by the Chamber of
Peers.
១)
Nov. 20,
a
“But if revolves thy fainter thought
On safety,-howsoever bought,
Then turn thy fearful rein and ride,
Though twice ten thousand men have died
On this eventful day,
To gild the military fame
Which thou, for life, in traffic tame
Wilt barter thus away.
Shall future ages tell this tale
Of inconsistence faint and frail ?
And art thou He of Lodi's bridge,
Marengo's field, and Wagram's ridge!
Or is thy soul like mountain-tide,
That, swelled by winter storm and shower,
Rolls down in turbulence of power,
A torrent fierce and wide;
Reft of these aids, a rill obscure,
Shrinking unnoticed, mean and poor,
Whose channel shows display'd
The wrecks of its impetuous course,
But not one symptom of the force
By which these wrecks were made !”
406
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Waterloo.
Dec. 7, 1815. Ney shot, at Paris.
The sequel. May 5, 1821. Napoleon died, at Longwood, St. Helena.
Nov. 30, 1840. Napoleon's body reached France.
Napoleon's body placed in the Hôtel des In-
valides.
Dec. 15)
The losses.
The losses in the three armies that fought at Waterloo
were enormous, when considered in comparison with
the total number of combatants. Those of the Allies,
according to Siborne's official returns, were-
Killed
Wounded
Missing
Officers
Under-
officers
and men
Officers
Under-
officers
and men
Officer's
Under-
officers
apd men
Total
85
4,560
IO
6,936
I
.
ANGLO-ALLIED ARMY
British
King's German Legion
Hanoverians
Brunswickers
Nassauers.
Dutch-Belgians (estimate)
1,334
335
276
147
249
365
77
63
26
19
27
IS
7
5
1,589
1,602
582
217
207
50
3
932
1,035
420
370
660
643
-
--
4,000
Total
142
2,341
7,327
14
1,056
550
162
15,430
6,998
PRUSSIAN ARMY
22
1,203
4,225
39
1,347
Total losses of the Allies
164
3,544
712
11,552
53
2,403
22,428
Hooper—the most recent writer on the subject who
has gone carefully into the figures of the campaign
since the scrutiny made by Charras—makes no material
change in Siborne's figures ; but Charras believes the
Prussian return to be “a maximum.” These figures
are exclusive of the 2,467 Prussians who fell at Wavre,
and who of course ought to be included in the day's
losses. =The losses in Napoleon's army have been con-
jecturally estimated all the way from 20,000 to 40,000.
Hooper says, “What the losses of the French were is
mere matter of estimate, but the total in killed, wounded,
and prisoners cannot have been less than 30,000. They
also lost the whole of their artillery, ammunition wagons,
THE CONSEQUENCES.
407
Thiers says,
baggage, and train. The Anglo-Allied army captured Waterloo.
I 22 guns, 267 ammunition wagons and 20 spare car- The losses.
riages, 2 eagles, and 5000 prisoners.”
“ This fatal day cost us more than 20,000 men, counting
the 5000 or 6000 wounded who fell into the hands of
the English,”—but then Thiers, always untrustworthy
as to numbers, states the Allied loss as “more than
30,000 men. Charras-repudiating Napoleon's esti-
mate of 23,600, of whom 7,000 were prisoners, and
making a calculation, “perhaps not exact,” he says,
from evidences found in the French War Office-be-
lieves the number of killed, wounded, and prisoners to
have been between 31,000 and 32,000. The number
of French who perished can never be more precisely
known ; but it may be generally stated that, as a mili-
tary body, the Grand Army was annihilated. = The losses
in the English army, in Sir Walter Scott's phrase, “threw
half Britain into mourning. . It required all the
glory and all the solid advantages of this immortal day
to reconcile the mind to the high price at which it was
purchased."
As the result of the final overthrow of Napoleon's Conse-
power and the absolute elimination of himself from the Waterloo.
world of action, Europe enjoyed the assurance of a
general peace for the first time in almost a quarter of a
century-since the outbreak of the French Revolution
in 1793. But whether the nations of Europe gained
more than a change of tyrants is far from clear; for
the machinations of the Congress of Vienna, which
Napoleon's sally from Elba had momentarily discon-
certed, were promptly revived and consolidated into
the iniquitous compact of the Holy Alliance, with as
shameless disregard of political morality and the rights
of nationalities as had ever been manifested by Napo-
408
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
258
Conse-
quences of
leon in his consuming ambition for universal empire.
Waterloo. The first exercise by the Allied Powers of their regained
ascendancy was to impose the Bourbons once more
upon subjugated France, and to load her with inge-
niously onerous conditions,—stripping her of the terri-
tory acquired under the Republic, the Consulate, and
the Empire; placing foreign armies of occupation in
her fortresses ; exacting from her the payment of in-
demnities exceeding $300,000,000 ; and compelling the
restitution of those spoils of foreign capitals which
6
258 The Holy Alliance, by whom-
adds that the matter was of very
soever devised, was originally brought little importance, because “never
forward by the Czar Alexander, and afterwards did it happen that the
the rulers of Austria and Prussia be- Holy Alliance' was made mention
came his accomplices in the crime, of between the cabinets." The dif-
and coerced Europe, so far as they ference may be in part one of names,
were able, into conniyance. So but it is very sure that the po-
strenuous, however, has been the litical code popularly stigmatized as
execration awarded it by the com- the Holy Alliance was imposed by
mon consent of mankind that even the three Eastern Allies upon un-
those who were most intimately willing Europe, with the exceptions
involved in it have striven to repu- only of Great Britain and the Holy
diate it and shift its odium upon
See. Even England—though she
others. Thus Metternich, who is a made a merit of holding aloof-re-
synonym for Austria, and who pro- ceived much of the odium. Gre-
ſesses to give the history of the ville's Memoirs (August 13, 1822),
Holy Alliance in his Memoirs, de- in speaking of Lord Castlereagh's
scribes it as “nothing more than
suicide and reviewing the part he
a philanthropic aspiration clothed in had taken in the Congress of Vienna,
à religious garb," and a “loud- says,
“We have associated our-
sounding nothing;" says that the selves with the members of the Holy
Emperor Francis of Austria, when Alliance, and countenanced the acts
informed of its purport, declared of ambition and despotism in such a
that it “ does not please me at all,” manner as to have drawn upon us
and that the King of Prussia the detestation of the nations of the
"agreed with the Emperor Francis, Continent, and our conduct toward
except that he hesitated to reject the them at the close of the war has
views of the Russian monarch en- brought a stain upon our character
tirely;" declares that, fortified by for bad faith and desertion which no
these objections, he (Metternich) time will wipe away, and the recol-
prevailed upon Alexander to allow lections of which will never be ef-
the emasculation of his progeny; and faced from their minds."
THE CONSEQUENCES.
409
adorned Paris as trophies of her military glory 259 The Conse-
legacy of hatreds thus bequeathed was not forgotten Waterloo.
when the audacious charlatanism of the Second Empire
restored France--and to all appearance permanently-
to her old position as the “Grand Nation,” so abhorred
by Blücher. Napoleon III revived his uncle's quarrel
with Russia in the Crimean War. From Austria he
wrested away her western provinces, to create again a
Kingdom of Italy. Prussia would have been visited
259 The terms of the second and this large force was to be main-
Treaty of Paris (November 20, 1815), tained entirely at the expense of
as summarized by Alison, were as the French Government. In addi-
follows:-“The French frontier was tion to this the different powers ob-
restored to the state in which it tained indemnities for the spoliations
stood in 1790, by which means the inflicted on them by France during
whole of the territory, far from in- the Revolution, which amounted to
considerable, gained by the Treaty the enormous sum of 735,000,000
of 1814, was resumed by the Allies. francs more [$147,000,000). A hun-
In consequence of this France lost dred millions of francs were also
the fortresses of Landau, Sarre-Louis, provided to the smaller powers as•an
Philippeville, and Marienburg, with indemnity for the expenses of the
the adjacent territory of each. Ver- war, so that the total sums wbich
soix, with a small district around it, France had to pay, besides wain-
was ceded to the canton of Geneva; taining the army of occupation, was
the fortress of Huningen was to be no less than 1,535,000,000 francs
demolished, but the little county of [$307,000,000). Truly, France now
Venaisin, the first conquest of the underwent the severe but just law
Revolution, was ceded to France. of retaliation; she was made to feel
Seven hundred millions of francs what she had formerly inflicted on
($140,000,000] was to be paid to Germany, Italy, and Spain. Great
the Allied Powers for the expenses Britain, in a worthy spirit, gave up
of the war, in addition to which it the whole sum falling to her out of
was stipulated that an army of the indemnity for the war [amount-
150,000 men, composed of 30,000 ing to nearly $25,000,000] to the
from each of the great powers of King of the Netherlands, to erect the
England, Russia, Austria, and Prus- famous barrier against France which
sia, and the lesser powers of Ger- Joseph II had so insanely demolished;
many, was to occupy, for a period of and the Allied Powers unanimously
not less than three or more than five gave the highest proof of their sense
years, the whole frontier fortresses of Wellington being the first of
of France, from Cambray to Fort European generals by conferring
Louis, including Valenciennes and upon him the command of the army
Quesnoit, Maubeuge and Landrecy; of occupation."
410
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Conse-
quences of
Waterloo.
with greater humiliation, had it been in the power of
the French Emperor to inflict it ; but Prussia---which
had been goaded into the way toward greatness by the
oppressions of Napoleon I—had become the greatest of
military states when Napoleon III was forced into chal-
lenging her to renew the old quarrel ; and her King-
who had served under Blücher in 1815-triumphantly
crossed the much-disputed Rhine once more in 1870,
and had become the Emperor of Germany when for the
second time the German army entered Paris over the
ruins of a French Empire, and exacted from France
another incredibly great ransom. England, alone of
the victors of 1815, was never summoned by France to
the test of arms. England's victory at Waterloo had
exalted her to the greatest height of military power
ever attained by her—for since that day her wars have
been almost entirely against tribes of negroes and sa-
vages, and of a kind which Wellington would have des-
pised ; 260—and it was followed by forty years' immunity
from European complications and from trouble through
the innumerable revolutions going on upon the Con-
tinent. It was not until the rise of the Second Empire
in France that England was again entangled in a Con-
My lords," said Wellington sional contrast between the services
in Parliament, January 10, 1838, which he asked the House to honour,
“I entreat you, and I entreat the and the sort of warfare which it had
Government, not to forget that a been his glorious duty to engage in
great country like this can have no so long. The Duke of Wellington
such thing as a little war." The
was a simple-minded man, with little
particular inglorious war which then sense of humour, He did not pro-
threatened England was the “opium bably perceive himself the irony that
war” with China. Speaking of its others might have seen in the fact
conclusion in 1842, Mr. Justin that the conqueror of Napoleon, the
M'Carthy, in his History of Our Own victor in years of warfare against
Times, says,
"The Duke of Wel- soldiers unsurpassed in history,
lington moved the vote of thanks should have had to move a vote of
in the House of Lords. He could thanks to the feet and army which
hardly help, one would think, form- triumphed over the unarmed, help-
ing in his mind as he spoke an occa- less, child-like Chinese."
260 (6
THE CONSEQUENCES.
411
tinental war by the devices of the new Emperor ; and Conse-
in her secondary part in that alliance, and the chafing Waterloo.
of Englishmen under what not a few of them felt to be
its humiliation, Napoleonism was thought by many to
have exacted from her former conqueror atonement for
Waterloo. As to France when left to herself, her phe-
nomenal recuperative power—which no amount of bad
rule at home or repression from abroad seems able to
overtax-has enabled her to endure, without apparent
exhaustion, a bewildering succession of royal, imperial,
provisional,” and republican governments, which are
usually undermined by conspiracies, always dependent
on armies, and at intervals diversified by anarchy and
tumult. What is to be the political future of this great
nation is a problem which it passes human sagacity to
forecast.261
261 The difficulty of finding any tended to represent the court of
time at which to summarize the past Louis XVI. The walls of the royal
or predict the future of French po- apartment, which are adorned with
litical life can hardly be better illus- silver fleurs-de-lys, are white-the
trated thau by a passage from the first lue of the Caméléons. The
Earl of Albemarle's Fifty Years of courtiers are also in white from top
My Life. It was in August, 1851, to toe. They are all on pleasure
that the autobiographer went to bent, and are singing and dancing,
Paris as part of a deputation repre- without bestowing one thought on
senting the London municipality,
the morrow;
and visited a theatre where he was
Du présent il faut jouir,
assured that he should " see Frencli-
Rions de l'avenir; '
men enjoy a hearty laugh at their own
expense.” The piece he beheld was when, lo ! 'le Deuxième Tableau'
an extravaganza entitled Les Camé- (First French Revolution). Scene---
léons ; ou, Soixante ans en soixante Paris. On every house is inscribed
minutes, en six tableaux et demi. (Prison.' The white courtiers have
His summary of it is as follows: become Red Republicans, and their
"By way of prologue, the god Pro- features undergo as complete a trans-
teus appears as cicerone to a sort of formation as their dresses. The
Prince Rasselas from the Happy dance of pleasure is changed into
Valley on a visit to a people espe-
that of the Carmagnole. · Nous
cially under the influence of that sommes libres !' shouts one. Oui,'
sea-deity. This introduces the respond the Test.
• Premier Tableau,' which is in- Qui.' Frères ?! Nous sommes
'Egaux ?
6
412
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
3
En prison
Here we
are
Conse-
frères ?
They now say simul- our achievements. The Caméléons
quences of taneously, “Mon frère, tu m'es sus- throw their firelocks into a large
Waterloo.
pect. Each grasps his neighbour cauldron, from which there straight-
furiously by the collar, and sings way rises à representation of the
like a maniac a vaudeville, the burden column in the Place Vendôme.
of which is-
'Quatrième Tableau '(Restoration of
the Elder Bourbons). Scene—The
Toute la nation.'
fleurs-de-lys apartment.
have a crown and sceptre, a large
They have all dragged each other
off to prison, with the exception of a
genealogical tree, ribands and deco-
fat little Caméléon, who, having no-
rations of the order of St. Louis.
The band plays royalist airs. A
body else to lay hold of, exclaims,
'Je me suis suspect,' seizes his own
vaudeville is sung, of which the re-
frain is
throat, and carries himself off to the
air of
C'est aujourd'hui certain
· En prison.
Le droit diyin.'
* Troisième Tableau' (First Empire). The Caméléons first black,
Scene—An open field; a camp in implying that the Church party has
the background. Grouped as trophies regained its ascendancy, but they
are flags of all the nations of Europe afterwards resume the white. =
(those of England alone excepted). • Tableau Cinquième' (the Orleans
The Caméléons have become tri- dynasty). This scene is a squib on
colours. They wear the uniforms of the wholesale stockjobbing which
grenadiers of the Old Imperial Guard. marked the reign of Louis Philippe.
They have a thoroughly blasé air. The Caméléons are blazing in gold
By way of passing the time, it is and silver. The conversation turns
suggested that they should take wholly on scrip. Fortune, blind-
some capital city. A map is brought folded, and standing on a wheel,
us take Amsterdam.'
passes and repasses over the stage.
took that last night.' Madrid ! We are rolling in riches,' is the
C'est gentil à prendre.' We took cry; 'but we want a change. Let
Madrid the first thing this morning.' us have a radical reform, and cele-
• But how stupid of us !' says one brate it by a banquet.' A table is
of them : 'we have forgotten Berlin.' drawn across the stage.
Fortune
To a soldier — Va prendre Berlin!' appears for a moment, her wheel
And then Vienna! How drollnobody makes a retrograde movement, and
ever thought of Vienna.' To another the table suddenly changes into a
soldier, ' Va prendre Vienne!' The barricade. This brings us to='Ta-
first soldier comes back: 'Nous avons bleau Sixième' (the anarchy of 1848).
conquis la Prusse.' The second : Scene—A street in Paris. The
· Nous avons conquis l'Autriche.' street lamps smashed to pieces,
The preceding speaker then says with columus overthrown, trees cut down,
a yawn, “Since we have no more 'maison à vendre' on every bouse.
kingdoms to conquer, nothing is left The Caméléons, once more Red Re-
us but to repose on our laurels ;
our laurels; publicans, pass repeatedly to and
but first let us raise a memorial to fro. To make confusion worse con-
· Let
. We
THE CONSEQUENCES.
413
founded, the rappel is continually
beating to arms. The Caméléons
are in all the colours of the rainbow.
One runs against the other. “Par-
don, monsieur. Je ne m'appelle
pas Monsieur
"Pardon, citoyen,
what is the name of this place ?'
It is "La Place de Louis XV,'
cries one. "Pardon, c'est la Place
de la Révolution,' says another.
Pardon, c'est la Place de la Con-
corde,' says a third. “It is now
high time that'-here the actor
looks towards the prompter, who,
after a considerable row, is dragged Conse-
out of his eggshell, and shows a quences of
blank page.
Waterloo.
page. The audience is angrily
addressed from all parts of the house.
The author is called for, and appears
in the form of a small boy, who
tells the audience that the history of
the Caméléons stops there, but,
without committing himself; ventures
to hope that he may soon be able to
announce le plus heureux dénoue-
ment.' = Four months later," con-
cludes Lord Albemarle,“
famous coup d'état."
was the
WATERLOO POETRY.
CANTO III.
Byron.
STANZA XXI.
“ THERE was a sound of revelry by night,
And Belgium's capital had gather'd then
Her beauty and her chivalry, and bright
The lamps shone o'er fair women and brave men ;
A thousand hearts beat happily ; and when
Music arose with its voluptuous swell,
Soft eyes look'd love to eyes which spake again,
And all weut merry as a marriage-bell;
But hush ! hark ! a deep sound strikes like a rising knell.
XXII.
“Did ye not hear it ?-No; 'twas but the wind,
Or the car rattling o'er the stony street;
On with the dance ! let joy be unconfined;
No sleep till morn, when youth and pleasure meet,
To chase the glowing hours with flying feet--
But, hark! that heavy sound breaks in once more
As if the clouds its echo would repeat;
And nearer, clearer, deadlier than before !
Arm ! arm ! it is-it is—the cannon's opening roar!
XXIII.
“Within a window'd niche of that high ball
Sate Brunswick's fated chieftain; he did hear
That sound the first amid the festival,
And caught its tone with death's prophetic ear ;
And when they smiled because he deem'd it near,
His heart more truly knew that peal too well
Which stretched his father on a bloody bier,
And roused the vengeance blood alone could quell;
TIe rushed into the field, and, foremost fighting, fell.
416
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
XXIV.
Byron.
"Ah! then and there was hurrying to and fro,
And gathering tears, and tremblings of distress,
And cheeks all pale, which but an hour ago
Blushed at the praise of their own loveliness ;
And there were sudden partings, such as press
The life from out young hearts, and choking sighs
Which ne'er might be repeated; who could guess
If ever more should meet those mutual eyes,
Since upon nights so sweet such awful morn could rise !
XXV.
“And there was mounting in lot haste: the steed,
The mustering squadron, and the clattering car,
Went pouring forward with impetuous speed,
And swiftly forming in the ranks of war;
And the deep thunder peal on peal afar ;
And near, the beat of the alarming drum
Roused up the soldier ere the morning star;
While throng'd the citizens with terror dumb,
Or whispering, with white lips—The foe! they come ! they come!'
XXVI.
“ And wild and high the Cameron's gathering 'rose !
The war-note of Lochiel, which Albyn's hills
Have heard, and heard, too, have her Saxon foes :-
How in the noon of night that pibroch thrills,
Savage and shrill! But with the breath which fills
Their mountain-pipe, so fill the mountaineers
With the fierce native daring which instils
The stirring memory of a thousand years,
And Evan's, Donald's fame rings in each clansman's ears !
XXVII,
"And Ardennes waves above them her green leaves,
Dewy with nature's tear-drops, as they pass,
Grieving, if aught inanimate e'er grieves,
Over the unreturning brave,--alas !
Ere evening to be trodden like the grass
Which now beneath them, but above shall grow
In its next verdure, when this fiery mass
Of living valour, rolling on the foe
And burning with high hope, shall moulder cold and low.
WATERLOO POETRY.
417
XXVIII.
Byron.
“ Last noon beheld them full of lusty life,
Last eve in beauty's circle proudly gay,
The midnight brought the signal-sound of strife,
The morn the marshalling in arms,--the day
Battle's magnificently-stern array !
The thunder-clouds close o'er it, which when rent
The earth is cover'd thick with other clay,
Which her own clay shall cover, heap'd and pent,
Rider and horse-friend, foe-in one red burial blent !"
About the passage in Childe Harold, which holds
indisputably the first place among the poems on the
Battle of Waterloo, there is little to be recorded in the
way of literary history. The stanzas in question occur
near the opening of the third canto of the poem, and
were written at a period very eventful to the poet.
The two previous cantos—which he seems at the time
to have considered as possibly completing the poem
-were composed, he says in his preface, “ for the most
part amidst the scenes which it attempts to describe.”
They were published in 1812, when Lord Byron was but
twenty-four years of age. During the years imme-
diately following there ensued the twice-repeated down-
fall of Napoleon's fortunes and the domestic calamities
which drove Byron from England. It was on April
1 During this period Byron wrote It certainly was prematurely written,
(April 10, 1814) lis Ode to Napoleon without thought or reflection.
Bonaparteman outburst of bitter See if you cannot make amends for
scorn at the fallen Emperor's con- your folly, and consider that, in al-
senting to survive his power. This most every respect, human nature is
production subsequently embarrassed the same in every clime and in every
him. On June 12, 1815, he enclosed period, and don't act the part of a
to Tom Moore "an epistle received foolish boy." Byron, however, had
this morning from I know not made his recantation in anticipation
whom. . . The writer," be observes, of this injunction ; for, on March 17,
6 must be
fellow." This 1815, on hearing of Napoleon's re-
anonymous correspondent declared
turn from Elba, he wrote to Moore,
himself “ quite vexed that you have “ I can forgive the rogue for utterly
not cancelled the Ode to Buonaparte. falsifying every line of mine Odem
סבון
a tare
E E
418
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Byrou.
scenes.
25, 1816, that he left his own country for the last
time, and journeyed through Flanders and along the
Rhine to Switzerland, where--at Diodati, on the Lake
of Geneva-he wrote the third canto during the months
of May, Junė, and July.
Lord Byron's route, Moore observes in his Life, “is
best traced in his own matchless verses, which leave a
portion of their glory on all that they touch, and lend
to scenes already clothed with immortality by nature
and by history the no less durable associations of undy-
ing song.” Such a tribute Byron paid to the field of
Waterloo. “I went on horseback twice over the field,"
he wrote, “ comparing it with my recollections of similar
As a plain, Waterloo seems marked out for the
scene of some great action, though that may be mere
imagination. I have viewed with attention those of Platæa,
Troy, Mantinea, Leuctra, Chæronea, and Marathon; and
the field around Mont St. Jean and Hougomont appears
to want little but a better cause, and that indefinite but
impressive halo which the lapse of ages throws around
a celebrated spot, to vie in interest with any or all of
these, except, perhaps, the last mentioned.” On the
evening after this inspection Byron wrote, and next
morning transcribed into the album of Mrs. Pryce Gor-
don, then resident in Brussels, the first two of the four
stanzas which immediately precede those usually quoted
upon the eve of Waterloo :-
which I take to be the last and ut- King of Sweden may overthrow the
termost stretch of human magnani- constitution, but not my book !!! I
mity. Do you remember," he pro- think,” concludes Byron, “ of the
ceeds illustratively, “the story of a Abbé, but not with him," = It should
certain Abbé, who wrote a treatise be added that, during the years l'em
on the Swedish Constitution, and ferred to in the text, Byron made
proved it indissoluble and eternal ? five contributions to the poetical
Just as he had corrected the last literature upon Napoleon's final orer-
sheet, news came that Gustapus III throw-four of them 56 from the
had destroyed this immortal govern- French,"
Sir,' quoth the Abbé the
ment,
6
WATERLOO POETRY.
419
66
Byron.
Stop! for thy tread is on an Empire's dust !
An earthquake's spoil is sepulchred below!
Is the spot mark'd with no colossal bust,
Nor column trophied for triumphal show?
None; but the moral's truth tells simpler so,
As the ground was before, thus let it be;-
How that red rain hath made the harvest grow !
And is this all the world has gain'd by thee,
Thou first and last of fields ! king-making Victory?
" And Harold stands upon this place of skulls,
The grave of France, the deadly Waterloo !
How in an hour the power which gave annuls
Its gifts, transferring fame as fleeting too!
In 'pride of place' here last the eagle flew,
Then tore with bloody talon the rent plain,?
Pierced by the shaft of banded nations through;
Ambition's life and labours all were vain ;
He wears the shatter'd links of the world's broken chain.
2 The lines italicised above l'ead, in the first draft,
“ Here his last flight the haughty eagle flow,
Then tore, with bloody beak, the fatal plain,"
The verses were read by an artist, tiful lines, and the liberty he had
Mr. R. R. Reinagle, a friend of taken by altering the action of the
Major Gordon's, on a visit to Brus- eagle: In reply to this, he wrote to
sels, shortly after they were written, me:-Reinagle is a better poet and
whereupon he drew a chained eagle a better ornithologist than I am;
grasping the earth with his talons. eagles, and all birds of prey, attack
“I had occasion," says Major Gor- with their talons, and not with their
don,“ to write to his Lordship, and beaks, and I have altered the line
mentioned having got this clever thus:-
artist to draw a vignette to his beau-
Then tore with bloody talon the rent plain,
This is, I think, continued Byron, to the field of Waterloo bears out
a better line, besides its poetical statement concerning his methods of
justice.” And Major Gordon ob- composition afterwards recorded in
serves, “I need hardly add, when I Tom Moore's Diary (July 3, 1821).
communicated this flattering compli- It was at a dinner at Holland House,
ment to the painter, that he was when the practice of authors in ob-
highly gratified." = Byron's writing sertation and description came under
this passage on the day of his visit discussion, and Lord Holland re-
6
DE 2
420
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Byron.
“ Fit retribution ! Gaul may champ the bit
And foam in fetters but is earth more free?
Did nations combat to make One submit;
Or league to teach all kings true sovereignty?
What! shall reviving thraldom again be
The patch’d-up idol of enlighten'd days ?
Shall we, who struck the lion down, shall we
Pay the wolf homage ? proffering lowly gaze
And servile knees to thrones ? No; prove before ye praise !
“If not, o'er one fallen despot boast no more!
In vain fair cheeks were furrow'd with hot tears
For Europe's flowers long rooted up before
The trampler of her vineyards; in vain years
Of death, depopulation, bondage, fears,
Have all been borne, and broken by the accord
Of roused-up millions; all that most endears
Glory, is when the myrtle wreathes the sword,
Such as Harmodius drew on Athens' tyrant lord.”
The third canto of Childe Harold, as has been said,
was completed in Switzerland. Of its general tone Sir
Walter Scott, in allusion to the author's domestic griefs,
wrote, “ The commentary through which the meaning
of this melancholy tale is rendered obvious is still in
vivid remembrance; for the errors of those who excel
their fellows in gifts and accomplishments are not soon
forgotten. Moore, recording Byron's history at this
marked," Mad.de Staël never looked the character of improvisation which
at anything; passed by scenery of belongs to the poetry of Byron that
overy kind without a glance at it; he could write only on the very
which did not, however, prevent her spot; or at least that he must receive
describing it,' I [Moore) said that on the spot inspiration for his poetry
Lord Byron could not describe any- —and then, almost immediately,
thing which he had not actually fervente calamo, commit it to paper.
under his eyes, and that he did it All his poems were written,
either on the spot or immediately when the fit of inspiration was upon
after.” Karl Elze, in his Life of him, with the utmost rapidity, and
Byron, makes a similar observation as it were at one cast."
-“ It is intimately connected with
.
WATERLOO POETRY.
421
Byron.
time, said, “ The effect of the late struggle on his mind,
in stirring up all his resources and energies, was visible
in the great activity of his genius during the whole of
this period, and the rich variety, both in character and
colouring, of the works with which it teemed. Besides
the third canto of Childe Harold, and The Prisoner
Chillon, he produced also his two poems, Darkness and
The Dream. Those verses, too, entitled The Incanta-
tion, which he introduced afterwards, without any con-
nection with the subject, into Manfred, were also (at
least the less bitter portion of them) the production of
this period ; and as they were written soon after the
last fruitless attempt at reconciliation, it is needless to
say who was in his thoughts while he penned some of
the opening stanzas.” Byron himself wrote from Venice
to Murray, his publisher-on January 24, 1817, before
the published work had reached him,---“ Mrs. Leigh (his
sister] tells me that most of her friends prefer the first
two cantos. I do not know whether this be the general
opinion or not (it is not hers); but it is natural it should
be so. I, however, think differently, which is natural
also ; but who is right, or who is wrong, is of very little
consequence."
Soon after this on January 28—he
wrote to Moore, “I tremble for the ‘magnificence'
which you attribute to the new Childe Harold. I am
glad you like it; it is a fine indistinct piece of poetical
desolation, and my favourite. I was half mad during
the time of its composition, between metaphysics, moun-
tains, lakes, love inextinguishable, thoughts unutterable,
and the nightmare of my own delinquencies. I should,
many a good day, have blown my brains out, but for
the recollection that it would have given pleasure to
my mother-in-law; and, even then, if I could have been
certain to haunt her. But I won't dwell upon these
trifling family matters.”
422
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Byron.
>>
From the accounts which have thus been given of
the genesis of this canto, it would scarcely have occurred
to either its writer or his readers that its inspiration
was derived from Wordsworth. Such, however, was
the modest judgment of the Lake poet. It was in the
autumn of 1820 that the latter visited Paris, where Tom
Moore met him at a dinner given by Canning, and im-
mediately set him down, in his Diary, as “a man to
hold forth, one who does not understand the give and
take of conversation." Two days later (October 27,
1820) Moore made this entry in his Diary:
“Wordsworth came at half-past eight, and stopped to
breakfast. Talked a good deal. Spoke of Byron's plagiarisms
from him; the whole third canto of Childe Harold founded on
his style and sentiments. The feeling of natural objects which
is there expressed, not caught by B. from nature herself, but
from him (Wordsworth), and spoiled in the transmission.
Tintern Abbey the source of it all; from which same poem too
the celebrated passage about Solitude, in the first canto of
Childe Harold, is (he said) taken, with this difference, that
what is naturally expressed by him, has been worked by Byron
into a laboured and antithetical sort of declamation.”
ور
Upon which Lord John Russell, as Moore's editor,
observes in a note, “There is some resemblance between
Tintern Abbey and Childe Harold ; but, as Voltaire said
of Homer and Virgil, “When they tell me “Homer made
Virgil,” I answer, “ Then it is his best work,"
Wordsworth it may be said, “If he wrote the third
canto of Childe Harold, it is his best work.'" 3
و در
so of
8 Moore—who in later years de- talked of Wordsworth's exceedingly
vised for Wordsworth's express be- high opinion of himself; and she
nefit the adjective "soliloquacious” mentioned that one day, in a large
(Diary, Feb. 20, 1835)-gives this party, Wordsworth, without any-
incident from the same visit to Paris, thing having been previously said
related to him by Lady Davy, the that could lead to the subject, called
wife of Sir Humphry Davy :-“We out suddenly from the top of the
WATERLOO POETRY.
423
Scott.
After the Battle of Waterloo and the restoration of
peace English tourists flocked to the Continent, and
among them Walter (not yet Sir Walter) Scott. Im-
mediately on receiving news of the victory, a friend of
his, the eminent surgeon Sir Charles Bell, had repaired
to Brussels to lend his aid to the wounded ; and had
written to his brother in Edinburgh an account of
scenes consequent upon the battle so graphic that,
“When I read it,” said Scott, “ it set me on fire.” A
wedding, which Scott could not neglect attending, on
July 24, 1815, prevented his instant departure ; but on
July 27, with a small party of friends, he set out from
Edinburgh, and reached Belgium in the beginning of
August. At Brussels he found the remnant of the
British garrison, and also his old acquaintance, Major
table to the bottom, in his most lyle's death, in 1881. The conver-
epic tone, Davy!' and, on Davy's sation occurred at a London dinner
putting forth his head in awful ex- party in 1840: _“I got him upon
pectation of what was coming, said, the subject of great poets, who I
• Do you know the reason why I thought might be admirable equally
published the White Doe in quarto ?' to us both; but was rather mistaken,
'No, what was it?' 'To show the as I gradually found. Pope's par-
world my own opinion of it.'” Long tial failure I was prepared for ; less
after this (August 8, 1837), Moore for the narrowish limits visible in
met Wordsworth at a dinner at Milton and others. I tried him
Rogers', in London; and, “On my with Burns, of whom he had sung
mentioning that I had met with a tender recognition; but Burns also
young man at a café in Paris who turned out to be a limited, inferior
had seen him (Wordsworth) in Creature, any genius he had a theme
Italy, he asked me who he was; and for one's pathos rather ; even Shake-
on my answering that I did not speare himself had his blind sides,
know his name, the sublime Laker his limitations; gradually it became
replied, 'Oh, Virgilium tantum apparent to me that of transcendent
vidi,' but immediately conscious of unlimited there was, to this critic,
the assumption of the speech, turned probably but one specimen known-
it off with a laugh.” Carlyle had a Wordsworth himself !" = Ono need
similar experience of Wordsworth, not necessarily revise his admiration
and set down his impression, which for Childe Harold because of Words-
is embodied in the Reminiscences, worth's faith in the superior poetical
published by Mr. Froude after Car- methods pursued in Tintern Abbey.
424
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO,
Scott.
Pryce Gordon, already quoted, who wrote of this
visit:
“Sir Walter Scott accepted my services to conduct him to
Waterloo : the General's aide-de-camp was also of the party.
He made no secret of his having undertaken to write some-
thing on the battle ; and perhaps he took the greater interest
on this account in everything that he saw. In our rounds
we fell in with M. de Costar, with whom he got into conversa-
tion. This man had attracted so much notice by his pretended
story of being about the person of Napoleon that he was of too
much importance to be passed by: I did not, indeed, know
as much of this fellow's charlatanism at that time as after-
wards, when I saw him confronted with a blacksmith of La
Belle Alliance, who had been his companion in a hiding-place
ten miles from the place during the whole day, a fact which he
could not deny. But he had got up a tale so plausible and so
profitable, that he could afford to bestow hush-money on the
companion of his flight, so that the imposition was but little
known; and strangers continued to be gulled.”
That Scott, like many others who wrote the first and
enduring descriptions of Waterloo, was thoroughly
taken in by this impostor is shown by the letter which
he wrote at the time to the Duke of Buccleuch,"I
spoke long with a shrewd Flemish peasant, called John
de Costar, whom he [Napoleon] had seized upon as his
guide, and who remained beside him the whole day,
and afterwards accompanied him in his flight as far as
Charleroi."4 After this visit Scott moved, deliberately,
towards Paris, where he was received with marked
cordiality by the magnates there assembled Lords Wel-
lington, Cathcart, Castlereagh, and Aberdeen, the Em-
peror Alexander, Platoff, Blücher, and others. Thence
he returned to London, where, on September 14, he
had his last meeting with Lord Byron, at which the
4 For the full extent of Scott's deception by Costar's—or Lacoste's,
pretensions, see note 145, p. 232.
WATERLOO POETRY.
425
Scott.
latter seemed much out of sorts, because, as Charles
Mathews, who was present, suggests,
" Waterloo did
not delight him, probably—and Scott could talk or
think of scarcely anything else.” From London he
returned home, and wrote to his friend Morritt, on
October 2,
“Yesterday and to-day I began, from
necessity, to prune verses, and have been correcting
proofs of my little attempt at a poem on Waterloo. It
will be out this week." It was, accordingly, quickly
published, and the author contributed the profits of
its first edition to the fund for the relief of the widows
and children of those who fell in the battle. It was
dedicated “ To her Grace the Duchess of Wellington,
Princess of Waterloo, etc., etc., etc.," and was preceded by
this
“ Advertisement. It may be some apology for the imper-
fections of this poem, that it was composed hastily, and during
a short tour upon the Continent, where the author's labours
were liable to frequent interruptions; but its best apology is
that it was written for the purpose of assisting the Waterloo
subscription."
The apology, no doubt, is adequate ; but the merit of
the poem is not such that Scott's admirers need desire
any addition to the extracts already made in the notes
appended to the narrative of the battle. Indeed, as a
whole, the production justified a mot which was current
at the time,—that “Scott fell in The Field of Waterloo'
-a sentiment which Lord Erskine embodied in the
couplet-
“Of all who fell, by sabre or by shot,
Not one fell half so flat as Walter Scott."
For The Dance of Death, which he contributed to the
Edinburgh Annual Register for 1815, there is less justi-
fication and no room whatever for praise. It is rather
426
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Scott.
a travesty than a mechanical perpetuation of the man-
ner of Marmion, and appears to have been a perfunctory
production, hastily and carelessly struck off as a piece
of literary job-work. A specimen of it has been quoted
on page 142.
Among the further products of Scott's continental
tour were several translations from the French, which
appeared in Paul's Letters and the Edinburgh Annual
Register. To one of these, which he calls The Romance
of Dunois, is prefixed this explanation :-
“ The original of this little romance makes part of a manu-
script collection of French songs, probably compiled by some
young officer, which was found on the field of Waterloo, so
much stained with clay and with blood as sufficiently to indi-
cate what had been the fate of its late owner. The song is
popular in France, and is rather a good specimen of the style of
composition to which it belongs. The translation is strictly
literal.”
܀
Queen
Hortense.
As to the latter particular, the translator greatly ffattered
himself; for the simple easy flow and smooth rhymes
of the French have not disappeared more completely
than its natural unlaboured expression, for which the
translator substituted a dilution of hackneyed and con-
ventional poetical flummiery. Scott did not know at
the time, what he afterwards learned, that the poem
was the work of Queen Hortense, who also set it to
music. When her son became Napoleon III, Partant
pour la Syrie was revived and became one of the favour-
ite military airs of the Second Empire. These circum-
stances and its history as above recited must be the
justification for introducing it here, for its theme has
no reference to Waterloo. An air was made for Scott's
translation by G. F. Graham and contributed to Thom-
son's Select Melodies. Queen Hortense's and Sir Walter's
versions are as follow, the long lines of the English
WATERLOO POETRY.
427
giving but half as many rhymes as the French. The Scott.
original of the latter, both as to words and metrical Queen
arrangement, is substituted for the mutilated rendering
printed by Scott.
Hortense.
“ ROMANCE CHEVALRESQUE.
“Partant pour la Syrie,
« Je te dois la victoire,
Le jeune et beau Dunois Dunois,' dit le seigneur.
Venait prier Marie
Puisque tu fais ma gloire,
De bénir ses exploits.
Je ferai ton bonheur.
Faites, reine immortelle, De ma fille Isabelle
Lui dit-il en partant,
Sois l'époux à l'instant,
Que j'aime la plus belle, Car elle est la plus belle,
Et sois le plus vaillant.' Et toi le plus vaillant.'
“Il trace sur la pierre
Le serment de l'honneur,
Et va suivre à la guerre
Le comte, son seigneur.
Au noble vou fidèle,
Il dit, en combattant,
Amour à la plus belle !
Honneur au plus vaillant!'
“A l'autel de Marie,
Ils contractent tous deux
Cette union chérie,
Qui seule rend heureux.
Chacun dans la chapelle
Disait, en les voyant,
'Amour à la plus belle !
Honneur au plus vaillant!"
" ROMANCE OF DUNOIS.
“It was Dunois, the young and brave, was bound for Palestine,
But first he made his orizons before Saint Mary's shrine :
' And grant, immortal Queen of Heaven,' was still the soldier's
prayer,
'That I may prove the bravest knight, and love the fairest fair.'
“ His oath of honour on the shrine he graved it with his sword,
And followed to the Holy Land the banner of his lord,
Where, faithful to his noble vow, his war-cry filled the air-
Be honoured aye the bravest knight, beloved the fairest fair!'
They owed the conquest to his arm, and then his liege lord said,
“The heart that has for honour beat by bliss must be repaid,
My daughter Isabelle and thou shall be a wedded pair,
For thou art bravest of the brave, she fairest of the fair.'
428
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Scott.
Queen
Hortense.
" And then they bound the holy knot before St. Mary's shrine,
That makes a paradise on earth if hearts and hands combine;
And every lord and lady bright that were in chapel there
Cried, “Honoured be the bravest knight, beloved the fairest
fair!'"
It would be almost cruel to collate these two, were it
not for the extreme complacency of Scott's own self-
content expressed in Paul's Letters. 66 I have taken
more pains," he says, “respecting these poems than
their intrinsic poetical merit can be supposed to deserve,
either in the original or in the English version; but
I cannot divest them from the interest which they
have acquired by the place and manner in which they
were obtained.” Queen Hortense's chanson, it is true,
is but a trifle, yet a pretty and graceful trifle, in which
there is not a single redundancy of expression, a wasted
word, or a phrase that could be bettered. But the
comparison which Scott solicits with his " “strictly
literal” translation discloses these achievements—(1) he
is grossly ungrammatical in the 1st line of his ist
stanza, in the ist and 3d of the 2d stanza, and in the
3d of the 4th stanza; (2) his “ and” and “still” in the
3d line ist stanza are inconsequent and silly; (3) he
imports, without any suggestion from the original, such
base bits of poetical slang as “bravest of the brave,'
“fairest fair,” “ wedded pair,” « bound the holy knot,
“his war-cry filled the air," “ owed the conquest to his
arm," "made his orizons ;” (4) he constantly expands a
terse phrase into a platitude : e.g. in every recurrence
of the refrain, or where “ cette union chérie qui seule rend
heureux ” is flattened out into “ the holy knot . . that
makes a paradise on earth if hearts and hands com-
bine ;” or where “chacun à la chapelle” is diluted into
every lord and lady bright that were [sic] in chapel
there;” (5) he invents, absolutely without justification,
(G
WATERLOO POETRY.
3
429
Hortense.
the trashy 2d line of the 3d stanza. In short, this Scott.
“ strictly literal” translation would suffice to prove, Queen
were it not otherwise proved, that by this time Scott as
a poet had come to live upon his previously-earned
reputation; that, after Waverley and Guy Mannering
had opened to him a new path, he was content to foist
upon the public rhythmical slop shamefully unworthy
of his powers. In the present instance, Queen Hor-
5
а.
Hazlitt, in his essay on Scott in tion which he has won with weary
The Spirit of the Age, congratulates labour.” The book appeared, and in
the successful novelist on turning his comments upon it in his English
away from his thread bare poetizings. Fragments (1828), Heine says,
“The Author of Waverley,” he says, Strange! the dead Emperor is,
“has got rid of the tagging of even in his grave, the bane of the
rhymes, the eking out of syllables, Britons, and through him Britannia's
the supplying of epithets, the colours
greatest poet has lost his laurels !
of style. . . . His poetry was -He was Britannia's greatest poet,
lady's waiting-maid, dressed out in
let people say and imagine what
cast-off finery; his prose is a beauti- they will..
Now, all this popu-
ful rustic nymph, that, like Dorothea lar wealth of the British poet is at
in Don Quixote, when she is sur- an end, and he, whose change was
prised with dishevelled tresses bath- so current that the Duchess and the
ing her naked feet in the brook, looks cobbler's wife received it with the
round her abashed at the admiration same interest, has now become a
her charms have excited.” = Heine poor Walter Scott. His destiny re-
speaks of Scott as an "ex-poet” in a calls the legend of the mountain
different sense from Hazlitt's criti- elves, who, mockingly benevolent,
cism. At one time the German
gave money to poor people which
critic was among bis warmest ad- was bright and profitable so long as
mirers, and, in The North Sea, in his they spent it wisely, but which
Pictures of Travel (1826), said, turned to mere dust when applied to
all great writers Byron is just the unworthy purposes. Sack by sack
one whose writings excite in me the we opened Walter Scott's new load
least passion, while Scott, on the —and lo! instead of gleaming swil-
contrary, in his every book, glad- ing pence, there was nothing but idle
deus, tranquillizes, and strengthens dust, and dust again! He was
Even at this time he justly punished by those mountain
had misgivings about Scott's as yet elves of Parnassus, the Muses, who,
published Life of Napoleon, ob- like all noble-minded women, are
serving, “ All those who honour the enthusiastic Napoleonists, and who
genius of Scott must tremble for were consequently doubly enraged
him, for such a book may easily at the misuse of the spirit-treasure
prove to be the Moscow of a reputa- which had been loaned.. .. The
6 Of
my heart."
430
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Scott.
Queen
Hortense.
tense's little verses can endure the closest scrutiny
without disclosing a flaw—Sir Walter's, if unsigned,
would go into the waste-basket of a village newspaper.
One may even imagine that Scott's “ traduction," as the
French would call it, of Queen Hortense's chanson was
what Thackeray had in mind when he “improved'
Wapping Old Stairs into The Knightly Guerdon.
The propensity to slight his literary work which
is manifested in all his Waterloo poetry brings into
view an unpleasant side of Scott's character. It was
thrown into a strong light by the publication of Lord
Macaulay's Life and Letters, which contain a letter to
Macvey Napier (June 26, 1838) declining an invitation
to write a review of Lockhart's Life of Scott. Macaulay
said
“I have not, from the little I do know of him [Scott],
formed so high an opinion of his character as most people seem
to entertain, and as it would be expedient for the Edinburgh
Review to express. . . . In politics a bitter and unscrupulous
partisan ; profuse and ostentatious in expense; agitated by the
hopes and fears of a gambler ; perpetually sacrificing the per-
fection of his compositions, and the durability of his fame, to
his eagerness for money ; writing with the slovenly haste of
Dryden, in order to satisfy wants which were not, like those of
Dryden, caused by circumstances beyond his control, but which
were produced by his extravagant waste or rapacious specula-
tion—this is the way in which he appears to me. I am sorry
for it, for I sincerely admire the greater part of his works; but
I cannot think him a high-minded man, or a man of very strict
English have merely murdered the King, who had confided himself to
Emperor-but Walter Scott sold their protection, for the sum of four
him. It was a real Scotch trick, a hundred thousand pounds sterling.
regular specimen of Scottish national That King was the same Charles
manners, and we see that Scotch Stuart whom the bards of Caledonia
avarice is still the same old dirty now sing so gloriously—the English-
spirit as ever, and has not changed mau murders, but the Scotchman
much since the days of Naseby, sells and sings."
when the Scotch sold their own
WATERLOO POETRY.
431
Scott.
principle. Now, these are opinions which, however softened, it
would be highly unpopular to publish, particularly in a Scotch
review.”
How thoroughly unpopular they were among Scott's
admirers--and his admirers would be as numerous as
his readers had he but written less—was shown by the
indignation elicited when, years after Macaulay's death,
this letter was made public. The Pall Mall Gazette -
speaking moderately, and claiming that Macaulay's
objections to Scott “ show how little he understood
him,”-gave this defence :-“ Alas! he little knew how
slightly Scott valued either the durability of his fame
or the perfection of his compositions. To be Scott of
Abbotsford was more in his eyes than to be the author
of a dozen Waverleys. . . It was for the sake of realizing
this position . . that Scott was so eager to add fame to
fame and thousands of pounds to thousands.” It was
just after Macaulay's Life had produced this and similar
explanations that Miss Harriet Martineau's Autobio-
graphy was published (1877), containing a suggestion
as to the genuineness of the Abbotsford sentiment.
Under date of 1838—the year of Macaulay's letter,-
she wrote of a tour in Scotland
6 We saw Abbotsford and Dryburgh under great advantages
of weather ; but my surprise at the smallness and toy-character
of Abbotsford was extreme. It was impossible but that both
Scott and Lockhart must know what a good Scotch house is;
and their glorification of this place shakes one's faith in their
other descriptions."
The truth seems to be that the very imaginative faculty
which gives charm to the great romancer's pages was
linked with a propensity to feudalistic make-believe
that led him to do things which showed, as Macaulay put
it, a want of high-mindedness. That he dearly loved a
432
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Scott.
lord no reader of his poems or novels need be told; but
that he should abase himself to win the smiles of exalted
rank is very unpleasant to hear. Yet this unpleasant
thing is intimated rather than clearly shown in Mr.
Richard H. Hutton's volume on Sir Walter Scott, and is
to be traced out in Lockhart's Life.
It was in April, 1806, that he was admitted to the
acquaintance of the Princess of Wales—afterwards
Queen Caroline, of unsavoury celebrity,--and wrote
thus of it to his friend George Ellis :“I had also the
honour of dining with a fair friend of yours at Black-
heath, an honour which I shall very long remember.
She is an enchanting princess, who dwells in an en-
chanted palace, and I cannot help thinking that her prince
must labour under some malignant spell when he denies
himself her society.” Remembering the “honour,"6
as he had promised, Scott took occasion to appear
publicly as the champion of the Princess--whose con-
jugal difficulties were already a public scandal and a
theme for much tall talk-by writing a song which
James Ballantyne sang at a dinner given at Edinburgh,
June 27, 1806, in honour of Lord Melville, in which he
introduced this stanza-
“Our King, toom-our Princess--I dare not say more, sir, —
May Providence watch them with mercy and might !
While there's one Scottish hand that can wag a claymore, sir,
They shall ne'er want a friend to stand up for their right.
Be damn'd be that dare not
For my part I'll spare not
To beauty afflicted a tribute to give :
Fill it up steadily,
Drink it off readily,--
Here's to the Princess, and long may she live ! ”
6 For another illustration of Scott's puzzling ideas of honour, see note
249, p. 382.
WATERLOO POETRY,
433
Scott.
Soon after, Scott found another opportunity of pro-
claiming himself the admirer, not only of the Princess,
but of all that belonged to her, by forcing into the
Introduction to Canto III of Marmion a tribute to her
father, the Duke of Brunswick-a man personally as
bad as the other bad men and women of his race, who
had fallen at Jena. This he communicated to the Prin-
cess in February, 1807, before the publication of the
poem—“ a tribute so grateful to her feelings,” says
Lockhart, " that she herself shortly after sent the poet
an elegant silver vase as a memorial of her thankful-
ness." But when the next Duke of Brunswick, her
brother, fell at Quatre Bras, Scott excluded him from
the necrological list that swells the Field of Waterloo.
He had meantime been honoured with the recognition
of the Prince Regent, who, in 1813, had offered him the
laureateship. Scott had allowed this to go to Southey,
but had eagerly grasped at the friendship of what he
considered a superior quality of royalty to that of the
proscribed Princess, who thenceforth, so far as Scott
was concerned and in spite of his song, did “want a
friend to stand up for her right;” and a dinner given
him by the Regent in March, 1815, quite effaced the
recollection of the Princess's entertainment which he had
intended to “very long remember.” The Prince called
him “ Walter,” Lockhart tells us," as was his custom
with those he most delighted to honour,” and “sent him
a gold snuff-box, set in brilliants, with a medallion of
his Royal Highness' head on the lid, ' as a testimony'
(writes Mr. Adam, in transmitting it) 'of the high
opinion his Royal Highness entertains of your genius
and merit.' The conquest was complete. Scott
thenceforth joined the chorus of the courtiers in revil-
ing the Princess whose hospitalities and gifts he had
FF
434
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Scott.
received as an “honour."? He told James Ballantyne
that the Regent was “the first gentleman he had seen-
certainly the first English gentleman of his day ;-there
was something about him which, independently of the
prestige, the divinity' which hedges a King, marked
him as standing entirely by himself.” At a later day he
wrote in his journal :
“ He converses himself with so much ease and elegance that
you lose thoughts of the Prince in admiring the well-bred and
accomplished gentleman. He is in many respects the model of
a British Monarch-has little inclination to try experiments on
government otherwise than through his Ministers—sincerely, I
believe, desires the good of his subjects—is kind towards the
distressed, and moves and speaks every inch a King.'
> >>
Scott was not spared to read the Book of Snobs. In
that work Thackeray defines that “ He who meanly
admires mean things is a Snob,” and in his illustration
he depicts
“s the great and lamented Gorgius IV, . .
the first gentleman in Europe.” He proceeds :-
“What is it to be a gentleman ? Is it to be honest, to be
gentle, to be generous, to be brave, to be wise, and, possessing
all these qualities, to exercise them in the most graceful outward
manner ? Ought a gentleman to be a loyal son, a true hus-
band, and honest father? Ought his life to be decent-his
bills to be paid-his tastes to be high and elegant-his aims in
? One extract from a letter from a most decided desire to be revenged
Scott to his brother Thomas (July of him, which, by the way, can scarco
23, 1820), which is printed by Lock- be wondered at. If she had as
lart, shows his recreancy to liis ori- many followers of high as of low
ginal patron in a very contemptible degree (in proportion), and funds to
light. The Queen,” he wrote, "is equip them, I should not be sur-
making an awful bustle, and though prised to see her fat bottom in a
by all accounts her conduct has pair of buckskins, and at the head of
been most abandoned and beastly, au army-God mend us all. The
she has got the whole mob for her things said of her are beyond all
partisans, who call her injured inno- usual profligacy. Nobody of any
cence and what not. She has coul- fashion visits her.”
age enough to nare the worst, and
WATERLOO POETRY.
435
1
Scott.
life lofty and noble ? In a word, ought not the Biography of a
First Gentleman in Europe to be of such a nature that it might
be read in Young Ladies' Schools with advantage, and studied
with profit in the Seminaries of Young Gentlemen ? I put this
question to all instructors of youth-to Mrs. Ellis and the
Women of England; to all schoolmasters from Doctor Hawtrey
down to Mr. Squeers. I conjure up before me an awful tribu-
nal of youth and innocence, attended by its venerable instruc-
tors (like the ten thousand red-cheeked charity children in
Saint Paul's), sitting in judgment, and Gorgius pleading his
cause in the midst. Out of Court, out of Court, fat old
Florizel ! Beadles, turn out that bloated, pimple-faced man!
If Gorgius must have a statue in the new Palace which the
Brentford nation is building, it ought to be set up in the
Flunkeys' Hall. He should be represented cutting out a
coat, in which art he is said to have excelled. He also
invented Maraschino punch, a shoe-buckle (this was in the
vigour of his youth and the prime force of his invention), and a
Chinese pavilion, the most hideous building in the world. He
could drive a four-in-hand very nearly as well as the Brighton
coachman, could fence elegantly, and, it is said, play the fiddle
well. And he smiled with such irresistible fascination, that
persons who were introduced into his august presence became
his victims, body and soul, as a rabbit becomes the prey of
a great big boa-constrictor.
“I would wager that if Mr. Widdicomb were, by a revolu-
tion, placed on the throne of Brentford, people would be
equally fascinated by his irresistibly majestic smile, and tremble
as they knelt down to kiss his hand. If he went to Dublin they
would erect an obelisk on the spot where he first landed, as the
Paddylanders did when Gorgius visited them. We have all
of us read with delight that story of the King's voyage to Hag-
gisland, where his presence inspired such a fury of loyalty; and
where the most famous man of the country-the Baron of
Bradwardine-..coming on board the royal yacht, and finding a
glass out of which Gorgius had drunk, put it into his coat
pocket as an inestimable relic, and went ashore in his boat
again. But the Baron sat down upon the glass and broke
it, and cut his coat-tails very much; and the inestimable relic
FT 2
436
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Scott.
was lost to the world for ever. O noble Bradwardine! what old-
world superstition could set you on your knees before such an
idol as that?
“ If you want to moralize upon the immutability of human
affairs, go and see the figure of Gorgius in his real, identical
robes, at the wax-works.--Admittance one shilling. Children
and funkeys sixpence. Go, and pay sixpence.”
Mr. Hutton's book on Scott shows traces of his
having been to some degree infected by Thackeray's
indignation ; but his conclusion is much milder. He
tells of Scott's pleasure at receiving the first baronetcy
of George IV's creation, “ directly derived from the
source of honour," as Scott wrote, “and neither begged
nor bought, as is the usual fashion ;" how, on the day
Erskine, his most intimate friend, died, “Scott went on
board the royal yacht, was most graciously received by
George, had his health drunk by the King in a bottle
of Highland whiskey, and with a proper show of devoted
loyalty entreated to be allowed to retain the glass out
of which his Majesty had just drunk his health," and
how the glass was satisfactorily sat upon and squelched;
and how Scott affected George's politics, “and as he
grew more conservative Scott grew more conservative
likewise, till he came to think this particular King
almost a pillar of the Constitution.” Upon all of which
this is Mr. Hutton's judgment-
5 The whole relation to George was a grotesque thread
in Scott's life; and I cannot quite forgive him for the utterly
conventional severity with which he threw over his first patron,
the Queen, for sins which were certainly not grosser, if they
were not much less gross, than those of his second patron, the
husband who had set her the example which she faithfully,
though at a distance, followed." 8
8 Mr. Hutton's closing reſer- that she -
never committed adultery
ence to the Queen is only a softened but once, and that was with Mrs.
rendering of an epigrammatic saying Fitzlerljcit's hiusland."
of her own at the time of her trial--
WATERLOO POETRY.
437
Scott.
How an ordinary author would have acted, circum-
stanced as Scott was, is a thing into which it would
scarcely be worth his readers' while to inquire. But
Scott holds a very exceptional position as one whom his
readers desire to regard as a good man as well as a
gifted one, and to feel able to believe in. That his
craving to become Scott of Abbotsford, a landed pro-
prietor, and a sort of feudal chieftain, should lead him
to palm off adulterated literary products upon a public
which had been most generous with him—this might
possibly be overlooked. His conviction that British
royalty, even of the Hanover and Brunswick quality,
was nobler than that of the Corsican upstart, might be
set down to his surroundings and a perverted patriotism.
But when we find him adoring the guinea's stamp and
careless whether it covered gold or clay, when he exults
in ingratiating himself with one of the most unspeakable
blackguards that ever filled a throne instead of a prison,
and glorifies this wretch as “ every inch a King ”_then
it seems as if Thackeray dealt lightly in charging him
merely with flunkeyism.9
6
9 In extenuation of Scott's rap-
grown disgusted with the fulsome
tures on the occasion of George IV's "loyalty' of all classes in Edinburgh
Edinburgh visit, it might be pleaded towards the approaching George
that no man should be tried by Fourth visit, whom, though called
other standards than those of his and reckoned a king,' I in my
own day and generation, and that he private radicalism of mind could
merely shared a universal enthu- consider only as a—what shall I
siasm. To this view may be opposed call him? And loyalty was not
the impression which the transaction the feeling I had towards any part
made upon another and a greater of the phenomenon. At length read-
man then residing in Edinburgh. ing one day in a public placard
Carlyle, as he records in his post- from the magistrates (of which
humously published Reminiscences there had been several) that on his
(of Edward Irving), had at this time Majesty's advent it was expected
invited two friends to make their that everybody would be care-
home in his modest chambers, which fully well-dressed, black coat and
they did at the time of the Royal white duck trousers, if at all conve-
visit,-.“I myself not there. I had nient, I grumbled to myself, 'Scan-
438
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Southey.
Southey followed Scott in visiting Waterloo, and,
of course, he improved the occasion by producing one
of the ponderous things which he considered poems.
His examination of the field was not made until Scott's
Field of Waterloo was about issuing from the press, since
it was on October 2 that he sent home an account of
it. Two months later he was working at the resultant
poem, for, on December 15, he wrote from Keswick to
his friend C. W. W. Wynn, “ The laureateship itself
with me is no sinecure. I am at work in consequence
of it at this time. Do not suppose that I mean to rival
Walter Scott. My poem will be in a very different
strain.” To Scott himself Southey wrote (March 17,
1816), “How I should have rejoiced if we had met at
Waterloo ! This feeling I had and expressed upon the
ground. You have pictured it with your characteristic
force and animation. My poem will reach you in a few
weeks: it is so different in its kind that, however kindly
malice
may be disposed, it will not be possible to insti-
tute a comparison with yours. J take a different point
of time and a wider range, leaving the battle untouched,
and describing the field only such as it was when I
surveyed it." In April or May, 1816, appeared this
lucubration, entitled The Poet's Pilgrimage to Waterloo.
It was furnished with a “ proem,” and divided into two
parts," of which the first “ describes a journey to the
scene of war," while “the second is in an allegorical
form," and "exposes the gross material philosophy
which has been the guiding principle of the French
politicians from Mirabeau to Bonaparte ;” and the
proem” and “parts” jointly contain 363 stanzas of
66
66
dalous flunkeys ! I, if I were chang- the city altogether, and be absent
ing my dress at all, should incline and silent in such efflorescence of the
rather to be in white coat and black flunkeyisms, which I was.
.”
trousers ; ' but resolved rather to quit
WATERLOO POETRY.
439
66
2,178 lines, not one of which on its own account merits Southey.
transcription. One stanza, however, so fully embodies
the Jack-Horner-like sentiment then prevalent in Eng-
land as to require quotation for a special purpose :
-On Waterloo
The tyrant's fortune in the scale was weigh’d-
His fortune and the World's,—and England threw
Her sword into the balance-down it sway'd :
And when in battle first he met that foe
There he received his mortal overthrow.”
This stanza owes its exceptional interest to a passage in
Archbishop Whately's Historic Doubts relative to Napo-
leon Buonaparte. The learned author quotes thus from
Hume's Essay on Miracles :-" The wise lend a very
academic faith to every report which favours the passion
of the reporter, whether it magnifies his country, his
family, or himself.” This argument is carried on by
Dr. Whately in the following terms :-
Buonaparte prevailed over all the hostile States in turn,
except England ; in the zenith of his power his fleets were
swept from the sea, by England; his troops always defeat
an equal, and frequently even a superior number of those
of any other nation, except the English; and with them it
is just the reverse ; twice, and twice only, he is personally en-
gaged against an English commander, and both times he is
totally defeated-at Acre, and at Waterloo ; and to crown all,
England finally crushes this tremendous power, which has so
long kept the Continent in subjection or in alarm; and to the
English he surrenders himself prisoner! Thoroughly national,
to be sure! It may be all very true ; but I will only ask, if a
story had been fabricated for the express purpose of amusing
the English nation, could it have been contrived more ingeni-
ously?”
Thackeray has a special tribute to Southey, which
may be severed for the moment from the remainder of
440
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Southey. The Chronicle of the Drum, because of its applicability
here
«« Take Doctor Southey from the shelf,
An LL.D., a peaceful man ;
Good Lord, how doth he plume himself
Because we beat the Corsican !"
Contem-
poraneous
poems.
Altogether, Jeffrey gave a not unfair summary of
contemporaneous Waterloo poems when, in his review
of the third canto of Childe Harold, he wrote thus :-
“ There can be no more remarkable proof of the greatness
of Lord Byron's genius than the spirit and interest he has con-
trived to communicate to his picture of the often-drawn and
difficult scene of the breaking up from Brussels before the
great battle. It is a trite remark, that poets generally fail
in the representation of great events where the interest is
recent, and the particulars are consequently clearly and com-
monly known: and the reason is obvious: For as it is the
object of poetry to make us feel for distant or imaginary occur-
rences nearly as strongly as if they were present and real, it is
plain that there is no scope for her enchainments, where the
impressive reality, with all its vast preponderance of interest, is
already before us, and where the concern we take in the
Gazette far outgoes any emotion that can be conjured up in us
by the help of fine descriptions. It is natural, however, for
the sensitive tribe of poets to mistake the common interest
which they then share with the unpoetical part of their country-
men, for a vocation to versify; and so they proceed to pour out
the lukewarm distillations of their phantasies upon the un-
checked effervescence of public feeling! All our bards, ac-
cordingly, great and small, and of all sexes, ages, and conditions,
from Scott and Southey down to the hundreds without names
or additions, have adventured upon this theme—and failed in
the management of it! And while they yielded to the patriotic
impulse, as if they had all caught the inspiring summons-
Let those rhyme now who never rhym'd before
And those who always rhyme, now rhyme the more,
WATERLOO POETRY.
441
poems.
the result has been, that scarcely a line to be remembered has Contem-
been produced on a subject which probably was thought, of poraneous
itself, a secure passport to immortality. It required some
courage to venture on a theme beset with so many dangers,
and deformed with the wrecks of so many former adventurers ;
--and a theme, too, which, in its general conception, appeared
alien to the general tone of Lord Byron's poetry.”
Jeffrey's wholesale censure of the bards who did
those things which they ought not to have done might
fitly have been supplemented by an approving word for
those who left them undone. In that case, he must
have had commendation for his former antagonist, Tom
Moore, who was conspicuous by his absence from the
Waterloo choir, in defiance of importunities to lend it
his voice. Two of Moore's most constant literary ad-
visers were Lady Donegal and her sister, Mary Godfrey.
The latter wrote to him, soon after the publication of
The Field of Waterloo (November 6, 1815), “Walter
Scott's Waterloo is not the Duke of Wellington's Water-
loo. It is by all accounts a very poor performance. I
have not seen it yet, nor am I very impatient about it,
as I have read the Gazette of that grand battle, in which
it is better described, and just as poetically, as I am
told. Money, however, is his object; and besides what
he makes by this poem, he is to publish his Travels to
the Netherlands (that is, Paul's Letters], the price agreed
on, before he set out, 500l.” Moore said, in his answer
(Dec. 6, 1815), “ I have read Walter-loo since I heard
The battle murdered many, and he has
murdered the battle: 'tis sad stuff-Hougomont rhyming
to‘long, strong,' etc. He must have learned his pro-
nunciation of French from Solomon Grundy in the play
-Commong dong, as they say in Dunkirk.' Lady
Donegal next took up the subject, writing, “ You really
would confer a lasting obligation on me, and as lasting
from you.
442
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Contem-
poraneous
poems.
honour on yourself, if you would comply with my
request, which is that you will sit down and write, with-
out further loss of time, the Battle of Waterloo. Do not
let that pitiful, wretched performance of Scott's remain
the only tribute that genius has paid to such glorious
deeds. . . . I am sure you would make it the most
beautiful thing in the language, and it would cost you
but very little time or trouble. Let the Irish bard
record the deeds of the Irish hero." Miss Godfrey
again followed up her sister's appeal, saying, “ Bab
[Lady Donegal], who is the most heroic and loyal of
women, wants you to celebrate Waterloo, the Duke of
Wellington, ditto of York, etc., etc. As to Walter
Scott, he ought to be shot upon the field of battle as a
peace offering to the manes of the illustrious dead whose
deeds he has so ill recorded. Charity, that covers a
multitude of sins, and does many other kind and good
acts, certainly does not produce good poems. Waterloo
was written for the benefit of the subscription for the
soldiers, as Don Roderick was for the Portuguese; they
are both the worst things he has written, and not half
so much to the purpose as a charity sermon.” But
Moore—whether because his view of his own métier
differed from his correspondents’, or because his head
and hands were filled by Lalla Rookh, which he was
then writing-turned a deaf ear to these blandishments,
and confined his poetizings on French topics to his
record of the sentiments of the Fudge Family. In con-
sideration of the frightful examples instanced by Jeffrey,
it
may
be that this was one of the cases in which silence
was golden.
1
Words-
worth.
Not to be comprehended among the abortive rhym-
ings of the day was one of Wordsworth's fine sonnets,
WATERLOO POETRY.
443
of which the last six lines were intended for an in- Words-
scription":-
worth.
66 OCCASIONED BY THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO.
February, 1816.
“Intrepid sons of Albion ! not by you
Is life despised ; ah no, the spacious earth
Ne'er saw a race who held, by right of birth,
So many objects to which love is due :
Ye slight not life—to God and nature true;
But death, becoming death, is dearer far,
When duty bids you bleed in open war!
Hence hath your prowess quelled that impious crew.
Heroes ! for instant sacrifice prepared,
Yet filled with ardour, and on triumph bent
'Mid direst shocks of mortal accident,
To you who fell, and you whom slaughter spared,
To guard the fallen, and consummate the event,
Your Country rears this sacred Monument ! ”
prize poem.
Long enough after the battle for the first enthusiasm Cambridge
to have passed away-in 1820—the subject given at
Cambridge for the competition for the Chancellor's
Gold Medal was Waterloo. Among the competitors was
Macaulay—who had won the prize for 1819 by his poem
on Pompeii, as he did that for 1821 by his poem on
Evening,—but his effort on this occasion was unsuccess-
ful.10 The prize for 1820 was awarded to George Ewing G. E. Scott.
Scott, of Trinity Hall. Several passages detail incidents
in the battle so accurately that the temptation has been
strong to quote them in conjunction with the narrative;
but the poem would have suffered by mutilation, and
it is here given in full :-
10 The opening lines of Macaulay's Waterloo poem have been quoted in
note 139, page 223.
444
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
66 WATERLOO.
G. E. Scott.
“From stormy skies the sun withdrew his light;
Terrific in her grandeur reigned the Night;
'Twas deepest gloom-or lightning's angry glare ;
Voices of mighty thunder rent the air ;
In gusts and moanings hollow raved the blast,
And clouds poured out their fury, as they passed.
But fiercer storms to-morrow's sun shall fright;
More deadly thunders usher in the night.
The winds may bowl unnoticed; for their sound
’Mid the deep groans of thousands shall be drowned ;
The plain be deluged with a ghastlier flood;
That tempest's wrath shall fall in showers of blood.
“ See ! by the flash of momentary day,
The hills are thronged with battle's dread array.
There, Gallia's legions, reeking with the gore
Of slaughtered Prussia ; thirsting deep for more;
Secure of Conquest; ravening for their prey ;
On Brussels thought, and cursed the night's delay.
Here Brunswick's sable warriors, grim and still,
Mourned their lost chief; and eyed the adverse hill
With fell intent. Indignant at retreat,
Here Britons burned once more that foe to greet.
Yet were there some could slumber, and forget,
Awhile, the deadly work for which they met.
But anxious thoughts broke many a soldier's rest,
Thoughts not unworthy of a Hero's breast.
The rugged Veteran, struggling with a sigh,
In fancy listened to his orphan's cry;
Saw them a prey to poverty and woe,
And felt that pang which only parents know.
With eager feelings, not unmixed with awe,
A battle's eve now first the stripling saw :
Weary, and wet, and famished, as he lay,
Imagination, wandering far away,
Shows him the scene of dear, domestic joy;
Laughs with him o'er the frolics of the boy.
WATERLOO POETRY.
445
The words of parting tingle in his ears ;
G. E. Scott,
How swells his heart, as each loved form appears!
And now it yearns towards her, and her alone,
Whom youth's fond dreams had giv'n him for his own.
From these—from her—'twas agony to part!
To-morrow's chance smote chill upon his heart.
'Twas but a moment. Hope asserts her right,
Grants him his wildest visions of delight.
To gay, victorious thoughts, he lightly yields,
And sleeps like Condé ere his first of fields.11
“ Slow broke the sun thro' that sad morning's gloom,
And awful scenes, his watery beams illume.
No glittering pageant met the dazzled eyes ;
For painful marches and tempestuous skies
Had quenched the light of steel—the pride of gold;
Each warrior's plight a tale of hardship told.
And youthful eyes beamed gaiety no more,
But all a look of settled fierceness wore.
“ It is a breathless pause—while armies wait
The madd’ning signal for the work of fate.
Its thunder spoke,-quick answering to the first,
Peal upon peal in dread succession burst.
Darted Imperial Eagles from their stand;
Rushed in their train a long-victorious band;
Shot down the slope, and dashed upon the wood,
Where, calm and ready, Britain's guardians stood.
“ Hark to that yell! as hand to hand they close,
There the last shriek of multitudes arose !
-Hark to the musket-fire! from man to man,
Rapid, and gathering fury as it ran,
It spreads, fierce crackling, thro' the ranks of death,
While nations sink before its blasting breath.
The war-smoke mounts; cloud rolling after cloud :
They spread ; they mingle; till one sulph’rous shroud
Enwraps the field. What shouts, what demon-screams
Rung from that misty vale! What fiery gleams
11 “The battle of Rocroi, on the eve of which, according to Voltaire
(Siècle de Louis XIV), tlie Prince, having made all his dispositions, slept
so soundly that they were obliged to awaken him for the engagement."-
Note by the Poet.
446
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
G. E. Scott.
Broke fast and far- oh! words are weak to tell.
It was a scene had less of earth than hell.
“ But look! what means yon fitful, redd’ning glare ?
What flames are struggling with the murky air ?
Lo ! thro’ the gloom they burst ! and full and bright
Streams o'er the war their fearful, wavering light.
Amidst yon wood 'tis raging. Yes! thy towers,
Ill-fated Hougomont, that blaze devours.
Forth blindly rushing mingle friend and foe.
See the walls tottering !—there ! down, down they go
Headlong! Within that ruin to have been!
Oh! shuddering fancy quails beneath the scene.
For there had many a victim crept to die ;
There, crushed and motionless, in heaps they lie.
And happy they: for many a wretch was there,
Powerful to suffer; lingering in despair.
“ Is it the bursting earthquake's voice of fear ?
That hollow rush ? No! borne in full career
On roll the chosen squadrons of the foe,
Whose mail-clad bosoms mock the sabre's blow,
Wild waves of sable plumage o'er them dancing ;
Above that sea, quick, broken flashes glancing
From brandished steel ; shrill raising, as they came,
The spell of that all-conquering chieftain's name.
Dismal the rattle of their harness grew;
Their grisly features opened on the view.
“Forth spurring, cheerful as their trumpets rang,
The stately chivalry of England sprang,
In native valour-arms of proof-arrayed :
Nought but his own right hand, and his good blade,
To guard each hero's breast. Like thunder-clouds
Rolling together, clash the foaming crowds.
Their swords are falling with gigantic sway,
And gashes yawn, and limbs are lopped away ;
And lightened chargers toss the loosening rein,
Break frantic forth, and scour along the plain.
Their lords, the glorious shapes of war they bore,
The terrible, the graceful--are no more;
Crushed out of man's similitude, expire,
With nought to mark them from the gory mire,
WATERLOO POETRY.
447
G. E. Scott.
(Tomb of their yet warm relics) save the last
Convulsive flutter, as the spirit passed.
Those iron squadrons reel! their Eagle's won,
Tho' squadrons bled to rescue it! 'tis done,-
That stern, unequal combat ! 'tis a chase!
Hot Wrath let loose on Terror and Disgrace!
Such is the desert antelope's career;
Plunging, and tossing, mad with pain and fear;
Whom her keen foe, the murd'rous vulture, rides
With talons rooted in her streaming sides.
Where, yonder, war's tumultuous billows roll;
Where each wild passion fires the frenzied soul;
The blood, the havoc, of that ruthless hour
On those steeled hearts have lost their chilling power.
The charging veteran marks, with careless eye,
His comrade sink; and, as he rushes by,
Sees not the varied horrors of his lot;
Springs on his foe, and strikes, and shudders not.
“ But turn, and pity that brave, suffering band,
Beneath the battery's fury doomed to stand
With useless arms: with leisure to survey
The wreck around them. Hearts of proof were they
That shrunk not. Burning like a meteor star,
With whirlwind's fury rushing from afar,
The bolt of death amidst their close array
With deafening crash falls; bursts; and marks its way
With torn and scattered victims. There are they
Who, but one moment since, with haughty brow,
Stood film in conscious manliness. And now-
Mark those pale, altered features; those wild groans ;
Those quiv’ring lips; those blood-stained, shattered bones!
With burning hearts, and half-averted eyes,
Their fellows view that hideous sacrifice.
Oh! they did hail the summons with delight,
That called them forth to mingle in the fight.
Forward they press : too busy now to heed
The piteous cry; the wail of those who plead
With frantic earnestness to friend and chief
For help to bear them off; for that relief
448
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
G. E. Scott.
Which might not be. How sunk the sufferer's heart,
Who saw his hopes expire-his friends depart,
And leave him to his woes-a helpless prey.
Death ! death alone may be his friend to-day.
'Tis he shall calm each agonising fear
Of trampling hoofs, or lancer's coward spear; 12
Shall cool that thirst, and bid those torments cease,
And o'er him shed the sweets of sleep and peace.
" When storms are loud, go, view some rugged shore,
Tow'rds whose stern barrier hoarsely racing pour
The long dark billows; swelling till they curl ;
Then full against the rocks their fury hurl,
And spring aloft in clouds. Dost see that wave
Leap at the cliffs, and into yonder cave
Ride, swift and high? From the rude sides recoiling,
It flies in showers of spray; then, fiercely boiling,
Rallies, and drives its might amongst the crags,
Wheeling in eddies—vain ! its fury flags;
Tost from their points, it yields; and to the deep,
Baffled and broken, as its currents sweep,
Leaves to its conqu’rors, on the cavern floor,
The wreaths of foam ; the crest it proudly wore.
Firm as the rocks that strew that sea-beat coast,
In clust'ring masses stood the British host.
Fierce as those waves, the warrior horse of Gaul
Streamed, blindly rushing to as sure a fall.
Ever, as near to each dark square they drew,
In act to plunge, and crush th' unshrinking few,
Burst, as from Death's own jaws, a fiery shower,
Whose 'whelming blast, whose paralysing power,
Nought earthly might withstand. To rise no more,
Whole ranks are down. The treach'rous cuirass tore
The breast beneath ; in splinters flew the lance.
Yet nobly true to Glory and to France-
Yet, 'inid the ruin, many a steadfast heart,
E'en to the last, played well a chieftain's part.
12 « This epithet can, of course, only refer to the use made of the weapon
by the French against the wounded and helpless.”—Note by the Poet.
WATERLOO POETRY.
449
G. E. Scott.
They lived to see their efforts fail to cheer
Those veterans, pale with all unwonted fear.
In vain devotion, in despairing pride,
They rushed upon the bristling steel and died.
What tho' the remnant fled ? Fresh myriads rear
The forked banner, couch the threatening spear;
Drive, and are driven, to that fatal goal;
Countless as clouds before the gale that roll;
Fast, as the troubled world of waters pours
Wave upon wave, from undiminished stores.
" The tide has turned : the roar is dying fast.
Each lessening wave breaks shorter than the last;
And France, the life-blood ebbing from her veins,
Feebly, yet furious still, for victory strains.
One effort more ! a mighty one! She came,
Nerved by despair, and goaded on by shame.
But Britain marked her fainting rival's plight,
And gave her vengeance way; and from her height
Plunged, like the lava cataract, whose roar
Shakes frozen Hecla's precipices hoar.
The bright blue gems of Arctic ice that crowned
Her lofty head, are melting all around;
A thousand winters' hardened depth of snow
Is vanishing before that torrent's glow;
Mighty the rocks that, frowning, bar its path :
Rending, uprooting, scattering them in wrath ;
The flaming deluge, with resistless sway,
Holds on its widely desolating way.
“ France ! thou art fallen ! and he, so oft the boast,
The idol, of thine oft-deserted host,
Leaves it once more-to curse his name and die.
But as he turned, what phantoms met his eye?
Rising like those wild shapes that from the dead
Return to haunt the tortured murderer's bed.
No, mighty murderer! 'tis not a dream!
'Tis Prussia's self! her own exulting scream!
Fliest thou ? she comes, with lavish hands to pay
The debt that swelled thro' many a bitter day.
G G
450
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
G. E. Scott.
There's rust upon her steel. Aye! there was shed
The deadliest venom hatred ever bred.
And she shall wash that deeply cankering stain,
France, in thy blood and tears : but wash in vain.
Not all the flames she kindles in thy land
Shall ever brighten that polluted brand.
'Tis retribution, bloody as thy deeds:
But who shall pity when a tiger bleeds ?
“ Then cry for mercy! was it not denied
To every suppliant in thine hour of pride ?
Grim laughs th' avenger hanging on thy way,
Weary with slaughter, lab'ring still to slay :
And unfleshed Belgians hurry down to glean
The field where Britain's generous hand had been.
" To distant skies that hurricane has rolled
But oh! the wreck is left! Could tongue unfold
The matchless horrors of those cumbered plains,
"Twould chill the current in a warrior's veins.
And yet, that field of anguish, brief as keen,
Was but the centre of the one wide scene
Of human misery! Oh! who shall say
How many wounded spirits, far away,
Are left to groan thro' long, chill, bitter years,
Beneath the woe that nothing earthly cheers ?
Shall Glory be the widowed bride's relief ?
She feels it but a mockery of grief.
Shall Glory dry the childless mother's tears ?
Harsh grate the notes of Fame upon her ears !
Thine are no Spartan matrons, favoured isle !
Gentle as fair! The sunshine of their smile,
Where the proud victor loves to bask, is set,
With Sorrow's dew the loveliest cheeks are wet.
Throughout the land is gone a mourning voice;
And broken are the hearts that should rejoice.
Dimly, as yet, the Crown of Victory shines;
Where cypress with the blood-stained laurel twines.
But there shall Time the brightest verdure breathe,
And pluck the gloomy foliage from her wreath.
WATERLOO POETRY.
451
G. E. Scott.
Then proudly shall posterity retrace,
First in the deathless honours of their race,
That giant fight, which crushed Napoleon's power,
And saved the world. Far distant is the hour
Unheard of, yet, the deed our sons must do,
That shall eclipse thy glory, WATERLOO !”
poems.
To a fertile fancy a battlefield like that of Waterloo, Spectral
seen by night, is pretty certain to impart ghostly sug-
gestions. Victor Hugo indulges in prose poetry of this Hugo.
kind in Les Misérables:-
Victor
“ The field of Waterloo has at the present day that calmness
which belongs to the earth, and resembles all plains, but at
night a sort of visionary mist rises from it, and if any traveller
will walk about it, and listen and dream, like Virgil on the
mournful plains of Philippi, the hallucination of the catastrophe
seizes upon him. The frightful June 18th lives again, the
false monumental hill is levelled, the wondrous lion is dissi-
pated, the battlefield resumes its reality, lines of infantry un-
dulate on the plain, furious galloping crosses the horizon ; the
startled dreamer sees the flash of sabres, the sparkle of bayo-
nets, the red light of shells, the monstrous collision of thun-
derbolts; he hears, like a death-groan from the tomb, the
vague clamour of the phantom battle. These shadows are
grenadiers; these flashes are cuirassiers ; this skeleton is Na-
poleon; this skeleton is Wellington; all this is non-existent,
and yet still combats, and the ravines are stained purple, and
the trees rustle, and there is fury in even the clouds and in
the darkness, while all the stern heights, Mont St. Jean,
Hougomont, Frischermont, Papelotte, and Planchenoit, seem
confusedly crowned by hosts of spectres exterminating one
another.”
Scott.
Scott probably was the first to work in this fruitful Sir W
mine, exhuming his Dance of Death, already mentioned.
In it he worked over again the demon-dance which he
had employed in Marmion to prelude the horrors of
G G2
452
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Spectral
poems.
Scott.
the Battle of Flodden; and he makes his phantoms on
the plain of Waterloo “wheel their wild dance” during
the night before the action,
“ And still their ghastly roundelay
Was of the coming battle-fray,
And of the destined dead."
Zedlitz.
The Austrian Baron von Zedlitz-himself a foeman
of the French, who had fought at Regensburg, Aspern,
and Wagram, a man of letters and dramatist, and trans-
lator of Childe Harold into German—was similarly
inspired to write Die Nächtliche Heerschau, which was
set to music by the Chevalier Neukomm and Englished
in several versions. That which follows is the anony-
mous one used by Longfellow in his Poets and Poetry of
Europe :-
6 THE MIDNIGHT REVIEW.
“At midnight from his grave
The drummer woke and rose,
And beating loud the drum,
Forth on his errand goes.
“Stirred by his fleshless arms,
The drumsticks rise and fall;
He beats the loud retreat,
Reveillé, and roll-call.
“ So strangely rolls that drum,
So deep it echoes round,
Old soldiers in their graves
To life start at the sound-
“ Both they in farthest North,
Stiff in the ice that lay,
And they who warm repose
Beneath Italian clay.
WATERLOO POETRY.
453
Spectral
poems.
Zedlitz.
66 Below the mud of Nile,
And 'neath the Arabian sand,
Their burial-place they quit,
And soon to arms they stand.
“ And at midnight from his grave
The trumpeter arose,
And, mounted on his horse,
A loud, shrill blast he blows.
« On airy coursers then
The cavalry are seen,
Old squadrons, erst renowned,
Gory and gashed, I ween.
“Beneath the casque their skulls
Smile grim, and proud their air,
As in their bony hands
Their long, sharp swords they bare.
“ And at midnight from his tomb
The chief awoke and rose,
And, followed by his staff,
With slow steps on he goes.
66 A little hat he wears,
A coat quite plain has he,
A little sword for arms
At his left side hangs free.13
“O'er the vast plain the moon
A paly lustre threw :
The man with the little hat
The troops goes to review.
the case of Queen Hortense's chanson.
The original and its improvement by
one of the translators are as fol-
lows :
13 This stanza may specially illus-
trate that process of 'improving'
simply written verse into heroics,
which has already been instanced in
“Er trägt ein kleines Hütchen,
Er trägt ein einfach Kleid,
Und einen kleinen Degen
Trägt er an seiner Seit.'
“No plume his helm adorneth,
His garb no regal pride,
And small is the polished sabre
That's girded to his side.”
454
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Spectral
poems.
“ The ranks present their arms,
Deep rolls the drum the while;
Recovering then, the troops
Before the chief defile.
Zedlitz.
Captains and generals round
In circles formed appear ;
The chief to the first a word
Now whispers in his ear.
“ The word goes round the ranks,
Resounds along the line;
That word they give is France !
The answer-Sainte-Hélène !
“ 'Tis there, at midnight hour,
The grand review, they say,
Is by dead Cæsar held
In the Champs-Elysées."
Heine.
Heine employs these ghostly warriors in his Pictures
of Travel, in prose ; 14 and in his Book of Songs is a
poem which holds an intermediate place between the
possible and the supernatural, of which there is only
the promise. The translation which follows is by Edgar
Alfred Bowring :
66 THE GRENADIERS.
66
"Two grenadiers travellid tow'rds France one day,
On leaving their prison in Russia,
And sadly they hung their heads in dismay,
When they reached the frontiers of Prussia.
- For then they first heard the story of woe,
That France had utterly perish’d;
The Grand Army had met with an overthrow,
They had captured their Emperor cherish’d.
14 An extract of this kind from that work will be found in noto 19, page 475.
WATERLOO POETRY.
455
Spectral
poems.
“ Then both of the grenadiers wept full sore
At hearing the terrible story;
And one of them said, “Alas ! once more
My wounds are bleeding and gory.
Heine.
“ The other one said, “ The game's at an end,
With thee I would die right gladly,
But I've wife and child, whoin at home I should tend,
For without me they'll fare but badly.
“6 What matters my child, what matters my wife ?
A heavier case has arisen ;
Let them beg, if they're hungry, all their life-
My Emperor sighs in a prison !
«co Dear brother, pray grant me this last prayer;
If my hours I now must number,
O take my corpse to my country fair,
That there it may peacefully slumber.
“The Legion of Honour, with ribbon red,
Upon my bosom place thou,
And put in my hand my musket dread,
And my sword around me brace thou.
.
“And so in my grave will I silently lie,
And watch like a guard o'er the forces,
Until the roaring of cannon hear I,
And the trampling of neighing horses.
“My Emperor then will ride over my grave,
While the swords glitter brightly and rattle ;
Then armed to the teeth will I rise from the grave,
For my Emperor hasting to battle.' »
At last Thomas Hood, tired very likely of Waterloo Hood.
poems, undertook to laugh down the spectral variety at
least, and produced what he called “ a new version":-
456
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
« NAPOLEON'S MIDNIGHT REVIEW.
Spectral
Poems.
Hood.
" In his bed, bolt upright,
In the dead of the night,
The French Emperor starts like a ghost !
By a dream held in charm,
He uplifts his right arm,
For he dreams of reviewing his host.
- To the stable he glides,
For the charger he rides;
And he mounts him, still under the spell;
Then with echoing tramp,
They proceed through the camp,
All intent on a task he loves well.
“ Such a sight soon alarms,
And the guards present arms
As he glides to the posts that they keep;
Then he gives the brief word,
And the bugle is heard,
Like a hound giving tongue in its sleep.
- Next the drums they arouse,
But with dull row-de-dows,
And they give but a somnolent sound,
While the foot and horse, both,
Very slowly and loth,
Begin drowsily mustering round.
“To the right and left hand
They fall in, by command,
In a line that might be better dressed ;
While the steeds blink and nod,
And the lancers think odd
To be roused like the spears from their rest
“ With their mouth of wide shape,
Mortars seem all agape,
WATERLOO POETRY.
457
Spectral
Poems.
Heavy guns look more heavy with sleep;
And, whatever their bore,
Seem to think it one more
In a night such a field-day to keep.
Hood.
66 Then the arms christened small
Fire no volley at all,
But go off, like the rest, in a doze;
And the eagles, poor things,
Tuck their heads 'neath their wings,
And the band ends in tunes through the nose.
“ Till each pupil of Mars
Takes a wink like the stars,-
Open order no eye can obey :
If the plumes in their heads
Were the feathers of beds,
Never top could be sounder than they.
“So, just wishing good-night,
Bows Napoleon polite;
But instead of a loyal endeavour
To reply with a cheer,
Not a sound met his ear,
Though each face seemed to say 'Nap for ever!""
The introduction of French Waterloo poems would Delavigne.
swell these pages beyond all reasonable limits; but
room may be made for an extract from Casimir-Dela-
vigne's Battle of Waterloo. The poem as a whole,
besides being long, is so largely devoted to the French
political dissensions of its own day that it has not great
present interest. But the passage devoted to the Guard
is a fine tribute to the acts of devotion which have
already been described in the prose of the author's
fellow-Academicians, Thiers and Hugo. The translation
is
anonymous, having appeared originally in The London
Magazine :
458
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Delavigne. “But no,-what son of France has spared his tears
For her defenders, dying in their fame?
Though kings return, desired through lengthening years,
What old man's cheek is tinged not with her shame?
What veteran, who their fortune's treason hears,
Feels not the quickening spark of his old youthful flame ?
“Good Heaven! what lessons mark that one day's page,
What ghastly figures that might crowd an age !
How shall the historic Muse record the day,
Nor, starting, cast the trembling pen away?
Hide from me, hide, those soldiers overborne,
Broken with toil, with death-bolts crushed and torn,
Those quivering limbs with dust defiled,
And bloody corses upon corses piled.
Veil from mine eyes that monument
Of nation against nation spent
In struggling rage that pants for breath ;
Spare us the bands thou sparedst, Death!
O VARUS! where the warriors thou hast led ?
RESTORE OUR LEGIONS! give us back the dead !
" I saw the broken squadrons reel,
The steeds plunge wild with spurning heel,
Our eagles trod in miry gore,
The leopard standards swooping o'er ;
The wounded on their slow cars dying,
The rout disordered, wavering, flying;
Tortured with struggles vain, the throng
Sway, shock, and drag their shattered mass along,
And leave behind their long array
Wrecks, corses, blood,—the footmarks of their way.
Through whirlwind smoke and flashing flame,
O grief !-what sight appals mine eye ?
The sacred band, with generous shame,
Sole 'gainst an army, pause-to die
Struck with the rare devotion, 'tis in vain,
The foes at gaze their blades restrain ;
And, proud to conquer, hem them round: the cry
Returns, 'The Guard surrender not they die !
WATERLOO POETRY.
459
Delavigne.
6 'Tis said, that, when in dust they saw them lie,
A reverend sorrow for their brave career
Smote on the foe: they fixed the pensive eye,
And first beheld them undisturbed with fear.
See, then, these heroes, long invincible,
Whose threatening features still their conquerors brave;
Frozen in death those eyes are terrible;
Feats of the past their deep-scarred brows engrave:
For these are they who bore Italia's sun,
Who o'er Castilia's mountain-barrier passed.
The North beheld them o'er the rampart run
Which frost of ages round her Russia cast.
All sank subdued before them, and the date
Of combats owed this guerdon to their glory,
Seldom to Franks denied to fall elate
On some proud day that should survive in story.”
Lord Byron's bitter tirade against the Duke of Wel- Byron.
lington, at the opening of Canto IX of Don Juan, ought
to be separated as far as possible from the better known
passage in Childe Harold, where the poet contents him-
self with simply ignoring the hero of Waterloo. Byron's
real opinion of Wellington—for his real opinions on all
subjects were systematically perverted when, in certain
of his moods, he wrote for the public eye-is more
nearly conveyed in a letter of his to Tom Moore à
propos
of the Battle of Waterloo (July 7, 1815):-
“Every hope of a republic is over, and we must go on under
the old system. But I am sick at heart of politics and slaugh-
ters, and the luck which Providence is pleased to lavish on
Lord Castlereagh is only a proof of the little value the gods
set upon prosperity, when they permit such —s as he and
that drunken corporal, old Blücher, to bully their betters.
From this, however, Wellington should be excepted. He is a
man, and the Scipio of our Hannibal. However, he may
thank the Russian frosts, which destroyed the REAL élite of
the French army, for the success of Waterloo."
460
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Byron.
Of Blücher he wrote, later-
“I remember seeing Blücher in the London assemblies, and
never saw anything of his age less venerable. With the voice
and manners of a recruiting sergeant, he pretended to the
honours of a hero,-just as if a stone could be worshipped be-
cause a man had stumbled over it."
While in such a humour about Napoleon's downfall and
those who had had a hand in it, Byron was very capable
of venting his spleen in vitriolic phrases against the
chief agent in the catastrophe. But there must further
be borne in mind the special conditions under which
Don Juan was evolved. Byron was at odds with the
entire representative British public, and took a kind of
impish delight in saying whatever could most thoroughly
exasperate it. Of his own temper at the time of pub-
lishing the earlier cantos he wrote to Murray (Bologna,
August 24, 1819):-
“I wish that I had been in better spirits ; but I am out of
sorts, out of nerves, and now and then (I begin to fear) out of
my senses.
All this Italy has done for me, and not England:
I defy you all, and your climate to boot, to make me mad. But
if really I do ever become a bedlamite, and wear a strait-
waistcoat, let me be brought back among you; your people will
then be proper company.
Constitutionally prone to attitudinize in ostentation of
the worst moods his introspective imagination could
depict—like a spoiled child that courts censure rather
than pass unnoticed-Byron devised a poem expressly
calculated to scandalize British proprieties. Don Juan
was an audacious defiance of his countrymen's sensibili-
ties, poetical, political, social, and moral; and, to irritate
them to the utmost, he struck at one of their most
vulnerable points—the hero of the nation, the Duke of
Wellington, whom popular and poetical adulation had
>>
WATERLOO POETRY.
461
Byron.
set up as a sort of demigod. In presenting himself as
the Vandal iconoclast of the British idol, Byron was
actuated, unconsciously perhaps, by another kind of
impulse which also originated in egotism and vanity.
To men of a certain kind of inharmoniously developed
genius—to Byron, to Heine, to Victor Hugo, for ex-
ample; to all that class of fertile minds which form no
settled political or social system, but generate a re-
dundancy of undefined theories and yearnings, and very
well defined prejudices and hatreds—it was gall and
wormwood that the congenially brilliant, perhaps
tawdry, achievements of Napoleon should be crushed
down by the plain, shrewd, sound sense, uncoupled
with originative inspiration but backed by tireless
patience and dogged resolution, of which Wellington
was the embodiment. 15 It was under such inspiration
ex-
15 Victor Hugo himself draws the association with destiny; the river',
contrastin Les Misérables.
" Water-
the plain, the forest, and the hill
loo,” he says, “is the strangest en- summoned, and to some extent com-
counter recorded in history; Na- pelled, to obey, the despot going so
poleon and Wellington are not far as even to tyrannize over the
enemies, but contraries. Never did battlefield, faith in a star blended
God, who delights in antitheses, pro- with strategic science, heightening,
duce a more striking contrast or a but troubling it. Wellington was
more extraordinary confrontation. the Barrême of war, Napoleon was
On one side precision, foresight, its Michael Angelo, and this true
geometry, prudence, a retreat as- genius was conquered by calculation.
sured, reserves prepared, an obstinate On both sides somebody was
coolness, an imperturbable method, pected; and it was the exact cal-
strategy profiting by the ground, culator who succeeded. Napoleon
tactics balancing battalions, carnage waited for Grouchy, who did not
measured by a plumb-line, war regu- come; Wellington waited for Blü-
lated watch in band, nothing left cher, and lie came. ... It was
voluntarily to accident, old classic a triumph of mediocrity, sweet to
courage and absolute correctness. majorities; and destiny cousented to
On the other side we have intuition,
this irony.
.. Waterloo is a battle
divination, military strangeness, of the first class, gained by a captain
superhuman instinct, a flashing of the second.” = Heine, the most
glavce; something that gazes like the immoderate of Napoleon-worship-
eagle and strikes like ligbtning, all pers, went to a far greater extreme.
the mysteries of a profound mind, In his English Fragments, he says
462
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Byron.
that Byron, years after the battle of Waterloo, penned
his apostrophe to its victor :-
as
.
.
in the chapter entitled Wellington, In war, as in statesmanship, he had
“We see in him only the victory of one characteristic which is said to
stupidity over genius-Arthur Wel- have been the special gift of Julius
lington triumphant where Napoleon Cæsar, and for the lack of which
Bonaparte is overwhelmed! Never Cæsar's greatest modern rival in the
was a man more ironically gifted by art of conquest, the first Napoleon,
Fortune, and it seems to us lost all or nearly all that he had won.
though she would exhibit his Wellington not only understood
empty littleness by raising him high what could be done, but also what
on the shield of Victory. Fortune could not be done. The wild schemes
is a woman, and perhaps, in vo- of almost universal rule which set
manly wise, she cherishes a secret Napoleon astray and led him to his
grudge against the man who over- destruction, would have appeared to
threw her former darling, though the the strong common sense of the
very overthrow came from her own Duke of Wellington as impossible
will. . . . What vexes me most is the and absurd as they would have
reflection that Wellington will be looked to the lofty intelligence of
as immortal as Napoleon Bonaparte. Cæsar. It can hardly be questioned
Wellington and Napoleon! It that in original genius Napoleon far
is a wonderful phenomenon that surpassed the Duke of Wellington.
the human mind can at the same But Wellington always knew what
time think of both these names. he could do, and Napoleon often
There can be no greater contrast confounded his ambitions with his
than the two, even in their external capacities. Wellington provided for
appearance. Wellington, the dumb everything, looked after everything,
ghost, with an ashy grey soul in a never trusted to his star, or to
buckram body, a wooden smile in his chance, or to anything but care and
freezing face--and by the side of that preparation and the proper appli-
think of the figure of Napoleon, every
cation of means to ends. Under al-
inch a god !” = Beside the rhapsody most any conceivable conditions Wel-
of Victor Hugo, the typical French- lington, pitted against Napoleon,
man, may be set the comparison as was the man to win in the end. The
instituted by an Englishman long very genius of Napoleon would
after the prejudices and flatteries of sooner or later have left him open
the day had given place to sober to the unsleeping watchfulness, the
It is from the chapter of almost infallible judgment of Wel-
Mr. Justin M'Carthy's History of Our lington. . . . It is impossible to con-
Own Time which records the death pare two such men. There is hardly
of the Duke of Wellington:-“ His any common basis of comparison.
success was due in great measure to To say which is the greater, one
a sort of inspired common sense must first make up bis mind as to
which rose to something like genius. whether his standard of greatness is
He had in the highest conceivable genius or duty. Napoleon has made
degree the art of winning victories. a far deeper impression on history,
reason.
WATERLOO POETRY.
463
I.
Byron.
“Oh, Wellington! (or · Villainton'—for fame
Sounds the heroic syllables both ways;
France could not even conquer your great name,
But punn'd it down to this facetious phrase-
Beating or beaten she will laugh the same)
You have obtain'd great pensions and much praise
Glory like yours should any dare gainsay,
Humanity would rise, and thunder, Nay, 16
III.
Though Britain owes (and pays you too) so much,
Yet Europe doubtless owes you greatly more :
You have repair'd legitimacy's crutch-
A prop not quite so certain as before :
The Spanish, and the French, as well as Dutch,
Have seen, and felt, how strongly you restore ;
And Waterloo has made the world your debtor-
(I wish your bards would sing it rather better).
IV.
“You are the best of cut-throats; '--do not start ;
The phrase is Shakespeare's, and not misapplied ;
War's a brain-spattering, windpipe-slitting art,
Unless her cause by right be sanctified.
If you have acted once a generous part,
The world, not the world's masters, will decide,
And I shall be delighted to learn who,
Save you and yours, have gain'd by Waterloo ?
If that be superior greatness, it ruined his. , Wellingtou more
would be scarcely possible for any nearly resembled Washington than
national partiality to claim an equal Napoleon. He was a much greater
place for Wellington. But English- soldier than Washington, but he was
men may be content with the reflec- not on the whole so great a man.”
tion that their hero saved his 16 Byron's note.—“Query, Ney?
country, and that Napoleon nearly - Printer's Devil."
464
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Y.
Byron.
“I am no flatterer—you've supp'd full of flattery :
They say you like it too—'tis no great wonder:
He whose whole life has been assault and battery,
At last may get a little tired of thunder,
And swallowing eulogy much more than satire, he
May like being praised for every lucky blunder,
Called Saviour of the Nations'--not yet saved,
“
And · Europe's Liberator'--still enslaved.
VI.
17
“ I've done. Now go and dine from off the plate
Presented by the Prince of the Brazils,
And send the sentinel before your gate
A slice or two from your luxurious meals :
He fought, but has not fed so well of late;
Some hunger, too, they say the people feels :
There is no doubt that you deserve your ration-
But pray give back a little to the nation.
VII.
I don't mean to reflectma man so great as
You, my Lord Duke, is far above reflection.
The high old Roman fashion, too, of Cincinnatus
With modern history has but small connection;
Though as an Irishman you love potatoes
You need not take them under your direction ;
And half a million for your Sabine farm
Is rather dear !
_I'm sure I mean no harm.
17 Byron's note. 66"I at this thing I had not got for some days.
time got a post, being for fatigue, When thus engaged, the Prodigal
with four others. We were sent to Son was never once out of my mind;
break biscuit and make a mess for and I sighed, as I fed the dogs, over
Lord Wellington's hounds. I was my humble situation and my ruined
very hungry, and thought it a good hopes.'-Journal of a Soldier of the
job at the time, as we got our own 7 Ist Regiment during the War in
fill while we broke the biscuit-a Spain."
WATERLOO POETRY.
465
VIII.
Byron.
“ Great men have always scorn'd great recompenses.
Epaminonda saved his Thebes, and died,
Not leaving even his funeral expenses :
George Washington had thanks and nought beside
Except the all-countless glory (which few men's is)
To free his country! Pitt, too, had his pride,
And, as a high-soul'd minister of state, is
Renown'd for ruining Great Britain, gratis.
IX.
“ Never had mortal man such opportunity,
Except Napoleon, or abused it more :
You might have freed fall’n Europe from the unity
Of tyrants, and been bless'd from shore to shore;
And now-what is your fame? Shallthe Muse tune it ye?
Now that the rabble's first vain shouts are o'er ?
Go, hear it in your famish'd country's cries !
Behold the world ! and curse your victories !
X.
“ As these new cantos touch on warlike feats,
To you the unflattering Muse deigns to inscribe
Truths that
you
will not read in the Gazettes ;
But which, 'tis time to teach the hireling tribe
Who fatten on their country's gore and debts,
Must be recited, and without a bribe.
You did great things; but, not being great in mind,
Have left undone the greatest-and mankind."
+
Byron's bitter lines were well on the way to be for- Tennyson.
gotten when Tennyson—who had succeeded Words-
worth as Poet-Laureate at the close of the year 1850–
produced, as the first of his official poems, his Ode on
the Death of the Duke of Wellington. Perhaps because of
its length, perhaps because it is of another order of
poetry than that by which its writer has commanded
ΙΗ ΙΙ
466
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Tennyson. admiration, the ode is generally respected rather than
enjoyed or known. It will no doubt endure as a stately
monument to “ England's greatest son,” but it will never
be read through by thousands who have The Charge of
the Light Brigade at their tongues' end and study the
Idylls of the King.
“ ODE ON THE DEATH OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.
I.
Bury the Great Duke
With an empire's lamentation,
Let us bury the Great Duke
To the noise of the mourning of a mighty nation.
Mourning when their leaders fall,
Warriors carry the warrior's pall,
And sorrow darkens hamlet and hall.
II.
“.Where shall we lay the man whom we deplore ?
Here, in streaming London's central roar.
Let the sound of those he wrought for,
And the feet of those he fought for,
Echo round his bones for evermore.
III.
“ Lead out the pageant: sad and slow,
As fits an universal woe,
Let the long long procession go,
And let the sorrowing crowd about it grow,
And let the mournful martial music blow !
The last great Englishman is low.
IV.
" Mourn, for to us he seems the last,
Remembering all his greatness in the Past.
No more in soldier fashion will he greet
With lifted hand the gazer in the street.
WATERLOO POETRY.
467
Tennyson.
O friends, our chief state-oracle is mute:
Mourn for the man of long enduring blood,
The statesman-warrior, moderate, resolute,
Whole in himself, a common good.
Mourn for the man of amplest influence,
Yet clearest of ambitious crime,
Our greatest, yet with least pretence,
Great in council and great in war,
Foremost captain of his time,
Rich in saving common-sense,
And, as the greatest only are,
In his simplicity sublime.
O good grey head, which all men knew,
O voice, from which their omens all men drew,
O iron nerve, to true occasion true,
O fallin at length that tower of strength
Which stood four-square to all the winds that blew !
Such was he whom we deplore.
The long self-sacrifice of life is o'er.
The great World-victor's victor will be seen no more.
V.
All is over and done:
Render thanks to the Giver,
England, for thy son.
Let the bell be tollid.
Render thanks to the Giver,
And render him to the mould.
Under the cross of gold
That shines over city and river,
There he shall rest for ever
Among the wise and the bold.
Let the bell be toll'd :
And a reverent people behold
The towering car, the sable steeds :
Bright let it be with its blazon'd deeds,
Dark in its funeral fold.
Let the bell be tolld:
1 1 2
468
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Tennyson.
And a deeper knell in the heart be knoll'd,
And the sound of the sorrowing anthem rollid
Thro' the dome of the golden cross;
And the volleying cannon thunder his loss;
He knew their voices of old.
For many a time in many a clime
His captain's ear has heard them boom,
Bellowing victory, bellowing doom :
When he with those deep voices wrought,
Guarding realms and kings from shame ;
With those deep voices our dead captain taught
The tyrant, and asserts his claim
In that dread sound to the great name
Which he has worn so pure of blame,
In praise and in dispraise the same,
A man of well-attemper'd frame.
O civic muse, to such a name,
To such a name for ages long,
To such a name,
Preserve a broad approach of fame,
And ever-echoing avenues of song.
VI.
“Who is he that cometh like an honoured guest,
With banner and with music, with soldier and with priest,
With a nation weeping, and breaking on my rest ?
Mighty Seaman, this is he
Was great by land as thou by sea.
Thine island loves thee well, thou famous man,
The greatest sailor since our world began.
Now, to the roll of muffled drums,
To thee the greatest soldier comes;
For this is he
Was great by land as thou by sea ;
His foes were thine; he kept us frec;
I give him welcome, this is he
Worthy of our gorgeous rites,
And worthy to be laid by thee
WATERLOO POETRY.
469
Tennyson.
For this is England's greatest son,
He that gained a hundred fights,
Nor ever lost an English gun ;
This is he that far away
Against the myriads of Assaye
Clashed with his fiery few and won ;
And underneath another sun,
Warring on a later day,
Round affrighted Lisbon drew
The treble works, the vast designs
Of his labour'd rampart-lines,
Where he greatly stood at bay,
Whence he issued forth anew,
And ever great and greater grew,
Beating from the wasted vines
Back to France her banded swarms,
Back to France with countless blows,
Till o'er the hills her eagles flew
Beyond the Pyrenean pines,
Followed up in valley and glen
With blare of bugle, clamour of men,
Roll of cannon and clash of arms,
And England pouring on her foes.
Such a war had such a close.
Again their ravening eagle rose
In anger, wheel'd on Europe-shadowing wings,
And barking for the thrones of kings;
Till one that sought but Duty's iron crown
On that loud Sabbath shook the spoiler down;
A day of onsets of despair !
Dash'd on every rocky square,
Their surging charges foamed themselves away;
Last, the Prussian trumpet blew :
Through the long-tormented air
Heaven flash'd a sudden jubilant ray,
And down we swept, and charged, and overthrer.
So great a soldier taught us there
What long-enduring hearts could do
In that world's-earthquake, Waterloo !
470
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO,
Tennyson.
Mighty Seaman, tender and true,
And pure as he from taint of craven guile,
O saviour of the silver-coasted isle,
O shaker of the Baltic and the Nile,
If aught of things that here befall
Touch a spirit among things divine,
If love of country move thee there at all,
Be glad, because his bones are laid by thine !
And thro' the centuries let a people's voice
In full acclaim,
A people's voice,
The proof and echo of all human fame,
A people's voice, when they rejoice
At civic revel and pomp and game,
Attest their great commander's claim
With honour, honour, honour, honour to him,
Eternal honour to his name.
VII.
“ A people's voice! we are a people yet.
Tho' all men else their nobler dreams forget,
Confused by brainless mobs and lawless Powers;
Thank Him who isled us here, and roughly set
His Briton in blown seas and storming showers,
We have a voice with which to pay the debt
Of boundless love and reverence and regret
To those great men who fought and kept it ours.
And keep it ours, O God, from brute control;
O Statesmen, guard us, guard the eye, the soul
Of Europe, keep our noble England whole,
And save the one true seed of freedom sown
Bctwixt a people and their ancient throne,
That sober freedom out of which there springs
Our loyal passion for our temperate kings;
For, saving that, ye help to save mankind
Till public wrong be crumbled into dust,
And drill the raw world for the march of mind,
Till crowds at length be sane and crowns be just.
But wink no inore in slothful overtrust.
WATERLOO POETRY.
471
Tenuyson.
Remember him who led your hosts;
Ile bade you guard the sacred coasts.
Your cannons moulder on the seaward wall;
His voice is silent in your council-hall
For ever; and whatever tempests lour
For ever silent; even if they broke
In thunder, silent; yet remember all
He spoke among you, and the Man who spoke ;
Who never sold the truth to serve the hour,
Nor palter'd with Eternal God for power ;
Who let the turbid streams of Rumour flow
Thro' either babbling world of high and low ;
Whose life was work, whose language rife
With rugged maxims hewn from life;
Who never spoke against a foe;
Whose eighty winters freeze with one rebuke
All great self-seekers trampling on the right:
Truth-teller was our England's Alfred named ;
Truth-lover was our English Duke;
Whatever record leap to light,
He never shall be shamed.
VIII.
" Lo, the leader in these glorious wars
Now to glorious burial slowly borne,
Follow'd by the brave of other lands,
He on whom from both her open hands
Lavish Honour shower'd all her stars,
And affluent Fortune emptied all her horn.
Yea, let all good things await
Him who cares not to be great,
But as he saves or serves the state.
Not once or twice in our rough island-story,
The path of duty was the way to glory:
He that walks it, only thirsting
For the right, and learns to deaden
Love of self, before his journey closes,
He shall find the stubborn thistle bursting
Into glossy purples, which outredden
All voluptuous garden-roses.
472
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Tennyson.
Not once or twice in our fair island-story,
The path of duty was the way to glory :
He, that ever following her commands,
On with toil of heart and knees and hands,
Thro’ the long gorge to the far light has won
His path upward, and prevailed,
Shall find the toppling crags of Duty scaled
Are close upon the shining table-lands
To which our God Himself is moon and sun.
Such was he: his work is done,
But while the races of mankind endure,
Let his great example stand
Colossal, seen of every land,
And keep the soldier firm, the statesman pure,
Till in all lands and thro' all human story
The path of duty be the way to glory:
And let the land whose hearths he saved from shame
For many and many an age proclaim
At civic revel and pomp and game,
And when the long-illumined cities flame,
Their ever-loyal iron leader's fame,
With honour, honour, honour, honour to him,
Eternal honour to his name.
IX.
“Peace, his triumph will be sung
By some yet unmoulded tongue
Far on in summers that we shall not see:
Peace, it is a day of pain
For one about whose patriarchal knee
Late the little children clung :
O peace, it is a day of pain
For one, upon whose hand and heart and brain
Once the weight and fate of Europe hung.
Ours the pain, be his the gain !
More than is of man's degree
Must be with us, watching here
At this, our great solemnity.
Whom we see not we revere
WATERLOO POETRY.
473
Tennyson.
We revere, and we refrain
From talk of battles loud and vain,
And brawling memories all too free
For such a wise humility
As befits a solemn fane :
We revere, and while we hear
The tides of Music's golden sea
Setting toward eternity,
Uplifted high in heart and hope are we,
Until we doubt not that for one so true
There must be other nobler work to do
Than when he fought at Waterloo,
And victor he must ever be.
For tho' the Giant Ages heave the hill,
And break the shore, and evermore
Make and break, and work their will ;
Tho' world on world in myriad myriads roll
Round us, each with different powers,
And other forms of life than ours,
What know we greater than the soul?
On God and Godlike men we build our trust.
Hush, the Dead March wails in the people's ears :
The dark crowd moves, and there are sobs and tears;
The black earth yawns; the mortal disappears;
Ashes to ashes, dust to dust;
He is gone who seem'd so great.-
Gone; but nothing can bereave him
Of the force he made his own
Being here, and we believe him
Something far advanced in State,
And that he wears a truer crown
Than any wreath that man can weave him.
Speak no more of his renown,
Lay your earthly fancies down,
And in your vast cathedral leave him.
God accept him, Christ receive him.''
Napoleon, three weeks before his death, had “written Thackeray.
entirely by my hand,” as he said, a codicil to his will
474
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Thackeray. “I desire that my ashes shall repose on the banks of
the Seine, in the midst of the French people whom I
loved so well.” While the unmitigated Bourbons swayed
France no regard was paid to the wish of the dying
Emperor. But when Louis Philippe was upon the
throne, and Thiers had become prime minister, applica-
tion was made to the British Government for the neces-
sary permission, and Lord Palmerston made this grace-
ful reply:
“ The Government of her Britannic Majesty hopes that the
promptness of its answer may be considered in France as a
proof of its desire to blot out the last trace of those national
animosities which, during the life of the Emperor, armed
France and England against each other. The British govern-
ment hopes that, if such sentiments survive anywhere, they
may be buried in the tomb about to receive the remains of
Napoleon.” 18
At the time of the arrival of Napoleon's body in
France and of the splendid ceremonial attending its
18 Lord Palmerston's speaking Napoleon's death. At that time
of “ the Emperor” and “ Napoleon” the officers of bis St. Helena house-
in an official despatch marked the hold had a gravestone prepared, with
change of English sentiment since the inscription,
NAPOLEON.
BORN AT AJACCIO TIE 15TH OF AUGUST, 1769.
DIED AT ST. HELENA TEE 5TH OF MAY, 1821.
This Sir IIudson Lowe—“by name, any other words than
6 General
and ah ! by Nature, so "-refused Bonaparte." Byron recorded the
them permission to place over his incident in The Age of Bronze, when
grave, saying that the British Govern- referring to St. Helena as Napoleon's
ment-Lord Liverpool being still burial-place :-
premier—lad forbidden the use of
Ilis jailer, duteous to the last,
Scarce deem'd his coffin's lid could keep him fast,
Refusing one poor line along the lid
To date the birth and death of all it hid.”
WATERLOO POETRY.
475
being placed in the Hôtel des Invalides (December 15, Thackeray.
1840) Thackeray was in Paris. Much no doubt was
going on about him to suggest the retrospect which he
traces out so vividly in the most elaborate and sustained
of all his ballads, The Chronicle of the Drum. So far as
could be supposed then—for no imagination except
Prince Louis Napoleon's could at that time have formed
an idea of the Second Empire—the Napoleonic Legend
had been completed, and it only remained to record it.
This, and also the long train of preparatory events
which had rendered Napoleonism possible, Thackeray
set forth, putting the story into the mouth of his Drum-
mer, who, in his own person or represented in his
ancestors, had played, he was thoroughly assured, no
mean part in the glories and vicissitudes of France
from the splendid days of Louis XIV to the downfall of
Napoleon. 19
19 For those who find it interest- ... In like manner he taught me
ing to trace the growth of a notable modern history. I did not under-
poem it will be worth while to turn stand, it is true, the words which he
back from Thackeray's Chronicle spoke, but, as he constantly drummed
to Heine's Ideas-Book Le Grand, while speaking, I understood him.
published in 1826. In his seventlı The history of the storming of
chapter the narrator has given his the Bastile, of the Tuileries, and the
boyish recollection of "the French like, cannot be correctly understood
Drummer who was so long quartered until we know how the drumming
in our house [at Düsseldorf], who was done on such occasions.
looked like the Devil, and yet had When you hear the red march of
the good heart of an angel, and who the guillotine drummed you under-
above all this drummed so divively.” stand it correctly for the first time,
This genius, Heine says, knew n10 and, with it, the how and the why."
German, yet made himself under- IIeine drops Drummer Le Grand in
stood. “For instance, if I knew not this seventh chapter, but in the tenth
what the word liberté meant, he relates how, revisiting Düsseldorf
drummed the Marseillaise—and I in after years, he fell asleep on a
understood him. If I did not under- bench in the Court-garden and
stand the word egalité, he drummed dreamed of a band of French sol-
the march,
diers returning from Siberian prisons.
"Singularly enough, they were pre-
Ça ira, ça ira, ça ira,
ceded by a drummer, who tottered
Les aristocrats à la Lanterne !'
along with a drum, and I shuddered
.
.
0
476
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Thackeray.
66 THE CHRONICLE OF THE DRUM.
PART I.
“At Paris, hard by the Maine barriers,
Whoever will choose to repair,
Midst a dozen of wooden-legged warriors
May haply fall in with old Pierre.
On the sunshiny bench of a tavern
He sits and he prates of old wars,
And moistens his pipe of tobacco
With a drink that is named after Mars.
as I recalled the old legend of soldiers drummer at their head, marched
who had fallen in battle, and who by back to their native city. And of
night, rising again from their graves them the old ballad sings thus:
on the battlefield, and with the
"" He beat on the drum with might and maiu,
To their old night-quarters they go again ;
Through the lighted street they come ;
Trallerie-trallerei-trallera,
They march before sweetheart's home.
""Thus the dead return ere break of day,
Like tombstones white in their cold
array,
And the drummer he goes before ;
Trallerie—trallerei-trallera,
And we see them come no more.
In the spectre drummer the dreamer out its inner soul. I heard once
recognises Le Grand. “He too re- more the cannon thunder, the whist-
cognised me, and drew me to the ling of balls, the riot of battle, the
turf, and we sat down together as death-rage of the Guard—I saw
of old, when he taught me on the once more the waving flags, again
drum French and Modern History. the Emperor on his steed. . . Le
He had still the well-known old Grand's eyes opened spirit-like and
drum, and I could not sufficiently wide, and I saw in them nothing
wonder how he had preserved it from but a broad white field of ice
Russian plunderers. And he drunmed covered with corpses--it was the
again as of old, but without speak- battle of Moscow." The passage is
ing a word. .
He drummed, as longer and is poetic in its ending;
before, the old battles, the deeds of but enough has been written to
the Emperor, and it seemed as show the germ of the Chronicle of
though the drum itself were a living the Drum fifteen years before Thack-
creature which rejoiced to speak eray elaborated it so admirably. It
WATERLOO POETRY.
477
Thackeray:
“The beer makes his tongue run the quicker,
And as long as his tap never fails,
Thus over his favourite liquor
Old Peter will tell his old tales.
Says he, 'In my life's ninety summers
Strange changes and chances I've seen,-
So here's to all gentlemen drummers
That ever have thump'd on a skin.
“ Brought up in the art military
For four generations we are;
My ancestors drumm’d for King Harry,
The Huguenot lad of Navarre.
may also be compared with what with a harsh unity that stamped
have already been referred to as them as the voices of veterans in
“spectral poems.” - Heine, again, war, woke me from my reverie, and
had been anticipated by the English made my heart throb. Never did I
painter, B. R. Haydon, who, visiting hear such drums before; there were
Fontainebleau in 1814, during Na- years of battle and blood in every
poleon's Elban exile, made a note sound." = In contrast with these ce-
that might serve as Thackeray's lebrations of the drum may be quoted
text:--" The evening was delicious ; a little piece by a copious but well-
the fountain worthy of Armida's nigh forgotten writer of the last cen-
garden ; the poetry of my mind un- tury—John Scott, of Amwell, said to
earthly for the time; when the have been the only English Quaker
crash of the Imperial drums, beating poet previous to Bernard Barton:
“ ODE ON HEARING THE DRUM.
" I hate that drum's discordant sound,
Parading round, and round, and round :
To thoughtless youth it pleasure yields,
And lures from cities and from fields,
To sell their liberty for charms
Of tawdry lace and glittering arms;
And when Ambition's voice commands,
To march, and fight, and fall in foreign lands.
"I hate that drum's discordant sound,
Parading round, and round, and round:
To me it talks of ravaged plains,
And burning towns, and ruined swains,
And mangled limbs, and dying groans,
And widows' tears, and orphans' moans ;
And all that misery's hand bestows
To fill the catalogue of human woes.'
478
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Thackeray.
And as each man in life has his station
According as Fortune may fix,
While Condé was waving the bâton,
My grandsire was trolling the sticks.
“Ah ! those were the days for commanders!
What glories my grandfather won,
Ere bigots, and lackeys, and panders
The fortunes of France had undone !
In Germany, Flanders, and Holland, -
What foeman resisted us then ?
No; my grandsire was ever victorious,
My grandsire and Monsieur Turenne.
66 He died : and our noble battalions
The jade fickle Fortune forsook ;
And at Blenheim, in spite of our valiance,
The victory lay with Malbrook.
The news it was brought to King Louis;
Corbleu ! how his Majesty swore
When he heard they had taken my grandsire,
And twelve thousand gentlemen more.
“ At Namur, Ramillies, and Malplaquet,
Were we posted, on plain or in trench :
Malbrook only need to attack it
And away from him scamper'd we French.
Cheer up! 'tis no use to be glum, boys,--
'Tis written, since fighting begun,
That sometimes we fight and we conquer,
And sometimes we fight and we run.
“ To fight and to run was our fate:
Our fortune and fame had departed.
And so perish'd Louis the Great, -
Old, lonely, and half broken-hearted.
His coffin they pelted with mud,
His body they tried to lay hands on;
And so, having buried King Louis,
They loyally served his great-grandson
WATERLOO POETRY.
479
Thackeray.
“God save the beloved King Louis !
(For so he was nicknamed by some,)
And now came my father to do his
King's orders and beat on the drum.
My grandsire was dead, but his bones
Must have shaken, I'm certain, for joy,
To hear daddy drumming the English
From the meadows of famed Fontenoy.
6 So well did he drum in that battle
That the enemy showed us their backs;
Corbleu ! it was pleasant to rattle
The sticks, and to follow old Saxe !
We next had Soubise as a leader,
And as luck hath its changes and fits,
At Rossbach, in spite of dad's drumming,
'Tis said we were beaten by Fritz.
“ And now daddy crossid the Atlantic,
To drum for Montcalm and his men ;
Morbleu ! but it makes a man frantic
To think we were beaten again!
My daddy he cross'd the wide ocean,
My mother brought me on her neck,
And we came in the year fifty-seven
To guard the good town of Quebec.
“In the year fifty-nine came the Britons, --
Full well I remember the day,-
They knocked at our gate for admittance,
Their vessels were moored in our bay.
Says our general, ' Drive me yon red-coats
Away to the sea whence they come !'
So we march'd against Wolfe and his bull-dogs,
We marched at the sound of the drum.
66 I think I can see my poor mammy
With me in her hand as she waits,
And our regiment, slowly retreating,
Pour's back through the citadel gates.
480
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Thackeray.
Dear mammy, she looks in their faces,
And asks if her husband is come ?
-He is lying all cold on the glacis,
And will never more beat on the drum.
Come, drink, 'tis no use to be glum, boys,
He died like a soldier in glory;
Here's a glass to the health of all drum-boys,
And now I'll commence my own story.
Once more did we cross the salt ocean,
We came in the year eighty-one ;
And the wrongs of my father the drummer
Were avenged by the drummer, his son.
“ In Chesapeake Bay we were landed ;
In vain strove the British to pass;
Rochambeau our armies commanded,
Our ships they were led by De Grasse.
Morbleu ! how I rattled the drumsticks
The day we march'd into Yorktown;
Ten thousand of beef-eating British
Their weapons we caused to lay down.
“ Then homeward returning victorious,
In peace to our country we came,
And were thanked for our glorious actions
By Louis Sixteenth of the name.
What drummer on earth could be prouder
Than I while I drummed at Versailles
To the lovely court ladies in powder,
And lappets, and long satin tails?
“ The princes that day pass'd before us,
Our countrymen's glory and hope ;
Monsieur, who was learned in Horace,
D'Artois, who could dance the tight-rope.
One night we kept guard for the Queen,
At her Majesty's opera box,
While the King, that majestical monarch,
Sat filing at home at his locks.
WATERLOO POETRY.
481
Thackeray.
“Yes, I drumm'd for the fair Antoinette,
And so smiling she looked and so tender,
That our officers, privates, and drummers
All vow'd they would die to defend her.
But she cared not for us, honest fellows,
Who fought and who bled in her wars;
She sneered at our gallant Rochambeau,
And turned La Fayette out of doors.
- Ventrebleu ! then I swore a great oath
No more to such tyrants to kneel,
And so, just to keep up my drumming,
One day I drumm'd down the Bastille.
Ho, landlord, a stoup of fresh wine :
Come, comrades, a bumper we'll try,
And drink to the year eighty-nine,
And the glorious fourth of July!
" Then bravely our cannon it thunder'd,
As onwards our patriots bore ;
Our enemies were but a hundred,
And we twenty thousand or more.
They carried the news to King Louis,
He heard it as calm as you please,
And, like a majestical monarch,
Kept filing his locks and his keys.
66 We show'd our republican courage,
We storm'd and we broke the great gate in,
And we murder'd the insolent governor,
For daring to keep us a-waiting.
Lambesc and his squadrons stood by,
They never stirr'd finger or thumb;
The saucy aristocrats trembled
As they heard the republican drum.
“ Hurrah! what a storm was a-brewing:
The day of our vengeance was come !
Through scenes of what carnage and ruin
Did I beat on the patriot drum!
II
482
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Thackeray.
Let's drink to the fam'd tenth of August:
At midnight I beat the tattoo,
And woke up the pikemen of Paris
To follow the bold Barbaroux.
“ With pipes, and with shouts, and with torches
March'd onwards our dusty battalions,
And we girt the tall castle of Louis,
A million of tatterdemalions!
We storm'd the fair gardens where tower'd
The walls of his heritage splendid.
Ah, shame on him, craven and coward,
That had not the heart to defend it!
“ With the crown of his sires on his head,
His nobles and knights by his side,
At the foot of his ancestors' palace
'Twere easy, methinks, to have died.
But no; when we burst through his barriers,
'Mid heaps of the dying and dead,
In vain through the chamber's we sought him ;
He had turn'd like a craven and fled.
“ You all know the Place de la Concorde,
'Tis hard by the Tuileries wall;
'Mid terraces, fountains, and statues,
There rises an obelisk tall.
There rises an obelisk tall,
All garnished and gilded the base is:
'Tis surely the gayest of all
Our beautiful city's gay places.
“ Around it are gardens and flowers,
And the Cities of France on their thrones,
Each crown'd with his circlet of flowers,
Sit watching this biggest of stones !
I love to go sit in the sun there,
The flowers and fountains to see,
And to think of the deeds that were done there
In the glorious year ninety-three.
WATERLOO POETRY.
483
Thackeray.
“Twas here stood the Altar of Freedom,
And though neither marble nor gilding
Was used in those days to adorn
Our simple republican building,
Corbleu! but the MÈRE GUILLOTINE
Cared little for splendour or show,
So you gave her an axe and a beam,
And a plank and a basket or so.
“Awful, and proud, and erect,
Here sat our republican goddess;
Each morning her table we decked
With dainty aristocrats' bodies.
The people each day flocked around
As she sat at her meat and her wine :
'Twas always the use of our nation
To witness the sovereign dine.
“ Young virgins with fair golden tresses,
Old silver-hair'd prelates and priests,
Dukes, marquises, barons, princesses,
There splendidly served at her feasts.
Ventrebleu ! but we pamper'd our ogress
With the best that our nation could bring,
And dainty she grew in her progress,
And called for the head of a king !
- She called for the blood of our King,
And straight from his prison we drew him;
And to her with shouting we led him,
And took him, and bound him, and slew him.
The monarchs of Europe against me
Have plotted a godless alliance :
I'll fling them the head of King Louis,
She said, 'as my gage of defiance.
“I see him as now, for a moment,
Away from his gaolers he broke ;
And stood at the foot of the scaffold,
And lingered, and fain would have spoke.
II 2
484
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Thackeray.
Ho, drummer! quick! silence yon Capet,
Says Santerre, with a beat of your drum.'
Lustily then did I tap it
And the son of St. Louis was dumb.
PART II.
“ The glorious days of September
Saw many aristocrats fall;
'Twas then that our pikes drunk the blood
In the beautiful breast of Lamballe-
Pardi, 'twas a beautiful lady!
I seldom have looked on her like;
And I drumm'd for a gallant procession,
That marched with her head on a pike.
“Let's show the pale head to the Queen,
We said she'll remember it well.
She looked from the bars of her prison,
And shriek'd as she saw it, and fell.
We set up a shout at her screaming,
We laugh'd at the fright she had shown
At the sight of the head of her minion ;
How she'd tremble to part with her own!
“ We had taken the head of King Capet,
We called for the blood of his wife ;
Undaunted she came to the scaffold,
And bared her fair neck to the knife.
As she felt the foul fingers that touched her
She shrank, but she deigned not to speak :
She look'd with a royal disdain,
And died with a blush on her cheek !
66'Twas thus that our country was saved ;
So told us the safety committee !
But psha! I've the heart of a soldier,
All gentleness, mercy, and pity:
I loathed to assist at such deeds,
And my drum beat its loudest of tunes
As we offered to justice offended
The blood of the bloody tribunes.
WATERLOO POETRY.
485
Thackeray.
Away with such foul recollections !
No more of the axe and the block;
I saw the last fight of the sections,
As they fell ’neath our guns at Saint Rock.
Young BONAPARTE led us that day :
When he sought the Italian frontier,
I follow'd my gallant young captain,
I follow'd him many a long year.
66 We came to an army in rags;
Our general was but a boy
When we first saw the Austrian flags
Flaunt proud in the fields of Savoy.
In the glorious year ninety-six,
We march'd to the banks of the Po;
I carried my drum and my sticks,
And we laid the proud Austrian low.
“In triumph we entered Milan,
We seized on the Mantuan keys;
The troops of the Emperor ran,
And the Pope he fell down on his knees.”_
Pierre's comrades here called a fresh bottle,
And clubbing together their wealth,
They drank to the army of Italy,
And General Bonaparte's health.
The drummer now bared his old breast,
And show'd us plenty of scars,
Rude presents that Fortune had made him
In fifty victorious wars.
« This came when I follow'd bold Kleber-
'Twas shot by a Mameluke gun;
And this from an Austrian sabre,
When the field of Marengo was won.
66
"My forehead has many deep furrows.
But this is the deepest of all :
A Brunswicker made it at Jena
Beside the fair river of Saal
486
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Thackeray.
This cross, 'twas the Emperor gave it
(God bless him!) it covers a blow;
I had it at Austerlitz fight,
As I beat on my drum in the snow.
66 'Twas thus that we conquer'd and fought;
But wherefore continue the story?
There's never a baby in France
But has heard of our chief and our glory, -
But has heard of our chief and our fame,
His sorrows and triumphs can tell,
How bravely Napoleon conquerd,
How bravely and sadly he fell.
“It makes my old heart to beat higher,
To think of the deeds that I saw;
I follow'd bold Ney through the fire,
And charged at the side of Murat.”
And so did old Peter continue
His story of twenty brave years ;
His audience follow'd with comments
Rude comments of curses and tears.
He told how the Prussians in vain
Had died in defence of their land;
His audience laugh'd at the story,
And vow'd that their captain was grand !
He had fought the red English, he said,
In many a battle of Spain;
They cursed the red English, and prayed
To meet them and fight then again.
He told them how Russia was lost,
Had winter not driven them back,
And his company cursed the quick frost,
And doubly they cursed the Cossack.
He told how the stranger arrived ;
They wept at the tale of disgrace;
And they long'd but for one battle more,
The stain of their shame to efface.
WATERLOO POETRY.
487
Thackeray.
“Our country their hordes overrun ;
We fled to the fields of Champagne,
And fought them, though twenty to one,
And beat them again and again!
Our warrior was conquer'd at last ;
They bade him his crown to resign;
To fate and his country he yielded
The rights of himself and his line.
“ He came, and among us he stood,
Around him we press'd in a throng :
We could not regard him for weeping,
Who had led us and loved us so long.
'I have led you for twenty long years,
Napoleon said, ere he went;
• Wherever was honour I found you,
And with you, my sons, am content !
“ “ Though Europe against me was armed,
Your chiefs and my people are true;
I still might have struggled with fortune,
And baffled all Europe with you.
“But France would have suffer'd the while,
'Tis best that I suffer alone;
I go to my place of exile,
To write of the deeds we have done.
66 Be true to the king that they give you.
We may not embrace ere we part;
But, General, reach me your hand,
And ,
press me, I pray, to your heart. '
“ He call'd for our old battle standard ;
One kiss to the eagle he gave;
• Dear eagle,' he said, 'may this kiss
Long sound in the hearts of the brave !'
'Twas thus that Napoleon left us ;
Our people were weeping and mute,
As he passed through the lines of his Guard,
And our drums beat the notes of salute.
488
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Thackeray.
“I look'd, when the drumming was o'er,
I looked, but our hero was gone;
We were destined to see him once more,
When we fought on the Mount of St. John.
The Emperor rode through our files :
'Twas June, and a fair Sunday morn;
The lines of our warriors for miles
Stretch'd wide through the Waterloo corn.
- In thousands we stood on the plain,
The red-coats were crowning the height;
"Go scatter yon English,' he said;
· We'll sup, lads, at Brussels to-night.'
We answered his voice with a shout;
Our eagles were bright in the sun;
Our drums and our cannon spoke out,
And the thundering battle begun.
“One charge to another succeeds,
Like waves that a hurricane bears ;
All day do our galloping steeds
Dash fierce on the enemy's squares.
At noon we began the fell onset;
We charged up the Englishman's hill,
And madly we charged it at sunset-
His banners were floating there still.
co Go to! I will tell you no more ;
You know how the battle was lost.
Ho! fetch me a beaker of wine,
And, comrades, I'll give you a toast.
I'll give you a curse on all traitors,
Who plotted our Emperor's ruin ;
And a curse on those red-coated English,
Whose bayonets help'd our undoing.
“A curse on those British assassins,
Who order'd the slaughter of Ney;
A curse on Sir Hudson, who tortured
The life of our hero away.
WATERLOO POETRY.
489
Thackeray.
A curse on all Russians—I hate them-
On all Prussian and Austrian fry;
And oh! but I pray we may meet them,
And fight them again ere I die.”
'Twas thus old Peter did conclude
His chronicle with curses fit;
He spoke the tale in accents rude,
In ruder verse I copied it.
Perhaps the tale a moral bears,
(All tales in time to this must come),
The story of two hundred years
Writ on the parchment of a drum.
What Peter told with drum and stick
Is endless theme for poets' pen;
Is found in endless quartos thick,
Enormous books by learned men.
And ever since historian writ,
And ever since a bard could sing,
Doth each exalt with all his wit
The noble art of murdering.
We love to read the glorious page,
How bold Achilles killed his foe;
And Turnus, felld by Trojan’s rage,
Went howling to the shades below;
How Godfrey led his red-cross knights,
How mad Orlando slash'd and slew :
There's not a single bard that writes
But doth the glorious theme renew.
And while, in fashion picturesque,
The poet rhymes of blood and blows,
The grave historian at his desk
Describes the same in classic prose.
Go read the works of Reverend Cox,
You'll duly see recorded there
The history of the self-same knocks
Here roughly sung by Drummer Pierre.
490
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Thackeray.
Of battles fierce and warriors big,
He writes in phrases dull and slow,
And waves his cauliflower wig,
And shouts “ Saint George for Marlborow!"
Take Doctor Southey from the shelf,
An LL.D.,-a peaceful man;
Good Lord, how doth he plume himself
Because we beat the Corsican !
From first to last his page is filled
With stirring tales how blows were struck
He shows how we the Frenchmen kill'd,
And praises God for our good luck.
Some hints, 'tis true, of politics
The doctors give, and statesman's art :
Pierre only bangs his drum and sticks,
And understands the bloody part.
He cares not what the cause may be,
He is not nice for wrong and right;
But show him where's the enemy,
He only asks to drum and fight.
They bid him fight,-perhaps he wins.
And when he tells the story o'er,
The honest savage brags and grins,
And only longs to fight once more.
But luck may change, and valour fail,
Our drummer, Peter, meets reverse,
And with a moral points his tale-
The end of all such tales- a curse.
Last year, my love, it was my bap
Behind a grenadier to be,
And, but he wore a hairy cap,
No taller man, methinks, than me.
Prince Albert and the Queen, God wot,
(Be blessings on the glorious pair!)
Before us passed; I saw them not,
I only saw a cap of hair.
WATERLOO POETRY.
491
Thackeray.
Your orthodox historian puts
In foremost rank the soldier thus,
The red-coat bully in his boots,
That hides the march of men from us.
He puts him there in foremost rank;
You wonder at his cap of hair ;
You hear his sabre's cursed clank,
His spurs are jingling everywhere.
Go to! I hate him and his trade :
Who bade us so to cringe and bend,
And all God's peaceful people made
To such as him subservient ?
Tell me what find we to admire
In epaulets and scarlet coats :
In men, because they load and fire,
And know the art of cutting throats?
Ah, gentle, tender lady mine!
The winter wind blows cold and shrill,
Come, fill me one more glass of wine,
And give the silly fools their will.
And what care we for war and wrack,
How kings and heroes rise and fall ?
Look yonder, in his coffin black.
There lies the greatest of them all!
To pluck him down, and keep him up,
Died many million human souls.
'Tis twelve o'clock, and time to sup;
Bid Mary heap the fire with coals.
He captured many thousand guns;
He wrote “ The Great” before his name;
And dying, only left his sons
The recollection of his shame.
492
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Thackeray.
Though more than half the world was his,
He died without a rood his own,
And borrow'd from his enemies
Six foot of ground to lie upon.
He fought a thousand glorious wars,
And more than half the world was his,
And somewhere now, in yonder stars,
Can tell, mayhap, what greatness is.
Macaulay.
Until after Lord Macaulay's death it was not gene-
rally known that he had been among the poets of
Waterloo, except on the occasion of his unsuccessful
University prize-poem, already mentioned.20 His having
written other verses on the subject was disclosed by a
London publisher, Mr. John Camden Hotten, who ad-
dressed to the Athenæun a letter in which he spoke of
Macaulay's juvenile poems, and said in particular that
“ The memorable defeat of Napoleon engaged his youth-
ful attention, and the family received from his pen a
poem entitled Waterloo, and another An Inscription for
the Column of Waterloo, on occasion of the obelisk being
erected on the famous battlefield.” These and other
productions, it was added, were contained in “ an old
album recently discovered," and the intimation was that
they would be published. Hereupon the solicitor to
his executors sent to the Athenceum a communication
which said
“What is called in Mr. Hotten's letter an album is, in fact,
a manuscript belonging to a member of his lordship's family,
and . the manuscript had very recently got by mistake out
of the hands of the owner, to whom it has been since restored,
and who has no intention of publishing any of the contents of
the MS. which have not yet been published. Should any such
publication be attempted by others, it would be at once
restrained.”
30 See p. 443 ; also note 140, p. 223.
WATERLOO POETRY.
493
Macaulay's Life and Letters, published some years later Macaulay.
(in 1876) by his nephew, G. Otto Trevelyan, make no
mention of this particular poem, though they refer to a
Pindaric Ode written by him on the occasion of Napo-
leon's flight from Russia—when Macaulay was twelve
years old—and a petition for a holiday which, at the
instigation of his school-fellows, he addressed to his
tutor on the occasion of the Allies entering Paris. This
poem, we are told, “ begins with a few sonorous and
effective couplets, grows more and more like the parody
on Fitzgerald in Rejected Addresses, and ends in a pero-
ration of which the intention is unquestionably mock-
heroic:
Oh, by the glorious posture of affairs,
By the enormous price that Omnium bears,
By princely Bourbon's late recovered Crown,
And by Miss Fanny's safe return from town,
Oh, do not thou, and thou alone, refuse
To show thy pleasure at this glorious news ! ”
Beyond this, the biographer suppresses Macaulay's
Waterloo poems. To them probably applies the same
sentiment as to his still more juvenile productions-
“ The affection of the last generation of his relatives
has preserved all these poems, but the piety of this
generation will refrain from submitting them to public
criticism. A marginal note, in which Macaulay has
expressed his cordial approval of Uncle Toby's remark
about the great Lipsius, indicates his own wishes in the
matter too clearly to leave any choice for those who
come after him.'
» 21
21 The great Lipsius was referred withosc prodigies of childhood in
to on an occasion when the paternal Grotius, Scioppius, Heinsius, Po-
Shandy was consoling himself after litian, Pascal, Joseph Scaliger, Fer-
one of the infantile Tristram's mis- dinand de Cordue, and otliers.
adventures. He has spoken of Others were masters of fourteen
.
494
QUATRE BRAS, LIGNY, AND WATERLOO.
Macaulay. languages at ten [years old],— and divinity.'—'But you forget the
finished the course of their rhetoric, great Lipsius,' quoth Yorick, 'who
poetry, logic, and ethics, at eleven, composed a work the day he was
put forth their commentaries upon born." Uncle Toby's remark was
Servius and Martianus Capella at a sententious one as to the proper
twelve,—and at thirteen received disposal of the "work” in question.
their degrees in philosophy, laws, -Tristram Shandy, chap. clxiii.
INDEX.
,
,
ABB
BBOTT, Rev. John S. C., his Life
of Napoleon, quotations from,
40 Nog 44 N., 50 16., III N. 130 N.,
339 9., 360 n., 398 nr.
Adam, Maj.-Gen., commander 34
British brigade, 21 ; his position at
Waterloo, 204; brought his troops
into the first line, 319, 321, 322,
335 ; repulsed the French, 321,322,
335; encountered the charge of the
Imperial Guard, 363-370; led the
general Allied advance, 369, 370,
374, 378, 380_383.
Albemarle, Earl of, his Fifty Years
of NĪy Life, quotations from, 17 n.,
59 n., 73 n., 218 1., 220 9., 248 10.,
330 n., 334 12., 411-413 n.; on the
rawness of the British troops, 17 n.,
330 12., 334 n.; the character of the
Prince of Orange, 59 n.; the Duke
of Brunswick and his troops, 73 13. ;
Napoleon's delay in beginning the
battle of Waterloo, 220 n.; Picton's
death, 248 n.; French artillery fire,
330 1. ; mistaken uniforms of the
Dutch-Belgians, 334 n. ; the French
political burlesque, Les Caméléons,
411-413 9.
Alexander I., Czar of Russia, his
invention of the Holy Alliance,
408 n.
Alison, Sir Archibald, his History of
Europe, quotations from, 7 N., 65 .,
254 No, 256 n., 368 N., 378 9., 409 12..;
statement of British subsidies to
Allied Powers, 716.; his ignorance
about the battle of Quatre Bras,
65 n.; of Waterloo, 254 N., 256 n. ;
his summary of the second Treaty
ARM
against Napoleon, 5, 6; military
measures, 6, 7, 7 n., 8 n.; proceed-
ings after Waterloo, 405, 407-409;
armies of. (See ARMIES.)
Alten, Lt.-Gen. Count, commander
3d Anglo-Allied division, 21; his
position at Waterloo, 203 ; repulsed
Bachelu's attack, 272; prepared
for Trench cavalry charges, 281 ;
resistance to them, 284-298; as-
saults upon, from La Haye Sainte,
324–326, 327-333, 368; wounded,
328; his division driven back,
291 1., 329–331 ; recovered its posi-
tion, 332, 333.
American Cyclopedia, its misstate-
ment of Ney's conduct at Quatre
Bras, 65 n.
Anglesea, Marquis of (see Us
bridge.)
Arentsschildt, Col. Sir F. von, com-
mander 7th British cavalry brigade,
22; his position at Waterloo, 205;
resisted French cavalry charges,
309.
ARMIES:
ALLIED, their strength in June 1815,
81. ; army of occupation in
France after Waterloo, 409 1..
Anglo-Allied, strength of, at be-
of Paris (Nov. 20, 1815), 409 n.
Alix, Gen., commander of ist French
division, 25; his division com-
manded by Quiot at Waterloo,
239 n. (See Quiot.)
Allies, their declaration of outlawry
ginning of the campaign, 8 no,
20; stationed in Belgium be-
fore the war, II, 12 N.; com-
mand of, resigned by the Prince
of Orange in favour of Wel-
lington, 13 n.; position and
duties, 13-15; detailed list of,
21-23; diversity of nation-
alities, discipline, &c., con-
prised in, 16, 20, 198 ; slovenly
organisation and administra-
tion, 40 N., 67 N., 109 n., 117,
190, 202, 207 1., 292, 294, 313,
314, 340, 342 10.; quality of, in
the aggregate, 16, 19 n., 20,
496
INDEX.
ARM
ARMIES :-Anglo-Allied-continued
198,333n. Strength at Quatre
Bras, 64 N, ; haphazard arrival
of reinforcements, 67 Ilu, 117;
losses, 88 n. Strength at Wa-
terloo, 194, 198; losses, 406.
British, troops of, in Belgium
before the campaign, 12 n.;
best regiments largely in
America, those in the cam-
paign untried in war, 17, 20,
196 ; inefficiency of the Bri-
tish government in recruit-
ing, 17, 18, 19, 20 n.; ineffi-
cient staff, 19, 20 N., 191 N.,
202, 203 N., 292, 297, 313,
314, 340, 342 12.; slovenly
administration, 18 n., 67 92.,
109 n., 117, 190, 206, 207n.,
Infantry, firmuess of, at
Quatre Bras, 76 n., 196; at
Waterloo, 197 N., 284, 285 n.
Cavalry, covering the retreat
from Quatre Bras to Water-
loo, 130-139, 196; conflict at
Genappe, 136-138; propen-
sity to headlong rashness,
196, 197 9., 265, 268; con-
fict of the Life Guards with
French cuirassiers at Water-
loo, 252–255; charge and
destruction of the Union
Brigade, 256–266; losses of,
328, 332 n.; services of the
light brigades, 332, 363 n.,
371–373, 389, 398. Artillery,
method of eluding cavalry
attacks, 283; use of rockets
by, 139 No, 271 n., 314
Strength, 23, 198. Fugi-
tives from Waterloo, 327 1...
Losses at Quatre Bras, 88n. ;
at Waterloo, 301 N., 406,
407. Army of occupation in
France, 409 n.
Brunswick (see also Bruns-
wick, Duke of), previous his-
tory of the corps, 73 1. ;
fantastic organisation, 74 11. ;
strength, 23, 74 1., 198;
quality, 20, 73 9., 195 n.,
285 n.; novices in war, 70,
285 12. Advance to Quatre
Bras, 67 12., 70, 86; at the
battle of Quatre Bras, 70,
72, 73, 74, 76, 83, 195 n. ;
lost their leader and fled,
73, 74; losses, 88 n. ; vowed
vengeance for their Duke,
ARM
ARMIES :-Anglo-Allied—continued
Brunswick-continued
136 1., 400 n.; reprisals in
the pursuit of the French
after Waterloo, 400 N. ; mur-
dered Gen. Duhesme, 400 1..
Position at Waterloo, 205,
282, 285 1., 287, 297, 320,
323; in squares, resisting
French cavalry charges, 282,
297, 319, 320; brought up to
fill break in the Allied line,
broken, rallied, 330, 331,
333; the pursuit, 400 n.;
losses, 406
Dutch-Belgian, strength of, 23,
198; formation of, before
the campaign, 12 N., 17;
command of, resigned by
the Prince of Orange in
favour of Wellington, 13 n. ;
raw troops, 17; disaffected
toward the Allied cause, 17,
20, 79 n., 199 12.; declarec
not to have been cowardly,
by Charras, 68 12., 199 n.,
368 n.; by Kennedy, 199 n. ;
their conduct concealed or
palliated by Wellington and
his admirers, 79 n., 246 .
First Allied troops to en-
counter the French at Quatre
Bras, 46, 58, 61, 64, 79 n., 80.
In the battle of Quatre Bras,
65 n. ; fired upon by the
English, from their wearing
uniforms like the French,
69 n.; cavalry routed, 68,
69 n., 76, 78; fled to Brussels,
78 n., 79 n.; infantry driven
back, 68, 69, 78 n.; worth-
less, 651.., 1959., 198 n., 245;
losses, 88 n., 406. Position at
Waterloo, 201, 207, 294, 319,
323 N.; irrational exposure
of, 201 N., 241, 245 ; fed, 245,
246, 248 n.; D'Aubremé's
brigade held back from Aight
by British cavalry, 363 N.,
373 12. Cavalry posted out of
danger, 206 ; refused to take
part in the action, 270, 289,
309, 314 9., 323 N. ; fled from
the field, 309, 328 1.; took
to pillage, 328 n. Their
boasts of their prowess, 79 N.,
246 n., 368 n.; claimed the
defeat of the Guard, 368 10.
Propensity to pillage, 328 n.
İNDEX.
497
ARM
ARDI
ARMIES :- Anglo-Allied-continued ARMIES :- Allied- continued
Hanoverian, strength of, 23, 198; Prussian--continued
quality of, 333 n. Subsidy
the campaign, 20; position
paid by Great Britain to-
before the war, II, 12; posi-
ward, 7 n. At Quatre Bras,
tion and duties preliminary to
77, 78, 80, 83; losses, 88 n.
the campaign, 13, 15; detailed
Position at Waterloo, 201,
Jist of, 23, 24; condition and
203, 204 ; in the battle, 226,
quality, 16; hatred of the
270 n., 333 N. Halkett's bri-
French, 16; confidence in Blü-
gade, position of, 204; came
cher, 16, 157 Concentration
into the front line, 319, 322,
on June 15, 37-45, 53, 54 ;
333 1., 335; pursued the
losses in the retreat, 95 12.
Imperial Guard after its last
Strength at Ligny, 94 n. (see
charge, 368, 369, 373, 377,
BATTLE OF LIGNY); losses,
383–387, 390 ; captured Cam-
III N.; desertions, 112 n. Com-
bronne, 388 n. Cumberland-
manded by Gneisenau during
Hanoverian hussars, position
Blücher's disability, 113, 118.
of in the battle, 205; coward-
Change of base, and retreat to
ice and flight, 310, 311.
Wavre, 112-114, 118-120. Co-
Losses, 406.
operation of, at Waterloo, pro-
King's German Legion, strength
mised by Blücher to Welling-
of, 23, 198; admirable quality
ton, 120. Tardy pursuit by the
of, 20, 197, 199 9., 333 n.
French, 143-171 (and see also
Position at Waterloo, 203; in
Grouchy) Cross-march from
the battle, 244, 249 9., 252,
Wavre to Waterloo, 151-157,
282, 295, 296, 314, 320, 323,
234, 235, 274. Skirmishes about
324–326, 327, 328, 329, 330,
Wavre, and battle (see also
332, 333 ; defence of La
BATTLE OF WAVRE), 159, 162–
Haye Sainte, 202, 242-244,
166; losses at Wavre, 166 n.,
251, 279, 292, 294, 295, 313–
301 N. In the battle of Water-
315. Caralry, in the battle,
loo, 157, 300–305, 335–339, 345–
286, 309, 370. Losses, 406.
354, 358 1.., 381, 396, 397 (see
Nassau, strength of, 23, 198;
also BATTLE OF WATERLOO);
their fidelity doubtful, 20.
pursued the French to Genappe
Position at Waterloo, 201,
and Charleroi, 398-404; mas-
203, 282; defended Hougo-
sacres
of the French, 400,
mont, 221 N., 225, 226; fired
401 N. Strength at Waterloo,
on Wellington, 221 n.; de-
194, 304 No, 349 n. ; losses,
fended La Haye Sainte, 294,
301 n., 406;
losses greater
295; driven back in Ney's
than those of the British
greatinfantry charge, rallied,
army, 301 N., 406. Their ser-
regained their position, 329,
vices detracted from by the
330, 332, 333. Defended the
English, 301 1., 302 N., 349 Nie;
eastern villages, 201, 241,
by Scott, 301 N.; by Pringle,
242, 271, 304, 346, 347 n. ;
301 N. ; by Hooper, 301 N.; by
fired upon by the Prussians,
Siborne, 349 n.; opinion of
from their wearing French
Thiers, 349 9. ;
of Jomini,
uniforms, 346, 347 n. Losses,
Army of occupation
406
in France, after Waterloo,
Austrian, subsidy paid by Great
409 n.
Britain toward, 7 1. ; strength
Russian, subsidy granted
of, for the invasion of France,
Great Britain toward, 7 n.;
8 n. ; proposed line of invasion,
strength of, for the invasion
14 N., 344 1.; army of occu-
of France, 8 n. ; proposed line
pation in France, after Water-
of invasion, 14 16., 89 N., 344 10.;
loo, 409 n.
army of occupation in France,
Prussian, subsidy granted by
after Waterloo, 409 1.
Great Britain toward, 7 n.; Spanish, subsidy granted by
strength of, at beginning of
Great Britain toward, 7 n.
K K
349 N.
by
498
İNDEX.
59 n.
ARM
ARMIES :- continued
FRENCH-condition when Napoleon
returned from Elba, 2 ; his mea-
sures to recruit it, 3 ; its strength
at the opening of the campaign,
3, 91.;
deductions from its
available force, 2, 9 n. Grand
Army, strength of, 20, 26; de-
tailed list of, 25, 26; strength at
Quatre Bras, 64 n. ; losses, 88 n. ;
strength at Ligny, 94; losses, III
N.; detached with Grouchy, 128,
143, 144 N.; strength at Water-
loo, 130 n., 194 ; force engrossed
in resisting the Prussian attack,
194 ; losses, 406, 407; losses at
Wavre, 166. Quality of the Grand
Army, 26 n., 195; and sources of
weakness, 26 N. Cavalry, gal-
lantry displayed at Quatre Bras,
195 96., 281 n.; Wellington's esti-
mate of, 196 n.; not adequately
employed in patrolling, 167;
conflicts with the British, 137,
252, 253; charges upon the Allied
squares at Waterloo, 281-299;
their destruction, 298. Infantry,
conduct at Quatre Bras, 195 16.;
at Waterloo, 255 1.; vicious for-
mation of, in D’Erlon's charge
at Waterloo, 237 n.; want of, at
Waterloo, 305, 318. Collected at
Philippeville, June 14th, 28;
delays in movements caused by
Napoleon, 56 10., 57 N.,
115 N., 125-129, 166, 170, 218,
219 9., 220 ; by the generals, 28,
37, 38, 55, 63, 81, 84, 88, 104,
105 1., 114, 158 12.; by lax dis-
cipline, 54, 55, 92, 145, 157.
Battles (see BATTLE OF LIGNY,
or QUATRE BRAS, WAVRE, and
WATERLOO).
In the battle of
Quatre Bras, 65-88 ; Ligny, 95-
III; the advance to Waterloo,
130-141 ; Grouchy's march to
Wavre, 143-166; battle of Wavre,
163–166 ; position at Waterloo,
209–214 ; battle of Waterloo,
225–398. Routed, 368–398 ; pur-
sued by the Prussians, 398-402
The Grand Army dissolved, 402.
(See also Imperial Guard.)
Arndt, Ernst Moritz, patriotic songs
of, 6 n
Austria (see ARMY), war measures of,
6,7; an accomplice in the Holy
Alliance, 408; Napoleon III's re-
yenge upon, 409
BAT
BABBALLADS, quotations from,
Bachelu, Gen.,commander 5thinfantry
division (French), 25; advance on
Quatre Bras, 46; his position at
Waterloo, 211; charged with the
taking of Hougomont, 225; sup-
ported D'Erlon's grand attack, 239;
checked the Britislı cavalry charge,
264, 265; attacked Hougomont,
repelled, 272, 273; united with
cavalry charges against Allied
squares, 278 n., 296, 308, 323, 326;
supported charge of the Guard,
355 n.
BATTLE OF LIGNY, 88-111; the
Prussian position, 88-92; important
strategically, 42, 88, 89 n. ; weak
tactically, 59, 60 N., 90, 91 n.; the
French position, 92, 93; the posi-
tion misapprehended by Wellington,
Blücher, and Napoleon, 93 n.; plan
of the battlefield, 90 ; strength of
the two armies, 94; the battle, 95-
III; charge of the Imperial Guard,
103; interrupted by D’Erlon's
false march, 104; is resumed, and
determines the battle, 108-110;
the Prussian retreat, III;
the
losses, III N., II2 N.; Prussian de-
sertions, 112 n.
BATTLE OF QUATRE BRAS, 57-88; im-
portance of 1.he position, 15,42; Ney
moved upon it, June 15, 43, 45-47;
position of the Allied troops on June
16, 58, 59, 66; plan of the battle-
field, 66; Napoleon's orders to Ney,
61 9.-63 N. ; strength of the two
armies, 64 n.; the battle, 65-88; the
French retire, 88–89; the losses, 88
BATTLE OF WATERLOO, 172-407; a
misnomer, 172 10., 398 n. ; the posi-
tion determined and surveyed in ad-
vance of the campaign, 15, 139; the
battlefield, description of, 172–192:
mapof, 176; altered since the battle,
178 n.; the armies, strength and
quality of the Anglo-Allied, 194,
196–198; of the Prussian, 194,
349 n.; of the French, 194, 195;
losses, of the Anglo-Allied, 193 N.,
301 N., 406, 407; of the Prussian,
301 9., 406; of the French, 193 1.,
406, 407 ; position of the Anglo-
Alliccl army, 199-208; of the French,
209–214; diagrams showing posi-
tion and subsequent changes, 202,
240, 257, 282, 304, 321, 323, 348,
356, 364, 371; alleged uncertainty
I 14,
INDEX.
499.
BAT
BON
when the battle began, 222 n.; Benet, Capt. S. V. (U.S. Army), his
Kennedy's division of the battle translation of Jomini's Summary
into five phases, 223-225: I. French of the Campaign of 1815, 323 10.
attack upon Hougomont, 225–232; Béranger's Les Sour:cnirs du Peuple,
continued attacks, 272, 276, 279, extract from and translation, 403
292, 319, 323, 326, 334, 369, 377; Bernhard, Prince (see Saxe-Weimar)
attacks on the eastern villages Bertrand, Graud Marshal, wrote Na-
(Papelotte, La Haye, &c., &c.), 233, poleon's orders to Grouchy to pur-
241, 271, 302, 335, 346, 349; on La sue the Prussians, 129, 147 n. ;
Haye Sainte, 242, 276, 279, 292, attending Napoleon in surveying
294, 313. II. Ney and D'Erlon's the Waterloo field, 142; tried to
attack on the Allied left and centre; arrest Ney's cavalry charges at
236-272; British cavalry charges, Waterloo, 296 n.; held Napoleon
251-271. III. Cavalry attacks upon on his horse in the light from
the Allied right wing, 276-299, 305,
Waterloo,
403 n. ; accompanied
306. IV. Attacks upon Allied right Napoleon to Paris, 404 16.
and centre and capture of La Haye Brest, Col., commander 4th Hano-
Sainte, 306–335; the Allied line Terian brigade, 22; his position at
broken but restored, 328–333, 340. Waterloo, 201; in the battle, 270 n.,
V. Last charge of the Imperial 333 10., 355
Guard, 354–395; rout of the Grand Blücher von Wahlstadt, Field-Marshal
Army, 368–398 ; Prussian attack Prince, commander of the Prussian
on the right flank of the French, army, 23; repaired to the seat of
224;
Bülot's approach to the War and made headlquarters at
battle, 234, 235, 274; Blücher en- Namur, 12, 13; his preparations for
tered the field, 300-302 ; attacked the campaign, 13-16; prepared for
the French flank, 302–305, 335;
Napoleon's attack, 30; his recep-
attacked Planchenoit, 304, 305, 336,
tion of the deserter Bourmont, 40 N.
337, 350, 354; Zieten's attack, 339, Before Ligny, 59, 93 9., 94 1... ;
345-347, 349 9., 350 1., 381; Pirch's his position badly taken, 59, 60 N.,
attack on Planchenoit, 347, 350– 90, 91, 114; his plan for the battle,
354; carried the village, 353, 354, 92; in the battle, 98, 99, 103, 109;
397 ; routed the French right notified Wellington that he must
wing, 349, 350, 354, 381, 397 ; retreat, '109 ; headed a cavalry
Gneisenau pursued toward Genappe charge, 110; unlorsed and disabled,
and Charleroi, 399-404; flight of IIO, 113 .
Resumed command
Napoleon, 402, 404; the services of next day, 113 n.; promises Welling-
the Prassians underrated by the ton to support him next day in
Englislı, 156 1.., 301 N., 302 9., 349 n. attacking Napoleon, 120, 121 n.,
BATTLE OF WAVRE, 163–166; strength 140; wrote to his family, 120 n.
of the armies, 163; the position, 163; Received from Müffling a scheme
combats for the bridges, 163-165; for his action in the battle of
Grouchy defeated Thielmann, 165; Waterloo, 152; his cross-march to
learned the result of Waterloo, and Wavre, 155, 156, 157; abandoned
retreated into France, 166 ; losses, Thielmann, Grouchy's attack, 155,
167, 301 9.
163 1. Entered battlefield of
Baring, Col., commander 2d battalion Waterloo, 157, 300. In the battle
King's German Legion, commanded (see BATTLE OF WATERLOO).
garrison of La Haye Sainte, 202, Directs the attack on Planche-
242, 244, 251, 279, 292, 294, 295, noit, 336. Undertook the pursuit
313, 315; neglected by British staff, of the French, 398. Alleged meet-
202, 292, 294, 313, 314; is driven ing with Wellington at La Belle
from the position, 315
Alliance, 398 1.; met him at Ge-
Belgium (see ARMY, Dutch-Belgian, nappe, 398 17. Letters to his
also Netherlands), seat of war in, family after Waterloo, 401 9.
II-16; map of, 12, 38
Byron's hatred of, 459, 460. His
Bell, Sir Charles, description of the loyalty to his allies, 163 n., 301 N.
soldiers of the Grand Army, 195 9vo, Bonaparte, Jerome, commander of
423
6th division, 25, 45 n.; in the ad-
K K2
500
İNDEX.
BON
CHA
discovered, 150 n., 155, 165, 234 ;
entered the battle of Waterloo, 157,
235, 300, 302 ; attacked the French
right flank, 302–305, 335-338, 347–
350; attacked and took Planche-
noit, 336–338, 347, 348, 350–354,
381, 396 ; pursued the French to-
ward Charleroi, 399
Bylandt, Maj.-Gen. Count de, com-
mander ist Dutch-Belgian brigade,
21; his position at Waterloo, 201;
stampede of his brigade, 245, 246 n.
Byng, Maj.-Gen. Sir John, commander
2d brigade British Guards, 21; at
Quatre Bras, 86; position at Water-
loo, 203, 285 n.; defends Hougo-
mont, 319, 323 10.
Byron, Lord, his Childe Harold, 417–
422 ; quotations from, 50 n., 173 n.,
178 N., 415-417; Don Juan, 459-462;
quotations from, 341 12. ; Age of
Bronze, quotations from, 474 10.; Ode
to Napoleon Bonaparte, 417 12.; other
poems on Napoleon, 418 1.; his last
meeting with Scott, 424; his feel-
ings about Napoleon, 417 10., 461;
about Wellington, 341 N., 459-465;
about Blücher, 459, 460
vance with Belgium, June 15, 37;
his position at Waterloo, 211; with
Napoleon on the morning of Water-
loo, 220; charged with the taking of
Hougomont, 225, 355 n.; with Na-
poleon in his flight, 402
Bonaparte, Joseph, head of provi-
sional government, II
Borke, Gen. von, commander 9th
Prussian brigade, 24 ; at Ligny,
103
Bouduin, Gen., French brigade com-
mander, attacks Hougomont, 225–
228; killed, 226
Bourmont, Gen. L. A. V. de, deserted
to the Allies, 39, 40 n.
Bowring, Edgar Alfred, his transla-
tion of Heine's poem, The Grena-
dicis, 454
Braine-la-Leude, village of, 179,
180 n.; troops stationed at, 207;
menaced by the French, 279; troops
brought to the front, 294, 319
Brandy given to French troops before
fighting, 217 n.; to English at
Waterloo, 218 n.
Brause, Gen. von, commander 7th
Prussian brigade, 24; at Waterloo,
347
Brialmont, quotations from, 7 n., 8 nong
91 9., IIO 1., 223 1., 237 9., 341 n.,
343, 344 N , 346 N., 347 n.
Brunswick, Duke of, at Duchess of
Richmond's ball, 50 n. ; at Quatre
Bras, 70, 72; mortally wounded, 73,
136 n.; character of, 73 1., 80 n.,
136 1.; referred to by Byron, 50 9.,
415; by Southey, 74 9., 136 n.;
CAM
YAMBRONNE, Gen., commanded
the chasseurs of the Old Guard in
its last charge, 367 ; retreat, 383;
wounded, 384 n., 385 n.; made
prisoner, 384, 388 n.; his alleged
saying, “The Guard can die, but
never surrender,” 384-389 n.; re-
pudiated by himself, 385 n.
Campbell, Capt., aide-de-camp to
Gen, Adam, had the “honour of
firing the last gun into the retreat-
ing French, 382 n.
Campbell, Sir Colin, aide-cle-camp to
Wellington, with Wellington in
ignored by Scott, 74 1.
Brussels, Wellington's heaclquarters,
12, 13; before the battle, 47-52
Bull, Maj., commanding British howit-
zer battery, checks French attack
on Hougomont, 226, 227 ; overcome
by French artillery fire, 228; reno-
vates his battery and silences Piré's
fire, 307
Bülow von Dennewitz, Gen. Count,
commander Prussian 4th corps, 24;
his delay in meeting the invasion,
54 n.; expected at the battle of
Ligny, 92, 103, 114, 117 n.; arrived
after the battle, 113, 118; in the
retreat to Wavre, 119; faulty dis-
position at Wavre, 119, 154; march
from Wavre to Waterloo, 152, 154,
156, 159; toilsome passage of the
Lasne, 156, 157, 167, 169, 221, 234,
300 ; his approach to Waterloo
final advance, 372, 378, 379 n.
Canving, Col., on Wellington's staff,
killed at Waterloo, 379 n.
Carlyle, Thomas, his Reminiscences,
quotations from, 423 n., 437 n.; on
Wordsworth's egotism, 423 n.; on
George IV's reception at Edin-
burgh, 437 n.
Catiline, comparison of Napoleon to,
404 n.
Charleroi, Napoleon opened the
Waterloo campaign at, June 15,
41 ; passed through, on his flight
after Waterloo, June 19, 404
Charras, Gen. J. B. A., his Histoire
INDEX,
501
CHA
de la Campagne de 1815, viii, 3 N.,
68 n. ; quotations from, xii, 9 n.,
II 90., 14, 26, 31 N., 32, 41 16., 47 n.,
58 n., 64 10., 69 n., 71 n., 85 n.,
94 9., 108 n., 116 9., 117 n., 122 N.,
126 n., 160 N., 201 n., 207, 214 n.,
232 n., 236 N., 270 1., 283 n.,
291 N., 302 N., 344 n., 357 n., 368 n.,
377 n., 396 n., 400 n., 404 n., 406,
407 ; an apologist for the Belgians,
ix, 68 16., 199 n., 368 n.
Chassé, Lieut.-Gen. Baron, commander
3d Dutch-Belgian division, 21;
at Braine-la-Leude at beginning of
battle of Waterloo, 207 ; came to
the front, 294, 319, 323 n., 334 N. ;
curious rendering of his name,323n.;
DUM
Cooke, Maj. Gen., commander ist
British division (Guards), 21 ; posi-
tion at Waterloo, 203 ; French artil-
lery fire upon, 307
Cubières, Col., commanding Ist
French Light Infantry, wounded
at Quatre Bras, 229 n. ; wounded and
taken prisoner at Hougomont, 229 n.
Cumberland-Hanoverian Hussars, po-
sition at Waterloo, 205; their cow-
ardice and flight, 310, 311 n.
Cust, Sir Edward, his Annals of the
Wars of the Nineteenth Century,
quotations from, 60 n., 95 11., 138 no,
223 n.
mistaken for French, and nearly D'amander 2d Dutch-Belgian
bri-
Maj. Gen.,
com-
fired upon, 334 N. ; driven back by
French charge from La Haye Sainte,
330; declared by himself to have
defeated the Imperial Guard, 368 n.;
at the front, 373 n.
Chesney, Col. Charles C., his Water-
loo Lectures, vii, 3 n.; quotations
from, 3 n., 29, 32, 40 n., 50 12., 84 91.,
94 10., 109 n., 117 n., 118 1., 129 n.,
151 9., 159 1., 169, 170, 171, 197 n.,
207 N., 208 n., 219 n., 299 n., 354 n.,
356 n., 364 96., 367 N., 374 9.
Clausewitz, chief of staff to Thielmann,
on Grouchy's alleged slow march,
159 n.
Cleves, Capt., commander battery
King's German Legion, repelled
Bachelu's charge, 273; position of,
282; charged by French cavalry,283
Clinton, Lieut.-Gen. Sir H., com-
mander 2d British division, 21;
position at Waterloo, 204, 207 n.;
comes up into front line, 319; his
Journal, quotations from, 207 n.,
367 n.; withstood the last charge
of the Imperial Guard, 368 n.
Colborne, Col. Sir John, commanding
52d British regiment, 364 n.; en-
countered charge of the Imperial
Guard, 364–366; pursued them,
369, 370, 373, 378, 380, 382;
his advance decisive of the battle
and independent of Wellington,
364, 369, 374 n.; his services ig-
nored by Wellington, 374 16.
Cole, Lieut.-Gen. Hon. Sir L., com-
mander 6th British division, 22;
his position at Waterloo, 201
Collaert, Gen., commander of Dutch-
Belgian cavalry division, position
at Waterloo, 206
gade, 21; stationed in the second
line at Waterloo, 323 1., 363 n.;
panic of his troops, 363 10., 373 n.
Davoust, Marshal, absence from the
Waterloo campaign, xi ; made Na-
poleon's War Minister, 9
De Coster (see Lacoste)
D'Erlon, Lieut.-Gen. Count, com-
mander French ist corps, 25 ; his
tardy advance, June 15, 55, 61, 64,
81, 83; his false march to Ligny,
65 n., 76, 84, 85, 87 N., 88, 104, 105,
114, 116 1., 117 n.; his own ac-
count of it, 85 n.; in pursuit of
Anglo-Allies from Quatre Bras to
Waterloo, 130; position at Water-
loo, 211; grand attack on the
Allied left, 236–272 ; bad formation
of his troops, 237 n., 255 n. ; re-
pulsed and routed, 248-250, 257–
263, 271, 276; his corps disorganized,
271; its reconstruction, 278 n., 324;
renewed attack on the Allied left,
324, 327; attacked by the Prussians;
335, 345, 346, 348, 349, 355 N..,
routed, 369, 370, 373, 376 n., 377, 381
De Lancey, Sir William, Quarter-
master-General on Wellington's
staff, mortally wounded at Water-
loo, 379 n.
Delavigne, Casimir, his poem, The
Battle of Waterloo, extract from,
457-459
De Lesclure, his Napoléon et sa Famille,
quotation from, 385 n.
Dumont, Lieut.-Gen., commander 3d
French cavalry division, 25; at
Ligny, 92 ; his position at Water-
loo, 210, 212 ; opposed the Prussian
advance, 234, 235, 303, 304 no;
502
INDEX,
on
FEZ
DON
GEN
attacked by the Prussians, 302,
the reconnoissance, 145, 148 n., 159,
347 N., 348
160; delayed the march, 157 ; did
Donzelot, Gen., commander 2d French not counsel Grouchy to march to
division, 25; attacked La Haye Waterloo, 160 N. ; skirmish with
Sainte, 239, 242, 243, 279, 292, 294, Prussian rearguard, 162
295; captured it, 314-317 ; attacks
from, 318, 324-326, 327-333, 355,
363 92., 368; routed, 368, 370; at- VEZENSAC, Duke de, the
tacked Picton's division, 239, 247– French staff organization, 39 n.
249, 254
· Fleurus Triangle,' 41, 56, 89
Dörnberg, Maj.-Gen. Sir William, Fouché, Joseph, treachery of, 29 n.,
commander 3d British cavalry bri- Foy, Gen., commander 9th French
gadle, 22; commanded skirmishers division, 25; position at Waterloo,
of rearguard on the retreat from 211; charged with the taking of
Quatre Bras to Waterloo, 134; his Hougomont, 225, 355 n.
position at Waterloo, 205 ; conflicts France, Royalist sentiment id, 2;
with French cavalry, 286, 289; military strength, 2, 3 ; finances, 3,
charged in the final advance, 370 4; attitude of the Allied Powers
Drouot, Gen., chief of artillery Im- toward, 5, 6; European sentiment
perial Guard, reproached himself toward, 6 1.; German hatred of,
for delaying the opening of the 6 n.; political discords, 9, 10; con-
battle of Waterloo, 219 n.; prepared sequences of Napoleon's fall to,
the Guard for its last charge, 355 408-413
Duhesme, Lieut.-Gen., commanding Frazer, Sir Augustus, commander
the Young Guard, 25; his position British horse-artillery, quotations
at Waterloo, 210; defended Planche- from, 53 n., 73 n., 195 1., 226 n.,
noit, 305, 336, 337; wounded, 354 ; 253 12., 271 12., 273 n., 291 n., 312,
murdered by the Brurswick hussars 342 N., 354 N., 357 9., 374 n.;
after Waterloo, 400
checked French attack on Hougo-
Du Plat, Col., commander ist brigade mont by his howitzer fire, 226 n.;
King's German Legion, 21; his was warned of the coming charge
position at Waterloo, 204 ; entered of the Imperial Guard, 357 n. ; pro-
front line, 319, 320, 335; attacked cured guns of large calibre in spite
by the French, 320; mortally of Wellington, 374 n. ; his services
wounded, 320 ; his troops in the ignored by Wellington, 374 n.
defence of Hougomont, 323 11., 335 Friant, Lt.-Gen., commanding the Old
Durutte, Gen., commander 4th French Guard, 25; his position at Water-
division, 25; his position after the loo, 210; in the last charge of the
battle of Ligny, 115; attacked Guard, 357 1., 360; wounded, 360
Papelotte, 239, 241, 242, 270n. ; Frischiermont, 183, 191, 192 n.; occu-
checked Vandeleur's cavalry charge, pied by the Prussians, 302, 304
269, 270 n.; attacked by the Prus- Fuller, Col, King's Dragoon Guards,
sians, 303, 335, 347 9., 348 ; ſlight killed at Waterloo, 265
of his troops, 347 N., 375 N., 377
GE
ELCHINGEN, D
CHINGEN, Duke of (see Ney)
ENAPPE, situated on the Genappe
II21.,
Elze, Carl, his Life of Byron,
quotations from, 420 n.
England (see Great Britain)
Erckmann-Chatrian, their WaterW0,
quotations from, 96 N., 106 n.,
126 n., 129 n., 132 N., 140 N., 141 n.,
180 n., 192 N., 217 n., 238 n.,
290 N., 316 1., 356 9., 359 N., 395 n.
Excelmans, Lieut.-Gen., commander
2d French cavalry corps, 20; at
Ligny, 93 ; with Grouchy on the
march on Wavre, 144 n., 145; led
stream, 121, 135 1., 141 1. ; diffi-
cult to traverse, 121, 130, 131, 133,
134, 135, 214; passed by British
rearguard, 134; Southey's descrip-
tion of, 135 n.; cavalry action at,
134–141, 218 n.; a death-trap to
the French after Waterloo, 135 n.,
399–402; meeting of Wellington
and Blücher at, after Waterloo,
398 n.; attempted rally of the
Grand Army at, 399 ; carried by
the pursuing Prussians, 399–402;
murder of Duhesme in, 400; Na-
262 10,
INDEX.
503
GEO
poleon's carriage captured in, 401;
Napoleon's flight from, 402
George IV, his patronage of Scott,443–
447; his visit to Edinburgh, 435-437
Germany, hatred of France in, 6 n.
Gérard, Lt.-Gen. Count, commander
4th corps (French), 25; delay in
advance into Belgium, June 15, 39;
errors as to his name, 45 H.; at
Ligny, 92, 96, 100, 107, 108, 111 ; de-
plored the delay in pursuing, 126 n.;
with Grouchy on the march on
Wavre, 144 N., 145, 160 ; his account
of the march, 146 N.; delayed the
march, 157; urged Grouchy to
march to Waterloo, 161; alterca-
tion with Grouchy, 162, 164 n.;
wounded in the battle of Wavre,
166 n. ; his book attacking Grouchy,
170 n.
Girard, Gen., commander 7th French
infantry division, 25,45 n.; his pame
to be distinguished from Gérard's,
45 n.; separated from his corps, 45,
61, 92, 117 n., 144 n.; at Ligny, 92,
98; mortally wounded, 45 9., 98;
his corps not in action after Ligny,
144 n.
Gleig, Rev. G. R., his Battle of
Waterloo, quotations from, 52 n.,
60, 93 n., 110 N, 140 N.,
IIO N., 140 N., 196 n.,
241 1., 255 n., 259 n., 311 N., 327 1.,
340 N., 398 n.
Gneisenau, chief of staff to Blücher,
lax staff administration, 54 n. ; his
plan for the battle of Ligny, 59,
60 N.; at Ligny, 107; took com-
mand after Blücher's fall, III N.,
113; ordered retreat to Wavre and
change of base, 113, 114, 118; his
report on the battle, 354 n.; led the
Prussian pursuit of the French
after Waterloo, 399-404
Gordon, Col. Sir Alexander, on Wel-
lington's staff, killed at Waterloo,
379 9., 380 n
Gordon, Maj. Pryce, guided Byron
over the field of Waterloo, 419 n. ;
also Scott, 424
Gordon, Mrs. Pryce, Byron's Childe
Harold, stanzas on Waterloo written
for her album, 418
Gourgaud, Gen., his Napoléon : Cam-
pagne de 1815, 85 n.; quotations
from, 85 9., 344 N., 347 n.; Grouchy's
Observations upon, 144 n.
Grabam, Sergeant, Coldstream Guards,
at the defence of Hougomont,
228 n., 229; rescue of his brother,
GRO
274 n.; annuity given to, 274; old
age of, 274
Grant, Maj.-Gen. Sir C., commander
5th British cavalry brigade, 22 ; bis
position at Waterloo, 205 ; mandu-
vres against Piré's cavalry, 279,
280, 287, 297 ; conflicts during the
French cavalry charges, 290, 297
Great Britain, war subsidy advanced
by, 7; inefficiency of the War De-
partment, 16-19 ; implication in
the Holy Alliance, 408 n.; adjust-
ment of peace with France, 409 n. ;
her wars since Waterloo, 410 n.
Greville, Charles C. F., his Nemoirs,
quotations from, 208 r., 374 n.,
408 n.
Grouchy, Marquis de (grandson of the
Marshal), his defence of his grand-
father's course in the campaign,
115 n., 125 n., 144 N.
Grouchy, Marshal, commander
French reserve cavalry, 26; in the
first day's invasion, 44. Com-
manded right wing in the battle of
Ligny, 56, 93, 98. Made ready to
pursue after the battle, 114, 115 n.;
unable to get access to Napoleon,
115, 220 n.; again next morning
until eight o'clock, 115 9., 125-
127; received verbal orders from
Napoleon to pursue the Prussians,
124 N.; 128, 129 n., 144; given
command of 33,000 men, 128, 143,
144 1. ; objected to his orders, 128,
144, 158 n., 167; orders insisted
upon by Napoleon, 128, 145; re-
ceived written order for the pursuit,
129 N., 145, 147 n., 148 n.; Napo-
leon's further orders respecting the
pursuit, 143, 147 N.-150 n., 156 n.,
161 n., 163, 165; certain of these
orders fictitious, 143, 149 N., 151 n.
Grouchy's march to Wavre, 143–
171; delays on the march, 145,
146 n., 147, 157, 159 n., 166; en-
counters with the Prussians, 159,
162. Heard the cannon of Waterloo,
160; refused to abandon his march
on Wavre, 161, 162, 164 N. Battle
of Wavre, 163–166; defeated Thiel-
mann, 165 ; learned of the defeat
at Waterloo, 166, 403; retreated
into France, 166; Pirch marched to
intercept, 399. Statement that he
was expected at Waterloo by Na-
poleon, 155 9., 164 N., 344 9., 358;
impossibility of such expectation,
344 12., 358; his arrival announced
504
INDEX.
on
НАСКЕ
GUA
HOU
to the French soldiers, 347 n., 358. Haxo, Gen., commanding engineers
Was Grouchy at fault for his ab- (French), reconnoitred Allied posi-
sence from
Waterloo ? 166–171. tion at Waterloo, 216, 217
Misrepresentations of his course by Haydon, B. H., anecdote of Water-
Napoleon and Napoleonists, 166; loo by, 253 n., 255 N., 357 N.,
by Thiers, 115 N., 124 n., 129 n.,
477 10.
146 n., 151 N., 156 n., 158 n., 161 10., Hazlitt, William, Sir Walter
168, 171
Scott, 429 n.
Guard (see Imperial Guard)
Heine, Heinrich, on Scott, 429 n.;
Gudin, Gen., Napoleon's page at on Napoleon, 429 10., 461, 462 n.;
Waterloo, 33, 220 N.; his testimony on Wellington, 461, 462 n.; his
as to Napoleon's health, 33, 34, poem, The Grenadiers, translated
220 n.; attends Napoleon in sur- by Bowring, 454, 455; his English
veying the Waterloo field, 142
Fragments, quotation from, 461 n.;
Guilleminot, Gen., real commander of his Ideas, quotation from, 475 n.
French 6th infantry division, called Henkel, Gen. von, commander 4th
Prince Jerome's, 45 n., 225 n.
Prussian brigade, 23; at Ligny,
Guyot, Gen., commander ist cavalry IOI, IO3
division of the Imperial Guard, 25; Hepburn, Col., 3d British Guards, in
position at Waterloo, 210; in grand defence of Hougomont, 272, 292
charges upon the Allied squares, Heymès, Col., aide-ce-camp to Ney,
276, 293, 296 N., 299 n.
43 n.; at Quatre Bras, 61, 85 n.;
his contradictions of Napcleonist
libels of Ney, 43 n., 129 N., 299 n. ;
ACKE, Lt.-Gen, von, commander refused infantry reinforcements by
Prussian brigade, 24;
Napoleon, 305, 318
march from Wavre to Waterloo, Hill, Lieut.-Gen. Lord, commander
302, 304; attacked French right 2d Allied corps, 21; position at
flank at Waterloo, 304 n., 335, 350
Waterloo, 206 n., 208 ; reorganizes
Hake, Col., commanding Cumberland- right wing, 319, 320, 321, 322
Hanoverian Hussars, position at Hillier, Col. von, commander 16th
Waterloo, 200; cowardice of, 310,
Prussian brigade, 24 ; attacked
311 n. ; court-martialled and cash- French right flank at Waterloo, 300,
iered, 311 N.
302, 304 n., 335, 336; attacked
Halkett, Maj.-Gen. Sir Colin, com- Planchenoit, 336, 348, 350
mander 5th British brigade, 21,
Holland (see Netherlands)
205 n. ; at Quatre Bras, 80, 81, 83; “ Hollow-way,” use of the term, 182 n.
his position at Waterloo, 203 ; re-
Hood, Thomas, his poem, Napoleon's
sists French cavalry charges, 282 : Midnight Review, 455-457
opposing the charge of the Imperial Hooper, G., his Waterloo, quotations
Guarl, 362 ; wounded, 363 n.
from, 52 N., 56 N., 95 n., 153 n.,
Halkett, Col. Hugh, commander 3d 181, 206, 214, 215 1., 221 n., 222 1.,
Hanoverian brigade, 21, 205 n.;
243 N., 256 1., 270 N., 301 N., 315 N.,
his position at Waterloo, 204 ; came 406
into front line, 319, 322, 333 9., 335 ;
Hortense, Queen, her Partant pour
pursued the Imperial Guard after its la Syrie, 426-430; “improved by
last charge, 368, 369, 373, 377, 383–
Scott, 427-430
387, 390; captured Cambronne,388n. Hotten, John Camden, intended pub-
Halleck, Gen. H. W. (U.S. Army),
lication of Macaulay's juvenile
his translation of Jomini's Life of poems, 492
Napoleon, 323 n.
Hougomont, description of, 179, 184-
Hamilton, Col., commander Scots 188 ; importance of the post, 184,
Greys, killed at Waterloo, 267 n.
205, 209 n., 221 N., 229 n., 273;
Hanover, war measures of, 7 n.; army
garrison of, 203, 272, 323 n.; de-
of (see ARMY, Hanoverian)
fences of, 203 ; Napoleon's plan of
Hardinge, Col. Sir Henry, 30 n.; Eng.
attacking, 222; attacks upon, 224,
lish commissioner with Blucher's 225–232, 272, 274, 292, 319, 323, 326,
staff, 30 N.; quotation from, 60 n.; 334, 335, 369; set on fire, 273, 274,
wounded at Ligny, N.
279, 334; alleged miracle in the
INDEX.
505
KRU
poleon, quotations from, 1 I N., 95 n.,
115 n., 345 n. ; his Summary of
the Campaign, quotations from,
57 12., 127 n., 170, 238 n., 290 n.,
291 n., 341 N., 345 N., 349 N., 354 N.,
399
HOW
chapel of, 274 n.; French routed
from 376 n., 377
Howard, Major, roth British hussars,
in final charge upon the Old Guard,
390; killed, 390 ; Byron's tribute
to, 390 N., Southey's tribute to,
390 n., Col. Taylor's poem on, 391 n.
Hugo, Victor, his Les Misérables,
N.,
178 12., 180 n., 186 n., 189 16., 193 N.,
232 n., 263 n., 287 n., 301 9., 375 1..,
383 12., 386 n., 400 N., 451, 461 n.; on
Napoleon's genius, 132 N., 461 n.;
on Wellington, 461 n.
Hundred Days, I n.
Hutton, Richard H., his Sir Walter
Scott, quotations from, 432, 436
quotations from, 132 1., 172.1., 177, Kelander 3d French cavalry corps
,
IMPE
2819.,
(PERIAL Guard, 336 n.; strength
of, 338.n.; Napoleon's feeling to-
ward, 2789., 305; deciding charge at
Ligny, 103, 108, 109, 112; instructed
to give no quarter, 108 n. ; losses,
338 1.; position at Waterloo, 210,
213; defended Planchenoit, 305,
336–338, 350, 354; forced to re-
treat, 353; its last charge, 345 9.,
349, 354, 368; checked and routed,
361-371, 377, 378, 382, 383, 384;
rally and retreat, 369, 382, 383, 384,
390–393; legend of its extermina-
tion, 384 n., 389 n.; a square of,
bears Napoleon from the field, 383,
393, 402; dissolves at Genappe, 402
Inniskillings, cavalry regiment, in rear-
guard on retreat from Quatre Bras to
Waterloo, 138; position at Waterloo,
205; in the great charge, 258–260;
losses in the charge, 266
Italy, war measures of, 7 n.
ELLERMANN,
mander
with Ney at Quatre Bras, 56, 76,
77, 84 n.; escape of, 82 ; position
at Waterloo, 210, 212; in grand
charges upon the Allied squares,
276, 287, 293, 296 N., 299 n.
Kempt, .Maj.-Gen. Sir James, com-
mander Sth British brigade, 22 ;
at Quatre Bras, 71; his position at
Waterloo, 202 ; attacked by Donze-
lot, 246–249, 257; attacked from
La Haye Sainte, 324, 327, 330
Kennedy, Gen. Sir J. Shaw, his Notes
on Waterloo, viii, quotations from,
30, 53 N., 197, 198 n., 199 n., 202 N.,
222 N., 244 1., 253 n., 280 10.,
284, 299 9., 305, 313 Nog 323 N.,
330 N., 342 N..., 343 N., 370; devised
formation of British infantry to
resist cavalry charges, 197 n., 281;
his division of the attacks in the
battle of Waterloo, 224; his illus-
tration of the infantry formation,
282; helps repair the broken Allied
line, 330
Kielmansegge, Maj.-Gen. Count, com-
mander ist Hanoverian brigade,
21; at Quatre Bras, 80, 83; his posi-
tion at Waterloo, 203 ; attacked by
French cavalry, 244, 252, 295; re-
sists French cavalry charges, 282;
in the French attack from La Haye
Sainte, 328, 329, 333 n.; wounded,
329; his troops driven back, 330;
rally, 332, 333; takes command of
the 3d division, 332, 333
Knight, Charles, his Popular History
of England, 229 n.
Körner, Theodore, patriotic songs of,
6 n.
Krafft, Gen. von, commander 6th
Prussian brigade, 24; at Ligny, 103,
107; attacked French right flank,
347, 348
Kruse, Gen. von, commander Nassau
brigade, 22; position at Waterloo,
203; resists French cavalry charges,
282; in the French attack from
La Haye Sainte, 328, 329; driven
back, 329, 333 n.; rally, 333
AGOW, Gen. von, commander 3d
Prussian brigade, 25; at Ligny,
IOI, 103, 113; in the retreat to
Wavre, 113
Jacquinot, Lieut.-Gen., commander
Ist French cavalry division, 25;
in D’Erlon's grand attack at Water-
loo, 239, 265, 266 n., 267, 268
Jeannin, Lieut.-Gen., commanding
20th French division, 25; with Bü-
low, resisting the Prussian attack,
234; attacked by the Prussians,
304 n.
Jeffrey, Lord, on contemporaneous
Waterloo poems, 440, 442
Jomini, Gen. Henri, bis Life of Na-
506
INDEX.
LAB
ABÉDOYÈRE, Gen., aide-de-camp
to Napoleon, caused D’Erlon's
false march at Quatre Bras, 85 n.
La Belle Alliance, description of,
177 n., 181, 182, 183, 184. Napo-
leon's headquarters during the
battle, 222. Combats around, 381,
382, 384, 389, 393, 395; Anglo-
Allied troops stopped their pursuit
at, 398; story of the meeting of
Wellington and Blücher at, 398
Lacoste (otherwise called De Coster),
declared by himself to have been
Napoleon's guide at Waterloo,
177 n., 232 1.; extent of his im-
postures, 233 n., 424; current fic-
tions of, 238 n., 264 N., 289 1.
La Haye, 183, 190 n., 191, 211 ; Na-
poleon's plan of attacking, 222;
attacked by Durutte, 239, 242,
270 n., 335, 346; occupied by
Zieten, 335, 346
La Haye Sainte, description of, 175 n.,
183, 184, 186–190, 192 N. ; import-
ance of the post, 184, 209 n.; im-
portance underestimated,
202 ;
neglected by Wellington and his
staff, 190, 191 1., 202, 292, 294,
313, 314, 340, 342 n.; garrison of,
202, 242, 273, 275, 313 N.; Napo-
leon's plan of attacking, 222 ; at-
tacked by Donzelot and Ney, 239,
242–244, 251, 271, 276, 278 n.,
279, 292, 294, 295, 306, 313–319;
taken by the French, 315; time of
capture misstated, 277 n., 300 n.,
315 n.; French attacks upon the
Allied centre from, 318, 324–326,
327–333, 340, 359 ; abandoned by
the French, 368
Lamarque, Gen., his Notice sur les
Cent Jours, quotation from, 119 n.
Lambert, Maj.-Gen. Sir John, com-
mander roth British brigade, 22;
late arrival at Waterloo, 202; his
position in the battle, 202, 206,
275; attacked from La Haye Sainte,
327, 328, 329
Langen, Col. von, commander 8th
Prussian brigade, 24; at Ligny,
MAI
the Allied squares, 276, 277 1., 283,
287 n.
Lennox, Lord William, in the battle
of Waterloo, 259 n.; his Recollec-
tions, 259 N.
Lever, Charles, his Charles O'Malley,
48, 52 n., 79 n.
Ligny (or Sombreffe), importance of
the position, 15, 42; battle of (see
BATTLE)
Liverpool, Lord, his rigid treatment
of Napoleon at St. Helena, 474 n.
Lloyd, Capt., commanded British
battery, position at Waterloo, 282;
charged by French cavalry, 283
Lobau, Lt-Gen. Count, commander
6th corps (French), 25; advance
into Belgium, June 15, 39, 55; in
reserve during battle of Ligny, 56,
93, 94, III, 116 10., 117 n. ; his posi-
tion at Waterloo, 212; resisted the
Prussian attack, 234, 235 n., 277 N.,
278 n., 303–305, 334, 335, 348, 350,
354 n.; flight of his troops, 350 ;
attempted rally at Genappe, 402 ;
taken prisoner, 354 1., 402
Lockhart, J. G., his life of Scott, 431;
quotations from, 195 No, 432, 433,
434 n.
Losthin, Gen. von, commander 15th
Prussian brigade, 24;
attacked
French right flank at Waterloo, 300,
302, 304 n., 335, 350
Louis XVIII, his flight on Napoleon's
return, I; Royalist efforts in his
behalf, 2; in Ghent, 14, 79 1., 214;
his second restoration, 405; Holy
Alliance, 405, 407, 408 n.
Lowe, Sir Hudson, conduct towards
Napoleon at St. Helena, 474 n.
MA
ACAULAY, Lord, his poem,
Waterlon, 224 16., 443, 492 ; quo-
tation from, 223 n.; on Sir Walter
Scott, 430, 431 ; unpublished juve-
103
Ledebur, Col. von (Prussian), inter-
posed between Napoleon's and
Grouchy's armies, 153; skirmish
with French cavalry, 162
Lefebvre-Desnouettes, General, com-
mander 2d cavalry division, Impe-
rial Guard, 25; position at Water-
loo, 211; in grand charges upon
nile poems on Waterloo, 492-494
McCarthy, Justin, his History of Our
Own Times, quotations from, 410,
462 n.
Macdonnell, Lt. Col., Coldstream
Guards, at the defence of Hougo-
mont, 228 N., 229 n.
Maitland, Capt. F. L., his Buonaparte
on board the Bellerophon, quotations
from, 196 n.; resists French cavalry
charges, 282
Maitland, Maj.-Gen., commander ist
brigade British Guards, 21; at
INDEX.
507
MAR
NAP
Quatre Bras, 86, 88 1.; position at Waterloo, 441, 442 ; his Fudge
Waterloo, 203, 321, 322; attacked Family, 442
by French infantry, 326, 330 ; at- Morand, Lt.-Gen., commanding the
tacked by the Imperial Guard, 360, Middle Guard, 25; his position at
361, 364, 365; repelled the Guard, Waterloo, 210; defende Planche-
361, 362, 363, 367 n.
noit, 337, 338
Marcognet, Gen., commander 3d Mortier, Marshal, designated as com-
French division, 25; attacked Pic- mander of the Imperial Guard, 25;
ton's division, repulsed, 239, 250, fell ill on the eve of the campaign,
251, 257 1., 260-264; renewed at-
43 n.
tack, 324, 355 N.
Müffling, Baron, Prussian commis-
Martineau, Harriet, on Scott's sin- sioner with Wellington's staff, 30 n.;
cerity, 431
quotation from, 29, 30 n., 197,
Merbe Braine, village of, 179, 182
283 n. ; warns Wellington of the
Mercer, Capt. Cavalié, commanded invasion, 49; remiss in attention to
troop of British horse-artillery, a message announcing Blücher's
efficiency of his battery, 18 n., defeat at Ligny, 109 n., 117; sends
307 n. ; advance to Quatre Bras Blücher a scheme for action at
68 n.; his position at Waterloo, Waterloo, 152, 155; directs Zieten's
307, 308; services at Waterloo, 308, entrance into the battle, 332 N.,
311, 312 n.; his troop destroyed, 346
312 n. ; his services ignored by
Wellington, 312 n.; his Journal of
the Waterloo Campaign, quotations APIER, Capt., commander British
from, 18 N., 67 N.., 307 n., 312 1.
battery, at Waterloo,
Metternich, his NIémoires, quotation 360, 364; services, 360, 365, 367 n.
from, 408
Napoleon I., returned from Elba, 1 ;
Michel, Col., in the Old Guard, alleged his measures of administration, 2,
author of the saying, “The Guard 8-II; military measures, 2, 3;
can die, but never surrender," financial measures, 3, 4; diplomatic
385 12.
measures, 4, 7; outlawed by the
Michel, Gen., commander chasseurs Allies, 5, 6; compelled to make
of the Imperial Guard, in their last war, 7, II n.; plan of the campaign,
charge, 357 n., 360; killed, 360
8 n., 15, 27. State of his health,
Milhaud, Lt.-Gen. Count, commander X, 31-37, 47 n., 57 9., 127 n., 219;
4th French cavalry corps, 26; at general physical decline, 33, 97 n.,
Ligny, 109; in pursuit of Anglo- 214, 236 n. ; despondency, 33, 34,
Allies from Quatre Bras to Water- 220 N.; his mysterious malady, 34,
loo, 130; position at Waterloo, 210, 236 n.; prostrated on the first even-
212; in D’Erlon's grand attack at ing of the invasion (June 15),
Waterloo, 239, 266; in grand 36, 47 n.; again before the battle
charges upon the Allied squares, of Ligny, 36, 56 n., 57 10., 116 n.;
276, 277 n., 280, 287 1., 296 n., again after the battle of Ligny, 36,
299 10., 300 n.
115 n., 116 n. ; inaccessible to his
Mitchell, Col., commander 4th British officers, 36, 115 9., 116 n.; again on
brigade, 21; position at Waterloo, the morning of June 17, 36,
204, 285 9., 335
125 7., 220 N.; delays in pursuing
Monthyon, Gen., French sub-chief of
Blücher, 36, 125-128, prostrated
staff, testimony as to Napoleon's before the battle of Waterloo, 36,
health, 236 1., 403 n.; held Napo- 220 N.; incapacitated during the
leon on his horse in the flight from battle, 36, 236 9. ; and during his
Waterloo, 403 n.
flight, 36, 37, 4039. ; testimony of
Mont St. Jean, description of, 178, Charras, 32, 33, 47 16., 236 n.; Ches-
183
ney, 32, 34; Gudin, 33, 34, 36, 220 N.;
Moore, Tom, bis Life of Byron, ex- Grouchy, 36, 1159.; Hooper, 56 n.;
tracts from, 417 1.., 418, 421, 459 ; Prince Jerome, 32; Marchand, 32;
his Diary, extracts from, 419 n., Monthyon, 36, 37, 236 n., 403 n.;
422 ;
on Wordsworth's egotism, Quarterly Reviciu, 34; Reille, 36,
422; abstained from writing on 57 n.; Ségur, 34, 35, 36, 57 n., 236 n.,
508
INDEX.
NAP
403 n.; Soult, 36, 115 n.; Thiers,
32 ; Turenne, 36, 236 n.; Ywan, 35.
Left Paris for the army, Il; orders
its advance, 11, 28; the advance on
Fleurus, 37-45; met Ney and gave
him command of the left wing, 43;
spent the night at Charleroi, 47, 55,
60. Arranges advance on Quatre
Bras and Ligny, 56; went to
Fleurus at noon (June 16), 56, 97 n. ;
orders to Ney, 61–63 n.; prepares
the attack on Ligny, 93, 94; battle
of Ligny, 95-111; delays the deci-
sive charge in consequence of
D'Erlon's false march, 103-105, 108;
spent the night at Fleurus, III,
115 9., 116 n.; made no pursuit,
III, 114, 115, 116 n., 125–128, 166;
delays action on June 17, 125,
128, 166, 170; orders to Ney, 123,
124; formed a false idea of the
Prussian line of retreat, 123, 125 N.,
129, 144, 145, 146 n., 167, 236 n. ;
orders Grouchy to pursue them, 128,
143, 144 N., 147 10., 157 n., 161 N.,
163, 219 (see Grouchy); joined Ney,
122, 128; pursued Wellington to
Waterloo, 130, 136, 138 n., 139 n. ;
nocturnal reconnoissance of the
battlefield of Waterloo, 142, 143,
206 n., 214. His order of battle at
Waterloo, 206 n., 210–213; pro-
ceedings before the battle, 216, 220,
221 N.; makes ready to begin the
battle at noon, 220 n., 221, 222 ; his
headquarters at La Belle Alliance,
176, 222, 236 N.; plan of attack,
222 (see BATTLE OF WATERLOO),
discovered Bülow's approach, 155,
167, 234 ; assertion that he expected
Grouchy, 155, 164 9., 235 1., 344 N
358; called off to the right flank
to resist the Prussian attack, 277 N.,
300, 303, 305, 306, 318 12., 337, 338,
340, 354; refused infantry to sup-
port Ney's attack on the Allied
centre, 305, 318, 340, 342 n.; pos-
sibilities of retreating, 343 11., 344 N.,
345 12.; prepared the final charge
of his Guard, 345 n., 354 – 357,
358 10., 359; rallied them after
their repulse, 369, 370, 376 n.; re-
tired within a square, 383, 397,
402; fled to France, 401, 402-404;
notified Grouchy of the defeat, 166,
403. Reached Paris, 405; abdi-
cated, 405; sent to St. Helena,
405; died, 406, 474 n. ; his remains
brought to France, 406, 474, 475.
NEY
His plan of the campaign ruined
by delays, 55, 114, 116; by 'tho
tardy advance of the army, June
15, 37, 39, 55; by his own loss of
the morning of June 16, 56 n..,
57 9., 114; by his omission to
pursue the Prussians, III, 114-116,
158 n., 166; his own delays on the
* morning of June 17, 125-128,
158 1., 166, 170; by his delay in
beginning the battle of Waterloo,
216-220; by his own failure to
oppose the Prussian attack in
season, 235, 235 n., 302, 306. His
other faults in the conduct of the
campaign: his failure to inform
himself of the enemy's movements,
57 10., 115 n., 122 n., 123, 125 No,
129, 144, 145, 146 n., 154 n., 167,
171, 236 n. ; to use D'Erlon's corps
at Ligny, 1151., 1161.; and Lobau's
corps, 116 n.; to personally super-
vise the details at the battle of
Waterloo, 232 n., 236 n., 277 N.,
299 n. ; to check the destruction
of the cavalry, 277 n., 293, 298, 299,
305; to support the cavalry charges
by infantry, 292 N , 2971 , 305, 318,
340, 342 1.; to support the charge
of the Guard by cavalry, 367 n.
His errors attributed by Napoleon-
ist writers to his lieutenants : to
Grouchy, 125 9., 146 n., 1479., 1519.,
166-171; to Ney, 43 n., 44 N., 63 N.,
125 n., 277 1., 293 1., 299 n.
Napoleon III, avenged his uncle's
quarrels, 409, 410
Netherlands, Kingdom of the, war
measures of, 7.17.; creation of, II,
12 n., 59 N., 326 n., 329 n., 409 n. ;
discontents in, Ir, 79 n.; army of
(see ARMY, Dutch-Belgian)
Ney, Duke of Elchingen (son of the
Marshal), his vindication of his
father's command at Quatre Bras,
84 n.
Ney, Marshal, his defection from
Louis XVIII to Napoleon, I; joined
the Grand Army near Charleroi,
June 15, 43; in command of left
wing, 43; advanced on Quatre Bras,
45-47 ; before Quatre Bras, 60-64;
his orders from Napoleon, 61-63 N.,
93, 123, 124, 127, 128. At the
battle of Quatre Bras, 69-88; pre-
vented Wellington's junction with
Blücher, 117 n.
In action after the
battle, 112, 116, 122. Advanced
with Napoleon in pursuit of Wel-
İNDEX.
509
PIR
by "Sir Walter Scott, 329 n.; ad-
mired by the Belgians, 246 N., 329
NOS
lington, 128, 129. His grand attack
with D’Erlon's infantry upon the
Allied left, 155, 236-272. led
charges in person, 242, 283 n., 288 N.,
290 N., 296 n., 297 n., 316, 357 n.
Cavalry attacks upon the Allied
wing, 276-299 ; his over-confidence,
276; his alleged rash destruction
of the cavalry, 277. N., 291 1., 293,
300 ; deficient in infantry supports,
276, 278 n., 296; asked them of
Napoleon, 297 10., 305; was refused,
305, 318, 340. Attacked and took
La Haye Sainte, 306, 313, 317 ;
attacked the Allied centre, 318, 319,
323–333; broke the Allied line, 330,
333, 340. Believed the report that
Grouchy was coming, 358 10. Led
the last charge of the Guard, 357 1.-
360, 375 n.; among the last in
the field, 347 9., 375; attempts a
rally, 376 n.; his escape from the
field, 377 n. Condemned to death
by the Chamber of Peers, 405;
shot, 406. Thiers' censures of his
generalship, 43 n., 61 9., 63 N., 65 n.,
123 12., 124 1., 129 1., 277 1., 293 Nog
300 n.
Nostitz, Count, aide-de-camp to
Blücher, saved his life at Ligny,
IIO 12.
Maj.-Gen. Sir Dennis, com-
mander 9th British brigade, 22;
at Quatre Bras, 81, 88 n.; position
at Waterloo, 201, 202, 246; attacked
by Marcognet, 250, 260, 262
Pajol, Lt.-Gen., commanderist cavalry
corps (French), 26; in the advance
into Belgium, June 15, 37; at
Ligny, 93 ; pursued in a false direc-
tion after Ligny, 118 n., 123, 125,
128, 145, 158 n. ; with Grouchy on
the march on Wavre, 144 N., 147,
157
Palmerston, Lord, promoted the re-
turn of Napoleon's remains from
St. Helena to France, 474
Papelotte, 183, 190, 191, 192 n.; Na-
poleon's plan of attacking, 222;
attacked by Durutte, 239, 241, 242,
270 N., 271, 335, 346; occupied by
Zieten, 335, 346, 373, 376 1..
Paris, Wood of, see map, 176; not
occupied by the French, 234, 235;
occupied by the Prussians, 157, 235,
274, 300
Pascallet, E., his biography of
Grouchy, 147 n.
Pelet, Gen., commander of chasseurs
OM
MPTEDA, Col. von, commander 2d
of the Old Guard, clefended Planche-
noit, 338, 350–354; saved Prussian
prisoners from
massacre, 351;
driven out, 353
Perponcher, Lt.-Gen.(Dutch-Belgian),
his stand at Quatre Bras, 46, 50 N.,
58, 68
Picton, Lt.-Gen. Sir Thomas, com-
mander 5th British division, 22;
his advance from Brussels, 52, 67,
70; at Quatre Bras, 70, 71, 77 ;
wounded, but conceals it, 88 n.; at
the position at Waterloo on the
retreat, 139; his position in the
battle of Waterloo, 201 ; attackecl
by D’Erlon, 238, 245–251 ; leads a
charge against Donzelot, 247 ;
killed, 247, 248 n., 379 1.
Pirch (I), Gen. von, commander 2d
Prussian corps, 24; collects his
corps to meet invasion, 53, 54; at
Ligny, 29; in the retreat to Wavre,
113, 119, 147 ; march from Wavre
to Waterloo, 152–154; delayed in
Wavre, 154, 162; enters the battle
of Waterloo, 235, 302, 338, 345,
347 ; attacks Planchenoit, 347, 348,
brigade King's German Legion,
21 ; his position at Waterloo, 203,
249 n.; attacked by French cavalry,
244, 252; resisted French cavalry
charges, 282; a battalion destroyed
and himself killed by the Prince
of Orange's meddling, 295, 324-326;
his squares hold their position, 314;
destruction among his troops, 327,
328, 329 ; driven back, 330; rallied,
332
Orange, Prince Frederick of, at Hal
during the battle of Waterloo, 207
Orange, Prince of, commander of the
Netherlands army, 12 n. ;
Wellington of the invasion, 48; at
Quatre Bras, 58, 65, 68, 79 96., 86;
his escape, 68 n.; character of, 58 n.;
destroys the 69th regiment by
his meddling, 81, 82, 88 n., 285 n.;
at Waterloo, 231, 281; destroys a
battalion of Ounpteda's by med-
dling, 295, 324–326; attempts to
restore the broken Allied line, 329;
wounded, 178 n., 329, 380 n.; praised
warns
510
ÍNDEX.
RUS
PIR
350-354 ; pursues the French, 396,
397 ; marches to intercept Grouchy's
retreat, 399
Pirch (II), Gen. von, commander
Prussian 2d brigade, 23, 45 n. ; at
Ligny, 98, 99, 107
Piré, Lt.-Gen., commander 2d French
Quiot, Gen., commanded Alix's (1st)
division at Waterloo, 239 n.; at-
tacked Picton's division, repulsed,
249, 250, 257 ; renewed attack, 324,
355 n.
cavalry division, 25; at Quatre RET Corps (French)
, 25; leads
Bras, 68, 74; his artillery fire
against Hougomont, 225; and
against the Allied position, 227,
228; demonstrations against Allied
right flank, 279, 297, 335; his
battery silenced, 307; covered the
French flight, 394
Planchenoit, 183; description of, 192;
invisible from Allied position, 192,
340 12. ; attacked by the Prussians,
304, 305, 336–338, 350–354, 369,
373; taken, 353, 376 n., 381
Poetry on Waterloo (see Waterloo
Poetry)
Ponsonby, Col. Frederick, 12th British
light dragoons, his charge at
Waterloo, 267; wounded, 268 n.;
his narrative, 268 n.
Ponsonby, Maj.-Gen. Sir William,
commander 2d (Union) British
cavalry brigade, 22; position at
Waterloo, 205; in the grand cavalry
charge, 251, 256–266; killecl, 261 n.,
266 N., 379 n.; his troops hold their
position, 314
Portugal, refused to join the Alliance,
7 n.
Pringle, Capt. J. W., his Remarks on
the Campaign of 1815, quotations
from, 219 9., 285 n., 301 9., 327 n.
“Prout, Father," his translation of
Béranger's Les Souvenirs du Peuple,
extract from, 403 n.
Prussia, war measures of, 6, 7; troops
of (see ARMY); an accomplice in
the Holy Alliance, 408 ; l'evenge
upon, sought by Napoleon III.,
409, 410
, Countof
2c corps
advance into Belgium, June 15, 37,
42; at Quatre Bras, 64; in pursuit
of Anglo-Allies from Quatre Bras
to Waterloo, 130; his position at
Waterloo, 211; attacks Hougomont,
225–232; did not personally direct
the action, 231, 232 n.
Richmond, Duchess of, her ball in
Brussels, 48, 50
Richmond, Duke of, at the battle of
Waterloo, 259 N.
Rockets used in the British army,
19 n.; on the retreat from Quatre
Bras to Waterloo, 139 n.; at Water-
100, 271 N., 314
Rognet, colonel of grenadiers of the
Imperial Guard, ordered that no
quarter should be given, 108 n.,
400 N.; consequent massacres by the
Prussians after Waterloo, 400 n.
Rohl, Col. von, chief of Prussian
ordnance department, reorganized
artillery after the battle of Ligny,
113
Ropes, Mr. John C., his article in
Atlantic Monthly (June, 1881),
“ Who Lost Waterloo ? ” xi, 147 11..
Rougemont, alleged author of the
saying, “ The Guard can die, but
never surrender, 3851.
Roussel, Lieut-Gen., commander 12th
French cavalry division, 26; at-
tacked La Haye Sainte and Allied
centre, 239, 243, 244, 252 ; routed
by British Household brigade of
cavalry, 252–255
Royal” cavalry regiment, in rear-
guard on retreat from Quatre Bras
to Waterloo, 138; position at Water-
loo, 205; in the great charge, 256,
257, 258; losses in the charge, 266
Rullière, battalion commander French
95th regiment, endeavoured to
check the flight at Waterloo, 395 n.
Russell, Lord John, on the comparative
merits of Wordsworth and Byron,
422
Russia, war measures of, 6, 7; the
Holy Alliance, 408 n. ; Napoleon
III's revenge upon, 409
Qo
UARTERLY REVIEW, Lon-
don, quotations from, 34, 35,
380 9., 384 10.
Quatre Bras, importance of the posi-
tion, 15, 42, 89, 118 n.; alleged
order to Ney to occupy it, 43 n. ;
plan of the battlefield, 66; battle
of (see BATTLE)
Quinet, Edgar, quotation from, 151 N.;
on Grouchy's proposed march to
Waterloo, 169
INDEX.
511
SOM
RYS
Ryssel, Gen. von, commander 14th
Prussian brigade, 24; march from
Wavre to Waterloo, 302, 304; at-
tacked French right flank at Water-
loo, 304 n.; 335, 336; attacked
Planchenoit, 336, 348, 350
ALTOUN, Lord, ist brigade Guards,
Erskine's criticism on, 425; Haz-
litt's, 429 n.; Heine's, 429 n.; Har-
riet Martineau's, 431; Macaulay's,
430; Thackeray's, 434, 436; Hut-
ton's, 432, 436; Jeffrey's, 440; Tom
Moore's, 441, 442; belittled Prus-
sian assistance at Waterloo, 156 16.,
301 n.; his last meeting with Byron,
424
Ségur, Count de, his n[émoires, 34;
quotations from, 34, 35, 57 1., 236 1v.,
403 n.
Seymour, Capt. Horace, aide-de-camp
to Lord Uxbridge, with Picton in
repelling D'Erlon's charge, 148 1. ;
efforts to utilize Dutch-Belgian
cavalry, 309; efforts to utilize Hano-
verian cavalry, 310, 311
Shaw, Capt. James (see Kennedy,
Sir James Shaw)
Shaw, Corporal, 2d British Life
Guards, his exploits at Waterloo,
255 1.; his skull at Abbotsford,
at the defence of Hougomont,
230, 231, 272; opposing the charge
of the Imperial Guard, 362
Sandpit beside La Haye Sainte, 190;
occupied by riflemen, 202, 247, 324;
attacked by the French, 247, 324;
fall of the French cavalry into,
256 n., 287 n. ; Victor Hugo's rela-
tion of it, 256 n.
Saxe-Weimar, Prince Bernhard of,
at Quatre Bras, 46, 58; held Pape-
lotte in battle of Waterloo, 241,
271; attacked by Durutte, 24, 242,
346 ; supported by the Prussians,
304, 346; fired upon by the Prus-
sians by mistake, 346, 347 r.
Scots Greys, cavalry regiment, in rear-
guard on retreat from Quatre Bras
to Waterloo, 138; position at Wa-
terloo, 205, 251 N., 256; their grand
charge, 251, 260-266, 268; losses
in the charge, 266
Scott, George Ewing, bis Cambridge
prize poem on Waterloo (1820),
142 No, 443-451
Scott, John, his Ode on Hearing the
Drum, 477 n.
Scott, Sir Walter, his visit to Water-
loo, 423, 424; his field of Watcrloo,
74 N., 172 N., 175 N., 425, 433; ex-
tracts from, 156 n., 174 n., 175 90.,
186 n., 215 r., 359 10., 379 1., 404 n. ;
his Dance of Death, 425, 426, 451,
452; extracts from, 142 n.; his
Paul's Letter's to his Kinsfolk, 246 n.;
quotations from, 187 1., 209 n.,
233 N., 301 N., 311 1., 327 1., 329 1.,
339 9., 340 n., 382 n., 384 n., 428;
his Life of Napolcon Buonaparte,
219 N., 301 n.; extracts from, 233 n.,
255 n., 358 n., 407 1.; his im-
plicit confidence in Lacoste, 233 9.,
368 1., 424; his translations from
the French, 426-430; his ideas of-
" honour,” 382 N., 432; his associa-
tion with Queen Carolinc, 432-434;
his tribute to the Duke of Bruns-
wick (father), 74 N , 433; ignored
the son, 74 96., 433 ; his patronage
by George IV, 433-437 ; Loril
255 n.
Siborne, Capt. W., his History of the
War in Ihance and Belgium in
1815, vi, 246 16., quotations from,
8 n., 21, 26 N., 40 n., 50 n., 52 9.,
76 n., 78 n., 82 9., 84 N., 89 9., 102,
106 N., IIO N., 112 N., 132, 134 16.,
137, 138 1., 15590., 157, 177 n., 1881.,
195 1., 245, 246 1., 253, 254, 255 12.,
274 1., 278, 298, 301 N., 311, 314 N.,
317 N., 322 1., 325 N., 333 1., 340 1.,
342 r., 349 n., 352, 362, 366 r.,
373 r., 375, 382 1., 388 n., 395, 397,
406
Simmer, Lieut.-Gen., commanding
19th French division, with Bülow
resisting the Prussian attack, 234;
attacked by the Prussians, 304 1.
Sinclair, Sir John, his Defence of
Hougomont, 222 1., 246 n.
Sleigh, Col., IIth British light dra-
goons, commanded Vandeleur's
brigade in pursuit of the French at
Waterloo, 393, 394, 397
Smohain, 183, 191; attacked by Du-
rutte, 239, 242, 346; occupied by
the Prussians, 302, 303, 304, 346
Soignies, Forest of, 172, 173 n., 178;
alleged danger fron, 207, 208,
210 N., 222, 327 n.
Sombreffe (see Ligny)
Somerset, Lord Fitzroy (Lord Raglan),
secretary to the Duke of Welling-
ton, 215 22.; lost his arm at Water-
100,379 n..., 380 n.
Somerset, Maj. Gen. Lord Edward,
5 i 2
INDEX.
301 N.
III N.,
SOU
TRI
commander ist (Household) bri- Thackeray, W. M., his Book of Snobs,
gade of British Horse Guards, 22; quotation from, 434-436; Chronicle
his position at Waterloo, 205; in of the Drum quoted, 475-492 ; suig-
the grand cavalry charge, 251–255, gested by Heine's Ideas, 475 n. ;
264, 265; his escape, 265 n. ; resists Vanity Fair, quotations from, 52 96.,
French cavalry charges, 289, 295, 78 n., 215 1. ; on Scott, 434-437 ;
308, 309; losses of his brigade, on Southey, 439, 440.
308, 332 n.; maintains his position, Thielmann, Gen. von, commander
314 N.
Prussian 3d corps, 24; collects his
Soult, Marshal, Napoleon's chief of corps to meet invasion, 53, 54 ; at
staff, negligent discharge of duties, Ligny, 91, 94 9., 98, 105, III; in
391., 161 N., 1649 ; refuses Grouchy the retreat to Wavre, 113, 119, 125;
access to Napoleon after Ligny, designated to command rearguard
115 n., 116 n.; observes Bulow's in march to Waterloo, 152; de-
approach to Waterloo, 150 n., 155 ; tained at Wavre by Grouchy's at-
opposes Ney's measures at Waterloo, tack, 154, 155, 162; defends Wavre
293 n.; with Napoleon in his flight, against Grouchy (see BATTLE OF
402
WAVRI), 1561., 163, 165; losses,
Sourd, Col. (French), his alleged hero-
ism, 138 n.
Thiers, Adolphe, his Consulate and
Southey, Robert, poet-laureate, 433 ; Empire, quotations from, 22, 32,
his Poet's Pilgrimage to Waterloo, 43 n., 58 n., 68 n., 82 n.,
175 N., 438-440; extracts from, 115, 120 n., 123 12., 126 12., 129, 132,
135 n., 136 n., 173 n., 174 Nm, 176 n., 137 n., 139 n., 141, 143, 145, 158 n.,
187 n., 190 n., 192 n., 193 n., 198 n., 161 n., 164 n., 166 n., 171, 180 n.,
390 n.; his prose accounts of his 195 10., 208 n., 217 9., 220, 229 1..,
tour, 136 n., 172 N., 378 96., 438; as 231, 232 n., 235 n., 237 n., 242,
Little Jack Horner, 439, 440.
244 1., 266 N., 290 n., 293 1.,, 296 1..,
Spain, refused to join the Alliance, 7 n. 301 N., 303, 315 n., 318 1., 327 n.,
Steinmetz, Gen. von., commander ist 336, 343 N., 349, 356 n., 358 n.,
Prussian brigade, 23; at Ligny, 96; 375 12., 385 n.., 400, 402 ; statements
entered the battle of Waterloo, respecting Napoleon's health, 32,
339, 346; attacked and defeated 37 ; censures of Soult, 39 n., 16I N..,
Durutte, 346, 348, 349.
164 N.; of Ney, 43 n., 61 n., 63 n.,
Sterne,
Laurence,
his Tristram 65 n., 123 n., 124 n., 129 n., 277 n.,
Shandy, quotation from, 493 n.
293 n., 300; of Grouchy, 115 N.,
Subervie, Lt.-Gen., commanded 5th 124 N., 129 n., 146 1, 151 9., 156 n.,
French cavalry division, 26; led 158 n., 161 9., 164 9., 168, 171;
pursuit of Anglo-Allies from Quatre inaccuracies of, 58 n , III N., 138 n.,
Bras to Waterloo, 130, 131 ; his 139 n., 203 n., 213 n,
220 N.,
position at Waterloo, 210, 212; op- 285 n., 316 1., 372 n., 398 n., 407 ;
posed the Prussian attack, 234; false statements of, 63 N., 115 n.,
attacked by the Prussians, 304 n. 123 1., 124 9., 129 9., 146 9., 151 N.,
Sympher, Capt., commanding horse 158 1., 168, 169, 235 n., 261 1.,
battery King's German Legion, 263 n., 277 N., 300 N., 301 N., 396 n. ;
position at Waterloo, 307; services, as prime minister under Louis
320.
Philippe, promoted the removal of
Napoleon's remains from St. Helena
to Paris, 474; President of France
TAYLOR, Capt. T. W., his poem, The in his old age, 120 N..
Death of Howard, quoted, 391- Tippelskirchen, Gen. von, commander
393 n.
5th Prussian brigade, 24; attacked
Tennyson, Alfred, poet-laureate, his Planchenoit, 347, 348, 350-354.
Ode on the Death of the Duke of Trevclyan, G. Otto, his Life and
Wellington, 465-473.
Letters of Macaulay, quotations
Teste, Lt.-Gen., commander 21st from, 224 96., 493.
French infantry division, 25; with Tripp, Maj.-Gen., commander ist
Grouchy on the march on Wavre, brigade Dutch-Belgian cavalry, 22 ;
144 n., 147.
his troops worthless at Waterloo,
,
INDEX.
513
UN
TUR
WEA
280, 309; his personal cowardice, Van Loben Sels on Grouchy's march
309.
on Wavre, 147 n.; his Piéces de la
Turenne, French general of division, Campagne de 1815, quotations from,
testimony as to Napoleon's death, 346 n., 347.
236 n.
Van Merlen, Maj. Gen., commander
Dutch-Belgian cavalry brigade, 22;
routed at Quatre Bras, 68, 69 No.
Vienna, Congress of, measures to re-
French causes the Dutch-Belgians sist Napoleon, 4-7 ; disregard of
to be fired upon by the English
national right, 407, 408.
at Quatre Bras, 69 n., 334 n. ; at Vincke, Col. von, commander 5th
Waterloo, 334.n. ; the Nassauers, by Hanoverian brigade, 22 ; his posi-
the Prussians, at Papelotte, 346, tion at Waterloo, 201; in the battle,
347 n.
270 n., 333 n.
Uxbridge, Lt.-Gen., the Earl of Vivian, Maj.-Gen., Sir Hussey, com-
(afterwards Marquis of Anglesea),
mander 6th British cavalry brigade,
commander of Anglo-Allied cavalry, 22; advanced to Quatre Bras, 68 n.;
22; commanded rearguard in the with rearguard on retreat to Water-
retreat from Quatre Bras to Water- loo, 120, 130, 131, 133 ; his position
loo, 131, 134, 136–139; his position at Waterloo, 200, 201; in the battle,
at Waterloo, 205; leads the grand 270; moved to support the right
cavalry charge, 251–255, 264–271; wing, 332, 339, 355 n.; his charge
encounters the French attacks, 308–
in the final advance, 369, 370-373,
311, 332 n.; in the final advance, 377, 379, 389-395.
378; wounded, and loses his leg,
378 n. ; his services slighted by
Wellington, 375 n.
WAR,
AR, no declaration of, J4 N.,
54 n.
Waterloo Poetry, 415–494 ; Byron,
, Lt.-Gen. Count, 415-422, 459-465, 474 n.; Dela-
commander 3d corps (French), vigne, Casimir, 457-459; Heine,
25; delayed movement of the Heinrich, 454, 455, 461, 475 No ;
army, June 15, 38, 39, 44; at Ligny, Hood, Thomas, 455-457 ; Hortense,
92-95, 96, 107, III; his disgust at Queen, 426–430; Hugo, Victor, 451,
the delay in pursuing, 126 n.; with 461; Macaulay, 443, 492, 493;
Grouchy on the march on Wavre, Scott, G. E., 443-451 ; Scott, John,
144 n., 145, 160; delayed the 477 n.; Scott, Sir W., 423-437,
march, 146 n., 157, 158; sup- 441, 451; Southey, 438-440; Tenny-
ports Gérard in urging Grouchy to son, 465-473; Thackeray, 475-
march to Waterloo, 161; skirmish 492 ; Wordsworth, 442, 443; Zed-
with Prussian rearguard, 162; at- litz, Baron von, 452-454; minor
tacks Wavre (see BATTLE OF English poets, 440.
WAVRE), 163.
Waterloo, village of, 172; name mis-
Vandeleur, Maj.-Gen. Sir John, com- applied to the battle (see BATTLE),
mander 4th British cavalry brigade, 172 n.; field of, surveyed before
22; churlishness of, 68 n., 332 n. ; the invasion, 15, 139; field altered
with rearguard in retreat from since the battle, 178 n.; monument,
Quatre Bras to Waterloo, 131, 133; 178 n., 184, 281; Wellington's
his position at Waterloo, 2017 headquarters at, 172 N., 398 n.
charge in rescue of the Union Wavre, Prussian retreat to, 113, 118-
Brigade, 266-270; ordered to the 120, 121; roads from Ligay to
support of the right wing, 332 n., Wavre, 119 n., 146, 159 ; from
339, 355 n.; restrained D’Āubremé's
Wavre to Waterloo, 1191., 151, 156,
Dutch-Belgian brigade from flying, 157, 161, 162, 167, 169, 300; Prus-
363 N., 373 n. ; supported Vivian sian troops delayed in the streets
in final charge, 377; commanded of, 154; battle of (see BATTLE)
cavalry after Uxbridge's fall, 378, Weather during the campaign, 37,
393 ; pursuit by his brigade, 393, 51 10., 131-133, 141, 142, 168,
394, 397.
219 n.
LL
VANDAMME, Lt.-Gen.
514
INDEX.
WEI
Weir, Serjeant, Scots Greys, killed at
Waterloo, 267 n.
Wellington, Duke of, commander
79 n.
Anglo-Allied army, 21; made his
headquarters at Brussels, 12, 13 n. ;
dreaded an attack on his right
flank, 14, 28, 67 n., 122, 141, 206 1.,
207, 208, 209 n., 279; contemplated
an offensive campaign, 14.n.; his
preparations for the campaign, 13-
16, 29; complaints at the quality of
his army, 16, 20, 197 n., 198 n.,
221 n. ; tardiness of bis movements,
29, 30 N., 48, 49, 52, 53 n., 55, 67 9.,
Advanced to Quatre Bras,
49, 50 N., 58; inspected Blücher's
position at Ligny, and disapproved
it, 60 n., 94 n.; in the battle of
Quatre Bras, 68, 70, 87; his escape,
74. Ignorant of the result at
Ligny, 109 n. At Quatre Bras, on
June 16, II2, 120-122, 130; con-
certed with Blücher their retreat
and union at Waterloo, 120, 121,
141 ;
retreated, 121, 131.
At
Waterloo before the battle, 152,
214, 221 n.; expected the Prussians
before their arrival was possible,
221; appealed to Blücher for sup-
port, 157, 300 9., 339; neglected
the defence of La Haye Sainte, 202,
340. His close personal supervision
of the battle, 281 n., 283 n., 299 1. ;
superintended the defence of Hou-
gomont, 221 n., 243 7.; directed
cavalry charge to oppose D’Erlon's
attack, 251 ; brought up reserves
into the first line, 294, 312, 319,
321, 323, 373 n.; constantly at post
of danger, 243 n., 326 1., 332, 377,
379; casualties among his staff,
379; repaired his broken centre,
330, 331, 360; prepared to repel
the charge of the Guard, 356, 357 n.,
360; commanded in the defeat
of the Guard, 361, 362, 365 n.
Doubted the result of the battle,
207, 323 n., 339 12., 342 9. In the
general final advance, 372, 373–379.
Stopped pursuit by his troops at
Rossome, 386, 398; met Blücher at
Genappe, not at La Belle Alliance,
398 n. Made commander of the Al-
lied army of occupation in France,
409 n. Opposed accounts of the
battle, 246 n. His treatment of his
officers, 19 n., 311 N., 374 N., 381 10.;
of Mercer, 19 1., 307 1., 312 No ; of
the Prince of Orange, 50 n.; of
ZIE
Picton, 248 n.; of Colborne, 374 n. ;
of Frazer, 374; of Uxbridge, 375 n.;
little independence of action
among his officers, 369, 370 n. In-
gratitude to his army, 197 n., 198 n.,
311 N. His repugnance to innova-
tion, as to rockets, 19 n., 271 No ;
as to guns of large calibre, 374.
His character as drawn by Byron,
341 N., 459-465; by Victor Hugo,
461 n.; by Heine, 461, 462 n.; by
McCarthy, 462 n. ; by Tennyson,
465-473. His opinion of “little
wars,“ 410 n.
“ Wellington tree” at Waterloo, 182,
184, 189, 237, 313 n.
Whately, Archbishop, his Historic
Doubts relative to Napoleon Buona-
parte, quotations from, 233 N., 439
Whinyates, Maj., commander British
rocket troop, 19 n. ; rockets ordered
into store by the Duke of Welling-
ton, 19 n.; used rockets against the
pursuing French on the retreat to
Waterloo, 139 n.; in the battle of
Waterloo, 271, 314
William, Prince, of Prussia, Gen.com-
manding reserve cavalry, attacks
French right flank at Waterloo,
303, 304, 335; invades France
again as Emperor of Germany, 410
Winterfeldt, Major, aide-de-camp to
Blücher, sent to announce to Wel-
lington the loss of the battle of
Ligny, 109; was shot, and his mes-
sage lost, 1o9 n., 117
Woodford, Lt. Col., Coldstream
Guards, at the defence of Hougo-
mont, 230
Wordsworth, William, his egotism,
422, 423 n.; his belief that he in-
spired Byron, 422; bis soanet
Occasioned by the Battle of Water-
loo, 442, 443
Wyndham, Capt., Coldstream Guards,
at the defence of Hougomont, 228n.,
229
ORK, Duke of, his opinion of Wel-
lington, 374 N., 375
Ywan, Imperial body surgeon, his
testimony as to Napoleon's health,
35
Z Didnight Review, 452
EDLITZ, Baron von, his poem, The
Zieten, Gen. von, commander Prussian
Ist corps, 23; prepared for Napo-
INDEX.
515
ZIE
ZIE
leon's advance, 29, 30, 31 ; retreat, Allied army to be retreating, 328 n.,
June 15, 44, 45, 53, 91, 95 n.; at 345 ; refused to support Welling-
Ligny, 91, 109; in the retreat to
ton, 339; his advance directed by
Wavre, 113, 119, 147; march from Müffling, 332 N., 346; attacked
Wavre to Waterloo, 152, 154; en.
and defeated Durutte, 346, 347,
tered the battle of Waterloo, 235, 349, 358 n., 368 n.; pursued the
332 N., 339, 345 ; supposed Anglo- French, 375 n., 377, 399
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